Article Aline Borghi revised version

Between the university and the practice in journalism

education: The contributions of the sociology of

professions to the construction of the journalists’

professional identity

Aline Borghi Leite1

Abstract

The reflections proposed in this article intend to answerthe following questions: What are the criteria thatindicate a professional value within the profession ofjournalists? What are the requirements regarding theadmission control for this profession? How relevant is thejournalism degree for this career? In order to think aboutthese questions, in this paper, the aim is to consider thecontributions of the professions’ studies to comprehend theprofession of journalism, especially theprofessionalization process in Brazil, analyzing how thiscareer, built on journalism courses, represents asignificant feature of the professional and socialidentity.Keywords: Sociology of Professions; professional identity;journalists; journalism education; journalism in Brazil.

Introduction

In the field of the sociological studies of

professions, the approaches are dedicated to understanding

how the professions have been built and consolidated,

1 Doctoral student in Sociology at UFSCar – Federal University of SaoCarlos, Sao Paulo, Brazil. Email: [email protected]

analyzing how they have changed along this trajectory, and

investigating how a particular profession or professional

group obtained social status, and how it can socially

construct its professional identity.

Facing the new occupational structure of labor

markets, in the last decades, the new Sociology of

Professions’ approaches are rethinking the bureaucratic

professional model, according to which the professional

value was built upon the diploma. Regarding the relation

established between the academic education and profession,

Dubar’s perspective becomes relevant, since his analysis

relies on the argument that professional identities are

constructed in social interaction and because of this the

diploma is no longer seen as fundamental for the

professional identity construction. In debates about the

role of universities in teaching journalism, some of the

arguments support that the journalism career has a specific

status as the social prestige of journalists is not

achieved through regular diplomas or selective courses, but

through other sources, such as “vocational skills”,

“quality of speech”, “credibility of the comments”, “the

art of handling an article”, “social visibility” and

“proximity to the power” (Neveu, 2006) which exceed the

contents of the standardized academic programs.

This article focuses the importance of the study about

the professional group of journalism and its role in

society, by examining the models of journalism, the

professionalization process in Brazil and the debate about

the professional identities in higher education, taking

into consideration the characteristics that represent the

professional values of journalism.

This issue begins with an exhibition of the

particularities of journalism career based on sociological

analyzes. In doing so, this paper shows that the interest

in this field of sociology is not limited to recent efforts

on the regulation of the journalism. A contribution of Max

Weber in “Sociology of Media: A Research Program” indicates

that in 1910 it was already emphasized the importance of

having sociological studies to address the issues of the

press and its essential power relations.

In this respect, the main argument is that the

function of social media differs according to local

peculiarities, obeying some special circumstances. This

suggests that, regarding to models of journalism, for

example, in England and in the United States what is more

appreciated is to present the information, because of the

status of finding and presenting news, while in France

there is an increasing interest in opinion journalism. Such

differences in the models of journalism, which represent

different orientations to professional groups, result in

different models of professionalism, with specifics

regarding career, professional recognition, professional

competence, expertise, and especially the requirement of

learning the techniques from school.

Journalism and social studies

Among the attributes or core values of journalism

exalted in the discourse of professionalism, it’s important

to pay attention to some characteristics, such as the

freedom to professional practice, the ability to form an

opinion, in exercising its power to produce or translate

public opinion, to demonstrate critical thinking in

relation to business and government spheres, to build a

public agenda, conveying information that constrain the

interests of the public to read, commitment to truth,

credibility, the definition of what is news, besides of

sharing a “journalistic ethos” (Traquina, 2005).

Understanding the functioning of journalism as an

object of analysis and sociological research has inspired

many social studies. Already in 1910, Max Weber published a

text in which he elaborates a research program for the

sociological analysis of media, emphasizing that it is an

impressive field for sociological investigation. Considered

by the German Association of Sociology as a theme for a

“genuinely scientific study”, the sociology of the press

has received contributions from scholars and practitioners

in the field of practical press.

In Weber’s observation (2002 [1910]), what becomes

public is what, ultimately, the press chooses to be

published as valid. Modern life, according to Weber (2002

[1910]: 186), could not even be thought “[...] without the

specific type of the public sphere (Publizität) created by the

press”.

Regarding the influence of the press on the “supra-

individual cultural elements”, fundamental to shaping the

modern individual, producing the collective feelings and

creating new attitudes and destroying others considered

antiquated, Weber (2002 [1910]: 193) says that:

The press introduces undoubtedly powerfulshifts in reading habits and this causespowerful changes in conformation, the mode andmanner in which man captures and interprets theoutside world. The constant change and the factthat press can notice the massive changes ofpublic opinion, of all the universal andinexhaustible possibilities of the views andinterests, is highly relevant to the specificcharacter of modern man.

The idea of “underrepresentation of opinions”

(Cardoso, 1995) can be introduced into the discussion of if

the media can fulfill an important role in the formation of

an audience. Leading a pioneering study in Brazil, Cardoso

(1995) sought to define the profile of professional

journalists from major newspapers and magazines of that

country. In order to highlight the role of media in

democracy, focusing on the brazilian case, which presents

itself as a democracy society emerging, the research

includes an analysis of the sociodemographic

characteristics of journalists, their professional

training, opinions and attitudes about journalistic ethics

and democracy. The research questions of Cardoso (1995)

also refer to the definition of the role of journalists to

“shaping the news”. Under these conditions, taking into

account the so-called “structural conditions of the news

construction”, the selection of what is or is not

considered relevant to the public debate is defined

according to some factors, which are highlighted by the

author:

[...] the market position of company […]editorial guidelines, the quality of thesources, the professional qualification of eachjournalist and his ‘social baggage’, the valuesthat they lead to newsrooms and those that theylearn there (131).

This concern may also be illustrated in the work of

Champagne (1998: 199), who argues that in the political

game the instruments used to exam the opinion about the

elections make the news media establish an intimate

relationship with the formation of public opinion, since it

is not only a translation of public opinion already formed.

Under the author: “Thus, in this type of research,

everything leads to produce answers and questions that, by

mistake, are assimilated as opinions. This means [...] that

the ‘public’ defined by the polling institutes is largely

the product of their research methods” (199). For that

matter, Champagne (1998) considers that the concept of

‘public opinion’ is political, which means that it has a

logic of political common sense, without a scientific

definition of “public opinion”.

In this regard, to investigate the circumstances of

the historical processes of contemporary social relations,

Habermas (1991) as an author of liberal democracy, draws

attention to the ideological manipulation around the use of

the term “public” and “public sphere”, which denotes the

imprecision of language when referring to the meaning of

“public”. For Habermas (1991), “public opinion” is

distinguished the “government”, in which the public does

not correspond with the civil society. The author argues

about the role of public opinion and in this context, on

the role of press in the media production of public

opinion. According to Habermas (1991: 2):

The subject of this publicity is the public asa carrier of public opinion; its function as acritical judge is precisely what makes thepublic character of proceedings – in court, forinstance – meaningful. In the realm of the massmedia, of course, publicity has changed itsmeaning. Originally a function of publicopinion, it has become an attribute of whateverattracts public opinion: public relations andefforts recently baptized “publicity work” areaimed at producing such publicity. The publicsphere itself appears as a specific domain –the public domain versus the private. Sometimesthe public appears simply as that sector ofpublic opinions that happens to be opposed tothe authorities. Depending on thecircumstances, either the organs of the stateor the media, like the press, which providecommunication among members of the public, maybe counted as ‘public organs’.

Studies that examine how journalists define the role

played by social media, as undertaken in the U.S.

journalism by Weaver and Wilhoit, and replicated in Brazil

by Herscovitz (2005) show that there is a plural vision of

the profession in which stand out: a critical approach,

whereby the role of the media would investigate and

interpret the information, a descriptive view on the role

of social media would be the means of disseminating

information and, finally, an opposing view, that argues

that the role of the media is to be opposing political

power.

Being usually linked to the concept of press freedom

and consolidation of democracy, journalism is understood in

general as a service of public interest that supports

democratic values, interested in contributing to the

definition of the limits of politics. Considering the idea

that journalism is an essential element of democratic

theory, Traquina (2005: 126) explains that “journalism is

seen as a public service in which the news is the food that

citizens need in order to exercise their democratic

rights”.

Two models of journalism: Anglo-American and French

The situation of the press in some countries is

related to the history of journalism, particularly in the

period that begins after the Industrial Revolution, when

the ways of thinking and doing journalism were divided,

predominantly between the United States and France. Thus,

according to an internal classification of this profession,

two models of journalism are opposed: the english-speaking

journalism and the french journalism.

In this respect, the Anglo-American model is

characterized by objectively gathering information, with

reference to the figure of the journalist as a professional

who searches for news. In this model, the facts are highly

relevant and the professional function is to reconstruct

the events, using the discourse of objectivity.

The model of professionalism related to the Anglo-

American way of doing journalism requires techniques needed

to meet their goal: the search for information. What is

particularly interesting about this is that the skills

required in this journalism view – symbolized by the

development of the story, the domain of the interview

situation, the field research, the ability to take notes

and assess information – represent an appreciation of

reporter activity in the United States.

This implies that the Anglo-American style, in which

the events are precisely described, the facts objectively

reconstituted and exposed to observation supposedly

impartial through a written marked by sobriety, has become

the norm for professional journalists, opening its

practitioners career prospects. Therefore, this model of

journalism requires the learning of technical skills at

university courses.

For Chalaby (2003), the press assumes a status of

business activity, since the nineteenth century, due to the

fact that it executes an important role in everyday

practical issues at the United States. As a result, the

Anglo-American journalism is associated with commercial

activity, which is oriented by business logic, separated

from the political party. These characteristics have led to

a professionalization of the journalists, because their

aspects are expressed by utilitarianism and the dynamics of

capitalist enterprises, and also due to the distance of

political forces and the search for a standardized written.

As argued by Chalaby (2003), journalism is an Anglo-

American invention. In this view, Anglo-Americans

journalists were responsible for inventing and developing

discursive practices, such as the article and the

interview, which constitute the practices and strategies

that characterize journalism. For this author, the context

of the emergence of journalism took place in the nineteenth

century: “The profession of journalism and journalistic

discourse are a product of the emergence during this period

of a specialized field and autonomous discursive

production, the journalistic field” (29-30).

Consequently, journalism is considered an Anglo-

American invention of the nineteenth century, translating

thus a “discursive revolution” as the United States and

England journalistic discourse became a distinct genre of

text, considering that the news concept designates a

specific type of script. This “discursive phenomenon” is

described by Chalaby (2003: 30):

The journalistic field agents developed theirown discursive norms and values, such asobjectivity and neutrality. The journalisticway of writing began to be characterized by

discursive strategies and practices that arenot literary or political.

On the other hand, the french journalism does not

require their “writers” specific professional competence.

French journalist is a talented writer, who has well-

defined political opinions and the ability to not only

reconstruct the event, but to tell stories about what they

think. Then, the content of press, who value critical,

short articles and essays, reflect the weight of the

commentary and the rhetoric (Neveu, 2006).

Thus, in the case of French journalism, where

professional excellence is defined by the expression of

opinions, comments and criticisms made by “talented

writers”, a more subjective journalistic trend may in a

sense “[...] explain the small amount of French journalists

trained in journalism schools” (Neveu, 2006: 21). The

figure of the reporter would be associated with a writer.

This model represents a rejection of the career logic,

since it is not seen as a job that must be learned at a

journalism school; while the employees place themselves

between the careers of literature and politics. As a

consequence, the model of French journalism does not

require training or a certificate from a college.

In the United States and England, the meaning of the

press corresponds to a way to convey information,

collecting facts and events. In the French model,

especially until the nineteenth century, some norms and

requirements were articulated to the world of media

summarizing values to writers, poets, novelists, literary

critics, which gave the journalist an occupational status

and not a professional status. In this field, where the

literary genre surpassed the journalistic practice, the

appreciation of the professional/writer was subject to the

hierarchy established between poets, novelists and

playwrights, as Honoré de Balzac, Alphonse de Lamartine,

Alexandre Dumas, Emile Zola and Victor Hugo, considered

journalism mentors.

As a result of the influence of literary values,

French media kept his literary and discursive style, giving

less importance to news and information. For that reason,

the writing styles in the two models are different in terms

of the recognition of journalistic career in these

countries, without disregarding certainly the political

motivations that emphasized the differences between

journalism that developed in the Anglo-Saxon countries and

France. Political struggles reveal themselves more complex

in France, promoting political debate and partisan

positions, while in the United States and England, the

political bipartisanship was predominant, allowing easier

framing of political struggle, basing themselves on more

news and information and less on political opinions and

judgments.

Tracing the trajectory of professionalization of journalism

in Brazil

The investigation of the “social history of

journalism” (Neveu, 2006) is not restricted to seek the

beginnings of journalism, which could lead us to an

“infinite regress” but implies presenting the historical

process, expressed in legal devices that can explain the

tensions between knowledge and practice in this profession.

To begin with, the concept of professionalization

refers to the study of the process by which an “occupation”

can turn into a “profession” (Fidalgo, 2006). In Brazil,

since 1930 initiated the process of professionalization of

journalism career due to the establishment of trade unions

- such as the Union of Professional Journalists of the

State of São Paulo, which was created in 1937 – journalism

schools and the requirement, by Decree-Law 972 of 1969 of a

degree in journalism, contributing to the regulation of the

profession.

In 1938, Decree-Law n. 910 established the first rules

of journalism as a profession, instituting the creation of

schools preparing for media professionals and provision of

certificates, in order to emphasize the separation between

experts and laymen regarding journalistic knowledge.

In 1943, Decree-Law n. 5480 established the journalism

course in Brazilian higher education system. Since the

first journalism school started in 1940, Brazilian

journalism has been seen as a field of interest for

research in the field of communication. And it is from the

1950s that the Brazilian way of thinking about journalism

acquires international visibility studies in the field of

journalism (Marques de Melo and Moreira, 2009).

The Press Law of 1967, pursuant to Decree-Law n. 5250,

refers to freedom of information and thought. Journalism

has become a high education occupation from 1969 due to the

Decree-Law 972 which obliges new professionals to get a

journalism degree. Since then, journalism has demand from

their newcomers the high education diploma. By becoming an

occupation of higher education, journalism starts to reject

the system that provided the training at the office,

acquiring a more tradition and vocational and less academic

profile.

During the trajectory of professionalization of

journalism, the issues surrounding professional regulation

and the legal recognition about the prerequisite for higher

education have raised discussions concerning the diploma

requirement for professional practice. With the

establishment of journalism schools, associations and

unions, and the requirement of obligatory bachelor's degree

in journalism to the profession, journalistic activity went

through a regulatory process, questioning the idea that it

is an occupation that historically does not demand formal

academic training.

As stated earlier, there is a debate about the

existence of specialized knowledge in journalism that would

guarantee exclusive use of their professional practices

defining profession. As explained by Nascimento (2011), in

recent years, journalism, specifically journalistic

knowledge and their professional regulation has been the

object of litigation. Decisions on the process of

professionalization of journalism in Brazil not assumed a

strictly technical nature, based on qualifications and

professional skills, but were politically influenced. In

this sense, the concepts regarding the definition of the

journalistic way to write, its values and professional

activities serve as justification to validate the arguments

concerning to professional regulation.

According to Nascimento (2011: 3), the conceptions

that debate about the requirement of the diploma concern

“[...] the worldviews that underlie the use of the

expertise in the world of work, which means that judicial

decisions reflect the way through which the politicization

of expertise presents itself”.

Thus, in 2001, it was decided that journalism degree

would no longer be mandatory for the profession in Brazil,

in order not to restrict the freedom of expression and

profession. According to this argument, require journalism

degree would be seen as elitist and favoring the interests

of the institutions issuing the credentials of the

professionals. In this conception, the analysis of the

regulation of professional activities should take into

account not only technical, but also must be concerned with

the “social defense” (Nascimento, 2011), warranting the

entire society the freedom of expression.

The basis underlying this discourse is that the

virtues and qualities of a professional journalist are not

learned in journalism schools. For the approach supported

in this judgment, the journalist professional

qualifications are expressed in communicative qualities.

This means that the value of a professional would be

defined as the expertise of technical writing, quality of

expression, writing skills, the art of writing an article,

social visibility, ability to collect information sources,

which could be learned in practice at the workplace. As a

result, in this perspective, their work does not demand a

professional regulation.

In 2005, contrary to the 2001 decision, it was

determined that there are specific activities of journalism

that need training and certification, which requires

professional regulations, considering that freedom of

occupation and freedom of expression should not be

confused. Between 2001 and 2005, 13 000 people (among

journalism students and professionals without a journalism

degree who already work in this profession) got a

professional register, increasing considerably the number

of registered professionals in Brazil (Rocha, 2008).

However, on June 17, 2009 the Supreme Court ruled

unconstitutional the mandatory diploma in Journalism for

the profession (established by Decree-Law no. 972),

following the same argument defended in 2001: the defense

of freedom of expression and freedom to exercise

professional activities.

In response to this decision, was presented in 2009

the Proposed Amendment to the Constitution (PEC) 386/09,

which aims to reestablish the requirement of the journalism

diploma. For the group of the “supporters of the law”,

represented in the speeches of the National Federation of

Journalists (FENAJ) and the Union of Journalists of the

State of São Paulo (SJSP), the diploma requirement is not a

restriction on freedom of expression and should be

considered mandatory condition for the work of professional

journalists.

Professional Identities

In the process of professionalization, the

professional group of journalists devoted their efforts to

obtain a social status compared to some professions, such

as medicine, law and engineering. However, if we consider

the professional attributes that lead an occupation to rise

to the category of profession, we see that the borders that

delimit the space of professional journalists are

inaccurate and “unfinished” (Fidalgo, 2006), representing

obstacles to the construction of their professional

identity.

Concerning the attributes that indicate the level of

professionalization of an occupational group, Dubar and

Tripier (1998) list the following: the group must avoid

performing an amateur activity in order to occupy

themselves full time, establish rules for their

professional activity, requiring a specific training and

specialized schools; possess professional organizations

responsible for ensuring the application of the rules;

ensure legal protection of the monopoly of its activity and

define a code of ethics, which express the principles and

shared values in profession.

In fact, this set of features that define a profession

is part of a model, an ideal-typical construction. The

“particularities of the trajectory of journalists”

(Fidalgo, 2006) make us think more in terms of legitimacy

than the criteria that can define a profession. About the

social legitimacy of the profession, Traquina (2005: 126)

argues that:

Despite its historic inability to delimit their‘territory’, in a minimally rigorous way, fewprofessions have been so successful asjournalism in developing a comprehensiveculture rich in values, symbols and cults thathave gained a mythological dimension inside andoutside ‘tribe’ and a panoply of ideologies andjustifications that is clearly outlined aprofessional identity, which means that thereis an ethos, a definition of a way on how to bea journalist.

The idea of identity can be conceived from two

perspectives. The first one is the essentialist

perspective, which refers to an essence that is what does

not change, being fixed and unique. This position considers

identity as permanent, remaining identical, despite the

changes. It’s the same as saying that the individual

remains identical to its original essence, because it

assumes that the individual inherits at birth “who he is”.

The other position, which is adopted in this study,

according to Dubar (2009), is the nominalist conception,

which believes that “[...] identity is not what remains

necessarily ‘identical’, but the result of a contingent

identity” (Dubar, 2009: 13). So, the identity refers both

to the difference, as what defines the uniqueness of

something or someone, as the common belonging.

Nowadays, our personal and professional identities are

transformed in the face of a cultural fragmentation as part

of a process of “decentering of the subject” and its

identity (Hall, 1997). The identity becomes problematic,

being considered as formed and transformed continuously and

culturally, leaving behind the essentialist conception that

the social individual is fully centered, unified and

possessed of specific social locations.

Based on the nominalist conception, there are

different “ways of identification” that are conditioned to

change and are historically variable, thus depending on the

context in which they are built. Instead of considering

that there are unique differences priori defined and

maintained consistently between individuals, this concept

think of “contingent existences”. Thus, the family,

professional and religious groups are seen as derived from

personal choices and not as inherited labels. So, the

affiliations of individuals in society are multiple,

defined by gender, race, sexuality, cultural background,

generation, among others.

Regarding professional identities, Dubar (2009: 117)

explains that it refers to “[...] the socially recognized

ways for individuals to identify each other in the field of

labor and employment”. The crisis of professional identity

is expressed, in this sense, in the transformation of work,

which created a new form of identity.

According to Dubar (2009), among the elements of the

new “competency model”, which replaces the “training model”

that governed labor relations since 1936, are highlighted

the values of some skills. This means that beyond the

relational forms of identity (identities of actors in a

social system) is also important that they are considered

as forms of biographical professional identity, defined by

the type of trajectory in the course of working life. As a

consequence, this new model of competence which builds a

new type of identity shall focus on the personal qualities

of the new evaluation criteria, such as responsibility,

autonomy, teamwork, and not just the technique and

expertise. About the logic of competence, Dubar (2009: 134)

states that:

[...] consists primarily of questioning ascheme, often described as bureaucraticqualification, previously acquired andsanctioned by a diploma giving right to recruitusing a “classification level” (and salary)corresponding to diploma level and assuringthen an evolution of wages, more or lessautomatically.

In Brazilian journalism, from the 1950s as an

expression of the model of Anglo-American journalism, the

objectivity speech gains strength with the use of new

techniques of writing and reporting, providing legitimacy

and autonomy to journalists, who was justifying their

speech at the “cult of the facts” (Traquina, 2005).

After the professionalization process, favored by the

industrialization of the press, since the media universe

came to be constituted as “a cultural and commercial

enterprise” (Garcia, 2009: 25), journalistic activity

becomes performed by a professional who is no longer seen

as the one who says critically issues that concern the

society to have legitimacy to oversee the powers and

disseminate information, contributing to the debate and

democratic participation. Consequently, as stated by Garcia

(2009: 25), journalist waives the statute of opinion,

observation and literary policy to act as a professional,

exercising “functions of social connection between

institutions and citizens”.

To define their professional identity and, thus,

distinguish themselves from other occupations that do not

have their credential to legitimately exercise their

profession, professional groups often desire the field of

formal education level. It is in the central concern of

studies about the institutionalization of professional

identity of journalists the importance of the dichotomy

between theoretical knowledge and practical, to represent,

in some respects, an impediment to the consolidation of the

professionalization of journalism. Indeed, the existence of

its own body of specialized knowledge - the knowledge

obtained through formal schooling - concerns a necessary

criterion for legitimacy of the profession, and in this

sense, is part of the process of affirmation of

professional journalists, since the other professions are

seen as “knowledge-based occupations” (Fidalgo, 2006).

Conclusions

This article’s goal was to present the dynamics of

professionalization of journalists and review the history

and recent developments of the process of

professionalization of journalism in Brazil, by examining

their efforts in terms of labor dispute, discussing their

social and professional identifications and assuming that

the identities are multiple and conflicting.

The contrast between Anglo-American and French models

of profession suggests that it’s relevant to emphasize

that the variety of journalistic practices should be taken

into account in the analysis, which leads us to think of

these two reference models, which, in fact, are ideal-

typical constructions established in conceptual terms.

Analyzing the discursive differences between those two

models of journalism, it’s important to say that while the

Anglo-American discursive practices focus on the facts and

in the news, for the French conception of journalism,

information is supplemented by reviews, comments and

interpretations, with emphasis on subjectivity.

The rules of the Anglo-American journalistic practice

have become the standard in most countries. In Brazil, the

process of professionalization of journalism received

influence of Anglo-American model of journalism, which

admit that a “professional skill-based techniques” (Neveu,

2006) can be learned in journalism schools.

Following the Anglo-American orientation, in which

journalistic practices are characterized by objectivity,

rationalization, research, and standardized writing

business logic, Brazilian journalism adopts a media system

interested in promoting a “forced professionalization”.

This is because the Anglo-American journalist is, in fact,

as stated by Neveu (2006), “an employee” and comprehends

their activity as a part of the work, guided by a logical

career with their unique abilities and therefore with a

more clearly defined condition of admission into the

profession.

So, in Brazil, the academic content of the journalism

schools is much more focused in the technical subjects and

the humanities in general (which are known as the domain of

social scientists, historians, economists, business

administrators and internationalists) than with a proper

concern to consider journalism as a science. This question

leads to the statement that the diploma does not “qualify”

professional journalism or at least does not represent the

most important reference, compelling the companies to

recruit professionals from other fields, such as the social

scientist - as economist, historian, and internationalist –

who conquer a job in the newsrooms of newspapers. In this

sense, the academic training in journalism does not

guarantee a monopoly on journalistic activity, considering

that the more training required to enter a field the more

the professionals can use their knowledge in a monopolistic

way.

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