begging as a deviant behavior

RUNNING HEAD; Begging as Deviance behavior

Begging as a deviant behavior

Prepared by;

Name

Id

1. Enkuahonech Simegn -------------------------------4007/04

2. Hanna Seifu -------------------------------------------

4382/05

3. Hindeya Mulatu --------------------------------------

4396/05

4. Tena Shiferaw -----------------------------------------

4719/05

5. Tesfahun Takele --------------------------------------

4726/05

6. Yonatan Belete ----------------------------------------

4827/05

University of Gondar

College of social science and humanity

School of sociology and social work

RUNNING HEAD; Begging as Deviance behavior

Department of Sociology

A group assignment which is impartial fulfillment for the

course sociology of deviance

Submitted to , Molalign B.

Submission date, 6/04/2015

Gondar

Ethiopia

Begging as Deviance behavior... i

Table of contents

Contents pagesTable of contents..................................................iAcknowledgment....................................................ii

Introduction.......................................................1What is begging?...................................................2

Bagging in Ethiopia................................................3Deviance...........................................................4

Begging as deviant behaviour.......................................5Why people beg.....................................................6

Theories regarding to the cause of begging.........................7Begging As product of urban poverty..............................7

Begging as a special status group................................7Collective form of closure.......................................8

Lack of social support networks..................................9Internalized social stigma......................................10

Sociological perspective of begging...............................10Reference.........................................................11

Begging as Deviance behavior... ii

Acknowledgment We need to thank

Begging as Deviance behavior... 1

IntroductionOn this paper we are going to view literature about

begging as a deviant behavior. Beginning from the definition

of deviance and its context in sociology and what meaning

attached to begging, its cause, its consequence, and some

measures to reduce begging in terms of sociological

perspective and in addition theories regarding to begging and

its prevalence in our country is our area of coverage for this

paper.

While doing our term paper the data was both primary

which is conducted through interview and secondary data which

is compiled from different literatures. During our interview

we had three respondents which are in deferent part of Gondar

town specifically in the streets of paisa and arada in

addition we had one respondent from church.

Begging is a practice of imploring others to grant to

favor, often gift of money with a little or no expectation of

reciprocation beggars may be found in public places such as

transport routes, urban parks, near busy markets, besides

money, they may also ask for food, drinking, cigarette, or

other small items.(Jacqus Callot, 1622)

Begging in Ethiopia is sometimes seen as Part of the

cultural aspect . In many societies it is assumed that

disability and begging are inevitably linked. Certainly,

throughout the literature, there is a strong association

between poverty, disability and begging. If a person is born


with a disability or becomes disabled, it is often assumed

that most or all other options close and the only choice left

to meet basic needs is to beg. (Nora Groce and Barbara Murray,

2013)

It is further assumed that people who beg do so because

they are trapped in a ―cycle of poverty‖, that there is a

strong association between disability and poverty and that

begging is an activity or adaptation of last resort. Poor

people are at greater risk of becoming disabled through lack

of adequate housing, food, clean water, basic sanitation and

safe working environments. People with disabilities, in turn,

are at increased risk of becoming poor through restricted

access to education, health care, job training and employment

opportunities. These factors, in combination with the effects

of stigma and social isolation, limit the ability of people

with disabilities to be full participants in their societies

and to find employment that will support themselves and their

families (Mont, 2008; Braithwaithe and Mont, 2008; Trani et

al, 2010; Groce et al, 2011). This has economic and social

implications not only for the person with a disability but

also for the household in which he or she lives, and increases

the likelihood of turning to begging. (Nora Groce and Barbara

Murray, 2013)

What is begging?The existing literature on poverty has it that a

universally acceptable definition of poverty remains elusive,

because it is more easily recognized than defined (Mafimisebi,


2002). This is why a wide variety of definitions have been put

forward to reflect different dimensions or contexts within

which it is defined. In general, however, two approaches of

defining the concept are observed in the literature. First,

poverty is observed in either absolute sense or relative

sense. In absolute sense, poverty is seen, according to

Akinbola (2002), as a state of not having or not being able to

get the necessities of life; it is the situation of lack of

access to resources needed to obtain the minimum necessities

required to maintain physical efficiency (Okunmadewa, 2001).

Second, from its multidimensional perspectives, poverty is

seen as a physiological deprivation, a social deprivation, or

a human deprivation. The physiological deprivation refers to

poverty of income and basic human needs. Social deprivation,

on the other hand, refers to the lack of basic capabilities to

live a long and healthy life with freedom or lack of resources

required for participation in social activities. Human

deprivation, on the other hand, is denial of right and freedom

or lack of dignity, self-respect, security and justice

(Mafimisebi, 2002). Due to the interrelationships among these

various dimensions and approaches to defining poverty and for

comparison purpose, the global community has adopted income as

a measure; and by this measure, an income of one US dollar per

day per person (Hauser and Pilgrim, 1999) is observed to

indicate poverty. (O. A. Fawole, et, al, 2011)

Begging technically known as “panhandling” defines a

situation where in the needy asks for material benefits or


money – often even basic amenities like food and clothing. (C.

Subba Reddy, 2013)

Generally speaking, “to beg” is to approach somebody for

help. Though, this definition provides a foundation meaning of

begging, it cannot be passed for a working definition of

begging. Kennedy and Fitzpatrick (2001) define begging simply

as asking passers-by for money in a public place. This

definition is not comprehensive enough to reflect all

activities of the beggars. For instance, beggars may approach

people not necessarily for money alone but also for food,

clothes etc and this activity may not necessarily take place

in public places, it may take place anywhere. (O. A. Fawole,

et, al, 2011)

Begging is a social ill whose implications for city

economy and environment call for concern of urban planners.

The negative impacts of begging on social and physical

environments are obvious in the tendency of beggars to delay

and obstruct free flow human and vehicular traffic and their

high propensity to generate dirty materials either as waste or

as parts of their belonging. (Dr. Jabir Hasan Khan, ET, al 2013)

Traditionally begging is explored as a socio-economic

dysfunction of capitalism that stigmatizes individuals as

unnecessary people, whose ‘non-productive’ activity has a

negative impact on the economy of cities. However, begging is

not only a regular consequence of merchant capitalism and

escaping the government off certain segments of labour

markets, but a widespread form of economic and occupational


activity with a specific set of rules and behaviour patterns.(

Roman A. Solovyev, 2014)

Begging may be defined in the course of informal labour

market; and beggars – as its economic agents with special

combination of assets, strategies of earning a rent and even

occupational culture. Both domestic and foreign data enable us

to confirm that begging is included in the system of labour

market and represents an inferior segment of informal economy

so it can be analyzed from the view of sociology of

professions and labour economics. ibid

Bagging in EthiopiaIn Ethiopia, begging has historically been considered a

tragic, yet temporary aberration, the impact of which can be

relieved by rehabilitation of those who are victimized.

However, the continued practice of begging to date suggests

that it has a social, economic and cultural significance. In

many parts of Ethiopia, begging related to the practice of

alms giving, supported by the religious teachings of Orthodox

Christianity, is very common. This situation differs

fundamentally from the one that prevails in the West, where

Protestantism considers begging as something that is morally

unacceptable. In Addis Ababa, begging is a common practice

near churches and hotels, and also in bus stations, market

places and at traffic lights. Furthermore, giving alms to the

poor is a fundamental pillar of Islam, as described in the

principle of Zakat. (Tatek Abebe, 2009)


In Addis Ababa, begging is a common practice near

churches and hotels, and also in bus stations, market places

and at traffic lights. Furthermore, giving alms to the poor is

a fundamental pillar of Islam, as described in the principle

of Zakat. Hence, many children revealed that their families

begged in mosques on Fridays even if they were not followers

of Muslim, and they wore hijab (a Muslim garment) so that they

would be readily distinguishable. This is striking especially

because the religious background of the children was largely

uniform, with all but three of them being Orthodox Christians.

Ibid

Perhaps an important factor in begging and its success is

the disability status of the actor, whether it is visual,

mental or physical impairment. This is because giving alms to

disabled people, rather than to able-bodied individuals, is

considered to be more appropriate and should be given

priority. However, only three of the children were found to

have a visible physical disability, a considerable proportion

of them said they had been born to parents with visible

disability problems, including deformity, blindness and being

mentally retarded. As a consequence, during their early

childhood, the children had accompanied their parents, and

this suggests that there is an intergenerational transmission

of means of livelihood and the values of begging. As way of

earning an income, begging is becoming a very common practice

among many poor people in Addis Ababa, although its cultural

importance is being largely ignored. As Nieuwenhuys (2001)

notes, begging involves mutual interdependence, interaction


and exchange of resources between givers and recipients, as

well as between the ‘haves’ and the ‘have nots’ in Addis

Ababa. (Tatek Abebe, 2009)

DevianceThe concept of deviance does not means pervasive or

depravity. The term deviance is used to describe any behaviour

that violates the standard of conduct of expectation of a

group of a society (Schaefer, 2004). Deviance involves the

violation of group norms which may or may not be formulated

into law. It is a comprehensive concept that involves not only

criminal behaviour that is not subject to prosecution.

According to Haralambus and Alburn (2000), deviance is an act

which does not follow the norms and expectations of a

particular social group. It is the violation of group’s norms,

expectation and values. Social deviance takes many forms and

reflected in juvenile delinquency, corruption, prostitution,

exam malpractices, and drug abuse. These acts are also social

problems in the sense that their manifestations constitute

major problem for the society. In other words, deviance

constitutes serious destruction and interruption in the social

and moral value of the society. (O. A. Fawole, et, al, 2011)

in general Deviance refers to the socially disapproved

violations of important norms and expectations of a society.

Begging as deviant behaviourAs way of earning an income, begging is becoming a very

common practice among many poor people in Addis Ababa,


although its cultural importance is being largely ignored.

Nieuwenhuys (2001) as cited in (Tatek Abebe 2013) notes,

begging involves mutual interdependence, interaction and

exchange of resources between givers and recipients, as well

as between the ‘haves’ and the ‘have-nots’ in Addis Ababa.

Despite its socio-religious role, however, the practice has

increasingly been viewed as a ‘distress industry’ in social

policy. (Tatek Abebe, 2013)

Begging is a social ill whose implications for city

economy and environment call for concern of urban planners.

The negative impacts of begging on social and physical

environments are obvious in the tendency of beggars to delay

and obstruct free flow human and vehicular traffic and their

high propensity to generate dirty materials either as waste or

as parts of their belonging. (Dr. Jabir Hasan Khan, ET, al 2013)

As our group perception begging is deviant behaviour

according to Robert K. Merton’s strain theory. Because,

begging is a situation where in the needy asks for material

benefits or money – often even basic amenities like food and

clothing while people is expected to work in order to full

fill their needs. According to this theory working hard is the

legitimate way of or means of achieving the goal. Based on

this, means of achieving goal out of the legitimated way is

deviant. And according to this theory among those five mode

adaptation like conformity which is the means and the goal is

legitimate, ritualism which is the means is legitimate but the

end is illegitimate, retreatism which is both the means and goal

are illegitimate, the rebellion is also a situation where both


the means and ends deserve to be changed and the innovationist

which is the means is not legitimate however the end is

legitimate, begging is a kind of deviance which could be

associated in this character because they deserve to achieve

their goal through illegitimate way.

Begging is a social deviance, especially in Nigeria,

because it negates the norms, expectations and values of the

society. For example, in Yoruba culture, hard work is highly

valued, therefore, begging in its absolute sense is not

popular and beggars are usually looked down upon as belonging

to a group of wretched persons in the society (Jelili, 2006).

The Ibos shared this same belief but among the Hausas in the

Northern part of the country, begging has religio-cultural

backing and encouragement. The situation describe by many

observers (Ammani, 2009, Mudanssir, 2010) as religio- cultural

misconception. Despite the confirmation of begging as a social

deviance, the population of beggars on Nigerian streets is

growing exponentially. They become highly visible in Nigerian

cities. How could one explain this phenomenon? The works of

Merton (1968) provides basis to explain the growing population

of beggars in Nigerian cities. (O. A. Fawole, et, al, 2011)

Begging is simply defined as a means of asking for money,

food, clothes and so on (Jelili, 2006). By this definition,

one wonders why asking for money, food or clothes by an

individual is considered a deviant behaviour while similar

action by another individual is considered a normal behaviour.

We can understand such discrepancies by using an approach to

deviance known as “labelling theory”. The theory also known as


societal-reaction approach seeks to explain why certain people

are viewed as deviant while others whose behaviour is similar

are not seen in such harsh term. The approach made popular by

Becker (1963) is summed up with this “Deviant behaviour is

behaviour that people so label”. This approach explains

deviances as a social process whereby some people are able to

define other as deviant. It emphasizes that the deviance is

relative and as such, it is not until a label is given to

someone by someone else in a given social power that the

person actively becomes a deviant. The theory reminds us that

it is not the behaviour itself that determines deviance but

the response to an act. The act of asking people for financial

or material assistance is just a normal behaviour but becomes

a deviant act because it is culturally labeled. (O. A. Fawole,

et, al, 2011)

Why people begThe empirical materials indicate that poverty is a major

trigger for children to be tempted to work on the streets.

Family disintegration, abuse and neglect by parents, and the

lack of social services are also noted as main factors for

children being forced into begging (Veale 1993). Other

disruptive reasons include the failure of rural livelihoods,

including displacement due to drought, famine and war; harmful

traditional practices (e.g. early marriage), hostile step-

parents, peer pressure, a lack of opportunities for social

mobility, and uncaring environments at home. Tatek Abebe’s 2009

background questionnaire survey revealed that almost half


(46%) of the children sampled were living with stepparents

because their biological parents had died, divorced or

separated. The divorce rate among these children’s parents

appears to be high (34%). Most children reported that their

step-parents, especially their step-fathers, were abusive.

(Tatek Abebe, 2009)

However in general, the problem of begging cannot be

explained in a mono-causal phenomenon, rather it is a multi

causal one. Anderson (1961) identified six major conditions

for begging which include,

1) unemployment and seasonal work,

2) misfit of industry whether due to physical handicaps,

mental deficiency, occupational diseases or lack of

vocational training,

3) defects of personality as feeble mindedness,

egocentrity, inferiority, etc,

4) family conflicts, misconduct and crime,

5) racial or national discrimination in employment

opportunities, and

6) Desire for new experiences. (C. Subba Reddy, 2013)

Theories regarding to the cause of begging

Begging As product of urban povertyUrban poverty is a social problem as considerable number

of the population is affected by this scourge. For instance,

in Nigeria an estimate by World Bank (2000) indicates that

over 45% of the country’s population live below the poverty


level while about two third (2/3) of this group are extremely

poor. (O. A. Fawole, et, al, 2011)

The incidence of urban poverty in Nigerian society can be

viewed as the root of many social ills in Nigerian urban

centres. Such social menace includes begging and other related

anti social behaviour. IBID

The psychological effect of poverty on individual strips

him of his self respect and human dignity. One important

manifestation of this, especially in Nigeria, is the

involvement of considerable number of its population in

begging. (O. A. Fawole, et, al, 2011)

One of our respondent was a kid who comes from nearby

rural area he said that

“... I was here in Gondar to gate work because ma family cannot afford

for ma basic needs due to this I was forced to flee to here Gondar, but I

don’t found here a good fortune ...”

Begging as a special status groupThe challenge of studying begging in terms of traditional

sociology of professions lies in the lack of classical

relationships between professionals who produce goods or

services and clients who receive them. Therefore, we face a

reasonable question to what extent we could consider begging

as an occupation. The concept of status groups [Weber, 1978:

302-307] is created in order to defend their collective values

and privileges. In other words, a community of beggars has to

possess specific resources which require protection

particularly through self-organisation. In a light of this, it

is possible to say about beggars as a specific status group


which basis lies in the activity which brings income. (Roman

A. Solovyev, 2014)

The main aim of status communities in this case is to

create a monopoly in some sector of an economy which may be

connected not only with rendering services but also with the

pursuit of activities. For instance, highly-qualified

professionals like lawyers or doctors use the system of

education and authorization certificates as a barrier to enter

their professional field. In turn, people who beg in the

streets could use family bonds, ethnicity and other collective

forms of closure mainly based on master statuses. (Roman A.

Solovyev, 2014)

Collective form of closureAccording to the research in Russia results, beggars live

as a part of a certain community that is highly common for a

street-level economy. As it was mentioned before, they mainly

use collective forms of closure like family or friend bonds,

religion and ethnicity, while individual forms are just not

available for them, because begging is not related to some

formal institutions (Roman A. Solovyev, 2014)

It is indicative that the mechanism of collective closure

in our case is similar to “real” occupations – closure is

established only within working space. It was observed that

for all respondents a parvis serves only as an economic

territory they use to generate income. They have different

means to organize their workspace: it may be a begging bowl or

a piece of cardboard with aid request. This helps to mark a

territory, usually very small, which becomes a temporary


property of a beggar. Collective closure enables beggars to

expand their working space due to human resources of a

community. For example, it was established that a parvis of

some churches may be controlled by a small group of people who

are in a family relationships or just know each other very

well. (Roman A. Solovyev, ND)

For instance, in our context around churches, popular

streets like Piasa to Arada, Azezo kebele 19 and around

markets are collectively controlled by beggars. The other

respondent we interview in the street behind Quara hotel near

to Medhanialem and Lideta churches was said that

“... there are a number of beggars who have permanent place here

especially during holydays they even inter in to conflict each other for a

specific place and it is fixed and known in addition the crowed become

difficult for the other movement especially for vehicles...”

Begging for people with disabilities may not be simply an

individual decision. Families may encourage members to beg,

especially if they have some attribute, such as a visible

disability, which would put them at an ―advantage‖ over non-

disabled beggars.

Organized groups of disabled beggars are found in some

countries and these groups may represent unified social

support mechanisms protection for beggars. In India, for

example, ―Beggar Brotherhoods‖ have been reported (Nora Groce

and Barbara Murray, 2013).

Organized begging among non-disabled individuals has also

been reported in developed countries such as Switzerland, the

United Kingdom and the United States (Swissinfo, 2009; Buck,


2000; Dean, 1999). While groups may be formed by beggars,

there are also frequent reports in the literature of people

with disabilities and others being coerced into begging by

―businessmen‖ or criminal gangs (often referred to as beggar

mafias) who keep the profits. Many who beg under such

circumstances exist in virtual slavery with the continual

threat of mistreatment, violence or death. In such systems,

people with disabilities are often seen as more profitable

than non-disabled beggars because they evoke sympathy or pity

(Walker, 2006; Saini, 2009; Malone, 2009). Indeed, it is

widely reported in the folklore and popular culture of many

countries that disabled children are routinely sold or stolen

– usually from rural areas – to be used by criminals or gangs

of beggars (Malone, 2009). Disabled children are especially

vulnerable to being forced into this type of begging, although

disabled adolescents and adults are also at great risk

(Kumarappa, 2007; Datta, 2007;

Ingstad and Grut, 2007; Kilbride et al., 2000; Sayem 2011;

Ranga, 2009; Wonacott, 2004). The frequent mistreatment of

disabled child beggars is so common in India that Malone

(2009) reports that members of the public now refuse to give

disabled child beggars any donations, knowing that it will

only end up in the hands of their ―handlers‖ (Nora Groce and

Barbara Murray, 2013).

Lack of social support networksAccording to N.Groce and B.Murray, 2013, cross-

culturally, a key factor that makes some individuals turn to

begging may be the lack of social support networks upon which


the very poorest can rely if a crisis or emergency wipes out

their limited resources. A large literature in poverty and

development has helped identify how a crisis at a critical

juncture – a health crisis, the loss of a crop, a home or a

set of tools – pushes those who are already poor into

destitution. Such factors must also play a part in tipping

some disabled people already living in poverty over the

dividing line between income-generating work – however limited

– and begging (Groce et al., 2011). Statistics currently exist

neither on the numbers of people with disabilities who live by

begging nor on the percentage of the larger disabled

population these constitutes, in Ethiopia or elsewhere. In

1998, it was reported that 11 per cent of all unemployed

disabled people in Africa survive solely on money acquired

through begging (Ndiaye, 1998), although the relatively small

sample size of the study limits the extent to which the

findings can be taken as representative for all of Africa.

Comparable data are unavailable for other regions.

Internalized social stigmaThe decision to work as a beggar may not be wholly

economic. Some have argued that adoption of begging as a means

of survival by people with disabilities is linked to their

internal acceptance of social stigma (Ebimomi, 2008). Stone

(1984) notes that characteristics associated with disability,

such as low productivity and helplessness, become cemented

into the minds of people with disabilities who prefer to

accept the role constructed for them; to beg rather than

struggle for employment opportunities. Arguing that people


with disabilities beg because they have ―internalized‖

prevailing social stigma, however, often ―blames the victim‖

without considering larger social, cultural, economic and

political pressures. Nor does it explain why some people with

disabilities choose to beg and others with comparable

disabilities from similar backgrounds do not. Raising yet

another point, Thurer (1988) has argued that in some cases,

begging is a choice made by people with disabilities to

preserve their autonomy, even when alternative sources of

support are available to them. (Nora Groce and Barbara Murray,

2013).

Sociological perspective of beggingHowever a lot of sociological theoretical frame works do

not directly linked to begging and there are no more

sociological theories developed regarding to begging much of

the classical and modern deviance theories could be applicable

to this issue.

According to our group perception Robert k. Merton’s

strain could be applicable based on the five mode of

adaptation as we have tried to mention earlier.

Durkheim’s Anomie theory is also applicable, because

while we observe around the down town there were children who

begs who are not orphan or disabled they simply beg being they

are not controlled by their family.


ReferenceC. Subba Reddy, 2013, begging and its mosaic dimensions: some

preliminary

Dr. Jabir Hasan Khan, Dr. Menka and Nisar Ahmed, 2013,

regional analysis of various places of begging Observations in

kadapa district of andhra Pradesh, Afro Asian Journal of

Social Sciences, Full Length Research Article Volume 4, No.

4.1 Quarter I 2013, ISSN: 2229 – 5313

Jacqus Callot, 1622, begging, journal of Canadian medical

association, Toronto, Canada

Nora Groce and Barbara Murray, 2013, Disabled Beggars in Addis

Ababa, Ethiopia, Employment Sector Employment Working Paper

No. 141

O. A. Fawole, D. V. Ogunkan, and A. Omoruan, 2011, The menace

of begging in Nigerian cities: A sociological analysis,

International Journal of Sociology and Anthropology Vol. 3(1),

pp. 9-14 January 2011

Roman A. Solovyev, 2014, The begging as a (quasi)occupation in

modern Russia

Tatek Abebe, 2009, Šik’älla: the Survival Strategies of

Ethiopian Child Beggars

begging as a deviant behavior

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