Ashmore Article

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Site-Planning Principles and Concepts of Directionality among the Ancient MayaAuthor(s): Wendy AshmoreReviewed work(s):Source: Latin American Antiquity, Vol. 2, No. 3 (Sep., 1991), pp. 199-226Published by: Society for American ArchaeologyStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/972169 .

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SITE-PLANNING PRINCIPLES AND CONCEPIS OFDIRECIIONALI1Y AMONG THE ANCIENT MAYAWendyAshmore

Manysocieties use architectureor symbolic expression,and oftenbuildingsor otherconstructions onstitutemaps of a culture'sworldview.Archaeological dentification f such ideationalexpressions s receivingrenewedattention, n the Maya area as in manyother regions.Excavations n 1988-1989 in Groups8L-10 through8L-12, Copan, Honduras,weredesignedto examine a particularmodel of ancient Maya site planning and spatialorganization, n which heprinciplesof architectural rrangement nd theirdirectionalassociationsderiveromMaya cosmology. This paper describesthe model and its archaeologicalevaluation at Copan and discussesinterpretivemplicationsof the specificresults obtained, in the context of other ongoing studies in epigraphy,iconography, nd archaeology.Muchas de las sociedadesmundialesexpresansus ideologiasa travesde la arquitectura, frecuentementeosedificiosu otras construccio es sirvencomo mapas de la cosmologia de una sociedad.La ident ficacionde talesusossimbolicosadquieremas relevanciaarqueologica n anos recientes, n el area mayacomo en otros ugares.Excavacionesen 1988-1989 en los Conjuntos8L-10 a 8L-12, Copan,Honduras,se orientarona probarunmodeloantiguodeplanificacion rquitectonicamaya, unmodeloen el cual el origendelarreglo de la orientacionde la arquitectura e derivade la cosmologia maya. Especgflcamentel modelo afirma quese establecieronosConjuntos L-10 a 8L-12 intencionalmente omo apicenortenode un patron triangularmicrocosmico queesaposicionse asocio con el cielo en donde vivieron os antepasadosreales.Por las excavacionesde 1988-1989 seencontraronmas de 100 rasgos de esculturaarquitectonica una serie de depositosceremoniales esconditestumbas)entre los cualesse han identificado videnciasde conmemoraciondel Rey 18 Conejo,ya muerto,y desu dinastia.Este articulodescribe l modeloy las pruebasarqueologicas, indica as implicacionesnterpretativasde los resultados, or el contextomasampliode estudios orrientes n laepigrafita,a iconografita, laarqueologia.

Symbolicmanipulation of space is a common theme in architecture he world over (e.g., Blier1987; Fernandez1977;Lawrenceand Low 1990;Tuan 1977). Eventhe most mundanecomponentsofthe builtenvironmenthave oftenbeen shown to convey richsymbolic messages.Diverseanalystshave demonstrated hat, in many cultures, house layouts define separable ocations for activitiesassociatedwith differentgendersand with variable evels of ritualpurity,domestic intimacy,socialstanding, and the like. In this manner, house interiors often constitutemicrocosms, or worldviewmaps,providingever-present patialcharts of the emic structureof social and ideologicalrelation-ships(e.g., Bourdieu1973, 1977;Donley 1982;Douglas 1972; Hodder 1984, 1987, 1990;Nabakovand Easton 1989).Comparableanalyses of symbolically structured pace have focused at both smaller and largerscales,from burialsand otherrelatively compactritual deposits, to entirecommunities and widerlandscapes e.g.,Benson 198 1;Coe 1988; Fritz 1978; Hodder 1984, 1990; Tavon 199 1;Taylor 1987;Tuan 1977). Withinthis overall range of foci, public buildingsand buildingcomplexes(includingelite, chiefly, or royal domiciles) have likewise been identified as microcosms(e.g., Leach 1983),and as among the least subtle in their symbolic portrayalof cosmic and social structuring.Suchcivic architecturerequently ocuseson placingpolitical and/orreligious eaders n locationswhichthemselves convey authority; est any miss the point of such placement, the locations are oftenmarkedwith multipleand redundantmessagessignalingauthority,via symbolsappropriate o the

WendyAshmore, epartmentofAnthropology,ouglassCampus,P.O. Box270, Rutgers-TheStateUniversityof NewJersey,NewBrunswickNJ 08903-0270Latin American Antiquity, 2(3), 1991, pp. 199-226.Copyright t 1991 by the Society for American Archaeology

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200 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIOUITY [Vol. 2, No. 3, 1991

particularculture (e.g., Fritz 1978, 1986; Kuper 1972; Niles 1987; Steinhardt 1986; Tuan 1977).Forms of marking nclude imposing mass, distinct architectural orms (e.g., the dome shape of manystate and federalcapitals n the United States),and representational dornmentalluding o authority(e.g., inscriptions, sculptures, mural painting). What is important here is that the marking alsoinvolves location, often but not always prominentlycentral, within the civic center and the com-munity as a whole.For the ancient Maya, studies of spatial symbolism in architecturalarrangementare receivingrenewedattention. The oldest and best-knownanalyses have been archaeoastronomical nes (e.g.,Aveni 1980; Aveni and Hartung 1986; Ruppert 1977), and some analysts have examined thesimultaneous architecturalexpression of both astronomical and political symbolism (Aveni andHartung 1978; Coggins 1980; Fialko 1988; Fox 1987, 1991; Laporteand Fialko 1990; Miller 1985;Schele 1977; Tate 1985). Various recent studies have treated an expanded range of symbolicallystructured patial arrangements e.g., Ashmore 1980; Clancy 1988; Coe 1988; Freidel and Schele1988b:556;Hammond 1987;Justesonet al. 1988:106-107; Wren 1989). And several(e.g., Ashmore1986; Ashmore, comp. 1989; Coe 1965; Coggins 1980; de Montmollin 1988; Fox 1987, 1991;Freidel 1986; Schele 1977; Tate 1985) have suggested hat, like counterpartsn many other cultures,Maya buildings and civic centers were laid out as microcosms, arrangingarchitectureso as tosymbolically equate the architectural enter of civic power with the center of the universe.This paper outlines some principles believed to have structuredancient Maya symbolic space,presents a hypothesis about the specific symbolism involved, and summarizes nitial evaluationsof the hypothesisconducted n a pair of buildingcompoundsat Copan, Honduras Ashmore 1989a,1989b; Ashmore, comp. 1988, 1989). The two compounds likely served as elite residences,but aswill be arguedbelow, they probablyhad wider civic roles as well. The research s still exploratory,and the interpretations fferedshould be viewed as propositions,rather han confirmed onclusions.Still, the implications of findings o date reinforcea growingbelief that this kind of researchholdsmuch promise for expandingarchaeological tudy of ancient belief systems, Maya and other.

THE MODEL:A SET OF PRINCIPLESAND THEIR INFERRED MEANINGA prime focus of this paper is ancient Maya use of cardinal directions as symbolically chargedpositions in architectural rrangements.Other analysts (e.g., Brotherston1976; Coe 1965; Coggins1980, 1988c; Marcus 1973; Roys 1967; Schele and Freidel 1990:66-77) have discussed symbolismof cardinalorientations n settlement patterns,ritual behavior, and other aspects of Maya culture.Notably, they have tended to infer the primacy of the east-west dimension (especiallyas the pathof the sun's movement) in structuring patial relations, and the paramount mportanceof east asthe direction associated with strengthand potency. They have noted frequently, or example, thatsixteenth-centurymaps placed east at the top, where we would conventionally place north. Thepresent paper does not contradict these previous arguments,but contends that a north-south di-mension was recognizedanciently in addition, and constitutes part of an evolving exploration ofthe potential symbolic meanings associated with that dimension.More specifically,this researchcenters on a particular et of site-planningprinciples involvingcardinal directions, as outlined elsewhere in some detail (Ashmore 1986, 1987a, 1987b, 1989a;Coggins 1967). It is only one of multiple such sets, or spatial templates, recognized n Maya sites(Ashmore 1986; Freidel 1979; Freidel et al. 1990; Matheny 1987) but is one whose presence hasbeen identified in various Maya centers from the Late Preclassic ca. 400 B.C.-A.D. 100) throughat least the Late Classic (ca. A.D. 600-900). The template in question combines the followingprinciples: 1) emphaticreference o a north-southaxis in site organization; 2) formaland functionalcomplementarityor dualism between north and south; (3) the addition of elements on east and westto form a triangle with the north, and frequentsuppressionof marking he southern position; (4)

the presence n many cases of a ball courtas transitionbetweennorth and south;and (5) the frequentuse of causeways to emphasize connections among the cited elements, thereby underscoring hesymbolic unity of the whole layout.Drawing on data and interpretivearguments from various sources (e.g., Coggins 1967, 1980;


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SITE-PLANNINGNDDIRECTIONALITYMONG HEMAYA 201Ashmore]

Figure 1. Reconstructed view of Twin Pyramid Complex (Group 4E-4), Tikal, Guatemala (illustration byNorman Johnson, reproducedcourtesy of the Tikal Project, The University Museum, University of Pennsylvania).

Freidel 1981; Gossen 1974; Guillemin 1968; Schele and Miller 1986;Tedlock 1985), this set ofprincipleswas linked to the following ancient cosmologicalconcepts, some of them pan-meso-american (Ashmore 1989a): (1) a multilayereduniverse,with a sky of many levels in which theroyal ancestorslived, and a wateryunderworldbelow the naturalworld, likewisewith multiplelayers,where supernaturalsived and which served as the setting for the primordialordealsofmythological Iero Twins;(2) the unificationof these layers n time via the cyclesof the sun,moon,Venus,and other celestialbodies;(3) verticalconnections n spacebetween the naturalworld andthe supernaturaldomains-for example, via the four bacabsholdingup the corners of the sky,mountains mediatingbetweensky and earth,or caves linkingthe earthwith the underworld; nd(4) a division of the world in fourpartsapparently orrespondingo cardinaldirections seebelow),plus a centralposition,each partwith its diagnosticcolorand distinctivelife forms.Thepostulatedarticulationof architecturalorm and its inferred osmologicalmeaning hereafterreferred o jointly as "the model") is best exemplified n the Twin PyramidComplexes of Tikal(Figure1; Coggins1980; see also Ashmore1989a;Jones 1969). In thesecomplexes,pyramids lankeast andwest sidesof a spaciousplaza;one interpretation iewed thepyramid erraces s stepsusedby the sun in its daily transitthrough he sky (Guillemin1968). Bounding he southof the plaza isa single-roombuildingwith ninedoorways, hought o standfor theunderworldwith its Nine Lordsof the Night. Oppositethis building,on the north, is an unroofedenclosurehousinga singlestelaand its altar. If south is symbolically he underworld nd"downs' n these groups, hen northmustbe ';up,"or the celestial supernatural ealm. The rulerportrayedon the northernstela therebysymbolicallybecomes supernaturalby placinghis portraitin the northern position-that is, heascendsto the sky and is equatedwith his ancestors(e.g., Coe 1988:235;Miller 1985:7-8;Swiat1990). For the moment, however,the point is the provisional nterpretation f each complexas amap of the universe, a microcosm,with the rulerplacedin a positionof consummatepower.Boththe Twin Pyramid Complexesand the model underlying hem are well-structuredxpressionsofpoliticalsymbolism.


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[Vol.2, No. 3, 1991202 LATINAMERICANANTIQUITY

North Acropolis

4tN MA G 1 1 11 * * X \2 l

4 Temple I ||>11l ;0

, a \ W E X _ a

| , , I , I - _

Figure 2. Plan of Great Plaza area, Tikal, Guatemala, highlighting architectural features cited in text. Solidblack symbols are stelae and altars. (Redrawn after Tikal Report No. 11 [Carr and Hazard 19611 and Coe andLarios 119881, courtesy of the Tikal Project, The University Museum, University of Pennsylvania; inking by C.Carrelli.)

The same model, with the additionof a ball court, is repeated n the GreatPlazaareaof Tikal(Figure2; Guillemin 1968).TemplesI and II arethe eastand west pyramids,Str.SD-120 (withitsninedoorways)marksthe south,andthe NorthAcropolis,with its royaltombsandstelae,occupiesthe north.On an even granderscale, and likewisewith a ball courtat center,the model accountsfor the placementof the largestconstructionsof Ruler B, Yax Kin Caan Chac (Ashmore 1987a,1987b, 1989a). In the lattercase(Figure3), west andeastare,respectivelyTemplesIV andVI (alsocalledthe Templeof the Inscriptions),while a Twin PyramidComplex,Group3D-2, occupiesthenorth.2 ndeed,in this expressionof the template,the ruler s doublyplacedin the heavens,forhisportraitoccupiesthe northernelement(stelain the enclosureof Group3D-2) of a largernorthernelement(Group3D-2 in the largerarrangement).The southis eithermarkedby Str.SD-120 or leftapparentlyunmarked,and understoodto lie below the earth'splane, literallyin the underworld;


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aW,e S ,, : , S.,/Figure 3. Map of Tikal, Guatemala. Grid squares are 500 m on a side and oriented to magnetic north.(Reproduced courtesy of the Tikal Project, The University Museum, University of Pennsylvania.)

such implicit but archaeologically invisible"marking s compatiblewith Maya artisticconventionsin other media, such as the "stackingprinciple"recently described by Freidel and his colleagues(Freidel 1981 218, 1986; Freidelet al. 1991; see also Scheleand Miller 1986). Like the Twin PyramidComplexes, these other Tikal arrangementsare interpretedas political assertions, equivalent incontent (linking the sovereign to symbolicallypowerfulpositions) though more imposing in scale.Several microcosmic arrangementsmay also be present at Copan during its Late Classic peak(Figure4). The largestappearssimilar to the grandplan at Tikal, and again a ball court (here,within

: < s z :^

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L


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204 LATINAMERICANANTIQUITY [Vol.2, No. 3, 1991


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the PrincipalGroup)occupied the center.East, west, and north points wereoccupiedby imposingarchitecturalgroups, each approximately 1 km from the ball court. In Copan, these groupsare,respectively,Groups8N-11, 9J-4 and 9J-5, and 8L-10 through8L-12. South may have been un-marked,althoughthe Acropolis (discussed below; see also Miller 1988), the Copan River (JuliaMiller,personalcommunication1990), and/or a small complex with frogsculptures,south of theriver(EleanorKing,personalcommunication 1990), mighthave stood for this wateryunderworldposition.3Copan'seast and west groups are linked to the center by the only causewaysknownin this area,a 25-km2pocket of the Copan River valley (see below and Fash 1983b).Moreover,at the east endof this pocket, Linda Schele and Nicolai Grube (1988) have identified a reference to an "eastquadrant"on Copan Stela 13. Stela 19 may mark anothersuch "quadrant,"his time in the west(Grubeand Schele 1988). These texts and the causewaysappear to supportthe previouslycitedcontentionthat a conceptualeast-west axis existedamong the ancient Maya,at least at Copan;noequivalentstelaeare knownin northernor southernpositionsthere.It is importantto note that the foregoing nterpretationsweredevelopedwith data collectedforother investigativereasons.Before 1988, with one partial,non-Mayaexception(Ashmore 1985,1987c),neitherexcavationnor otherinvestigationhad been undertaken pecifically o explorethisoranysimilarsite-planningmodel.The Copan NorthGroup Project ProyectoArqueologicoCopande Cosmologia)was thereforecreated, by contract with the InstitutoHondureno de Antropologiae Historia,primarily o examine the symbolicimplications of the modeldescribedhere, by meansof excavations n thenorthernarchitectural roupsatCopan. For thisreason,Groups8L-10through8L-12 are referred o hereafter,collectively,as the "CopanNorth Group." If the directionalasso-ciations of the model are valid, the northernposition stood specifically or the sky, where the suncrossed at midday and where the royal ancestorsresided (Ashmore 1987a, 1987b, 1989a). Onewouldthen expectarchaeologicallyo encounter n the North Groupmaterial ndices of symbolismpointingto celestial, royal, ritual,and "northern"associations.Because of the multiple and oftenredundant ormsand mediaof Mayasymbolism, the manifestationsof thesethemeswerepredictedonly to the level of specifying hat ( l ) genres n whichsymbolicexpressionwaslikely(e.g., sculpture,hieroglyphic exts, and ritualdeposits [caches and/or burials])should be encountered,and (2) thefindsshouldpreferentially nvolve the cited north-linked hemes.This projectconstitutesthe firstarchaeological valuationof the existenceand symbolic associ-ations of ancientMayaconcepts of direction. No claim is made herethat the evaluation has beendefinitive.Among other things, the samples of all data categoriesare small, and it is not alwaysclear how the expectationsof the model might be unambiguously alsifiedby further esting.Nev-ertheless t would appearthat (1) the materialsymbolsencounteredby the project are remarkablytightlypatterned n their observablecharacteristics, nd (2) the most parsimonious nterpretationof the patterns, at present,is that offeredby the model (see Kelley and Hanen 1988). Althoughsome of the interpretations fferedbelow arefrankly peculative, heyare presentedas formulationsfor furtherexploration, in the North Group or other settings.Indeed, concurrentwith the citedarchaeologicalresearch,other scholars have continued explorationof linguistic,epigraphic,andother data concerningrepresentation nd significanceof directionality n the Maya world(Bricker1983,1988; Closs 1988a,1988b; Coggins1986,1988a; GrubeandSchele 1988;Miller 1988;Scheleand Grube 1988). These independentperspectivesare consideredbelow, following summary ofprojectresults.

COPAN AND THE NORTH GROUP PROJECTCopanis a major Mayacenter in the highlandsof westernHonduras.Known to outsiders sincethe sixteenthcentury, the main ruins have long been consideredamong the most beautifularchi-

205shmore] SITE-PLANNINGNDDIRECTIONALITYMONG HEMAYA

Figure 4. Map of eastern part of Copan Valley pocket, highlighting Groups 8L-10 and 8L-12 and otherfeatures discussed in text. (Redrawn after Fash and Long 119831,courtesy of the Instituto Hondureno de Antro-pologia e Historia and William L. Fash; inking by C. Carrelli.)


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206 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 2, No. 3, 1991

tecturaland sculpturalmonuments of the ancient Americas. Archaeological xcavations have beenconducted intermittentlysince 1834 (e.g., Gordon 1896; Longyear 1952; Morley 1920), and somehalf-dozen nterrelated esearchprojectshave operatedcontinuouslythere since 1975 (e.g., Baudez1983; Fash 1988; Fash and Fash 1990; Fash and Stuart 1991; Sanders 1986, 1990; Webster andGonlin 1988; Willey and Leventhal 1979; Willey et al. 1978). Precolumbianoccupationextends intime from the Early Preclassic (ca. 1000 B.C.) through the Postclassic (after A.D. 900), with thedate and timing of local decline being a subjectof currentdebate (Websterand Freter1990a).Withinthat overall span, the local dynastic record opens in the mid-fifth century A.D. with the dynasty'sfounder, Yax K'uk M'o, and apparentlyends rather abruptly in 822, when a little-known rulersucceeds Yax Pac, the sixteenth and last great sovereign (Fash and Stuart 1991; Grube and Schele1987). The bulk of settlement remains in the region occupy a 25-km2 pocket of the Copan Rivervalley, where rich alluvium and adjacenthillslopes supportedan agricultural opulationestimatedto have reacheda Late Classic peak of about 9300-11,500 (Websterand Freter 1990b). Epigraphic,iconographic,and other studies have combined with archaeological esearch o document in richdetail Copan's political, demographic,and economic development, on which new discoveries andinsights continue to emerge on what sometimes seems a daily basis.Groups 8L- 10 through8L- 12, collectively designatedCopan's"North Group,"are located in the"Salamar" ector of the Copan pocket (Figures4 and 5; Fash and Long 1983). Within this sectoris Morley's "Group 6" (mislabeledas Group 5 on his 1920 map), which he describedas "a smallgroup containing a very elaborately sculpturedtemple, which, judging from the fragments yingaround, must have been one of the most beautiful in the valley" (Morley 1920:13). The latterstatement surely pertains to Groups 8L-10 and/or 8L-12 specifically, hough equally surely muchof the sculptureobservable at that time has since been removed by persons unknown. Together,these groups occupy a naturalpromontoryoverlooking the PrincipalGroup and much of the sur-roundingvalley. On the surface, he imposing compounds appear o be elite residences, ike Group9N-8 in the Sepulturas one (Webster 1989; Websteret al. 1986).

A decade ago, the HarvardUniversity Copan Project tested the plazas of the two largergroups,indicating that occupation in both was brief, late (Late Classic Coner ceramic complex; ca. A.D.700-?900), and relatively uncomplicated in constructionaldevelopment (William Fash, personalcommunication 1986). Fragmentsof sculpture rom fallen facademosaics were noted near Strs. 8L-74 (Group 8L-10) and 8L-87 (Group 8L-12). In February 1988, AnnCorinne Freter excavatedanother 12 test pits in and around Group 8L- 10, as part of OperationXL of the Proyecto Arqueo-logico Copan (PAC),and artifactsshe recovered ndicatedthat the complex had served as residenceto a noble family (A. Freter, personal communication 1988). A single fallen element of mosaicsculpturewas recovered,north of Str. 8L-73.The Copan North Group Project conducted 13 weeks of fieldwork n 1988-1989. As PAC Op-eration XLII in both years, project personnel completed a total of 49 test excavations. Because ofpermit provisions, excavations neither penetratedsubstructuremasses nor cleared superstructureplans. Work focused instead on plazas of the two groups (i.e., on and within the constructionofplatforms supportingthe compounds) and areas just outside the groups (e.g., middens, areas oftumbled construction). Information was sought on the dates of construction and occupation foreach group, as well as any and all activities carriedout there. The latter goal emphasized, but wasnot limited to, seekingremains of ancient symbolic declarations, specially n the form of sculptureand/or ritual deposits. The purposive sampling strategy herefore ocused attention on excavationforms and locations deemed maximally likely to discover such materials. For caches and burials,test pits probed building or stair corners and central axes exterior to the constructionproper;forsculpture,excavationsclearedalong buildingsides. The resultingexcavation sample clearlyremainslimited in some important respects (e.g., ritual deposits may well remain undiscovered within

maJor burials (B) and caches (C) discussed lnst8eLtxlFsalnddL=12) Key buildings are labeled as


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/ N MAG0 20 Ml l l

buildingnumbersandoperationnumberXLII-for burialsand caches.(Redrawn,withamendments, fterFashandLong119831, ourtesyof the InstitutoHondurenode Antropologia Historia; nkingby C. Carrelli.)


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LATINAMERICANANTIQUITY [Vol.2, No. 3, 199108

l} l'

/ l \ \ 0 10cm

Figure6. Sculpture romStr. 8L^74,Copan,depictingstingray-spinebloodletter CPN 15031; nkingby C.Carrelli).buildingmasses).Nevertheless,as assertedearlier, he patternsobserved n extantdatasets suggestprovisional nterpretationsusefulto stimulatediscussionandto guidefurther xcavations,hereandelsewhere.The followingparagraphseviewthe datamost directlypertinent o the model,as recovered romthe two largerunits, SL-10 and SL-12, of the Copan North Group (see Ashmore, comp. [19SS,l989] for more complete data summaries).In both, abundantevidence testifiedto domestic oc-cupation in the Late Classic. Such artifactsas manos and metates represented ood-preparationactivities, and analysisof the chipped-stoneremainshas isolateddistinctareasof productionforobsidian and chert implements(Gajewski l9SS, l989). Ceramicforms likewiseaccordwith resi-dentialuse, and domesticmiddenswerefoundin eachgroup.The most markedcontrastsbetweenthe two compounds,however,and the evidencebearingon the model lie in theirsculpture,caches,burials,and perhapsarchitecturalorms.


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SITE-PLANNINGNDDIRECTIONALITYMONG HEMAYA 2C9Ashmore]

OP.XLllCPN * 15 0 58Copan Ruinas

Figure 7. Sculpture from Str. 8L^74, Copan, depicting bird tentatively identified as Vucub Caquix or SevenMacaw (Tedlock 1985) (CPN 15058; drawing by J. G. Arias; inking by R. Murcia).Group 8L-10

In GroupSL-10, 89 fragmentsof sculpturewere recoveredfrom aroundStr. SL-74. While thistotal is considerablysmallerthan the 231 piecesrecoveredfromStr.9N-82 (Fash 1986:340)-the"Scribe'sPalace,"in the Sepulturaszone-the contrastis probablydue in part to quite differentdegreesof clearingin the two locations, and perhapsto greaterstone robbingat Str. 8L-74 (seeabove). The spatialdistributionof sculpturalmotifs is also distinct in the two locations.That is,contrary o the patternof bilateralsymmetry n motifs at Str.9N-82 and otherbuildingsat Copan(e.g.,Fash 1986, 1989),the distribution romStr. 8L-74 is not symmetricalalongthe lengthof thefacade romwhichtheyhadfallen.Clustering f motifssuggests hepresenceoftwo distinctbuildings.Oneinferredbuildingappears o havebornesculpturewiththemesof sacrifice, itual,andreferenceto the heavens. Sculptural cons includeda stingray-spinebloodletter(Copansculpture nventorynumberCPN 15031; Figure6), largedeity masks (e.g., CPN 15000), and a jewel-bedeckedbird(CPN 15058; Figure7), thought to representVucub Caquix,a form of the PrincipalBird Deitydiscussedby Bardawil 1976) and Taube(1987).4These motifsaremore reminiscentof decorationon buildingswith ritual function in the PrincipalGroup (e.g., Fash 1988) than on known eliteresidenceselsewhere n the community(e.g., Webster1989).Farthernorth,but supportedby the same substructure latform,wasanotherbuilding,the facadeof which carrieda hieroglyphic ext (Figure8), rendered n a distinctivemedallion-likesculpturalform.The text includesa calendar-rounddate,8 Lamat6 Tzec?most likelycorrespondingo Mayalong-countpositions of 9.15.6.14.8, 9.17.19.9.8, or perhaps 10.0.12.4.8 (see below). (Using the584,283 correlation, hese datescorrespond o Gregorianequivalentsof 3 May 738, 20 April 790,and 7 April 842.) The same text also mentionsthe name of a Copanruler,knownas 18 Jogor 18Rabbit,who was capturedby CauacSky of Quiriguaon 9.15.6.14.6 (1 May 738), and beheaded


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LATINAMERICANANTIQUITY [Vol. 2, No. 3, 199110

a 4 b a - ' 0 c f d

etX fX gXFigure8. Fallen facadetext elements(a-g) recovered romwest side of Str. 8L=74,Copan.Medallionsareeach 26-31 cm in diameter see text for CPN numbers;nkingsby C. Carrelli).

probablyon the same date (e.g., Fash and Stuart1991;Miller 1988:166;Scheleand Miller 1986:252; Scheleet al. 1989:4).5The text remainsincomplete,but fromtheirrelativepositionsas fallenalong the west side of Str. 8L-74, the north-to-south(i.e., reading)orderof the seven recoveredmedallions s as follows:elderbrother CPN 15011;decipheredby Stuart 1989b];Figure8a),house(CPN 15001;otot;Figure8b), 18 Rabbit(CPN 15076;Figure8c), God K (CPN 15006;Figure8d),8 Lamat(CPN 15064; Figure8e), 6 Tzec (CPN 15021; Figure8f), hel (CPN 15054; Figure8g).6WilliamRingle(personalcommunication1991),amongothers,suggests he inscription ikelyservesto identifythebuildingas the houseof oneof 18Rabbit'srelatives.Thestringof medallionsculpturesalso includedportraitsof deities of the sun and moon, thoughthese werenot discoveredarchaeo-logically(see Note 6). For the moment,the most importantobservationsaboutthedatafrom "Str."8L-74are (1)the presenceof an inscriptionreferringo an actorevent involvingtheruler18 Rabbit,probablyalreadydeceased,or his brother; 2) the juxtapositionof a pairof opposites(thebuildingswith contrasting acadeprograms)on a north-southaxis;and (3) an elaborationof abstract hemesin both sets of sculpture,with a correspondingackof personalportraiture r otherrepresentationof individualsliving in the compound.These points arediscussedfurtherbelow, alongwith spec-ulationson the overallcontentof the incompletetext.

Two cacheswereencountered n Group8L-10. CacheXLII-1 was locatedin what was thoughta likely placefor a ritualdeposit, adjacentto the southeastcornerof the frontalstairon the southside of the compound.It compriseda singlehemispherical tonecoveredby stoneslabs,witha deerhumerus yingatop the slabs.The significanceof this cacheis still obscure,but a possibleinterpre-tation is outlined below. Cache XLII-2 was locatedon the east or frontside of Str. 8L-77 and itstomb, BurialXLII-5, describedbelow. This cache consistedof a ceramicbox containinga smallSpondylusbivalve and a stingrayspine. The lidded box is reminiscentof, thoughnot identicalto,othersknown fromLateClassiccachesat Quirigua e.g., BullardandSharer1991;Stromsvik1941).Five burialswereencountered n Group8L-10 (Carrelli1990).Three(XLII-2, -3, and -4) weresimple interments,each placedbelow the edgesof the plaza and an adjoiningplatform.The othertwo burialswere tombs, each housinga pair of occupants,probablyof elite status, in a chamberwith longaxis north-southand centeredon the principalaxis of a building.In eachcase,a womanlay to the northof a man (RebeccaStorey,personalcommunication1988).The smallerof the two tombs was BurialXLII-1, in frontof Str.8L-72, on the north side of theplaza.At plazalevel, the tomb locationwas markedby a small, uncarvedround"altar."The onlyartifacts n the tomb werea pairof flatjade pendants,one foundwith each skeleton.


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211Ashmore] SITE-PLANNINGNDDIRECTIONALITYMONG HEMAYA

0 20cm N magl A l

r = A

\ .

\\

Figure 9. Plan of Burial XLII-S, Copan (drawing by A. Pezzati; inking by R. Murcia).

The second tomb, BurialXLII-5 (Figure9) was located in front and on the center ine of Str. 8L-77, on the west side of the plaza. This tomb was signaled by an uncarved square ;'altar,"and inplaza fill below the altar, by Cache XLII-2, with the ceramic box mentioned above. Fragmentsofa third human cranium (plus loose jade-inlaid teeth) were found with the two complete skeletons,along with a bone bead, a broken shell ring, two spindle whorls, and five vessels-four of the LateClassic Surlo ceramic type common in Copan burials of this period (Coner complex; Viel 1983)and the fifth an import, a pear-shapedPabellon Molded-carvedvessel (Sabloff 1975; see below).Although "double"tombs are not unique to Group 8L-10, they are unusualat Copan, and thoseof the North Group are particularly o in pairingadults of seemingly equivalent social status (i.e.,neither is clearly "attendant"or subsidiary o the other) without evidence of sequential nterment(i.e., in a reusedtomb) (Carrelli1990). Among other tombs reportedat Copan to date, the one mostreminiscent of the Group 8L-10 double tombs appears to be Gordon's Tomb 6. In fact, fromGordon's (1896:32) report, it appearsthat this tomb was encounteredsomewhere near the NorthGroup, although the original descriptionof location is too vague to be certain (Carrelli1990:119-120; Longyear 1952:4243). Not only are these tombs unusualwithin the funerary orpus, the twodiscovered n Group 8L- 10 repeat he patternof pairedopposites on a north-southaxis. Such pairingwas thus present on the three sides of the compound most elaborated in terms of architecturalvolume and investment-the east, west, and north sides-with the south side apparently eft openor vacant.7Although the exact pairingsdiffered,with interments n two locations and buildir.gs na third, the forms are plausible allomorphs in the largercategoryof paired opposites. Moreover,the double tombs (specifically) mply a diminished importance of individual identity: that is, ascited above, no single decedent is clearly the focus of mortuaryritual, and either (or both) could asplausiblyhave been sacrificial fferings,perhaps or ndividuals nterredwithin the buildingsadjacentto the tombs (see also Group 8L-12, Burial XLII-7, below). The latter inference could be a testimplication for future excavations (see concluding discussion); currently,however, the tombs of


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212 LATINAMERICANANTIQUITY [Vol. 2, No. 3, 1991

Group8L-10 parallel he sculpture rom Str.8L-74 in embodyingthemesmoreabstractor imper-sonal and ritualorientedthan aimed at commemoratingan individual.Interpretation f GroupSL-10 SymbolismIt is worthwhileconsidering urther hese notions of pairedopposites,of theirnorth-southaxis,andof theassociationof theendsof theaxiswithdifferentgenders.In the firstplace,in hieroglyphicinscriptionspairedoppositesarean alternative ormforthehelglyph(Riese 1984;Thompson 1971:161-162; see Figure8g for an example of the hel glyph).8The complex of conceptsconveyed bythese forms includeschange, succession,completion, and unification,and I propose that in thisinstance,all the cited concepts are implied. More concretely,and as will be developed below, Ihypothesizethat the Group 8L-10 sculptureand the pairedopposites in the two tombs celebratecontinuityand perpetuationwith respectto 18 Rabbitand his dynasty.First, what might be the significanceof the north-south axis and its associationwith distinctsexes?SharonHoran(personalcommunication1988) suggested hat the FirstFatherand Mothercould be the referentsof the tomb pairs,by analogywith iconographicnterpretation f findsfromPalenque.Otherpossibilities,not necessarilycontradictingHoran'ssuggestion, mply a link withancientconceptsof directionality.Tomb 12, Rio Azul, Guatemala(Adams 1986;see also Bricker1988:Figure1;Coggins 1988c),provided importantinitial clues. In that tomb, directionalglyphswere painted on the chamberwalls. The glyph for "east"(likin) is on the east wall and is associatedwith anotherglyph, kin,which refersto "day"or "light"; he glyphfor "west"(chikin),on the west wall, is associatedwithakbal, or "darkness."On the south, the associationfor the "south-directional" lyph nohol is aVenus glyph, and Venus is male; and on the north (xaman) is the moon, which "is womans'(Thompson 1971 232).Elsewhere,at times, but not invariably, he moon-or "woman,"or the moon goddessIxchel-is linkedwiththenorth(Ashmore,comp. l 988;Thompson1971).Butwhyhere n suchanexplicitlystructured elationwithVenus?Whythismaledeityinparticular?Whatdo thetwohaveincommon?One possible link is their sharedidentitiesas agentsof birth.Ixchel is well known as the goddessof childbirth,and Venuscan be linkedto supernatural ebirth.For example,in the Popol Vuh,theQuicheMayacreationmyth as recorded n the sixteenthcentury(Edmonson1971;Tedlock 1985),it is Xbalanque,the Hero Twin who laterbecomes Venus or the nightsun (e.g., Scheleand Miller1986:245,306, Note 3; Tedlock 1985:297),who successfullyrestoreshis decapitatedelderbrother,Hunahpu, o life.9The moon/Ixchelalso couldsignifya king'smother, n herrole in facilitating heapotheosisof herson, as seen in apotheosissettingsat Palenque(Scheleand Miller 1986:272,275).Inthe context of Tomb 12, Rio Azul, then, the four "directions"would correspond,on the east-westaxis, to the perpetualcycle of the sun's life and death, and on the north-southaxis, to theperpetual ction of humanor divine agentsresponsible or maintaining he formercycle.Togetherthetomb wallsand theirglyphictexts definedimensionsthat collectivelyencompassthe universeinspace(the "directions")and time (perpetualcycles).The foregoingsuggestsan analogoussymbolic identificationfor the males and females of theGroup8L-10 tombs. That is, the tombs' emphasison the north-southaxis may imply not solelythegeneralideas of"change" and "transition,"as signifiedby paired opposites throughoutthecompound.Throughsymbolic referenceto Ixchel and Xbalanque,the tombs may also refer totransitionpecificallyby rebirth,perhapsby apotheosis,of individualsidentifiedelsewhere n thegroup s within the royaldynasty.The parallelof death by decapitation,for both Hunahpu(e.g.,Tedlock1985)and 18 Rabbit(e.g., Scheleet al. 1989:4),may likewisebe significant,n linkingthetomb ymbolismto the Str. 8L-74 text, thoughdecapitationwas apparentlya prefeITedmeans ofexecutionor royalcaptives(e.g., Schele 1984).'Recallthat,forthe Maya,thereis a close associationbetweenthe moon andthe rabbit,the latterperceiveds the figurecontainedwithinthe celestial"face"of the moon'ssphere Scheleand Miller1983:45-46).There is likewisea strongrelationbetweenthe rabbitand Xbalanque,for it was bymeans f a rabbit,imitatinga ball, that Xbalanquerevived Hunahpu(Edmonson1971:122-127;


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SITE-PLANNINGAND DIRECTIONALITYAMONG THE MAYA 2,3Ashmore]

Tedlock 1985:43, 143-147). However, it is also possible these implied associationsdo not refersolelyto 18 Rabbitas an individual.That is, perhaps his king,by his name, stood forthe conceptof rulershipand dynasticsuccession.Perhapstoo, this king receivedhis name as more of a title,signifyingaccession(e.g., Laporteand Fialko 1990;Scheleand Miller 1983)and the continuityofthedynasty.Glyphicreferenceso Mayarulers, ommonlyusedby scholarsas names,are ncreasinglyseen as tantamountto titles (see also Gillespie [1989:170],concerningMotecuzomaas an Aztectitle),and it is noteworthythat the "names'of this king(as well as some others)is God K, a deitysymbolizingroyalauthority.1After makingthe precedingassertions,I discoveredDieter Dutting'searlierepigraphicand as-tronomicalanalyses,fromwhich he concludedthe following(Dutting 1985a:113;emphasisadded;see also Carlson1980;Dutting 1985b;Lounsbury1976):I exploredwhetheraccessiondatesof Maya ordsanddatesof otherhistoricaleventswere inkedwithsimilardatesof the past,with importantdates in the life of parentsandforefathers, y fullmultiplesof time-periodswith astronomical ignificance. t turnedout that the Moonand theplanet Venusplayeda particularroleinthe timing of suchevents.Thecorresponding eitiesare the divinitiesmostdeeply nvolvedn the resurrectionproceSS.. 12

The foregoingsymbolic links suggestfurtherspecific speculationsregarding he third skull inBurialXLII-5and the meaningof CacheXLII-1.'3In BurialXLII-5(Figure9), the completefemaleskeletonwas on the northof the tomb, and the complete male skeletonlay south of her, nearthecenterof the chamber.In the southeastcornerof the tomb, in the potterybowljust outsidethe wallniche, lay badly deterioratedcranialand dental fragmentsof a third human (genderunknown).Venusandthe moon arecloselyrelated o the sun in Mayasymbolism(asarguedabove),and Mayarulerswereoften symbolicallyequatedwith the sun, especiallyat Copan(e.g.,Baudez1985, 1988).It is thereforepossible, althoughclearly not demonstrable,that the third skull represented hedecapitated18 Rabbit,and the fragmentswere an effigy"stand-in"for the ruler'sskull.The pos-sibilitythat thesedeterioratedbones couldbe his actual remainsseems small,thoughtheirstateofpreservationsconsistentwiththe probabledateofthe tomb,a centuryormoreafter he decapitation(see below).ConcerningCacheXLII-1, one notes that the ancientMayasaw a close relationbetweenrabbitsand both balls (Scheleand Miller 1986:252;Tedlock 1985:44-45, 145-147) and deer (ScheleandMiller 1983:46-48).This cachelinksthe lattertwo elementsdirectly,associatinga hemisphere i.e.,halvedball)with a deerbone. Similar-appearingtonesalso occuras natural nclusionsin the rawmaterialof some Copanstelae,and sculptors requentlyadjusted heirdesignsto accommodate heballs. In one instance,sucha stone was incorporatednto a text citing 18 Rabbit,used specificallyin place ofthe glyphfor"rabbit" n his namecompoundon StelaD (ScheleandJ. Miller 1983:49-50; Schele and M. Miller 1986:252). I thereforespeculatethat CacheXLII-1 constitutesanotherreference o 18 Rabbit,perhaps he hemispheric ormeven representinghis death by decapitation.Indeed, this cache may well have been integralto the compound's overall symbolic theme,celebrating ransitionof rulershipand perpetuationof the Copandynasty.Note, in particular, hecache's location adjacentto the southeastcorner of the large-block tairthat was likely the mainaccess to Group 8L-10. The decapitationwould have been the prerequisitestimulus for rites ofresurrectioni.e., as causeof the royal death),and thus this event markeda behavioralthreshold,the liminal point that triggeredritualaction. If Group8L-10 was the arenain which these ritualswere enacted, it would be appropriate hat a putativeeffigyseveredhead (i.e., the hemisphere nCacheXLII-1)shouldflankthe stairentry,placingthe physicalembodimentofthe deathact at thephysical thresholdfor action (e.g., Turner1974).Returning o the overarching heme of transitionand transformation, ertainlyMaya(andothermesoamerican)conographys richin allusionsto these notions.The subjectsof changeareusuallysequentialrulers,astronomicalphenomena(especiallythe sun, moon, and Venus), or calendriccycles (e.g., Baudez 1985, 1988;Dutting 1985b;Freideland Schele 1988a;Gillespie 1989; ScheleandMiller1986;Stone 1985),all ofwhose orderly eplacement r perpetuationwas vital to continuityof Maya ife.Thededicationof one or morearchitecturalomplexesto this themewouldbe perfectly


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214 LATINAMERICANANTIQUITY [Vol. 2, No. 3, 1991in keepingwith symbolismin othermedia. And at Copan, 18 Rabbitwas a particularlymportantulerin the sequence.His death at the handsof Quirigua'sCauacSky (e.g., Fash 1988;Fash andtuart1991;Marcus1976;Scheleetal.1989; Sharer1978)apparentlyprecipitated crisis n politicaltabilityat home (Fashand Fash 1990;Fashand Stuart1991).It led to a significantreorganizationf governance(Fash and Fash 1990; Fash and Stuart 1991) and was ultimatelythe stimulus foronstructionof the great HieroglyphicStairwayof Str. 10L-26, a monumentexplicitlyextollingopan'sdynasticstrength Fash 1988:161-166). Furthermore, ontrary o usualMayapractice,18abbit'sStructure10L-22(Fash 1988:160;Stuart1987, 1989a)was not sealedby the constructionrojectsof subsequentreigns,which in itself suggestsunusualattitudestowardthis rulerand hisonuments(see also Sharer[1978], concerninga parallelsituationat Quirigua nvolving Str. 1B-, associatedwith the rulerwho beheaded 18 Rabbit).Indeed,the lastgreatruler,Yax Pac, showedwhatStuartet al. (1989:2)referto as a "consistentreoccupationwith 18 Rabbit."I believe it was likely duringYax Pac's reign in the late eighthentury,when buildingsculpturearguablybecame more widespreadamong nonroyalelite com-ounds (Fash 1983a), that Str. 8L-74 was built, as partof an architecturalassemblagededicatedia multiplesymbolicexpressions o proclaiminghe immortalityof thisdeceasedrulerand,throughim, the invincibilityof the dynasty. 4 The expressionsprobably ncludedarchaeologicallynvisibleites, perhapsmarkedindirectlyby the effigybloodletterof Str. 8L-74 (Figure6); possibly thisnvolved somethingakin to a na ceremony,a still little-knownritualsacrificeof captivesto com-emoratea dead ruler(Schele 1984:29). Wheneverthat structurewas erected,however,at leastome of the North Group's symbolic expressionsof continuity were still being made after theynasty's ollapsearoundA.D. 822 (Grubeand Schele 1987).Whyafterthe collapse?The ceramicsof Group8L-10 pertain o the LateClassicConercomplexca.A.D. 700-?900), andas notedearlier, he calendricdateof 8 Lamat6 Tzec on Str.8L-74couldeattributed o alternativepositionswithin and beyondthe LateClassic.One radiocarbondate isvailable,17450+ 80 years(A.D. 420-580 [Beta-29348]); t derives from charcoalin the matrixurrounding urialXLII-3 and could well come from old wood and/or from secondaryburial.l5hemost informativematerial ordating hegroup'soccupation,however, s a seriesof 39 obsidian-ydrationatesandtheone decoratedceramicvesselfromtomb BurialXLII-5.Theobsidiandates,nalyzed y AnnCorinneFreter(Websterand Freter 1990a:71,79), indicatean occupationfrompproximately .D. 703 through960. Even takinginto accountthe errorfactorof + 70 yearsforach bsidiandate, however, the series suggestsLate Classicoccupationlastinguntil at least theinalecadesof the ninthcentury.Theceramicvessel fromtheprimarycontextof the tombaccordsithhe obsidiandatesinasmuchas the specifictype,PabellonMolded-carved,almostall of whichasmanufacturedn the Pasion regionof southwestPeten,Guatemala,firstappearedaboutA.D.30Ashmore,comp. 1988;Sabloff1975;Websterand Freter1990a:79,81). In the ninthcentury,hen,he occupantsof Group8L-10 had authorityand resourcessufficientnot only to obtainsuchnxotic item of elite culturebut also to interit in an imposingconstruction.The stingrayspinendpondylusbivalve in nearbyCacheXLII-2suggestbloodletting ook placein connectionwithhenterment.

GroupL-12Group8L-12, too, was occupiedin the LateClassic,as attestedby Coner-complex eramics(butith ixed remainsfrom the LatePreclassicas well), and a seriesof 15 obsidian-hydrationdatesrom.D. 740 to 935-a spanessentiallyequivalentto thatforGroup8L-10.The two compoundsere,hen,contemporariesn the late firstmillenniumA.D., buttheyappear o havehadimportantunctionalifferences.Bothweredomesticsites,at leastin part,but thereweresignificant ontrastsntherroles,ascanbeseenin remainsof symbolicexpressionandas impliedaswellin architecturalndettlementform.Inthe firstplace,while therewas at leastone sculptured acadein Group8L-12, on Str.8L-87,hisime thethemewaspersonalportraiture.Onetenonedsculptureof a humanheadwasrecovered,swells carvedfragments rom multiplefeatherheaddresses,clothing,and a shield (the shield is


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Ashmore] SITE-PLANNING AND DIRECTIONALITYAMONG THE MAYA215

discussedfurtherbelow).For now the important mplicationis that in Group8L- 12 one is dealingwith personalreferences,portraiture, nd an iconographic ocus on an individual,and in this wayStr. 8L-87 is more similarto Str. 9N-82-the Scribe'sPalaceor House of the Bacabs(Fash 1986;Websteret al. 1986)-than to the neighboringStr.8L-74.Two burialswereencountered n Group8L-12, both in associationwith Str.8L-87, on the westside of the plaza. BurialXLII-6 was a vaulted tomb the presence of which was markedat plazalevel by a largeuncarvedrectangular"altar" broken)on the centerline of Str. 8L-87. Excavationbelowthataltarencountered he exteriorof the tomb, whosechamber ay beneaththe substructureof the building.The tomb housed a single adult (probablymale; RebeccaStorey,personalcom-munication1989),withfragmentsof deer-antlerines,nineceramicvessels,and fivejadeornamentsincludinga line-incisedbarpectoral,two otherpendants(eachcarvedwith a humanface),and twoear flares.Seven of the vessels were of Surlotype (William Fash, personalcommunication1989;Viel 1983)common in LateClassicCopanburials; he othertwo wereanotherritual-relatedype,calledSepulturasGuillermoMurcia,personalcommunication1989;Viel 1983),adornedwitheffigycacaoappliques. noneofthe Surlovesselsweretwoshells,oneofSpondylus ndtheother,Strombus.The formershell containedtwo miniscule stingrayspines. It is important to note that, as in thesculpture rom this structure,evidence points to ritualcelebrationof an individualperson,not ofabstract deas as foundin symbolicexpressionsfrom Group8L-10.'6BurialXLII-7 was east of Str. 8L-87 and northof the altarmarkingBurialXLII-6. Its locationtoo was signaledat plazalevel, by an uncarvedsquare"altar"set atopa line of flat-laidslabs.Theburial tselfconsistedof averticalseriesof masonryblocksorslabs(threesequential etsofdiffierentlyorientedpairs)amongwhichwereembeddedtwo humanskeletons,eitherdismemberedor second-arilydeposited,all in a midden-likematrix.The whole featureseems more like a cachedoffieringthana burialdone in reverence o those interred Becker1988;Carrelli1990).It most likelyrelatedto the tomb, BurialXLII-6, a few metersto the south. If this inference s correct,it may also besignificant hat this fourfoldset of pairs(threepairsof stonesand one of skeletons) ay to the northof the burial,just as Group 8L-10 (with its multiplepairs)lies north of 8L-12, and the whole isnorthof the PrincipalGroup(see Discussion).Differencesn architecture nd settlementpatternwerealso evidentbetweenthe two compounds.The ruinedconstructionsof Group 8L-12 are a bit taller,but the plaza is smallerthan in Group8L-10, the visual effiectbeingone of enclosedor privatespace in 8L-12 and open or publicspacein its northernneighbor.7 There is likewisea markedcontrast n the abundanceof small,ancillarystructures,with at least 18 surroundingGroup8L- 12 (notcountingGroup8L-11, midwaybetweenthe two largercompounds),and only one (or at most, three)near 8L-10. By analogywith similarfeatureselsewhere(e.g., Ashmore 1981;Webster1989;Willeyand Leventhal1979), these smallerstructuresare most likely domestic adjuncts,includingkitchens, storehouses,and residencesforservants.Othersmall groupsare found in the generalvicinity, but againthe generaldistributionimplies diffierences,n this case with respectto relationsbetweenthe occupantsof the principalgroupsand theirattendants.

DISCUSSIONWhatwas the relationbetweenthe two groups,and that betweentheir occupants?To me, theorganizationof the evidence(thedistributionof sculptural orms,of elaborateburials,andof massandarrangement f architecture)mpliesmarkeddiffierencesetween hetwo eliteresidences.What-ever the interpretation, he formal patterning s stronglyconsistentwithin each compound andcontrastivebetweenthem. That of Group 8L-12 is more the overall form expectedin a noble'scompound,similar o (thoughsmaller han)PatioA of Copan'sGroup9N-8 (Webster1989;Websteret al. 1986). That of Group 8L-10, however, appearsto have been more orientedtowardritualactivity,and towardan identitymore abstract han personal.Artifactsrecovered n excavation dosuggestpeople lived in each compound,but that fact does not precludethe residentsfrom havingcarriedout otheractivities.I have proposedthatthe specificsymbolicformsencountered n Group8L-10 suggestthe nature of these otheractivities,and that these involved affirmationof Copanec


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216 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 2, No. 3, 1991

dynasticcontinuity. Given the late dates of some of the remains,these ongoingactivities apparentlyconstituted a symbolic negation of the actual royal collapse.I furtherpropose a specific relation between the two adjacent and imposing compounds of theNorth Group.These compoundsform a pair on a north-southaxis, conforming n part o the naturalshape of the promontory hey occupy. But the arrangement pecificallypairsa more open compoundon the north with a more enclosed one on the south, with suggested unctionalcontrastsbetweenthe two. In these traits, the Copan North Group replicates the plan of the Principal Group (seeFigure4), as well as the schematizedcore layouts of Quirigua,Tikal, and other centers,whose plansare argued elsewhere (Ashmore 1986, 1989a) to have been based on the site-planningprinciplesdescribedhere. And just as one can see these civic centersas microcosmscelebratingdynasticpower,one can interpret he North Group ayout as a whole as anotherdeliberateallusion o royal ransition,completion, and perpetuation.WhereGroup 8L- 10 was associatedwith ritual,royalty,and perhapsresurrectionof sovereigns, Group 8L-12 was linked to more worldly and, at least partially, toundenvorldlyaSairs (see below). In this scheme, it is the whole axis that is important,but one cannonetheless nfer the symbolic associationsfor each terminus: n the CopanNorth Group,the northis associated with the heavens and the south with the underworld.As in the most expansiveexpressionof the template at Tikal?describedearlier, t appears hat the architecture ccupying henorthernposition is itself a microcosmicarrangement i.e., Twin PyramidGroup 3D-2 at Tikal andthe North Group at Copan).Perhaps here is anotherclue in the sculptured ragmentof a shield found at Str. 8L-87. It is onlya single fragment CPN 15119; reconstructed n Figure 10), but shows clearly the cruller-eyed aceof the JaguarGod of the Underworld(Miller 1988:178-181; Thompson 1971:134), or Xbalanque(Schele and Miller 1986:50, 272, 275). By analogywith the scribe sculptureson the Scribe'sPalace,Str. 9N-82 (Fash 1986; Webster 1989; Websteret al. 1986), the shield hints at the identity of theprincipaloccupantof Str. 8L-87 and presumablyof its tomb. Perhapsa warrior s indicated(Miller1988:178-179, Figure26). At the same time, however,the shield could be an allusion to anticipatedrebirthand exit from the underworldas describedearlier(Edmonson 1971:142), and thereby to arole for the shield bearer n acts concerningrebirthor resurrection.This interpretation s separablefrom but also consistent with the view that the North Group overall nd in intricatelycomplexways signifiedthe combined themes of transition, rebirth,and perpetuation.Finally, the original model may be reconsidered n light of data from the Copan North Group,as well as new interpretations rom various sources. Evidence from several independent sourcesnow points to an ancient Maya concept in which a north-south axis was defined, and to theequivalence of this axis, in some contexts, to a vertical dimension, to "above-below," or heaven-underworld.In this regard,I would reiterate he general observation that, whatever the symbolicsignificance,a stronglymarkednorth-south axis unquestionably ccurs n many Mayacivic centers,from at least the Late Preclassicon (Ashmore 1986, 1987a, 1987b, 1987c, 1989a; Coggins 1967;Hammond 1987). Copan's PrincipalGroup is one Late Classic instance ofthis pattern,and MaryMiller's (1988) analysis of the iconographyof the southwardly ocated Copan Acropolis suggestsstrongly hat south here did indeed stand for the underworld.As already noted, east and west were recognized anciently, and east in particular s usuallyconsideredthe primaryposition (e.g., Brotherston1976; Coggins 1980; Marcus 1973; Roys 1967).Moreover, east and west may have been the only ones that consistently held directionaland geo-graphic significance.The references o east and west quadrantson Copan Stelae 13 and 19 werecited earlier, as well as the same site's east- and west-runningcauseways.Among modern ChortiMaya, Wisdom (1940) noted that roads leave town along cardinaldirections, and that sometimesa road is named for its direction. However, the same author observed that only "east" and "west"have equivalents n the Chorti anguage.Thereare no Chortiwords for "north"or "south" Wisdom1940:206, Note 6). The same "absence"occurs n Tzotzil Maya (Brotherston1976; Vogt 1969:719).For this reason, Brotherston(1976:57; see also Coggins 1980:730) refers to north and south as"moments between" east and west.Certainlythere are references o xaman(;;north")and nohol "south") that appear to involvecardinal directions, examples including the famous texts of Copan Stela A and Seibal Stela 10


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o

l

_ / > / S _Figure10. Fallenfacadesculpture romStr. 81^87,a tenonedshield with the face of the jaguargod of the

underworldCPN 15119;inkingby C. Carrelli).(Marcus1973, 1976), the paintedwalls of Tomb 12, Rio Azul (Adams 1986) alreadydescribed,andthe lexicaldefinitionof"north"forxaman n Yucatec(Closs1988a,1988b). Buttheseinstancescould equally indicate the semantic complexity of the concepts xamanand nohol,and of thedirectionalaxis they define. Is it not possible that, as with Landa's"alphabet"provingto be asyllabary, he "north"and "south"translationsprovidedby Yucatecinformantswere simply theclosestapproximations vailable n Spanish,rather hanidenticallyboundedconcepts?Theevidenceseemsrather o supportBrotherston's1976) implicationthatthesetwo concepts,xamanandnohol,can prospectivelyconnote a rangeof transitionsbetweeneast and west-including above-below,heaven-underworld,and/ornorth-south.Withrespect o the ancientMaya,the modelof spatialconceptualization onsidered n this paperremains a hypothesis. So does currentinterpretationof the Copan North Group findings.Forexample, astronomicalassociationsof Str. 8L-74's calendar-rounddate need furtherexploration(see Note 12), especiallyin lightof others'independentcommentson the particularmportanceof

10 cm


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LATINAMERICAN ANTIQUITY218 [Vol. 2, No. 3, 1991

sun andVenus cyclingand imageryat Copan(e.g., Aveni 1979; Baudez1985,1988; Coggins1988b).Becauseof the incompletenessof the Str. 8L-74 text, the reference o "elderbrother"necessarilyremainscryptic, but ultimatelyit may turnout to be metaphoricalrather han literal, with regardto 18 Rabbit as human or celestial sibling-or both. And certainlythe aptnessof the Popol Vuh"link,"used provisionallyherein,requires urther riticalreview.Further xcavationsare warranted,to test patterns n the contentof ritual deposits,as inferredabove (e.g., by locatingother deposits,such as within substructuremasses)or to locateadditional nscriptions e.g., by clearingsuperstruc-tures, in part to seek hieroglyphicbenches like others known at Copan). Finally, archaeologicalexplorationof the model's implicationselsewhere,at Copan and beyond, is requiredto providebroaderand independentevidence pertinentto these arguments.Nevertheless,the Copan North Group researchhas begun a neededexplorationand refinementof the originalandderived hypotheses,systematicallyapplyingarchaeological ata along withthosefrom epigraphy, inguistics, conography,andethnology, n a collaborativeor conjunctiveapproachgainingrenewed momentum in mesoamericanresearch(e.g., Diehl 1984; Fash and Sharer1991;Fash and Stuart 1991; Fox 1987). There is a growingconviction (e.g., Hill 1990; Hodder 1990;Renfrew 1982) that materialevidence concerningancient idea systems may be more accessiblearchaeologically han previously held. As noted at the outset of this paper, analyses involvingarchitecturalnd otherspatialsymbolismhavealreadyproven stimulatingandfruitful n in a varietyof ancient culturalsettings, spanninga wide range of social complexity (e.g., Benson 1981; Fritz1978,1986; Hodder1984; Tavon 1991). To be sure, thisand other kinds of symbolicstudiesremainamongthe most challengingand interpretivelyambiguousareas of archaeological esearch.Wherecontemporaryhistoricalrecordsand continuitieswith the ethnographicpresentare available,how-ever, the prospectsfor productiveinvestigationare strong(Houston 1989). Such advantagesareclearlypresent n Mesoamerica,and especiallyin the Maya area.In a slightly diffierentontext,but no less pertinently,Olivier de Montmollin(1989:33, 34, 237)has recentlychallengedarchaeologists o first dare askinginterestingquestions,and then developthe methodsto address hem (Binford1962).Recent mesoamericanarchaeologyhas yieldedexcitinginsights in exploringmultiple aspects of ancient idea systems (e.g., Culbert 1991; Fialko 1988;Flanneryand Marcus1976; Marcus 1989).Clearly he potentialsare only beginning o be realized.The resultsof the Copan North Group Projectare offiered ere as a step alonga wideningavenueof such investigation.

Acknowledgments. The ProyectoArqueologicoCopan de Cosmologia(Copan North Group Project) wasformedby contractwith the InstitutoHondurenode Antropologia Historia(Lic. Victor Cruz Reyes, formerdirector,and Lic. Jose MariaCasco,director)and carriedout its investigationswith support rom the NationalGeographicSociety (GrantsNos. 3774-88, 4029-89) and Rutgers-TheStateUniversityof New Jersey(Officeof the Provost and the GraduateSchool).Manyindividuals have contributed o development of the projectand to explorationof the ideas on whichit has focused.Editor Pru Rice has insisted thereisn't page space in the journal to acknowledgeall those I'doriginally isted, butplease know I thankyou all nonetheless.And at the riskof severeeditorialcensure, wouldlike to thankthe following-namedndividuals, ortheir particular elp andconsideration in alphabetical rder):RicardoAgurciaF., OscarCruzM., VictorCruzR., Barbara ndWilliamFash,AnnCorinneFreter,RudyLariosV., PrudenceRice,William Ringle, Robert Sharer,RebeccaStorey,David Stuart,GeorgeStuart,Vito Veliz R.,David Webster, and especially the other membersof the North Groupproject-Christine Carrelli,MatthewGajewski,SharonHoran,AlessandroPezzati,ArturoSandoval,and SusanSwiat. No one but me is responsiblefor errorsor misjudgments.

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NOTESI Michael Closs (1988a, 1988b) has disagreed with the directional associations attributed here, and his ar-guments are considered later in the paper.2 Mary Miller (1985) has offered a different rationale for placem

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