Beneath the utopia of liberal nationalism: a deconstruction of anti-colonialism and nationalism as shown the Ashutosh Gowarikar ’ s film ‘ Lagaan ’ Introduction Set in the historical background of colonial I ndia, Ashutosh Gowarikar directed hindi film ‘ L agaan ’ (hindi word of land tax) captured the national imagination not only through its anti- colonial narrative, but also through the projection of an almost Gandhian vision of all-inclusive social unity. While this film uses a pseudo-historical narrative to portray the exploitations of the farmers in the colonial india, the conflict and crisis is curiously translated into a cricket match, finally ending with a resolution that marks the triumph of the natives. Given the imperial origins of the game, the cricket match goes beyond the process of mimicking the colonial masters (as it happened in the actual history, where the game was first embraced by the elite Indians), and turns into indigenizing the game and beating the masters. This reversal of power dynamics operative within the socio-political sphere on the cricket field embodies a spirit of
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Beneath the utopia of liberal nationalism: a deconstruction of
anti-colonialism and nationalism as shown the Ashutosh
Gowarikar ’ s film ‘ Lagaan ’
Introduction
Set in the historical background of colonial India, Ashutosh
Gowarikar directed hindi film ‘Lagaan’ (hindi word of land tax)
captured the national imagination not only through its anti-
colonial narrative, but also through the projection of an almost
Gandhian vision of all-inclusive social unity. While this film
uses a pseudo-historical narrative to portray the exploitations
of the farmers in the colonial india, the conflict and crisis is
curiously translated into a cricket match, finally ending with a
resolution that marks the triumph of the natives. Given the
imperial origins of the game, the cricket match goes beyond the
process of mimicking the colonial masters (as it happened in the
actual history, where the game was first embraced by the elite
Indians), and turns into indigenizing the game and beating the
masters. This reversal of power dynamics operative within the
socio-political sphere on the cricket field embodies a spirit of
nationalism that resonates with the Indian audience. Another
aspect of the cricket match in this film is the combination of
the team, a selection that attempts to break the caste and
communal boundaries to create a somewhat utopian vision of an
India that could be found in the views of Gandhi. However, this
mass entertainment oriented film with its anti-imperialist and
anti-communalism rhetoric seems to have many caveats beneath the
surface layer. While the film earned massive accolades for
presenting a liberal nationalist vision of india, it could be
argued that this liberalism itself is shaped within the
nationalistic rhetoric of hindu-centric upper castes. Moreover,
an ahistorical depiction of cricket also over-shadows the
communalism and casteism accompanying the integration of cricket
with nationalistic aspirations and, thus, inducing a sense of
historical amnesia towards the issue of religion and caste in the
colonial India.
History of cricket and nationalistic discourse in colonial india:
Despite of the massive popularity and a quasi-religious stature
of the game, cricket still remains a legacy of the colonial era.
The colonial functionaries coming from Britain, brought cricket
to india as a part of their sports culture. Commenting upon this
particular aspect of the spread of cricket, Rowland Bowen opines
that "When people go in large numbers to other countries, and
establish colonies there…so far from abandoning their social
habits and customs, they do their best to maintain them and; not
only that, to maintain them in the state they knew when the first
substantial number of them arrived in their new homeland."1 Thus,
cricket was primarily a cultural element that the colonizers
carried in order to make themselves feel at home in the colonies.
At the same time, it also became another symbol of their claim
upon the land and a part of the colonial hegemony. Bowen provides
an interesting insight into this idea by quoting a 19th century
cricket journalist Frederick Gale (who thought it to be
unfortunate that Dr. Samuel Jonson could not include the
definition of ‘cricket’ sport within his dictionary and suggested
an imaginary conversation between Dr. Jonson and his biographer
Boswell) :
1 Rowland Bowen, "Cricket: A history of its growth and development throughout the world," Eyre & Spottiswoode Ltd., London, 1970, p. 72.
“Sir, cricket is a manly game, demanding exercise of patience and
temper, combined with some danger, and therefore requiring
courage. The two men at the wickets are viceroys, who alternately
rule each other’s kingdom, and the space between the batsman’s
wicket and the popping crease, though it be but four feet in
extent, is as much the batsman’s kingdom, so long as he can hold
his fortress, which is called a wicket…”2
Thus, cricket game becomes an extension of the british lordship
in the colonial India. The association of the game with the
cultural refinement of the Englishmen and its characterization as
a gentleman’s game were embedded in the colonial rhetoric and
marked the superiority of the colonizers over the natives. Parsi
community in Mumbai were the first to adopt this game in the
colonial india, establishing their first cricket club in 1848,
named oriental cricket club. Ramchandra Guha, a renowned cricket
historian, writes in his essay “cricket and politics in colonial
India” : “the fist Indian to take to the game were the parsis of
Bombay, an educated, prosperous and westernized community, in
2 Carleton, John William. The Sporting review, ed. by ‘Craven’. Oxford University, 1870. 388. Web. 1 May 2014.
origins and culture somewhat at odds with the land they lived in
after exile from Persia”.3 This early adoption of the game could
be seen as a colonial mimicry, as the rhetoric of colonialism
fosters a sense of inferiority among the natives and creates a
desire to imitate the superior masters. Subsequently, the game
was adopted by hindu and muslim communities as well. However,
essentially this adoption of the game was based on a sense of
communal rivalry. As Guha argues in his essay, the business
rivalry between the parsis and the hindus led to the formation of
first hindu cricket club “Bombay union” in 1866. It was followed
by the formation of ‘muslim cricket club’ in 1883. While the
narrative of Indian cricket shows a communal politics interwoven
with colonial mimicry, it also created a sense of national
identity among the different cricket playing Indian communities.
This national rocket consciousness was expressed in the form of a
petition that the native cricket players wrote to the governor of
Bombay in order to secure proper playing ground for themselves.
Written in 1881, this petition point to the unfairness “that the
comforts and convenience of the half-a-dozen gentlemen, generally
3 Guha, Ramchandra. “Cricket and Politics in Colonial India” Past and Present,No. 161 (Nov., 1998), 155-190.
play polo, should be preferred to the necessary healthful
recreation of over five hundred native youths.” (Guha) thus,
cricket led to the first instance of resistance against the
colonial injustice. The significance of this event within the
Indian colonial history becomes even higher because it had
occurred almost four years before the formation of the congress
party. However, the contribution of cricket to nationalistic
discourses within the colonial india is very limited in nature.
The development of cricket clubs in all the major cities across
India was largely based on communal identity, which emerged and
subsequently perpetuated a conflicting social atmosphere in the
country. The quandrangular tournament that included a European
team, a parsi team, a hindu team and a muslim team, became a
symbolic expression of the divided communal identity among the
Indians. D.B. Deodhar, an Indian cricker from the colonial era,
reflected upon the communalization of cricket in the pre-
independence India and declared it to be a result of the colonial
exclusionary policies. He argues:
“ on the one hand, the british did not admit the parsees to their
‘santified fortresses’. The parsees, therefore, had perforce to
have separate clubs. But in those clubs they could have allowed
other Indians. Unfortunately that was not done. Consequently the
hindus also had to follow the same path. Muslims, last in the
field, were compelled to follow the suit”.4
This particular perception of the communal history of cricket in
the colonial India places the main responsbility of such a
divisive develoment upon the british and also the parsi
community. The hindus are perceived as rather the unwitting
victims of the colonial exclusionry policies. However, Guha
argues that such an understanding would be a result of the
retrospective view upon the issue and could be rather considered
as historical revision within the framework of nationlistic
discoruces based on Gandhian and Nehruvian ideas. Guha offers a
bluntly honest evaluation of the entire divisive development of
cricket:
“ the element of compulsion was not really a factor in the
origins of the quadrangular tournaments, which was moulded as
much by the hindu caste prejudice, by parsi social snobbery and
4 Guha, Ramchandra. “Cricket and Politics in Colonial India” Past and Present,No. 161 (Nov., 1998), 155-190.
by muslim cultural insularity, as by british racial superiority.
Nonetheless, sown into this segmentary system were the seeds of
social conflict.”5 (Guha)
As the Indian independence movement gathered its pace and the
demand for freedom was becoming more vociferous, the communal
nature of indian cricket undermined the idea of a unified ‘Indian
nation’. Gandhi was aware of this probelmatic aspect of cricket
within the cotnext of india’s freedom struggle. His statement,
quoted by Guha, expresses this awareness:
“I have never understood the reason for having hindu, parsi,
muslim and the other communal elevens. I should have thought that
such unsportsmanlike divisions would be considered taboos in the
sporting language and sporting manners.”6 (Guha)
Gandhi’s observation also expresses the uncomfortable nature of
the history of indian cricket within the nationalistic
discourses, particularly in the post-colonial era.
5 Guha, Ramchandra. “Cricket and Politics in Colonial India” Past and Present,No. 161 (Nov., 1998), 155-190.6 Mannis, Michael. “Anthem South Asia Studies” Colonialism as Civilizing Mission: Cultural Ideology in British India. Ed. Harald Fischer-Tiné, Michael Mann. Anthem Press, 2004. 361. Web. 1 May 2014.
Creating the mythology of nation: use of cricket in ‘ lagaan ’
The international reception of ‘Lagaan’ was quite favourable and
many reviewers found it to be a fine product of hindi cinema.
Robert Ewert wrote “Set in India in 1893, it combines sports with
political intrigue, romance with evil scheming, musical numbers
with low comedy and high drama, and is therefore soundly in the
tradition of the entertainments produced by the Bombay film
industry”. 7 thus, ‘Lagaan’ is not received or evaluated within
the western film tradition of realism, but within a separate
category of typical hindi cinema that is marked for its
melodramatic and musical elements. he further adds “it’s a memory
of the films we all grew up on, with clearly defined villains and
heroes, a romantic triangle, and even a comic character who saves
the day. "Lagaan" is a well-crafted, hugely entertaining epic
that has the spice of a foreign culture.”8 It appears that the
appeal of ‘Lagaan’ for the foreign audience was primarily due to
the epic presentation of the exotic india rather than the complex
nationalistic and postcolonial politics underlying the narrative.
7 Ebert, Roger. "Lagaan: Once Upon a Time in India." Reviews. Rogerebert.com, 07 June 2002. Web. 09 May 2014.8 Ebert, Roger. "Lagaan: Once Upon a Time in India." Reviews. Rogerebert.com, 07 June 2002. Web. 09 May 2014.
Besides the exotic charm of Bollywood movies, the surface level
rhetoric of the film has also struck some favorable keys, as
could be seen in the review of
Alex Kehr:
“‘Lagaan’ is a utopian fantasy of a perfect community, brought
together in literal and figurative harmony.”9
While this unity and harmony is created in opposition to the
colonial oppression, this Gandhian idealism of the film provides
a rather problematic approach to the problems of communalism and
casteism. The very ahistorical treatment of the narrative
silences the historical roots of communal and caste based
problems in the Indian history. Siriyavan Anand raises this
problematic politics of the narrative as he argues:
“Lagaan, which partakes of and perpetuates this folklore of
cricket as universal social solvent, lends itself very eminently
to a ‘casteist’ reading precisely because of its thematic
9 Kehr, Dave. "Lagaan Once Upon a Time in India (2001) FILM REVIEW; The Cricketing of an Indian Village." Movies. New York Times, 08 May 2002. Web. 25Apr. 2014.
inflections and its choice of things to celebrate and
suppress.”10
Thus, the historical selectiveness and convenience of silence on
certain aspects of the narrative renders ‘Lagaan’ a nationalistic
mythology, which embraces the non-caste hindus and non-hindus
with a gesture of condescension and needful afterthought. This
attitude is unwittingly expressed in the review by peter
Bradshaw, who writes:
“The acting is a bit broad-brush, especially for the British
chaps, but Ashutosh Gowariker's film is virile, muscular
storytelling, with rich musical dance numbers, and inspired
touches like an Untouchable inventing off-spin.”11
Set in the colonial India in 1893, ‘Lagaan’ uses cricket as a
means of resistance and defiance against the exploitative
colonial government. The largely peasant population of a
fictional village champaner is unable to pay ‘Lagaan’ due to the
recurring bad harvest. However, the colonial government is
10Anand, Siriyavan. "Cricket, Lagaan, and Caste." Cricket, Lagaan, and Caste. N.p., n.d. Web. 09 May 2014.11 Bradshaw, Peter. "Lagaan." The Guardian. Guardian News and Media, 22 June 2001. Web. 09 May 2014.
adamant to have its share of revenue, resulting in the extreme
pressure from the local ruler upon the villagers. The collective
complaint of the villagers regarding their inability to pay the
tax is met with a sneer from captain Russell, the british
commander appointed there. In a mocking manner, Russell throws a
challenge to a villager named Bhuvan to play a cricket match.
According to this challenge, a victory for the villagers in the
match against british officers’ team would result in underwriting
of due revenue for the previous three years. This challenge is
accepted by Bhuvan, a young leader figure among the villagers.
While the challenge itself can be seen as an assertion of the
british superiority, the acceptance of challenge can be
interpreted as an act of resistance or subversion. However, the
most crucial aspect of this cricket is the team formation.
Bhuvan, an upper caste hindu, becomes the default captain of the
team. Most of the players are from the same caste category.
However, this team is given a more inclusive character through
the selection of a muslim, a sikh and an untouchable player. It
is the inclusion of the untouchable player, Kachra, that
highlights the issue of casteism and also allows the protagonist
Bhuvan to challenge this discriminatory practice. The divisive
impact of communalism or casteism within the nationalistic
discourse is expressed through the speech of an upper caste hindu
villagers “This is wrong. You are polluting the whole system.
We'll fight the British. But mingle with a low-caste, never!”
while this villager’s speech reflects the communal and caste
based divisions, Bhuvan’s response could be seen as an expression
of Gandhian/ Nehruvian nationalism. He refuses to let go of
Kachra and questions the morality of all the villagers:
“You brand people untouchable and pollute humanity. You choke the
air in our village with this caste division. Is it right to
shatter hearts in the name of skin colour? Then why worship Ram,
who ate a tribal's half-eaten berries? The Lord himself was
ferried by a low-caste boatman.”
He further adds “Our goal is freedom from lagaan and welfare for
our village. And for that I will remain unbowed! Whether you
support me or not, Kachra will play.”
Bhuvan’s use of Lord Ram’s example to challenge the moral
validity of casteism is reminiscent of gandhi’s idea of ‘Ram
Rajya’ or the ideal state. Within this ideal state, caste or
religion based discriminations are completely non-existent. This
rejection of casteism is also presented as a political necessity
in order to fight against the colonial oppressors and get freedom
from the ‘Lagaan’. However, the narrative of cricket shown within
the film is quite incongruous with the historical accounts of
cricket in the colonial india. While this fictional narrative and
its place within the nationalist mythology can be presented as a
good effort to revive the Ghandhian ideal of India as a nation,
the predominantly hindu players in the team and a very marginal
presence of other communities like muslims and sikhs (one player
from each community) also creates some doubts about the
nationalistic discourse within the film. Robert cross points to
the problematic aspect of this nationalistic discourse developed
through the character of Bhuvan :“An alternative reading of
Bhuvan’s efforts at ‘unification’, however, cannot ignore the
fact that the resistance takes place overwhelming under the
banner of Hinduism. The token appearances in the film of a single
Muslim, a single Sikh and a single Untouchable does suggest
strongly that Lagaan constructs ‘India’ and ‘Hindu’ as almost
interchangeable concepts.”12
thus, the depiction of cricket within the narrative of ‘Lagaan’
couldn't be seen within the context of liberal hindu nationalism
rather than a revival of the Gandhian idea of nation. This
problematic aspect of the film’s narrative is overshadowed by the
more overt and powerful anti-colonial rhetoric and the triumph of
the natives. Moreover, the huge popularity of cricket among the
Indians also creates an overpowering effect on the popular
imagination, preventing a serious engagement with the various
discourses running through the film. However, despite of the more
powerful elements or ideas within the film, its reconstruction of
Indian cricket’s history within the nationalistic discourse could
be seen as the myth making of the liberal hindu nationalism.
Conclusion:
The history of cricket in india and the dominant historical
discourses of Indian national identity share a rather
uncomfortable relation. By virtue of its sheer popularity, 12 Robert, CROSS. Brotherly Hands across the Cricket Pitch: Lagaan as Gandhian Post-Colonial ‘India’; Studies in Language and Culture, 11(4), 2009: 493 –514.
Cricket has become a part of the national identity in india.
While the game could be witnessed in virtually every corner of
the country, historically it still remains a part of the colonial
legacy and initially it was adopted by the elite class only.
Moreover, the early development of the game among the native
population was strictly divided across the communal lines. Thus,
the actual historical account of the game places it in a
conflicting relation with the Gandhian idea of nationalism and
his vision of an egalitarian society. However, Ashutosh
Govarikar’s film ‘Lagaan’ uses a fictional cricket match to
introduce a pseudo-historical event in the public consciousness
that not only conforms to the Gandhian vision of a casteless
society, but also presents a unifying discourse of nationalism.
The cricket team is both a symbol of the native resistance
against the colonial masters through subversive use of cricket
and a picture of the pluralistic unity within the idea of India
as a nation. On the other hand, this film also presents the
possibility of being read or seen as an expression of liberal
hindu nationalism. The depiction of champaner as a microcosmic
representation of India opens this possibility because the
village is largely occupied by the hindus and despite of the
presence of muslim population within the village the cultural
markers are only the hindu festivities. The inclusion of a
muslim, a sikh and an untouchable within the team is merely a
token gesture. While their usefulness is presented within the
film, the circumstances of their selection and their very
numerical presence place them in a marginalized state; equating
Indian nationalism with the hindu nationalism in the process.
Bibliography
Anand, Siriyavan. "Cricket, Lagaan, and Caste." Cricket, Lagaan, and Caste. N.p., n.d. Web. 09 May 2014.
Bradshaw, Peter. "Lagaan." The Guardian. Guardian News and Media, 22 June 2001. Web. 09 May 2014.
Carleton, John William. The Sporting review, ed. by ‘Craven’. Oxford University, 1870. 388. Web. 1 May 2014.
Ebert, Roger. "Lagaan: Once Upon a Time in India." Reviews. Rogerebert.com, 07 June 2002. Web. 09 May 2014.
Guha, Ramchandra. “Cricket and Politics in Colonial India” Past and Present, No. 161 (Nov., 1998), 155-190.
Kehr, Dave. "Lagaan Once Upon a Time in India (2001) FILM REVIEW;The Cricketing of an Indian Village." Movies. New York Times, 08 May 2002. Web. 25 Apr. 2014.
Mannis, Michael. “Anthem South Asia Studies” Colonialism as Civilizing Mission: Cultural Ideology in British India. Ed. Harald Fischer-Tiné, Michael Mann. Anthem Press, 2004. 361. Web. 1 May 2014.
Robert, CROSS. Brotherly Hands across the Cricket Pitch: Lagaan as Gandhian Post-Colonial ‘India’; Studies in Language and Culture, 11(4), 2009: 493 – 514.
Rowland Bowen, "Cricket: A history of its growth and development throughout the world," Eyre & Spottiswoode Ltd., London, 1970, p.72.