Assessement of Political Diversity in Media Reporting on ...memo98.sk/uploads/content_galleries/source/memo/myanmar/mid_mm... · Assessement of Political Diversity in Media Reporting

AssessementofPoliticalDiversityinMediaReportingonGeneralElections|MYANMAR

September2015–February2016

MyanmarInstituteforDemocracy&MEMO98

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TableofContents

1.EXECUTIVESUMMARY....................................................................................................................................................4

2.PROJECTOVERVIEW.......................................................................................................................................................6

3.METHODOLOGY................................................................................................................................................................9QUANTITATIVEANALYSIS...............................................................................................................................................9QUALITATIVEANALYSIS..................................................................................................................................................9DATACOLLECTIONANDANALYSIS..............................................................................................................................11

4.LEGALFRAMEWORK....................................................................................................................................................12

5.MEDIAMONITORINGANALYSIS...............................................................................................................................135.1.PRE-ELECTIONPERIOD........................................................................................................................................135.2.POST-ELECTIONPERIOD......................................................................................................................................155.3.TELEVISION..........................................................................................................................................................15STATE-OWNEDBROADCASTERS.............................................................................................................................................................15PRIVATETVCHANNELS..........................................................................................................................................................................185.4.RADIO...................................................................................................................................................................205.5.NEWSPAPERS........................................................................................................................................................22STATE-FUNDEDPUBLICATIONS.............................................................................................................................................................22PRIVATEPUBLICATIONS..........................................................................................................................................................................235.6.ONLINEMEDIA......................................................................................................................................................25

6.CONCLUSION...................................................................................................................................................................26

7.RECOMMENDATIONS...................................................................................................................................................287.1.TOTHEGOVERNMENT.........................................................................................................................................287.2.TOTHEMEDIA&CIVILSOCIETY........................................................................................................................307.3.TOTHEINTERNATIONALDONORS......................................................................................................................31

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“Themass communicationsmedia provide information tomost voters that is essential to thechoice they exercise at the ballot box. Therefore, proper media conduct toward all politicalpartiesandcandidates,aswellaspropermediaconductinthepresentationofinformationthatisrelevanttoelectoralchoices,arecrucialtoachievingdemocraticelections.Monitoringmediaconduct–whendoneimpartially,proficientlyandbasedonacrediblemethodology–establisheswhetherthiskeyaspectofanelectionprocesscontributestoorsubvertsthedemocraticnatureof elections.Mediamonitoring canmeasure the amount of coverage of electoral subjects, thepresence of news bias, appropriateness of media access for political competitors and theadequacy of information conveyed to voters through news, direct political messages, publicinformationprogrammingandvotereducationannouncements.Shortcomingsinmediaconductcan be identified throughmonitoring in time for corrective action. Abuse of the mass mediapower to affect voter choices also can be documented, which allows the population and theinternational community to appropriately characterize the true nature of the electoralprocess.”1RobertNorrisandPatrickMerloe

1 MediaMonitoringtoPromoteDemocraticElections -AnNDIHandbookforCitizenOrganizations,National

Democratic Institute, for International Affairs (NDI), July 2002, Robert NorrisandPatrick Merloe,availableathttps://www.ndi.org/files/1420_elect_media_02_1-31_0.pdf

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1. EXECUTIVESUMMARYMIDhassystematicallymonitoredthemediacoverageofthe2015generalelectionsaswellasthe post-election developments. The project was supported by a number of internationaldonorsanditwasintendedtoofferprofessional,comprehensive,andobjectiveassessmentofpolitical diversity, accuracy, and balance in news and current affairs coverage on ninetelevisionchannels,threeradiostations,sixnewspapers,andfouronlinemediaoutlets.Themaingoaloftheprojectwastoinformthepublicabouttheconductofmediaduringthepre-election and post-election phase and to initiate a discussion about the objectivity andqualityofthemediareportingandtopromotetheiradherencetointernationalstandardsandbestpracticesregardingfreedomofexpressionandindependenceofmedia.ThemethodologyforthemediamonitoringwasdevelopedbyaSlovakorganizationMEMO98whichhascarriedoutsimilarprojects insome50countries in the last18years. It includedquantitativeanalysisofthecoverage,whichfocusedontheamountoftimeallocatedtoeachsubject, as well as the tone of the coverage in which the relevant political subjects wereportrayed:positive,neutralornegative.Qualitativeanalysisassessedtheperformanceofthemediaagainstspecificprinciplesorbenchmarks–suchasethicalorprofessionalstandards–thatcannotbeeasilyquantified.Themainfindingsderivingfromthepre-electionmediamonitoringactivityare:

• Themediaasawholeprovidedbasicinformationaboutcontestantsrunningintheelections.However,tobeabletoformamoreobjectiveviewofthecampaignand tomakean informedchoiceat theballotbox,votershad to followseveralmediaoutlets.

• Mediawerestronglydividedalongpolitical linesanddemonstrated theiropen

support either to the ruling powers or to the opposition. Only a very fewmonitoredmediaattemptedtoofferamorebalancedcoverageofthecampaign.

• Thecoverageofstate-fundedmediawasdrivenbyofficialandprocess-oriented

agenda.TherewaslimitedcoverageofthecampaigninthenewsprogramswithState-fundedmediaallocating thebulkof theircoverageto theactivitiesof thestateauthorities,particularlythepresident,outsidethecampaigncontext.Thisgave the rulingUnion Solidarity and Peace Party (USDP) clear advantage overtheiropponentswhodidnotreceivesuchcoverageonthestate-fundedmedia.

• State-fundedmedia and some private broadcasters reflected positively on the

workofthepresidentandotherstateofficials,oftenpointingoutachievementsand successes, while independent and critical opinions on their performanceweregenerallyabsent.

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• Contestants were able to utilize free airtime on both state-funded and someprivatebroadcasters and radio channels aswell as the free space in the state-controlled newspapers. Their ability to freely express their views, includingcriticismoftheincumbents,wasrestrictedduetostrictregulationsonthefreeairtimeallocation.

• DVBwas the only television to provide voters withmore diverse information

aboutdifferent contestants.DVBwasalso theonly channel tooffer its viewersdebates between the contestants based on which voters could form moreinformedopinionsofthecandidates.

• Private print, online media and foreign radio services covered the campaign

moreintensively,focusingprimarilyonthetwomainfrontrunners–theNationalLeagueforDemocracy(NLD)andtheUSDP.MostofthemopenlysupportedtheNLDandcriticisedtheUSDPandstateofficials.

• Therewasagenerallackofin-depthandanalyticalcoveragethatcouldhelpthe

voterstobetterassesstheelectoralcontestants.

• Votereducationprogrammes,includingnumerousGet-Out-and-Votespots,wereairedonanumberofbroadcasters,includingMRTV.

Themainfindingsderivingfromthepost-electionmediamonitoringactivityare:

• The post-election coverage was characterised by reporting on the electionresults.ThewinningpartyinelectionsNLDreceivedthebulkofthecoverageonmostmonitoredmediainNovember.

• Following the elections, the state-controlled media generally provided more

coveragetotheNLDthanduringthepre-electionperiod.

• Atthesametime,thestate-controlledmedia’scoveragecontinuestobefocusedmainlyonactivitiesoftheoutgoinggovernmentandpresident.

• Private print and online media have intensively covered the post-election

developments,focusingprimarilyontheNLD.

• Anumberof importantreformsandchangeswillbenecessary inorder for themediatoprovidetheiraudienceswithmoreobjectiveandbalancedcoverageofthepoliticalandsocialissues.

Therecommendations included in thisreportareofferedwithaviewtoenhancethemediacoverageofelectionsinMyanmarandtosupporteffortstobringitinlinewithinternationalstandardsandotherobligationsandstandardsfordemocraticelections.

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2. PROJECTOVERVIEWMyanmar Institute for Democracy (MID), an independent, non-profit organization thatpromotesthevaluesoffreedomanddemocracy,wasmonitoringthemediacoverageofthe8Novembergeneral elections.MIDsought toevaluate themonitoredmedia’sperformance inproviding objective and balanced coverage of the contestants and their platforms so thecitizensofMyanmarcanmakewell-informedchoicesattheballotbox.Themainobjectiveoftheprojectwastoinformthepublicabouttheconductofmediaduringelectioncampaignandbeyondandtoinitiateadiscussionabouttheobjectivityandqualityofmediareporting.TheprojectwassupportedbyDemocracyReportingInternational(DRI)intheframeworkoftheEU-funded project STEP Democracy aswell as by the National Endowment for Democracy(NED).Themonitoringwasintendedtoofferprofessional,comprehensive,andobjectiveassessmentof political diversity, accuracy, and balance in news and current affairs coverage on fivetelevisionchannels,eightradiostations,tennewspapers,andthreeonlinemediaoutlets.2Theproject’s findingswerenot intendedtosupportanyonecandidateorpoliticalparty,buttheintegrityofthemediaenvironmentasawholeduringthecampaignseason.Thefindingswerecompiledinfivemonitoringreportsaboutthemedia’sbehaviorduringtheelectioncampaignandafterelectionsanddisseminatedto thepublic,media,civilsociety,politicalparties,andinternationalcommunity.ThemethodologywasdevelopedbyMEMO98whichhascarriedoutsimilarprojectsinmorethan 51 countries in the last 18 years, including in Myanmar.3Given its comprehensivecontent-oriented approach, the methodology was specially designed to provide in-depthfeedbackonpluralismanddiversityinmediareporting,includingcoverageofchosensubjectsandthemes.Theoutcomeofthemonitoringisnotjustasetofdata,butadetailedanalysisandevaluation of the current level of political diversity in media reporting, examined in thepropercontext,andincorporatingconcretecomparisonsandanalysis.Themediamonitoringincludedquantitativeanalysisofthecoverage,whichfocussedontheamount of time allocated to each subject, aswell as the tone of the coverage inwhich therelevantpolitical subjectswereportrayed:positive,neutralornegative.Qualitativeanalysisassessed theperformanceof themedia against specificprinciplesorbenchmarks– such asethicalorprofessionalstandards–thatcannotbeeasilyquantified.Monitorsreportedonlies,distortions, unbalanced coverage, unfairness, inaccuracy, bias, and anything else that wasimportant to presenting the quality of reporting. This data was reported separately andintegratedintothecommentsandconclusionsofthenarrativereports. 2 Television: MRTV, MRTV4, Myawaddy TV (state-funded), Up to date, Democratic Voice of Burma

(DVB)Radio: RadioMyanmar(state-funded),CityFM,CherryFM,MandalayFM,ShweFM(private)and

foreignradioservicesBBCMyanmar,VoiceofAmerica(VOA)andRadioFreeAsia(RFA).Newspapers: Kyaymon,MyanmarAhlin(state-funded),DemocracyToday,Eleven,Messenger,Myanmar

Times,People’sCause,Tomorrow,Voiceand7Day.Webportals: Irrawaddy,Mizzima,NewsEleven.

3 www.memo98.sk

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Themaingoaloftheprojectwastoinformthepublicabouttheconductofmediaduringthepre-election and post-election phase and to initiate a discussion about the objectivity andqualityofthemediareportingandtopromotetheiradherencetointernationalstandardsandbestpracticesregardingfreedomofexpressionandindependenceofmedia.Based on criteria such as media ownership, coverage, and impact, the following nationalmediawereincludedintothemonitoring:Table1:Mediamonitored

MEDIA OWNERSHIP MONITOREDPROGRAMMES/ARTICLES

TelevisionMRTV State-controlled Newscasts and all related

programmesat18:00and20:00MRTV4 JVwithForeverGroup&State Newsprogrammesat18:00pmand

20:00MyawaddyTV State-controlled News programmes at 18:00 and

20:00SkyNet(Upto

Date)Private-ShweThanLwinmedia Allrelatedprogrammesfrom18:00

to23:00DVB Private Newsprogrammes,Debatesandall

related programmes from 18:00 to23:00

RadioRadioMyanmar State-controlled Newsprogrammes at 07:30, 11:00,

13:00, 15:00, 16:00, 18:30, 19:00and20:00

CityFM Private-YCDC News programmes at 08:00, 13:00and20:00

CherryFM Private-ToeNaingMan News programmes at 08:00, 13:00and20:00

MandalayFM Private-ForeverGroup News programmes at 08:00, 13:00and20:00

ShweFM Private-ShweThanLwinmedia News programmes at 08:00, 13:00and20:00pm

BBCRadio Foreignservice News programmes at 18:30 and20:15pm

VoA Foreignservice News programmes at 06:00, 18:30and21:00pm

RFA Foreignservice Newsprogrammesat07:00,19:00and20:00

NewspapersKyaymon State-controlled Politics-relatedarticles

MyanmarAhlin State-controlled Politics-relatedarticles

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DemocracyToday Private-ShweThanLwinmedia Politics-relatedarticlesEleven Private-Dr,ThanHtutAung Politics-relatedarticles

Messenger Private-ZawMinAye Politics-relatedarticlesMyanmarTimes Private-UTheinTun Politics-relatedarticlesPeople’sCause Private–Dr.PhayMyint Politics-relatedarticlesTomorrow Private–ZawThetHtwe Politics-relatedarticlesVoice Private-LivingcolourGroup Politics-relatedarticles7Days Private–ThaungSuuNyein Politics-relatedarticles

OnlinesourcesIrrawaddy Private–AungZaw Politics-relatedarticlesMizzima Private-UMyintSoe Politics-relatedarticles

NewsEleven Private–Dr.ThanHtutAung Politics-relatedarticlesThemonitoringteam4observedmediacoverageoftheMyanmarpoliticalsceneinorderto:

o assesswhetherpoliticalentitiesaregrantedfairaccesstothemedia;o supply the media, political entities, regulatory organs, citizens, and international

communitywithdatatomeasuretheobjectivityoftheMyanmarmedia;o raisepublicawarenessandencouragejournalists,editorsandmediaoutletownersto

observestandardsofbalancedreporting;o motivatecitizenstobetterunderstandtheroleofthemedia.

Inaddition,theprojectwassupposedto:

o enhance the capacity of the civil and academic communities in conducting theadvancedmediaresearches;

o putpublicpressureon journalists, editorsandmediaowners toprovide informationthatismoreaccurate,impartialandfair.

To achieve these objectives, MIDwas assessing the media coverage against Myanmarlegislationandinternationallyrecognizedprofessionalstandardsandprinciplesofjournalistethics,whichinclude:AccuracyandtransparencyBalanceImpartialityMatteroffactClarityVarietyRelevanceCorrectnessProtectionofminors/ofothergroupsinneeds

4 AungHtetAung,AungKyawZin,Dennis AungAung,HeingHtetZaw, Hlaing Win Swe, Cho Cho Than,

KhinePyaeSone, KhinMyatMyatKyaw, KyawNyunt,Myon Thant,Thaw ZinSoe,TheintThinzarZin,ThihaAung,YuHtweThuandZinNanda.

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3. METHODOLOGYThe methodology for the media monitoring incorporates both quantitative and qualitativeanalysis,andisbasedonthemethodologydevelopedbyMEMO98thathasbeenusedin50countries.QuantitativeanalysisThe quantitative component of the monitoring consisted of a content analysis of arepresentativesampleofmediaoutlets.Mediamonitorsmeasured the totalamountof timedevotedtoselectedsubjects.Monitoredsubjects:President VicePresident Government|MinistersandDeputyMinisters SpeakerofParliament LocalGovernment|Mayors Army|Fourtopcommanders Politicalparties(allpartiesregisteredfortheelections)5Inorder tomonitor thebroadcastmedia,monitorsusedstopwatches tomeasure theactual“direct/indirect appearance time” of selected subjects. They also separately recorded eachinstancewhereasubjectwasmentionedindirectly(e.g.byanewspresenterorbysomeoneelse)asa“reference”.QualitativeanalysisQualitativemeasurementsweresubdividedintotwomajorcategories:Monitorsevaluatedthetoneinwhichtherelevantsubjectswereportrayed–positive,neutralor negative. This data was recorded for all stories and presented graphically to illustratedifferencesbetweenoutletsanddifferencesovertime.Important additional comments relating to a content-based analysis that illustrate balance,fairness, accuracy, timely, transparency, matter-of-fact or attempts at manipulation. Thesedata offeredmore insights than simple positive and negativemeasurements. These trendsweresystematicallydocumentedtoprovidecompellingevidenceaboutmediaconduct.It is the behaviour of media outlets that was being assessed, not the monitored subjects.Positiveandnegativeratingsrefertowhetherornottheviewer/readerwasofferedapositiveor negative impression of the subject or topic. Monitors gave an evaluation mark to allsubjects, in addition to time and reference, to provide information onhow the subjectwasportrayed by each media outlet. The evaluation mark was thus attached to all monitored 5 See in the Annex.

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subjects todeterminewhether the subjectwaspresented in apositive, negative, orneutrallight.Thedescriptionofthefive-levelevaluationscalewasasfollows:Grade 1 and 2meant that a certainmonitored subjectwas presented in a very positive orpositivelightrespectively;inbothinstancesthenewscoveragewasfavourable.Grade 3 was a “neutral mark”, with the coverage being solely factual, without positive ornegativeconnotations.Grades 4 or 5 meant that a subject was presented in a negative or very negative lightrespectively.Suchcoveragehadnegativeconnotations,accusationsorone-sidedcriticismofasubjectportrayedinanitemorstory.Itwasimportantformonitorstoconsidertheactualevaluation(judgement)onthemonitoredsubjectandalsothecontextofthestoryoritem.As for the qualitative (content-based) analysis, the monitors reported on fabrications,distortions, unbalanced coverage, unfairness, inaccuracy, bias and anything else that wasimportanttothepresentationofqualityofmediareporting.Thedatawasreportedseparately,butintegratedintothecommentsandconclusionsofthenarrativereports.In order to eliminate any elements of subjectivity in the qualitative analysis, themonitors’analysiswassubjecttofrequentqualitychecks.Wheretherewasadifferenceofopinionovertheevaluationofaparticular item,thewholemonitoringteam(orateamleader)evaluatedtheitembeforemakingafinaldecisiononits“tone.”Themonitorsevaluated:

o theplacementofrelevantstoriesanditemsincomparisonwithotherreportedtopicsandissues;

o theoverallqualityofpoliticaldiversityinmediareporting;o journalist’sknowledgeandhis/herabilitytoworkwithfactsandinformation;o theabilityoftheauthortoengagetheaudience;o theoverallimpressionofhowthemediaoutletcoverspoliticalstories;o thejournalist’sinvolvementinthestory;o whetherinterviewquestionswerefairor“loaded;”o how the language used shaped the audience’s understanding and perception of

politics;o whether certain language, graphics and camera angles were used to influence the

audience’sperceptionofthemonitoredsubjectsandtopics.

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DatacollectionandanalysisForeachday’snewscoverageamonitoringformwascompletedandenteredintoadatabase.Thecollecteddataconsistedofsubject/affiliation,time(direct,indirectandtotal),evaluation,itemstart,itemend,topic,andtimeindex.Giventherelativelysmallnumberofdatatypes,anExcelspread-sheetissufficientforprocessingthemonitoringresults.TheMID’smonitoringfocusedonpoliticalandelection-relatedprimetimenewscoverageofselected TV and radio broadcasters and political and election-related coverage in selectednewspapers and online media. The monitoring team analysed the coverage by the timeallottedtoeachrelevantmonitoredsubject,thetoneofthecoverage,andassessingwhetherjournalistic standards were being observed. Televised debate programmes were analysedonlyqualitatively.

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4. LEGALFRAMEWORKThereexistanumberofmedia-relatedlawsinMyanmar,manyofwhichhaverecentlybeenchanged or amended but there remain provisions which run counter to internationalstandardsandbestpracticeson freedomofexpression.While theConstitutionprovides forfreedomofexpression(Articles354and365),itdoesnotstipulateanyprotectionfortherightof freedomof information.Oneof themost chillingly effective tools to limit the freedomofexpressionisthePenalCode.Morespecifically,thereareanumberofrestrictiveprovisions,including thoseon insultingreligion, criminaldefamation, sedition–allofwhichhavebeenusedtocurbthemedia.During the election campaign, therewere a few caseswith Facebook users facing criminalcharges inresultof theirposts,allegedly insultingstateofficials,particularly themilitary. ItincludedacaseinwhichChanSandiTun,anNLDactivist,waschargedunderSection66(d)oftheTelecommunicationsActaswellasforadefamationchargeunderSection500ofthePenalCode for a satirical post likening new armyuniforms toDawAung San SuuKyi’shtamein6,suggestingthatofficerswearitontheirheads.OthercasesincludedanarrestofapoetMaungSaungkha,whopostedaversesuggestingthathehadatattooofthepresidentonhisgenitalia.Whileitisquestionableifthesekindsofpostswereofagoodtaste,usingcriminalchargesforexpressingsatiricalcommentsabout theofficials isunacceptableas it seriouslydiscouragesexerciseofconstitutionallyguaranteedfreedomofspeech.Atthesametime, it isofconcernthatsomecandidatesused inappropriatenationalistandreligiousrhetoric, includingon thesocialmedia.While thereareanumberof election laws,noneof themgoverns the conductof themediaduring election campaign. As such, the Press Council worked out the Election Guidebook,which,alongwiththe2014CodeofConduct,providedaframeworkforthemediabehaviourduringelections.They interaliaprovided for impartial, fair andbalancedcoverage innewsand current affairs programmes. The Press Council was in charge of adjudicating election-relatedcomplaintsconcerningthemedia.TheUnitedElectionCommission(UEC)regulatedthefreeairtimeandspaceforallregisteredcontestants, granting two free-of-charge 15-minute slots to air a political address on stateradio and television, as well as space in state newspapers (from 9 September and 6November).However,theUECregulationsincludedanumberoflimitationsincludingthefactthat the authorities and military should be exempted from criticism. In addition, not onlythere was prior control of the content of the free spots and other materials, but the UECregulations also banned speeches that could cause the disintegration of theUnion, damagenational solidarity, or misuse religion for political purposes. While all but six registeredpartiesutilizedtheopportunity,statemediadecidedtoairthesecondroundofbroadcastsonits parliamentary Hluttaw channel instead of the main MRTV channel. State fundednewspapersalso terminatedpublicationofpartypresentationsafter the firstround, furtherlimitingtheinformationoncontestantsavailabletovoters. 6 Htamein is a female version of traditional sarong longyi.

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5. MEDIAMONITORINGANALYSISMediamonitoringtookplaceovertwomainperiods-beforethe8Novemberelections(pre-election period) and after the elections (post-election period). The pre-election periodincluded1September–1November2015andthepost-electionperiodcovered9November2015–29February2016.5.1. Pre-electionperiodSeptember2015Thepreliminarymediamonitoringresultsfortheperiodof8–28September2015indicatedthat therewerediscernabledifferences inhowthemediaportrayedcandidates,partiesandotherrelevantsubjects.Mostofbroadcastmediaallocatedverylittletimetoactivitiesofpoliticalpartiesbutinsteaddevoted the bulk of their coverage to the activities of the state authorities, outside thecampaigncontext.Manyofthemwerealsocandidatesintheelections.Onlyafewbroadcastmedia provided voterswith a diverse range of information about different contestants andotherpoliticalsubjects.Bycontrast,printmediaandInternetofferedadiverserangeofviews,somesupportingtherulingpowerswhileothersshowingtheirclearpreferencestowardtheNationalLeagueforDemocracy(NLD).Themost significant events and topics drawingmedia attention in September included thenationalceasefireprocessaswellasthecurrentstageofthevoterlist.Sincetheofficialstartofthecampaignon8September,contestantswereabletoutilizefreeairtimeonbothstate-funded and some private broadcasters and radio channels aswell as the free space in thestate-controllednewspapers.Theirabilitytofreelyexpresstheirviews,includingcriticismofthe incumbents, was restricted due to strict regulations on the free airtime allocation.7Moreover,oneofthemonitoredTVchannels-DVB-broadcastdebatesbetweencontestants,providingthemagoodopportunitytoconveytheirmessagesdirectlytovoters.October-November2015Themediamonitoring results for theperiodof29September–1November2015 indicatedthatmedia continued to be divided in theway they covered candidates, parties and otherrelevantsubjects,withstate-fundedmediaprovidinglimitedtimeorspacetopoliticalpartiesintheirnewsandcoveringactivitiesoftheauthorities.Bycontrast,anumberofprivatemediawereprovidingplatformfortheNLD.Bothstate-fundedandsomeprivatemediacontinuedtoallocatefreetimeandspacetoregisteredcontestantstocommunicatetheirmessagetovoters

7 The free airtimeand free space allocation is regulatedby theAnnouncementNo.52/2015of27August

issued by the Union Election Commission (UEC). According to Article 2 of the Announcement, politicalpartieswishingtoutilizethefreeairtimehavetosubmitthescriptoftheir“speechesonpartypolicies”toUEC seven days before the speech is to be shown for approval. Article 6 establishes wide-ranginglimitationsandprohibitionsonwhatpartiesmaysayduringtheirspeeches.

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–thisopportunityhoweverwasonlyavailableuntilthesecondweekofOctober.8Inapositivedevelopment,bothstate-fundedandprivatemediawereallocating time forvotereducationprogrammesandspots.Similar to September, the state broadcast media continued to allocate the bulk of theircoveragetotheactivitiesofthestateauthorities,outsidethecampaigncontext.Manyofthemwerealsocandidatesintheelectionsthatgavethemanadvantageovertheiropponentswhowerenot receivingsuchextensivecoverage in thenewsprogrammes.Onlya fewbroadcastmediaprovidedvoterswithawiderangeofinformationaboutdifferentcontestantsandotherpoliticalsubjects.PrintmediaandInternetcontinuedtoofferadiverserangeofviews,somesupportingtherulingpowerswhileothersshowingtheirpreferencestowardtheNLD.ThemostsignificanteventsandtopicsdrawingmediaattentioninOctober2015includedthesigningof theNationalCeasefireAgreement (NCA)on15October,discussionson thevoterlist,advancevotingthatstartedout-of-country,andcontinuingfightsinShanandKachinthatledtocancelationsofelectionsin7townshipsOnlyoneofthemonitoredTVchannels-DVB–continues to broadcast debates, including often the contestants, providing them a goodopportunitytoconveytheirmessagesdirectlytovoters.InNovember,thestate-fundedmediacontinuedtoprovideonlylimitedtimeorspacetocoverthe campaign in their news, giving extensive coverage of activities of state authorities. Bycontrast,anumberofprivatemediaprovidedmuchmoreactivecoverageofthecampaignandofferedaplatformfortheNLD.Both state-funded and some private media continued to provide free time and space – asmentioned above, only the state-funded radio rebroadcast the same free airtime partymessages until the end of campaign. As such, a month before the elections, the ability ofpoliticalpartiestodirectlycommunicatetheirmessagetovoterswasfurtherlimitedgiventhefact that the free airtime and spacewas no longer available on the state-funded television.Notwithstandingthewide-rangingrestrictions,itwasanimportanttoolforthecontestantstoreach their voters. Both state-funded and privatemedia allocated time for voter educationprogrammes that were important for voters to better understand the complexity of theelection procedures. Themedia also allocated substantial amount of time and space to theUnionElectionCommission(UEC).Similar to September andOctober, also inNovember, the state-funded broadcast and printmediaallocatedthebulkoftheircoveragetotheactivitiesofthestateauthorities.Duringthewhole pre-election period, the president, in particular, received extensive coverage,highlighting his achievement and successes, in variety of different formats, including newsitems,policysongs,anddocumentaries.Takingintoconsiderationthefactthathisopponentsdidnotreceivesuchcoverage,thisgavetherulingpartyaclearadvantage.Assuch,thestate-funded media failed to provide an objective and balanced coverage of the campaign – in

8 Withaboutamonthbeforeelections,theabilityofpoliticalpartiestodirectlycommunicatetheirmessage

to voters has been limited given the fact that the free airtime and space is no longer available.Notwithstandingtherestrictions,itwasanimportanttoolforthecontestantstoreachtheirvoters.

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violationoftheirpublicmandate.Asrecipientsofpublicresources,state-fundedmediahaveanenhanceddutytoensurebalancedandfairtreatmentofpoliticians.Moreover,thechannelslargely ignoredanyviews independentofor criticalof the currentestablishmentand therewas no discussion on social, economic and political problems of the country, with noinformationtothecitizensaboutconsequencesofbadgovernance.Onlyafewbroadcastmediaprovidedvoterswithawiderangeofinformationaboutdifferentcontestants and other political subjects. By comparison, printmedia and Internet offered adiverse range of views, some supporting the ruling powers while others showing theirpreferencestowardtheNLD.5.2. Post-electionperiodThemediamonitoringresultsforthepost-electionperiodindicatethatmediacontinuedtobedividedalongpoliticallines.InNovember,however,thistrendwastemporarychangedandallbutonestate-controlledmediaallocatedsignificantcoverage to theNLD inconnectionwithitsvictoryintheelections.Asfortheothermonitoredmedia,itcanbesaidthatthewinningpartyinelectionsreceivedthebulkofthecoverageonmostmonitoredmediainNovember.ThemeetingsofDawAungSanSuuKyioverthetransferofpowerwiththepresidentUTheinSein and other state officials as well as her meetings with the top representatives of theTatmadaw(military)anddiscussionaboutnomineesforthekeypositionsintheparliamentdrewmediaattentioninthefollowingweeks.InJanuary2016,thekeyissueswidelypresentedinthemediaincludedthesessionofthenewparliament as well as debates on potential constitutional changeswhichwould allow DawAung San Suu Kyi to be nominated for the presidency. Following the elections, the state-controlledmediagenerallyprovidedmorecoveragetotheNLDthanduringthepre-electionperiod. At the same time, the state-controlled media’s coverage continued to be focusedmainlyonactivitiesoftheoutgoinggovernmentandpresident.Privateprintandonlinemediaintensivelycoveredthepost-electiondevelopments,focusingprimarilyontheNLD.5.3. TelevisionState-fundedbroadcastersBetween8and28September,MRTVdevotedalmosthalfof itspoliticalandelection-relatednewscoverage to theactivitiesof the stateauthorities,with thegovernment receiving38.1per cent, the president 36 per cent, the vice-president 13.6 per cent and themilitary (theTatmadaw) 9.8 per cent of the coverage. This coverage was overwhelmingly positive. Bycontrast, themainoppositionpartyNLDreceivedonly0.1per centof suchcoveragewhichwasalsomainlypositive.Therewasanotabletendencytocovertheactivitiesofstateofficialspositively,oftenpointingoutachievementsandsuccesses.Criticalandindependentopinionson the performance of the authorities, as well as comprehensive analysis of contestants’platformshavesofarbeengenerallyabsentfromthenewsprogrammesofMRTV.

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Between 29 September and 24 October, MRTV devoted 97.9 per cent of its political andelection-relatednewscoveragetotheactivitiesofthestateauthorities,withthegovernmentreceiving44.7percent, thepresident44.4percent, thevice-president4.3percentand themilitary(theTatmadaw)4.5percentofthecoverage(asmallincreaseincomparisonwiththefirstmonitoringperiod).This coveragewasoverwhelminglypositive.By contrast, themainopposition party NLD received only 0.1 per cent of such coverage which was also mainlypositive. Incomparisonwith the firstmonitoringperiod,MRTVallocatedsomevery limitedcoverage to a bigger number of political parties –mainly in connectionwith the signing ofNCA. The channel continued to highlight achievements of state officials, giving themundueadvantage over their opponentswhowere not receiving comparable coverage in themainstate-funded TV channel’s news programmes. Critical and independent opinions on theperformanceof theauthorities, aswell as comprehensiveanalysisof contestants’platformscontinuedtobenon-existingontheMRTV’snewsprogrammes.Asarule,MTRVcontinuedtohighlight president’s achievements and successes, using different formats, includingdocumentariesandpolicysongs.When looking at themonitored campaignperiod (between8 September and1November),MRTVdevotedasmuchas98.1percentofitspoliticalandelection-relatednewscoveragetothe activities of the state authorities, with the government receiving 38.3 per cent, thepresident46.7percent,thevice-president7.3percentandthemilitary(theTatmadaw)5.8percentof thecoverage.Thiscoveragewasoverwhelminglypositive.Bycontrast, themainopposition party NLD received only 0.1 per cent of such coverage which was also mainlyneutral.The state-owned MRTV’s coverage of political actors after the elections to some extentreflected political developments emerging from the outcome of elections. This wasparticularly visible in November when the election winner - the NLD – became the mostpresented political party on theMRTV’s news programmes. It received 17 per cent of thecoveragewhichwasmainlyneutral.By comparison, theUSDP,which suffereddefeat in theelections,obtainedsome10percentofmainlyneutralcoverage.ItshouldbementionedthatthisisasignificantchangeinMRTV’seditorialpolicyastheNLD’sshareofthestate-controlledTV’snewsprogrammesduringthepre-electionperiodtotalled0.1percent.Atthesametime,however,thestateofficialsremainedtobethemostpresentedpoliticalentitiesinNovemberwiththegovernmentandpresidentreceiving30and26percentrespectively.MRTVadopteda similarapproach inDecemberand January.Unlike inNovember, theUnionSolidarityandDevelopmentParty(USDP)becamethemostportrayedpoliticalpartyinbothDecemberandJanuary(itreceivedaround15percentof thecoveragerespectively). Insharpcontrast, theNLDwasdevotedonly3and5percentrespectively inDecemberand January.Assuch, thepositivetrendofincludingsomegreaterdiversityofpoliticalopinionsonstate-controlledwasshortlived.In February,MRTV devoted 50.8 per cent of its political coverage to the activities of theoutgoinggovernment.Thiscoveragewasmainlyneutralandpositive.Theoutgoingpresidentreceived some 18 per cent of the coverage which was overwhelmingly positive. Bycomparison,theNLDreceivedsome5.8percentofthecoveragewhichwasmainlyneutral.

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MyawaddyTVisamilitary-ownedtelevisionnetworkthatwaslaunchedon27March1995,in commemoration of the Burmese Armed Forces Day. Between 8 and 28 September itadoptedasimilarapproachtothatofMRTVanddevotedextensiveandfavourablecoveragetothestateauthorities.Thechannelgavemorethanhalfof itscoveragetotheactivitiesoftheTatmadaw (59.9 per cent) which was exclusively positive. Similar to the other two state-fundedchannels,Myawaddyfeaturedanumberofsongsinsupportofthetoprepresentativesof the Tatmadaw as well as other state officials and did not offer any platform for thegovernmentopponents.Between 29 September and 24 October Myawaddy TVcontinued to give extensive andfavourablecoveragetothestateauthorities.ThechanneldevotedlessthanhalfofitscoveragetotheactivitiesoftheTatmadaw(49.4percent-exclusivelypositive)whichwasadecreaseincomparisonwiththefirstmonitoringperiod(59.9percent).Atthesametime,thepresidentreceived more coverage (23.9 per cent) than in the previous monitoring period (16.1 percent). This was due to his role in the NCA. Similar to the other state-funded channels,Myawaddy continued to broadcast songs in support of the top representatives of theTatmadawaswellasotherstateofficialsanddidnotofferanyplatformforthegovernmentopponents.Incontrast to theabove-mentionedstate-controlledchannelMRTV,Myawaddy’s coverageofpolitical actors following the elections remained virtually unchanged, with the bulk of thecoverage being devoted to Tatmadaw. This coverage ranged between some 60 per cent inNovemberandDecemberrespectively.InJanuary,Tatmadaw’scoveragedroppedtosome40percent.Asforthetoneofthecoverage,itwasoverwhelminglypositive.Thesamecanbesaidabout the coverage of the president and the government and other state officials. Bycomparison, similar to its coverageduring thepre-electionperiod, the coverageof theNLDremainedextremelylimited(rangingbetween1to3percent)–thusnotprovidingforarealpluralityofpoliticalviewpoints.In February,Myawaddy TV gave 45.5 per cent of its political coverage to the Tatmadaw.Almostallof thiscoveragewaspositive.Bycontrast, theNLDreceivedsome7.6percentofthecoveragewhichwaspositiveandneutral.Anotherstate-fundedtelevision-MRTV4 -adoptedasimilarapproachtothatofMRTVandMyawaddy TV, and between 8 and 28 September allocated significant coverage to theauthorities (94.4 per cent). However, MRTV 4’s coverage of the government was morebalanced.Asmuchas56percentofthecoveragewasneutraland24percentwasnegative(thiswasmainlyinconnectionofthefloodswhenpeoplecomplainedthattheydidnotreceiveadequateassistancefromthegovernment).Asforthecoverageofthetwofrontrunners, theUSDP received 2.5 per cent and the NLD 1.6 per cent of the coverage which was mainlyneutral.Between29 September and24October,MRTV4 allocated 96.3 per cent to the coverage ofauthorities.Asmuch as 57per cent of the coveragewas neutral and some12per centwasnegative. As for the coverage of the two frontrunners, the USDP and the NLD receivedrespectively1and0.7percentofthecoveragewhichwasmainlyneutral.

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Duringthepostelectionperiod,themonitoringteamnoticedasignificantchangeintermsofthe coverage ofNLD.MRTV4 allocated to theNLD the largest single portionof its politicalnewscoverage, ranging from22percent to25percent.Theonlypoliticalentity toreceivemoreairtimewastheincumbentgovernmentreceiving47percentinDecemberand35percent in January. The MID’s monitoring team noted another interested trend – while thecoverage of the government onMRTV4 during the pre-election periodwasmainly neutraland positive, in December and January, the coverage became neutral and negative. InFebruary,MRTV4allocated32.4percenttotheactivitiesofthegovernment.Insharpcontrastto theother two state-controlledTV channels, the toneof the coveragewaspredominantlyneutral. The coverage also amounted to a small portion of positive coverage as well asnegative coverage (the only state-controlled TV to offer some negative coverage of thegovernment).PrivateTVchannelsTheprivateUptoDate channelalsodemonstrated itsopensupport to the incumbentstateauthoritiesandbetween8and28Septemberallocatedacombinedtotalof89.1percent tothem, including the president (41.7 per cent), the government (19.8 per cent), the localgovernment (9.8 per cent), the vice-president (5.4 per cent), and the Tatmadaw (12.4 percent). Ninety nine per cent of the president’s coveragewas positive and one per centwasneutral.Atthesametime,thegovernmentreceivedmoreneutralthanpositivecoverage.TheUSDP received 0.2 per cent of mostly neutral coverage. The main opposition party NLDobtainedsome8.3percentofthecoveragewhichwasalsooverwhelminglypositive.Similarto the state-funded channels, Up to Date also broadcast a number of songs praising thepresidentaswellastheTatmadaw.Between29Septemberand24OctoberUptoDatecontinuedtodevotemostofitscoveragetotheauthorities.Duringthismonitoringperiod,thecoverageamountedto65.6percentwhichwasadecrease incomparisonwiththe firstmonitoringperiod(89.1percent).Thechannelcoveredmorepoliticalpartiesthanduringthefirstmonitoringperiod.Asforthecoverageofthemain frontrunners, the USDP received 4.8 and 5.2 per cent ofmostly neutral coveragerespectively. Similar to the state-funded channels, Up to Date continued to broadcast anumberofsongspraisingthepresident.Tosummarisethewholepre-electionperiod,thechanneldevotedmostofitscoveragetotheauthorities.Duringthemonitoringperiod,thiscoverageamountedto58.4percentwhichwasmainlypositiveandneutral.Asforthecoverageofthemainfrontrunners,theUSDPandtheNLD received 4.1 and 5.5 per cent of mostly neutral coverage respectively. Similar to thestate-fundedchannels,UptoDatebroadcastanumberofsongspraisingthepresident.Theoutcomeofthe8NovemberelectionshadacertainimpactonUptoDate’seditorialpolicy.InNovember, thechannelallocated thebiggestportionof itspoliticalnewscoverage to theNLD(asmuchas44percent).Thiswasinsharpcontrasttothepre-electioncoveragewhenthe ruling powers gained the bulk of the coverage. Given the fact that the NLD coveragedropped inDecember and January, it could be said that theNovember’s coverage is linked

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withtheUptodate’sreportingontheoutcomeofelections.Atthesametime,however,whilethe channel devotedmost of its attention to the activities of the outgoing government, theNLDwas still themost presented political party, obtaining 19 per cent of the coverage inDecemberand10percentinJanuary.Nootherpoliticalpartyreceivedmoreairtime.In February, Up to Date offered 37.9 per cent of its political coverage to the outgoinggovernment – the coverageofwhichwasmainlyneutral. By comparison, theNLD receivedsome15.3percentofthecoveragewhichwasmainlyneutralandpositiveintone.TheUSDPreceivedonly3.6percentofoverwhelminglypositivecoverage.UnlikeothermonitoredTVchannels,theprivateDVBoffereditsviewersabalancedcoverageof the political and election-related information. Between 8 and 28 September 2015,DVBallocated 28.8 per cent of the coverage to the authorities, including 5.6 per cent to thepresident,0.1percenttothevice-president,12.4percenttothegovernment,1percenttothelocalgovernment,and9.7percenttotheTatmadaw.TheUSDPreceived16.1percentofthecoverage.ItshouldbementionedthatDVBwasamongafewmonitoredbroadcasterstooffersomecriticalcoverageofthestateofficials.Bycomparison,theNLDreceived31.5percentofthe coverage. The tone of the coverage for the two main competing parties was alsocomparable.While twenty eightper centof theUSDP’s coveragewaspositive andeighteenper centwas negative, asmuch as thirty two per cent of NLD’s coveragewas positive andfourteen per cent was negative.DVB also provided some time to cover activities of otherpoliticalpartiescontestingtheelections.DVBwastheonlychanneltoofferitsviewersdebatesbetweenthecontestants.Thesedebatesenabledcandidatestoconveytheirmessagestotheelectorateandallowedvoterstoformopinionsofthecandidates.DVBcontinuedtopresentamuchbiggernumberofpoliticalpartiesthananyothermonitoredTV channel also in the period 29 September – 24October 2015. It covered asmany as 56contestants in its news programmes. During this period, it allocated 14.1 per cent of thecoverageto theauthorities, including3.5percent to thepresident,0.3percent to thevice-president,4.1percenttothegovernment,1.8percenttothelocalgovernment,and4.4percent to theTatmadaw (thiswas a decrease in comparisonwith the firstmonitoringperiodwhenthiscoveragewas28.8percent).TheUSDPreceived14.7percentofthecoverage.DVBcontinued to offer some critical coverage of the state officials. By comparison, the NLDreceived 36 per cent of the coverage (an increase in comparisonwith the firstmonitoringperiodwhenitwas31.5percent).Whilethetoneofthecoverageforthetwomaincompetingparties in the firstmonitoringperiodwascomparable,DVBgavemorepositive coverage totheNLDduringthesecondmonitoringperiod.Overall,DVBpresentedamuchbiggernumberofpoliticalparties thananyothermonitoredTV channel. Between 8 September and 1 November 2015, DVB covered as many as 69contestantsinitsnewsprogrammes.Duringthepre-electionperiod,itallocatedonly14percentofthecoveragetotheauthorities, including3percenttothepresident,0.2percenttothevice-president,4.6percenttothegovernment,1.5percenttothelocalgovernment,and4.7per cent to theTatmadaw.TheUSDP received14.4per cent of themainlypositive andneutralcoverage.Unlikeotherchannels,DVBofferedsomecriticalcoverageofstateofficials.

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Bycomparison,theNLDreceivedmorethantwotimesmorecoveragethanitsmainopponent-37.9percent-whichwasmainlypositiveandneutral.DVB’scoverageofpoliticalactorsdidnotchangeinthepost-electionperiod–itcontinuedtooffer wider range of political viewpoints than other monitored TV channels, devoting thebiggest attention to theNLD – the same as during the pre-election period. For example, inNovember,itallocatedhalfofitsnewscoveragetocovertheactivitiesofNLD.Thiscoveragewas overwhelmingly neutral. DVB continued to cover the activities of the outgoinggovernment (23 per cent in December and 12 per cent in January) with the tone of thecoveragebeingmainlyneutralandnegative.InFebruary,DVB allocated37.8per centof itspolitical coverage to theNLD.This coveragewas mainly neutral and positive. A small portion of the coverage was also negative. Thecoverageofothermonitoredsubjectswasalsomainlyneutral,with theTatmadawreceivingthebiggestshareofnegativecoverageincomparisonwithothermonitoredsubjects.5.4. RadioSimilartootherstatefundedandsomeprivatebroadcaster,theMyanmarstate-fundedradioallocatedthefree-of-chargeairtime(15minutestothreepartiesperday)between8and28September2015.Asforthepoliticalandelection-relatednewscoverage,itadoptedasimilarapproachtothatofthestate-fundedTVchannelsanddevotedthebulkofitsnewscoveragetotheactivitiesofstateofficials.Between29Septemberand24October,Myanmarstate-fundedradioallocatedthebulkofitspolitical and election-related news coverage (86.9 per cent) to the activities of stateauthoritiesthatwasmainlypositiveorneutral.Inaddition,theUSPDreceived0.8percentofmainlypositiveandneutralcoverage.Bycomparison, theNLDreceivedonly0.1percentofthecoveragewhichwasalsoneutral.Unlikestate-fundedTV,thestate-fundedradiocontinuedtobroadcastfreeairtimeofpoliticalpartiesbeyondtheendofthefirstweekinOctober.Tosummarisethewholepre-electionperiod,similartootherstatefundedbroadcasters,theMyanmar state-funded radio allocated the bulk of its political and election-related newscoverage (98.2 per cent) to the activities of state authoritieswhichwasmainly positive orneutral. In addition, the USPD received 0.3 per cent of exclusively neutral coverage. Bycomparison,theNLDreceivedonly0.2percentofthecoveragewhichwasalsoneutral.Looking at the post-election period, the overall picture of the political actors in Myanmarstate-fundedRadiowassimilartotheonepresentedbytheMRTV.NLDwasallocatedasmuchas 40 per cent of the coverage in November. This is in sharp contrast to the pre-electionperiodwhenNLD’scoverageonstateradiototalled0.1percent.SimilartoMRTV,however,theNLD’scoveragedroppedinDecemberandJanuaryto5and3percentrespectively.Theoutgoing government was allocated the biggest portion of airtime during the entire post-electionperiodwithitssharerangingfrom26percentinNovembertoover40percentinthenext twomonths. Similar to the pre-election period, the outgoing president as well as theUSDP continued to receive significant coverage on the state-controlled radio news

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programmes.Allactorswereportrayedinaneutralorpositivemanner,butwhencomparingtothepre-electionperiod(whenallactorsreceivedprimarilypositivecoverage),therewasalargershareofneutralinformationnotedintheradio’snewsduringthepost-electionperiod.InFebruary,theMyanmarStateRadioallocated36.5percentof itspoliticalcoverage to thegovernment. This coveragewasmainly neutral. By comparison, the NLD received 12.3 percentofthecoveragewhichwasalsomainlyneutral.Theonlysubjecttoreceivemorepositivethanneutralcoveragewastheoutgoingpresident.Thepre-election coverageof othermonitored radio channels canbedivided into twomaingroups.The first group consistedof those stationswhich, similar to the state-funded radio,devoted the bulk of their coverage to the activities of state officials –Cherry FM, City FM,MandalayFMandShweFM.BBCMyanmarbelongedto thesecondgroup– itprovided itslistenerswithabalancedcoverageofthecampaign.Thesamecanbesaidaboutotherforeignradio services – which also offered a more balanced as well as extensive, in-depth andinformative coverage, focusing on the two frontrunners as well as on ethnic-basedstate/regions. In the secondmonitoringperiod (from29September to24October)VoiceofAmerica (VOA) offered a platform to the NLD and provided critical coverage of theauthorities, in particular the government and the Tatmadaw. Radio Free Asia (RFA) gave42.3 per cent of its coverage to the NLD which was mainly positive and neutral. Bycomparison, the USDP and the state authorities received 17.1 and 18.9 per cent ofmainlypositivecoveragerespectively.Lookingatthepre-electioncampaignperiod(between8Septemberand1November),itcanbeconcludedthatCherryFM,CityFM,MandalayFMandShweFMshowedtheiropensupportto theauthorities.Bycontrast, foreignradioservicesofferedamorecriticalcoverageof theauthorities andplatform for themain opposition party. In addition, they also offeredmoreextensive, in-depthand informativecoverageof thecampaign incomparisonwiththestate-funded media. More specifically, VOA offered a platform to the NLD and provided criticalcoverageoftheauthorities, inparticularthegovernmentandtheTatmadaw. RFAgave45.1percentofitscoveragetotheNLDwhichwasmainlypositiveandneutral.Bycomparison,theUSDPand the stateauthorities received14.9and11.9per centofmainlypositive coveragerespectively.BBCMyanmar allocated 39.4 per cent of its coverage to theNLD (neutral andpositive)and17.8percentofthecoveragetotheUSDP(neutral).As for the post-election coverage, themonitoring revealed that the private radio stations -CherryFM,MandalayFMandShweFM-apparentlyusedthesamenewsagencyasasourceoftheir news programmes as the shares devoted to various monitored entities were almostidentical.Similartotheirpre-electioncoverage,themainfocusoftheirnewsprogrammeswasontheactivitiesoftheoutgoinggovernmentthatreceivedbetween44and50percentofthecoverage,followedbytheoutgoingpresidentandtheTatmadaw.Thesethreesubjects,alongwithotherstateofficials,clearlydominatedthebroadcastsoftheseradiostationsduringthepost-electionperiod.Incomparison,theNLD’sshareofthecoveragedidnotexceed2percentinanyofthethreemonths.Allthesubjectspresentedinthenewsprogrammesairedonthethreestationswereportrayedmostlypositively.

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AnotherprivateradioCityFMofferedsimilarcoverage,withclearfocusontheactivitiesoftheoutgoinggovernment.Thelatterreceived29percentofthecoverageinNovemberandmorethan60per cent of the coverage inDecember and January respectively. By contrast to thethreeabovementionedchannels,CityFMallocatedmoresignificantcoveragetotheNLD–asmuch as 18 per cent inNovember. At the same time, however,NLD’s coverage dropped tosome3percentinDecemberandJanuary.InNovember,BBC,RFAandVOAprovidedthebulkoftheircoveragetotheNLD(52percentin BBC, 42 per cent inVOA and 49 per cent in RFA),mainly in connectionwith the NLD’slandslidevictoryintheelections.Inthefollowingtwomonths,theamountofNLD’scoveragedid not exceed 40 per –whichwas comparable towhat the party received on these threeforeignchannelsduringthepre-electionperiod.Atthesametime,whiletheNLDreceivedthebulk of the coverage, BBC, RFA and VOA allocated considerable amount of airtime to thecoverage of activities of the state officials and institutions. The foreign services somewhatdiffered in theway they presented different actors,withBBCmaintainingmainly a neutraltone of coverage towards presented actors,whileVOApresenting amore critical approach(especially towards representatives of the government and Tatmadaw). Overall, while theportrayal ofNLDwasmainlypositive or neutral, theportrayal of the outgoing governmentandtheTatmadawtendedtobesomewhatnegative.5.5. NewspapersTherearecurrentlynumerousprintpublicationsavailableinthecountry,rangingfromdailynewspaperstoweeklyjournalsandmagazines.Whiletherewerespeculationsintermsofrealownership of some of the private publications, during pre-election period newspapersprovidedadiverserangeofviews.State-fundedpublicationsThe manner in which the two state-funded publications,Myanmar Ahlin (New Light ofMyanmar)andKyaymon(TheMirror),informedaboutpoliticalandelection-relatedeventsduring the firstmonitoringperiod -between8and28September2015 -was similar, frombothqualitativeandqualitativeperspective.Bothnewspapersclearlyprioritizedcoverageofstateauthorities, includingthepresident(andthevice-president), thegovernment, the localgovernment and the Tatmadaw.Outside of the free space allocation, the space allocated topoliticalpartieswasverylimited(nopartyreceivedmorethan2.6percentofthecoverage).Similartothestate-fundedbroadcasters,MyanmarAhlinallocatedfreespacetoallregisteredparties. Outside of the free space, however, the paper devoted most of its political andelection-relatedcoveragetothepresident(29.3percent),theTatmadaw(20.2percent),thegovernment (19.4percent), thevice-president (13percent)and the localgovernment (1.1percent)–whichwasaltogethermorethanthreequartersofthecoverage.Thiscoveragewasexclusivelypositiveorneutral.Anotherstate-controlleddaily,Kyaymondemonstratedsimilarapproach–itdevoted81.9percent to thecoverageof theauthorities.The toneof thecoveragewasagainoverwhelmingly

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positive orneutral.9By comparison, the coverageof theNLDwas verymarginal.As for thecoverage of other political parties, the most covered parties were theKayin Peoples Party (KPP)andtheNationalUnityParty(NUP)whichreceivedrespectively3.7percentofmainlypositivecoverage.Lookingatthepost-electionperiod,thestate-controllednewspapersKyaymonandMyanmarAhlin offered overwhelmingly large coverage of the ruling powers, while the oppositionpartiesweregivenextremelylimitedcoverage,withNLDpresentedinonlysome0.1percentof the coverage during the twomonths preceding the elections. In sharp contrast, theNLDwas given the largest single share of the coverage in both Kyaymon (39 per cent) andMyanmarAhlin(31percent)inNovember.SimilartothetrendnotedonMRTVandMyanmarradio, thecoverage inbothpapers inDecemberand Januarywasmoreconcentratedon theactivities of the outgoing government and the president which received the bulk of thecoverage.Atthesametime,however,theNLDwasprovidedwithcomparablecoveragetotheonegiventotheUSDP–whichrespectivelytotalledsome8percentinDecemberand2–3percentinJanuary(inbothstate-controllednewspapers).Asforthetoneofthecoverage,theportraitofallactorsandpoliticalpartiespresentedinthesedailieswaspositive.InFebruary,thestate-controllednewspaperscontinuedtoallocatethebulkoftheircoverageto the state authorities – but the coveragewas not so extensive as during the pre-electionperiod.Inaddition,Kyaymon, forexample,devotedamoresignificantcoveragetotheNLD–16.4percentofneutralcoverage.PrivatepublicationsThepre-electionmonitoringresultsindicatedthatmonitoredprivatepublicationscoveredthepolitical and election-related events from a different perspective than the state-controllednewspapers.Unlike the statepapers, theprivateones focused lesson theactivitiesof stateauthorities andwere not afraid to criticise them.While private papers covered a range ofpolitical parties (between 14 to 29 parties), the bulk of their coveragewent to the biggestopposition party, the National League for Democracy, which was portrayed mostly in apositiveandneutralway.WhileNLDalsoreceivedsomecriticism,itwasmuchlessthanothercoveredparties.DailiesDuring the firstmonitoring period, of the fivemonitored dailies,ElevenNews, 7Days andVoicedevotedthebiggestportionoftheircoveragetoelectioncampaign,withElevendevotingasmuchas56percenttotheNLD.Bycomparison,therulingUSDPreceived11.2percentofthe coverage.While the coverageof theNLDwasoverwhelminglypositive andneutral, theUSDP coverage was mainly neutral or negative. The next most covered entities were thegovernmentandtheTatmadawreceivingrespectively10.5and9.1percent.Thetoneofthe

9 Asmuchas96percentofthegovernment’scoveragewaspositive,3percentwasneutralandonly1per

centwasnegative.

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government’s coverage was mainly negative. Messenger and 7 days adopted a similarapproach.Voiceallocated two timesmorecoverage to theNLDthan to theUSDP(33.9against16percent). The paper was critical towards authorities, mainly to the Tatmadaw and thegovernment.DemocracyTodayalsogavemorespacetotheNLDthantheUSDPandgenerallyportrayedthesubjectsinaneutralmanner.WeekliesOf the three monitored weeklies, People Cause devoted 72.8 per cent of its political andelection-relatedcoveragetotheNLDinthefirstmonitoringperiod.Thiscoveragewasalmostexclusivepositive.Bycomparison, theUSDPreceivedonly1.2percentof suchcoverage. Ingeneral,thetwootherweekliesalsodevotedmorecoveragetotheNLDbutportrayedtheminamorebalancedway.Unlikelocalradiochannelsthatprovidedonlylimitedcampaignrelatedcoverage,printmediacoveredthecampaignintensively.Similartomonitoredradiochannels,alsomonitoredprintmediawereclearlydivided in theway theycovered thepoliticalandelection-relatednews,withthestate-fundedpapersMyanmarAhlinandKyaymonsupportingtherulingpowersandtheprivateones-ElevenNews,7Days,Voice,MessengerandPeopleCausetotheNLD.The private newspapers Democracy Today, Eleven News, Messenger, Myanmar Times,People’sCause,Tomorrow,Voiceand7Daysallcontinuedtofocustheircoverageprimarilyonthe NLD also in the period after the elections. Assessing the three-month period, the totalshare of the coverage that NLD received remained significant - almost all monitorednewspapersallocatedtheirlargestsharesofcoveragetoNLDinNovember.Table2:ShareoftheNLDcoverageinmonitoredprivatenewspapers(inpercentage)

Nov-15 Dec-15 Jan-16DemocracyToday 45 38 29ElevenNews 57 36 32Messenger 60 45 75

MyanmarTimes 66 43 58People’sCause 77 74 61Tomorrow 59 41 55Voice 50 45 367Days 61 52 42

Theportrayal of theNLD remained generallypositive in thepost-electionperiod, as itwasalsointhepre-electionperiod,yet,therewasaslightincreaseofcriticalcoverageinregardstotheactivitiesofthepartywhiletheportraitoftheoutgoinggovernmentandofficialswassomewhat less negative in comparison with the period prior to the elections. Two

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newspapers, Messenger and Tomorrow, offered significantly smaller amount of politicalcontentinDecemberandJanuarycomparedtothepreviousperiodsmonitored.5.6. OnlinemediaGiventhegrowingimportantofInternet,threeonlinewebportals–Irrawaddy,MizzimaandEleven News Group - were included into the monitoring. In general, all three monitoredonlineportalsdevotedthebulkoftheircoveragetotheNLDthatwasportrayedinapositiveorneutralway.Inthefirstmonitoringperiod,ElevenNewsGroupgaveasmuchas56percentofthecoverageto the NLDwhichwas overwhelmingly exclusively neutral and positive. By contrast, USDPreceived only 11.2 per cent of such coveragewhichwasmainly negative and neutral. BothIrrawaddy and Mizzima devoted more space to different parties, including the ArakanNationalParty (ANP), theDemocraticPartyFor aNewSociety (DPNS), theMroNationalityParty (MNP), theShanNationalitiesLeague forDemocracy (SNLD), and theDemocracyandHumanRightsParty(DHRP).Asforthecoverageofthetwomainfrontrunners,theybothgavemorespacetotheNLDthantheUSDP.10Duringthesecondmonitoringperiod(29Septemberand24October),onlinemediacontinuedto offer more space to different political parties than other monitored media. As for thecoverageofthetwofrontrunners,Irrawaddy,MizzimaandElevenNewsGroupdevotedmorecoveragetotheNLDthantheUSPD.WhiletheMIDmonitoringdidnotincludethesocialmedia,itisimportanttomentionthatthesocialmedia, in particular Facebook, played an important and active role in the campaign.Traditional media on their Facebook pages often provided links to their articles to attractmorereaders.As for the post-election period, online media Eleven News Group, Irrawaddy andMizzimaofferedsimilarpictureof thepoliticalactorsas theprivatenewspapers.TheyalsoallocatedmajorportionoftheircontenttotheNLDactivitiesinthepost-electionperiod.Table3:ShareoftheNLDcoverageinmonitoredonlinesources(inpercentage)

Nov-15 Dec-15 Jan-16ElevenNews 59 48 47Irrawaddy 64 50 42Mizzima 62 64 40

MonitoredonlinemediacontinuedtoprovideratherneutralorpositiveportrayaloftheNLDaswellastothemostpoliticalactorscovered.TheportrayaloftheUSDPwassomewhatmoreneutralinthepostelectionperiodcomparedtotheperiodpriortotheelections. 10 Irrawaddy.orgalsoofferedsomevideomaterialsdevoted to theelectioncampaign.Whileonly4parties

were covered - ANP, DPNS, NLD, USDP - only first three received significant, exclusively neutral andpositivecoverage.

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6. CONCLUSIONSData from the overall monitoring period revealed wide differences in the way politicalsubjects were portrayed and in the amount of coverage provided to different politicalsubjects. Pre-election and post-election monitoring periods indicated that media did notfollow the same standards of balance, fairness and impartiality, and some of them openlyshowed their sympathies towards particular political parties. The qualitative analysis alsoindicated that some media neglected to offer voters opposing views on particular stories.Newsreportsweremainlydrivenbyactivitiesofpoliticians- journaliststhemselvesusuallydid not try to dwell on problems, single them out. There was an apparent lack of moreanalyticalapproach,andconverselyreportsweresometimeslimitedtosuperficialcoverage.Voterswouldhavebenefited fromamore analytical and in-depth coverage that couldhelpthem to better analyse and assess the qualities and platforms of electoral contestants. Themedianeedtobemoreproactiveinsettingtheformatsoftheirelection-relatedreportingandtheirgeneralcoverageofelectionstobetterfacilitatetheexchangeofopinions,publicdebate,investigation and commentary that would offer the public fully informed, analysed andassessedviewsofpersonsseekingelectedoffice.Therewas a clear problem in theway the state-fundedmedia portrayed the campaign. Asrecipientsofpublicresources,state-fundedmediahaveanenhanceddutytoensurebalancedand fair treatment of politicians aswell as comprehensive reporting on politically relevantevents. They showed only the activities of state authorities and overwhelmingly from apositive perspective; whereas largely ignored any views independent of or critical of thegovernment during the pre-election period. There was generally no discussion on social,economicandpoliticalproblemsofthecountry,withnoinformationtothecitizensabouttheconsequencesofbadgovernance.Thecoverageoftheprivatemediawasdeeplydividedalongpolitical lines, with some showing their open support to the ruling powers and otherssupportingtheNLD.DVB,foreignradioservicesandprintmediacoveredthecampaignmostintensively.Monitored broadcast media covered daily campaign developments in special electionprogrammes (Election Chronicles)while news programmes, available to a larger audience,offeredonlylimitedcoverageofcampaigns.Instead,newsprogrammesfocusedoncoverageofgovernmentsandstateofficials,manyofwhomwerecandidatesintheelections.Therewasagenerallackofinvestigativeapproachaswellasalackofcriticalandindependentopinionsontheperformanceoftheauthorities.Itcanbeconcludedthatoverallsomemonitoredmediatriedtoprovidesuchcoveragebasedonwhichaninformedchoiceattheballotboxwouldbepossible.Thiswasmainlythankstoteleviseddebatesandspecialelectionprogrammes,aswellas thecoverage in theprintandonlinemedia.However,anumberofseriousproblemspersist.Theseincludethefactthattheeditorialpolicyofmediawasstilldeterminedbytheinterestofownersandnottheinterestsof the readers or viewers. In addition, contestants’ appearance in the news reports andarticleswassometimesdeterminednotbasedonnewsworthiness.

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The post-electionmonitoring revealed that the problems identified during the pre-electionperiod in themediawere not results of short-term anomalies but appear to have reflectedgeneralatmosphereofsignificantchangesinthepoliticalmakeupofthecountry.Assuch,thefindingsconfirmed‘activist-like’trendsinanumberofthemonitoredMyanmarmedia.Whileafter theelections themedia started to covermore intensivelypoliticalparties in thenewsprogrammes, they continued to show theirmore or less open preferences towards certainpoliticians and/or parties. In addition, there continued to be a general lack of investigativeapproach aswell as a lack of critical and independent opinions on the performance of theauthorities.Assuch,anumberof importantreformsandchangeswillbenecessary inorderforthemediatoprovidetheiraudiencewithamorediversecoverageofpoliticalviewsandopinions.

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7. RECOMMENDATIONSTheserecommendationsareofferedwithaviewtoimprovemediaenvironmentanditslegalframework, to enhance themedia coverage of political affairs in Myanmar and to supportefforts to bring it fully in line with international standards and other obligations andstandardsforhumanrights,includingfreedomofexpression,andfordemocraticelections.7.1. TotheGovernment:GeneralConsideration couldbe give to ratifyingof the International Covenant onCivil andPoliticalRights(ICCPR)andothercorehumanrightstreaties.Mediaindependence&diversityUnduerestrictionsonfreedomofexpressionshouldbeeliminatedfromthelegalframeworkin order to foster a free campaign environment and to ensure full respect for fundamentalfreedoms crucial to the conduct of democratic elections. The authorities should implementreformstobringthenation’slawsandpracticesinlinewithinternationalstandardsforpressfreedomandfreedomofexpression.The freedomand independenceof themedia shouldbe respected, as objective reporting isessentialduringanelectioncampaign.Stateauthoritiesshouldalwaysrefrainfrominterferinginactivitiesofthemediaandjournalistsasitunderminestheirindependence.Thelegalframeworkshouldbereviewedwithaviewtoencouragingbroadcasterstoprovideindependenteditorialpolicythatwouldresultinafair,impartialandcomprehensivecoverageof the campaign activities of candidates. Having such information in the news and currentaffairsprogrammeswouldhelpvotersinmakinginformedchoices.The media regulatory body that is to be formed under the 2015 Broadcasting Law shouldcreateconditions, includinggranting licences, thatwould leadtomore local-basedmediaaswellasamorediversebroadcastmediaenvironment,particularlyinthetelevisionsector.Thebodyshouldconsiderconductingitsownmediamonitoringtooverseethemediacompliancewiththe legislation,notablyduringelections.Suchactivitycouldcontributeto identificationofpartialandbiasedcoverageandhelptoprovideforapromptandeffectiveremedy.Statemediareform-PublicservicebroadcastingState-ownedandstate-controlledmediaareeasy targets forany stateauthoritieswilling tousethemaspropagandatools.TheauthoritiesshouldmoveaheadwiththeplanstotransformStatebroadcasters intoan independentpublic servicemedia thatwillprovide citizenswithimpartialandpoliticallybalanced informationonelectioncontestants.Themandateof suchpublic servicemedia should reflect public interests and should be based on independence,

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editorialfreedom,ethicsandnon-interferencebypoliticalparties.Thisincludesdevelopmentof impartial editorial practices, in order to provide the public with balanced coverage ofpoliticalopinionsduringandbeyondanelectionperiod.An independent controlling board should be formed as a controlling body to the DirectorGeneral,withpowerstoensureandenforcethattheprogrammingofthepublicbroadcasterisin compliance with its public service remit. The appointment procedures for the DirectorGeneralandformembersoftheboardshouldbeindependent,transparentandnotpoliticallymotivated and should provide for a more diverse membership of the board, includingrepresentatives of the civil society active and experienced in the media field. This isparticularly important in view of the fact that MRTV and other state-funded media havetended to yield to political pressure, adjusting their editorial line with a view to satisfypoliticalinterestsandnotinterestsofthepublic.AccesstoinformationTheFreedomofInformationActshouldenactmechanismstoensureproactivepublicationofinformation,includingonthewebsitesofallthepublicagencies.An accountability mechanism for the failure to provide public information or for notimpartingpublicinformationinatimelymannershouldbeestablished.Education&Legalawareness&MediaprofessionalismConsideration could be given to amending or abolishing laws allowing the criminalprosecution of journalists, particularly for charges of defamation and sedition, so that freeexpression and journalismarenot criminalized. Furthermore,measures shouldbe taken toensurethatcivilsanctionsarenotsolargeastonegativelyaffectfreedomofexpressionandaredesignedtorestore thereputationharmed,not tocompensate theplaintiffor topunishthedefendant.TransparencyofmediaownershipConsideration could be given to introducing legislation regulating transparency of mediaownership, with a view to ensuring public access to detailed information regarding theinvolvementofindividualsandoflegalentitiesintheownershipstructuresofthemediaandonthenatureandextentoftheirrespectiveinvolvement.Transparencyofmediaownershipisnot only important for the authorities in charge of implementing regulations concerningmediapluralismsotheycantakeinformeddecisions,butalsoforthepublictomakeitsownanalysisoftheinformation,ideasandopinionsexpressedbythemedia.Consideration could be given to reviewing the legislation so as to prevent any direct orindirectcross-ownership in thebroadcastmedia.Nosingleownermayownshares inothercompanies,includingthroughathirdparty.

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Consideration could be given to strengthening protection of media against inflammatoryspeech that breaches the law. At the same time, if applied, restrictions to the freedom ofexpressionshouldnotbedisproportionalinscopeandshouldnotbearbitraryandpoliticallymotivatedtolimittheexpressionofalternativepositions.7.2. TotheMediaandCivilsocietyMedia reporting should be balanced and factual, including coverage of the activities of theauthorities.Themediashouldbeconsistentinseparatingtheactivitiesofincumbentpowersfrom the activities they pursue as the representatives of political parties running in theelection. No privileged treatment should be given to state authorities by themedia duringelectioncampaigns.Mediashouldbeabletocriticizeactivitiesorinactionbytheauthoritiesandotherofficialbodieswhoseactivitiesarefinancedfromthepublicmoney,to investigatecorruption and other wrongdoings and they should not face any pressure in the form ofretaliation.11The media should refuse all open or furtive expressions of intolerance and will considerthoughtfully if publication of such expressions is not conducive to defamation and ridiculebased on sex, race, colour, language, faith and religion, affiliation with national or ethnicminorityorethnicgroup,socialdifference,politicalorotheropinion.Media should continue and strengthen their mechanisms of self-regulation, includingadoptinginternalCodeofEthics.Inaddition,self-regulatorybodiessuchasthePressCouncilcouldconsiderreinforcingprofessionalstandardsandmedia literacy throughmore trainingprogrammesforjournalists.Mediamonitoringactivitiesshouldbecomestrongandon-goingprocess,bothinquantitativeandqualitativemode, toprovide a feedback to the sector, and to fostermediaprofessionalandethicalstandards.Themedia should avoid broadcasting amessagebasedonunverified information, rumoursandwithanintentiontoarouseascandalorforpropagandapurposes.Ifitdecidesthatsuchamessageissomehowimportant,despitethefactthatitcan’tbeverified,itshouldbroadcastitwithawarningsayingthatthemessageisnotverified.Animportantcriterionistoseparatefactsfromcommentsthatshouldn’tbepartofthenews-providingsectionofanewscast.

11 Consideration could be given to better selection of information with the goal of featuring in the

primetimenewsprogrammeonlyeventsofimportanceforthesocio-politicalcontext,i.e.eventsthatarenewsworthy for the station’s target group. In reporting on economic and development projects forwhichthegovernment isresponsibleandinwhichthegovernmentparticipatesonly ina formalsense(openingofsectionsofhighway,factories,bridges…),focusshouldbeplacedonthesignificanceoftheseprojects for the community, putting citizens, engineers, farmers and so on into the foreground.Astrongeranalyticalapproachshouldbeensured.Theviewsofindependentrelevantpeopleshouldalsobeoffered.

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Themedia should followprofessional standardsaswell reporting techniquesandmethods.Theyshouldensurethateverypieceofnewscontainsonlyfactscorrespondingtorealityandwhose veracitywill be verifiedby independent sources quoted therein. Journalists, editors,producers and proprietors should spare no effort to make the distributed informationcorrespondwithtruthandconscience.Thefactsshouldbemediatedwithoutanydistortionsandintheirrespectivecontexts.Ifaflawedmessageispublisheditshouldbefollowedbyanimmediateapology.On contrary, media should avoid adjusting data and facts in a manner that would distortrealityandindeterminingtheorderof importanceoftheindividualpiecesof informationitshould impartially and objectively provide, distinguishing between relevant and irrelevantinformation. Likewise, they should not manipulate picture or sound so that the choice ofwords or other means of expression, change in tone, shift of stress or editing will notdeliberatelydisplacethemeaningorvalueofthemessage.Considerationcouldbegiventocreatingnewplatformsfordiscussion,trainings,studiesandself-reflection on the media, including in the regions, to enhance the current level ofjournalisticprofession.Thiswouldhelpmanagers, journalistsandstudentsto increasetheirprofessional capacity andwould also improve the current level ofmedia literacy.Access tovariouseducationalresources,suchasbooks,databases,methodology,researchmagazines,aswell as a chance to exchange experience through international media networks andjournalistic associations would also help in achieving these efforts. It is also important tostrengthenlegalawarenessofjournalists,includinguseoflegalprotectionmechanisms.7.3. TotheInternationaldonors:Continue supporting regular training programmes and schemes in complex media-relatedareas, including programming, news coverage, business planning, new technologies forMyanmarjournalists&mediaoutlets.Giventheoverall lackofhigh-qualityreporting,considerationshouldbegiventosupportingactivities aimed at raising professional standards, including adherence to internationallyrecognized ethical codes and standards for balanced and objective reporting and newspresentation.

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ANNEX LISTOFPARTIESREGISTEREDFORTHE2015GENERALELECTIONSAkhaNationalDevelopmentPartyAllNationals'DemocracyArakanNationalPartyArakanPatriotPartyAshoChinNationalPartyBamarPeople`sPartyConfederateFarmersPartyDaingnetNationalDevelopmentPartyDanuNationalDemocracyPartyDanuNationalOrganizationPartyDaweiNationalitiesPartyDemocracyandHumanRightsPartyDemocraticPartyForaNewSocietyDemocracyPartyForMyanmarNewSocietyEasternShanStateDevelopmentDemocraticPartyEthnicNationalDevelopmentPartyFederalUnionPartyGuidingStarPartyChinDemocracyLeagueChinProgressivePartyInnNationalDevelopmentPartyInnNationalLeaguePartyKachinDemocraticPartyKachinNationalCongressforDemocracyKachinStateDemocracyPartyKaManNationalDevelopmentPartyKarenNationalPartyKayahUnityDemocracyPartyKayinDemocraticPartyKayinStateDemocracyandDevelopmentPartyKayingUnityDemocracyPartyKhaMeNationalDevelopmentPartyKhumiNationalParty

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LeagueChinNationalDemocraticPartyLhaovoNationalUnityandDevelopmentPartyLisuNationalDevelopmentPartyModernPeoplePartyMonNationalPartyMroNationalDemocracyPartyMroNationalityPartyMyanmarFarmer’sDevelopmentPartyMyanmarNationalCongressNationalDemocraticForceNationalDemocraticPartyforDevelopmentNationalDevelopmentPartyNationalDevelopmentandPeacePartyNationalLeagueforDemocracyNationalPoliticalAllianceNationalProsperityPartyNationalUnityCongressPartyNegotiation,StabilityandPeacePartyNewEraUnionPartyNewNationalDemocracyPartyNewSocietyPartyPartyKayahStatePeaceforDiversityPartyPeopleDemocracyPartyPeople`sPartyofMyanmarFarmersAndWorkersPhlone-SqawDemocraticPartyPublicContributeStudentsDemocracyPartyShanNationalitiesLeagueforDemocracyShan-ni&NorthernShanethnicssolidaritypartyShanStateKokangDemocraticPartyTai-LengNationalitiesDevelopmentPartyUnionDemocraticPartyUnionFarmerForcePartyUnionPa.ONationalOrganizationUnionSolidarityandDevelopmentPartyUnityandDemocracyPartyofKachinStateWaDemocraticPartyWomenParty(Mon)WunTharNuDemocraticParty

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ZomiCongressforDemocracyZoNationalRegionDevelopment88GenerationDemocracyParty