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Aristotle's Rhetoric in the Later Medieval Universities: A
ReassessmentAuthor(s): Charles F. BriggsSource: Rhetorica: A
Journal of the History of Rhetoric, Vol. 25, No. 3 (Summer 2007),
pp.243-268Published by: University of California Press on behalf of
the International Society for the Historyof RhetoricStable URL:
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Charles F. Briggs
243
Rhetorica, Vol. XXV, Issue 3, pp. 243268, ISSN 0734-8584,
electronic ISSN 1533-8541. 2007 by The International Society for
the History of Rhetoric. All rights re-served. Please direct all
requests for permission to photocopy or reproduce articlecontent
through the University of California Presss Rights and Permissions
website,at http://www.ucpressjournals.com/reprintInfo.asp. DOI:
10.1525/RH.2007.25.3.243.
Aristotles Rhetoric in theLater Medieval Universities:A
Reassessment
Abstract: This essay offers a reassessment of the reception
history
of the Latin translation of Aristotles Rhetoric in the
universities
and mendicant studia of the thirteenth to fifteenth centuries.
While
it accepts James J. Murphys assertion, originally made in
1969,
that Aristotles Rhetoric was studied as part of moral
philosophy, it
presents new manuscript and textual evidence of how this
work
was actually used. It argues for its popularity and
importance
among later medieval scholastics and suggests we take a more
nuanced view of what they understood rhetoric to be.
In the 1340s, the Dominican friar Luca Mannelli wrote
aCompendiummoralis philosophiae anddedicated it to the no-ble
soldier and poet Bruzio Visconti ofMilan. In the lovely
initial on the opening page of the presentation copy nowParis,
BNFLat. 6467 Luca and Bruzio discuss what is in the book held
openin Lucas hand.1 Beneath this, at the base of the illuminated
border,Bruzio sits enthroned, a sword in his right hand, an open
book in his
An earlier version of this article was read in Seattle at the
2004 Annual Meeting of theMedieval Academy of America. I would like
to thank Rita Copeland for encouragingme to write that paper, and
for reading and commenting upon an earlier draft ofthis article. I
would also like to thank Elizabeth A.R. Brown and the two
anonymousreaders for their helpful suggestions. Portions of the
research on which this article isbased were funded by a Starr
Foundation Visiting Fellowship at Lady Margaret Hall,Oxford in 2001
and aVatican Film LibraryMellon Fellowship at Saint Louis
Universityin the summer of 2003.
1E. Pellegrin, La bibliothe`que des Visconti et Sforza, ducs de
Milan. Supplement(Florence: L.S. Olschki, 1969), 27, pl. 92. This
miniature was probably painted byAndrea da Bologna, who is
responsible for illuminating three other manuscriptscommissioned by
Bruzio.
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RHETOR ICA244
left, his feet resting on the back of conquered Superbia. To his
rightstand three of the chief paganmoral philosophers,
ValeriusMaximus,Seneca, and Aristotle, and to his left, Saints
Thomas Aquinas, Am-brose, and Augustine. Around the border, placed
in roundels, arerepresentations of several of the cities of
Lombardy, with BruziosMilan taking pride of place in the top
center. Luca, who began hiscareer with the Order of Preachers back
in the 1290s at the Florentineconvent of Santa Maria Novella,
served later as prior of the conventof San Domenico in Pistoia
(1331-32), then as preacher general in1332. He went on to spend
much of the 1340s at his home convent inFlorence before occupying
three bishops sees in succession, endinghis life as bishopof Fano
in 1362. Fromhis career andknownwritings,which include, alongwith
theCompendiummoralis philosophiae, anEx-positio of Valerius Maximus
Facta et dicta memorabilia and a Tabulatioet expositio Senecae, one
can say that he is a very good example of thekind of education then
practiced in the ItalianDominican studia of thelater thirteenth and
early fourteenth centuries.2 That education can,on the one hand, be
characterized as pre-humanist or early humanist,since it included
the serious study of the Roman auctores, but it canalso be called
scholastic, in that it studied the texts and applied thepedagogical
and discursive practices of the universities.3
Luca divided his Compendium into three parts: the first
devotedto a discussion of moral philosophy, the second to the four
cardinalvirtues, and the third to the subject of friendship. In the
prefaceLuca tells Bruzio that his chief sources are Aristotles
NicomacheanEthics, CicerosDe officiis andTusculanDisputations, and
thePrima andSecunda Secundi of Thomas Aquinas Summa Theologica.4
Although he
2T. Kaeppeli, Scriptores Ordinis Praedicatorum Medii Aevi, vol.
3 of 4 (Rome: AdS. Sabinae, 1970-93), 89-90.
3OnDominican education, seeM.M.Mulchahey, First the Bow is Bent
in Study....:Dominican Education before 1350 (Toronto: Pontifical
Institute of Mediaeval Studies,1998); and the essays by Mulchahey,
A. Ruther, M. F. Johnson, and C. F. Briggs inMedieval Education,
ed. R. B. Begley and J.W. Koterski (NewYork:
FordhamUniversityPress, 2005), 123-96. Still valuable are L .E.
Boyle, Notes on the Education of theFratres communes in the
Dominican Order in the Thirteenth Century, in Xenia MediiAevi
Historiam Illustrantia Oblata Thomae Kaeppeli, O.P., ed. R.
Creytens and P. Kunzle(Rome:Edizioni di Storia eLetteratura, 1978),
249-67;C. T.Davis, Education inDantesFlorence, in Davis, Dantes
Florence and Other Essays (Philadelphia: University ofPennsylvania
Press, 1984), 137-65. On the use of the terms pre-humanism and
earlyhumanism, see R. G.Witt, In the Footsteps of the Ancients: The
Origins of Humanism fromLovato to Bruni (Leiden: Brill, 2003),
19-30.
4Sed aliam excusationem affero quia quicumque hoc opus culpare
volueritcognoscat quod que in hoc opere expressi ab Aristotile ex
libro Ethicorum a Tullio
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Aristotles Rhetoric in the Later Medieval Universities 245
does not mention Aristotles Rhetoric here, its intimate
connectionto moral philosophy can nonetheless be inferred from
Lucas choiceof authorities and from the image of the philosophers
on BNF Lat.6467s opening page. For Luca, Bruzio, and their
contemporaries,not only were Cicero, Valerius Maximus, Seneca, and
Aristotle thechief pagan moral philosophers, the first and last of
this groupwere also considered to be experts in the art, or indeed
science, ofrhetoric, while the writings of their companions
Valerius Maximusand Seneca offered models of eloquence in action.
In their minds,then, rhetoric was, as Cicero had said in the De
inventione, a partof civil or political science, but it also was
what Aristotles Rhetoricdefined as a form of reasoned discourse
whose aim was persuasionregardingprobable things, andwhose special
provincewasdiscoursein the realm of ethical and political affairs.5
Not per se a branchof moral philosophy, rhetoric was nevertheless
moral philosophysnecessary communicative tool.
In an essay published in 1969 (and subsequently in his
bookRhetoric in the Middle Ages), James J. Murphy first noted the
closeconnection between rhetoric and moral philosophy in the
curricu-lum of the medieval universities.6 Citing the evidence of
medievaluniversity statutes and manuscript contents, Murphy not
only madea strong case for rhetoric, and more specifically
Aristotles Rhetoric,being studied in connection with Aristotles
Ethics and Politics, butalso argued that rhetoric, instead of being
an integral part of thecurriculum in the same way that grammar and
dialectic were, wasconspicuously absent from university curricula
until very near theendof theMiddleAges.7Hewent on to laymuchof
theblame for thislacuna squarely at the feet of the Augustinian
friar and Parisian artsand theology master Giles of Rome, who
shortly after 1270 wrote thefirst, and most influential, commentary
on William of Moerbekestranslation of Aristotles Rhetoric.
According to Murphy, Giles not
ex libro De officiis et Tusculanis questionibus a Thoma ex prima
et secunda secundecollegi pauca de meis cogitationibus preter
formam procedendi subiungens: BNFLat. 6467, fol. 2v.
5Cicero, De inventione 1.5.6; Aristotle, Rhetoric
1.2.1356a21-35; Giles of Rome,Commentaria in Rhetoricam Aristotelis
(Venice, 1515; facsimile repr. Frankfurt: Minerva,1968), fols.
7r-8r.
6J. J. Murphy, The Scholastic Condemnation of Rhetoric in the
Commentary ofGiles of Rome on the Rhetoric of Aristotle, in Arts
liberaux et philosophie auMoyen Age:actes du Quatrie`me Congre`s
international de philosophie medievale (Paris: J. Vrin,
1969),833-41; J. J. Murphy, Rhetoric in the Middle Ages: A History
of Rhetorical Theory from St.Augustine to the Renaissance
(Berkeley: University of California Press, 1974), 89-101.
7Murphy, Scholastic Condemnation of Rhetoric, 833.
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RHETOR ICA246
onlymanaged tomake rhetoric inferior to dialectic and to
emphasizethe role of rhetoric in particular actions, he also
relegated Aristo-tlesRhetoric to the role of adjunct to the study
of ethics and politicsand helped assure that it played no part in
the medieval theoriesof discourse, where Cicero is the dominant
figure.8
In the years since the publication of Murphys pioneering
work,several scholars have reconstituted rhetorics role both within
andat the margins of the universities. They have shown that
contrary toits being largely ignored, there was, in fact,
considerable attentiongiven to it in the arts curriculum at Bologna
and Padua, as well as atParis and Oxford.9 Even Aristotles Rhetoric
appears by 1300 to havebeen quietly assimilated into the matrix of
mid [thirteenth]-centuryrhetoric.10 It has also been made apparent
that there were no clearboundaries within arts teaching at Paris
and elsewhere, and thatmasters and students engaged in dictaminal
instruction that wasnot strictly part of the curriculum.11 None,
however, contends withMurphys basic assertion that what sustained
interest in AristotlesRhetoric at the universities was its
applicability to the study of moralphilosophy.12 Nor is there any
arguing with the manuscript evidencecompiled by Murphy: copies of
Moerbekes translation of AristotlesRhetoric almost always appear
accompanied by one or more of theStagirites other moral
philosophical texts, and they virtually nevershare a codex with
other rhetorical works or with Aristotles treatiseson
dialectic.
8Murphy, Scholastic Condemnation of Rhetoric, 839-40.9G. Leff,
The Trivium and the Three Philosophies, inAHistory of theUniversity
in
Europe,Volume1:Universities in theMiddleAges, ed. H. de
Ridder-Symoens (Cambridge:Cambridge University Press, 1992),
307-16; M. Camargo, Tria sunt: The Long and theShort of Geoffrey of
Vinsaufs Documentum de modo et arte dictandi et
versificandi,Speculum 74 (1999): 935-55, and Medieval Rhetorics of
Prose Composition: Five EnglishArtes Dictandi and Their Tradition
(Binghamton: Medieval and Renaissance Textsand Studies, 1995); K.
M. Fredborg, The Scholastic Treaching of Rhetoric in theMiddle
Ages, Cahiers de lInstitut du Moyen-Age grec et latin 55 (1987):
85-105; K. M.Fredborg, Ciceronian Rhetoric and the Schools, in
Learning Institutionalized: Teachingin the Medieval University, ed.
J. Van Engen (Notre Dame: University of Notre DamePress, 2000),
21-41; J. O. Ward, Rhetoric in the Faculty of Arts at the
Universities ofParis and Oxford in the Middle Ages: A Summary of
the Evidence, Bulletin DuCange54 (1996): 159-231.
10P.O. Lewry, Rhetoric at Paris and Oxford in the Mid-Thirteenth
Century,Rhetorica 1 (1983): 45-63 (p.57).
11Ward, Rhetoric in the Faculty of Arts, 216; Camargo,Medieval
Rhetorics, 20-32.12We may, nevertheless, take Murphys basic point
that interest in Aristotles
rhetoric was kept alive, within the university, by its
relationship to ethics and politics:Ward, Rhetoric in the Faculty
of Arts, 217.
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Aristotles Rhetoric in the Later Medieval Universities 247
But the manuscripts tell a richer and more nuanced story thanthe
one originally related by Murphy. In what follows I intend tocast
the net much wider, looking not only at surviving copies of
theMoerbeke translation but also at a substantial body of
manuscriptscontaining ancillary and derivative material from the
Rhetoric, aswell as texts that use the Rhetoric. What these
manuscripts and theircontents reveal is the emergence of an
intellectual environment, inboth universities and the studia of the
mendicant orders, whereinrhetoricwas appreciated in part for its
formal elements but evenmoreso for its fundamental role in moral
psychology, practical theology,and political science. In all this
Giles of Rome has his place, but it isnot quite the one Murphy
assigned to him. Therefore this essay willalso revisit certain
aspects of the chronology and context of rhetoricalstudies in
higher education in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuriesin order
to show how Giles, and Aristotles Rhetoric, helped revivethe study
of rhetoric in the arts curriculum of the universities andin the
theological studies of both the universities and the schools ofthe
mendicants.
Giles of Rome occupies a crucial place in the history of
academicuses of rhetoric in the later Middle Ages. Giless
commentary on theRhetoric quickly became the standard accessus to
Aristotles text, andremained so throughout the Middle Ages. It did
so, according toCostantino Marmo, owing to its precociousness (he
seems to havecompleted it within three years of William of
Moerbekes translationof the Rhetoric), fullness (it treats the
entire text), and high quality (itsucceeds in making sense of a
difficult text whose three translations,including Moerbekes, are
frequently difficult to comprehend).13 ButGiless unrivalled
familiarity with the Rhetoric also played a fun-damental role in
his conceptualization of moral philosophy, whichis given its
fullest expression in the De regimine principum, a workhe completed
within a decade of writing his Rhetoric commentary,and which he
dedicated to the French dauphin, Philip the Fair. In Deregimine
principumGiles cites theRhetoric by name some ninety times.Indeed,
it is the third most cited work, surpassed only by
AristotlesPolitics (with some 235 named citations) and the Ethics
(with some185). The influence of the Rhetoric is particularly
evident in the firstof De regimine principums three books, since
the four parts of this
13C. Marmo, LUtilizzatione della traduzioni latine della
Rhetorica nel com-mento di Egidio Romano (1272-1273), in La
rhetorique dAristote: traditions et commen-taires de lAntiquite au
XVIIe sie`cle, ed. G. Dahan and I. Rosier-Catach (Paris: J.
Vrin,1998), 111-34.
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RHETOR ICA248
book, devoted in turn to happiness, virtue, the passions, and
char-acter, follow exactly the thematic structure of the Rhetorics
first twobooks.14 Moreover, book ones entire fourth part, on the
character ofmen as determined by their age and condition, is drawn
from theRhetoric. The debt does not end there, since the Rhetoric
is the chiefsource for chapters in the second and third parts of
book two thattreat of the character of wives and daughters (bk. 2,
pt. 1, chaps.12-13; bk. 2, pt. 2, chaps. 19-21), and for the
chapters of book three,part twowhose subject is the proper province
of royal councilors andjudges (chaps. 16-29), and theproper
relationship between a ruler andhis subjects (chaps. 34-36).15
Interestingly, though hardly surprising,given the subject matter
and aims of the De regimine principum, Gilesrelies almost entirely
on the first and second books of the Rhetoric,which focus on human
qualities and relationships, and the role ofdiscourse in those
relationships, but he virtually ignores book threesmore technical
advice on diction and the arrangement of speeches.16
Nonetheless, his use of the Rhetoric in De regimine
principumreflects his attitude toward the place of rhetoric in the
classification
14C. F. Briggs, Giles of Romes De regimine principum: Reading
and Writing Politicsat Court and University, c. 1275-c.1525
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999),11-12; J. Coleman,
Some Relations between the Study of Aristotles Rhetoric, Ethicsand
Politics in Thirteenth- and Early Fourteenth-Century University
Arts Coursesand the Justification of Contemporary Civic Activities
(Italy and France), in PoliticalThought and the Realities of Power
in the Middle Ages/Politisches Denken und Wirklichkeitder Macht
imMittelalter, ed. J. Canning and O. G. Oexle (Gottingen:
Vandenhoeck andRuprecht, 1998), 127-57 (pp. 151-2).
15U. Staico, Rhetorica e politica in Egidio Romano, Documenti e
studi sullatradizione filosofica medievale 3 (1992): 1-75 (p.
13).
16He cites book three of the Rhetoric only once (in bk. 3, pt.
2, chap. 17) inrelation to the matter of giving good counsel.
Giless use of Aristotle here results, infact, from an erroneous
reading of Rhetoric 3.14.1414b35, first made by Giles in
hiscommentary on the Rhetoric (fol. 110r). Aristotle here offers
examples of ways to begina speech, but Giles, by misconstruing
Moerbekes Latin translation, glosses the textas follows: Ostendit
quomodo proemium est adaptabile negocio deliberatiuo. Namtale
negocium circa consilia consistit. Ideo si a consilio incipit
proemium, pertinebitad negocium deliberatiuum, vtputa, quod oportet
bonos consiliatores. Nam illi suntboni, quos Aristides laudat.
Dicebat debent placere, nec debent esse plani. Si enimconsiliator
non consulit vera, sed placentia, malus est. Rursus si est planus
id est si estmanifestus et propalat, et manifestat consilium, etiam
malus est. Ideo subdit, quodilli bene consulunt quicunque boni
existentes inmanifesti sunt id est non propalantconsilia, sicut
Alexander qui laudabat consilia Priami. Dicebat enim de eo, Iste
est quiconsulit quasi diceret nullum consilium est tantum
appreciandum quam istius. Siquisenim vellet in aliquo consilio
concionari, bonum proemium esset, quod consiliatorbonus non debet
esse placens, necque planus, sed debet esse verus et occultus,
etsuper hoc vlterius suum fundaret sermonem.
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Aristotles Rhetoric in the Later Medieval Universities 249
of the sciences, this being the thoroughly Aristotelian one that
it isa counterpart of dialectic, whose proper province is discourse
relatedto ethical and political activities, but that it is not
itself a division ofmoral philosophy, whose three parts, ethics,
economics, and politics,are the subjects of the three major textual
divisions of De regimineprincipum. In a sense, then, the place of
Aristotles Rhetoric in thecurriculum of the late medieval schools
was assured, and partiallydetermined, by the popularity of Giless
treatments of rhetoric inboth his commentary, which survives in
twenty-eight copies of theintegral text or abstracts therefrom, and
in De regimine principum,extant in nearly three-hundred Latin and
eighty vernacular copies.17
In recent articles, both Janet Coleman andUbaldo Staico have
arguedthat Giless use of the Rhetoric is in part a result of
academic rivalrybetween the artists and theologians, on the one
side, and jurists, onthe other.18 Giles, by grounding rhetoric
firmly in the sphere of moralphilosophy,made the case that
rhetoric, seeks the roots of persuasivediscourse and the reasons
for its success in the nature of humancharacter and emotion. Its
method is that of a kind of demonstrationin the absence of
deductive certainty. The art of rhetoric can be taught,it is a
skill but one that is a productive activity of the orator
ratherthan a feature of language and argument themselves. Its
successfuluse can only be achieved by an orators grasp of the most
importantfeatures of human nature, emotional and
intellectual.19
Because artists and theologians (and, Giles hoped, the
princeswho readDe regimine principum) studied moral philosophy,
they hadthe capacity to know and give causes and were thus worthy
torule or to counsel rulers. Conversely, jurists were the
instruments ofrulers but not capable of ruling, owing to their
being idiotae politici.Their ignorance of moral philosophy meant
they were only capableof speaking narrative, that is descriptively,
without understandingor knowing the causes of things.20 Giles,
then, was trying to strip
17Staico, Rhetorica e politica, 2, 28; J. Miethke, review of
Briggs, Giles of RomesDe regimine principum, Speculum 77 (2002):
481.
18Staico, Rhetorica e politica, 71-5; J. Coleman, The Science of
Politics andLate Medieval Academic Debate, in Criticism and Dissent
in the Middle Ages, ed. R.Copeland (Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 1996), 181-214 (pp. 203-9). Fora different perspective, see
P. S. Lewis, Pouvoir, speculative et pratique: quellesvoix
entendre?, in Penser le pouvoir au Moyen Age (VIIIe-XVe sie`cle),
ed. D. Boutet andJ. Verger (Paris: Editions rue dUlm, 2000),
157-70.
19Coleman, Some Relations, 149.20Leges et iura, quae sunt de
actibus hominum sub politica quae est de regimine
civitatum. . . . Sic legistae, quia ea de quibus est politica,
dicunt narrative et sine ratione
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RHETOR ICA250
the jurists of the privilege they claimed to counsel kings,
popes, andprinces on account of their legal knowledge, and to place
in theirstead artists and theologians. Nonetheless, up till the
time whenGiles was writing this rivalry had had the negative effect
of makingrhetoric a suspect discipline in the eyes of Paris-trained
academicswho had accepted at face value the close association of
rhetorical andlegal studies. Thus Giles, by subordinating both
rhetoric and law tomoral philosophy, was trying thereby to revive
the study of rhetoricin the university, but in such away as to
undercut the influence of thejurists.21
The suspicion of rhetoric in its Ciceronian guise at Paris in
themiddle years of the thirteenth century did not, however, mean
itsoutright rejection: a case convincinglymade by JohnWard.22 Yet
thereis no doubt that by the early years of the thirteenth century
academicshad ceased to regard rhetoric as the master discipline of
the liberalarts. The reasons for this are many and complicated.
Certainly it wasowed in large part to the massive influx of
Aristotelian and Arabictexts and the effort to assimilate and
appropriate them, beginningin the later years of the twelfth
century. It also was the result of thekinds of texts thatwere first
being translated,which pertained largelyto fields of dialectic,
metaphysics, and natural philosophy. The newmoral philosophical and
rhetorical texts were relative latecomers,after all, not beginning
to be translated in their entirety until the late1240s (with
Grossetestes translation of the Ethics), and the Politicsand
Rhetoric not really circulating in any serious way until after
theirtranslation by William of Moerbeke in the 1260s.23 The
developmentof more specialized rhetorical arts, like dictamen and
preaching,also probably had an effect on the relative neglect of
rhetoric inthe university curriculum during these years.24 What
little attention
appellari possunt idiotae politici. Ex hoc autem patere potest
quod magis honorandisunt scientes politicam et morales sciencias,
quam scientes leges et iura. Nam quantoscientes et dantes causam,
honorabiliores sunt loquentibus et non reddentibus causamdicti,
tanto tales honorabiliores sunt illis: Giles of Rome,De regimine
principum (Rome,1556), bk. 2, pt. 2, chap. 8 (fols. 183v-84r).
21Staico, Rhetorica e politica, 62-75.22Ward, Rhetoric in the
Faculty of Arts, cited in n. 9 above, pp. 159-231.23The Cambridge
History of Later Medieval Philosophy, ed. N. Kretzmann, A.
Kenny,
and J. Pinborg (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982),
45-79.24Murphy, Rhetoric in the Middle Ages, cited in n. 6 above,
pp. 194-355; H.
Wieruszowski, Rhetoric and the Classics in Italian Education of
the ThirteenthCentury, in Wieruszowski, Politics and Culture in
Medieval Spain and Italy (Rome:Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura,
1971), 589-627; M. Camargo, Rhetoric, in The SevenLiberal Arts in
the Middle Ages, ed. D. L. Wagner (Bloomington: Indiana
University
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Aristotles Rhetoric in the Later Medieval Universities 251
was paid to rhetoric came largely in the formof discussingwhere
it fitinto the classification of the sciences, as one finds in the
introductionsto philosophy and examination manuals studied by
Osmund Lewryand Claude Lafleur.25
But the relative lack of interest in rhetoric as a subject in
its ownright also grew out of changing attitudes toward language,
andmostparticularly towardLatin, during the early years of the
thirteenth cen-tury. In the preceding centuries Latin eloquentia
had been one of thechief goals of higher education in the cathedral
andmonastic schools.Eloquence, based on imitation of classical and
scriptural auctores, wasthe very core of ones ethical formation.
This form of eloquence wasalso connected to nobility, since its
attainment belonged very muchto the province of clerics of
aristocratic origin.26 All this began tochange, however, with the
growing democratization and institution-alization of learning
associatedwith theGregorian reformmovementand the rise of
universities as a response to the institutional needsof the Church
and centralizing states. Not only were those seekingan education
drawn increasingly from the middling ranks of society,but the
object of their studies was becoming more pragmatic.27
Thispragmatism spilled over into the field of language. Thus, the
newpastoral expectations of the clergy demanded the abandonment
ofhigh-brow eloquentia in favor of middle-brow sermons built on
aneasily comprehended and memorable rational structure, and
spokenin clear, simple, and repetitive language.28
Press, 1983), 96-124 (pp. 107-10); R. H. Rouse and M. A. Rouse,
Preachers, Florilegiaand Sermons: Studies in the Manipulus Florum
of Thomas of Ireland (Toronto: PontificalInstitute of Mediaeval
Studies, 1979), 3-90.
25P.O. Lewry, Rhetoric at Paris and Oxford, cited in n. 10
above, pp. 45-63;C. Lafleur, Quatre introductions a` la philosophie
au XIIIe sie`cle: textes critiques et etudehistorique (Montreal and
Paris: Institut dEtudes Medievales, J. Vrin, 1988).
26This and much of what is discussed in this paragraph is found
in C. F. Briggs,Translation as Pedagogy: Academic Discourse and
Changing Attitudes towardLatin in the Thirteenth and Fourteenth
Centuries, in Frontiers in the Middle Ages,ed. O. Merisalo
(Louvain-la-Neuve: Federation Internationale des Instituts
dEtudesMedievales, 2006), 495-505; C. S. Jaeger, The Envy of
Angels: Cathedral Schools and SocialIdeals in Medieval Europe
(Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1994).
27A.Murray,Reason and Society in theMiddleAges (Oxford:
Clarendon Press, 1978);M. A. Rouse and R. H. Rouse, Statim
invenire: Schools, Preachers, and New Attitudesto the Page, in
Rouse and Rouse, Authentic Witnesses: Approaches to Medieval Texts
andManuscripts (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 1991),
191-219.
28S. Tugwell, De huiusmodi sermonibus texitur omnis recta
predicatio: ChangingAttitudes toward the Word of God, in De
lhomelie au sermon: histoire de la predicationmedievale, ed. J.
Hamesse and X. Hermand (Louvain-la-Neuve: Universite Catholiquede
Louvain, 1993), 159-68.
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RHETOR ICA252
Meanwhile in the universities themselves, and in the
mendicantstudia that arose beside and somewhat in competition with
them, theconfrontation with the flood of new Greco-Arabic learning,
trans-lated in language full of neologisms and shorn of eloquence
in favorof accuracy, brought forth a new curricular taxonomy of
distinctdisciplines, each with its own specialized texts and
terminology. Phi-losophy, which had previously been plucked from
the lush fields ofthe Latin auctores, was now discussed in the
spare, dry language ofthe university lectio and disputatio. The
subject matter of these lec-tures and disputations was difficult
enough, and in the interests oftransmitting information to
overworked and often under preparedstudents, it was necessary that
lexis and syntax be kept as efficientand unambiguous as possible.29
Moreover, the prevalence of dialec-tic in the arts curriculum did
no favors for eloquence, for, in thetrenchant words of Beryl
Smalley, dialectic was good for scholas-tic philosophy and theology
and very bad for Latin. The reign ofdialectic also brought in its
wake the new modist and nominalisttheories of grammar, which,
despite their key differences with oneanother, agreed that all
actual languages, whether Latin or otherwise,participated in common
metalinguistic structures and rules.30
This does not mean that the study of rhetoric died out at
theuniversities; and its survival there has been traced by Gordon
Leff,Martin Camargo, Karin Fredborg, and John Ward.31 I do,
however,suggest that the curricular concerns and discursive
practices of the
29O. Weijers, Le maniement du savoir: pratiques intellectuelles
a` lepoque des premie`resuniversites (XIIIe-XIVe sie`cles)
(Turnhout: Brepols, 1996), 131-41; M. B. Parkes, TheInfluence of
the Concepts of Ordinatio and Compilatio on the Development of
theBook, in Medieval Learning and Literature: Essays Presented to
Richard William Hunt,ed. J. J. G. Alexander and M. T. Gibson
(Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1976), 115-41; J.Goering, William de
Montibus (c. 1140-1213): The Schools and the Literature of
PastoralCare (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies,
1992). See also several ofthe essays in J. Hamesse, ed., Aux
origines du lexique philosophique europeen: linfluencede la
latinitas (Louvain-la-Neuve: Federation Internationale des
Instituts dEtudesMedievales, 1997).
30B. Smalley, English Friars and Antiquity in the Early
Fourteenth Century (Oxford:Basil Blackwell, 1960), 45; Weijers,
Maniement du savoir, 131-5; Coleman, Science ofPolitics, cited in
n. 18 above, pp. 190-1; L. G. Kelley, The Mirror of Grammar:
Theology,Philosophy and the Modistae (Amsterdam and Philadelphia:
John Benjamins, 2002);S. Lusignan, Parler vulgairement: les
intellectuels et la langue franaise aux XIIIe et XIVesie`cles, 2nd
ed. (Paris and Montreal: J. Vrin, Presses de lUniversite de
Montreal, 1987),pp. 62-7. The early phase in the development of
universal grammar is surveyed by K.M. Fredborg, Universal Grammar
According to Some 12th-Century Grammarians,Historiographia
Linguistica 7 (1980): 69-84.
31See n. 9 above.
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Aristotles Rhetoric in the Later Medieval Universities 253
nascent universities did detach Latinity from eloquence in its
classi-cal guise, or at least severely weakened their ties to one
another.Even in Italy, as Robert Black has shown, the thirteenth
centurywitnessed nothing less than a collapse of the study of the
an-cient Roman classics.32 Thus, when Aristotles Rhetoric entered
thescene in the 1260s, its advent brought with it not only a
renewedinterest in rhetoric, but also a reassessment of its place
and func-tion. In his De ortu scientiarum the English Dominican
Robert Kil-wardby declared Rhetorica est sermocinalis scientia
ratiocinativacirca quaestionem civilem terminandam.33 Meanwhile his
Francis-can compatriot, Roger Bacon, in part seven of his Opus
maius, a sec-tion devoted to moralis philosophia, quotes Aristotles
Ethics to theeffect that moral philosophy is not served by
demonstration (thatis dialectic), but by rhetorical argument,
because rhetoric and itscounterpart poetry appeal not to the
speculative intellect, which isconvinced by dialectical arguments,
but rather to the practical in-tellect, which is open to
persuasion, owing to its connection withthe passions.34 Bacon,
whose treatment of Aristotle is influencedby both Al-Farabi and
Augustine, places rhetoric squarely in theprovince of moral
philosophy, and does so with the eminently prac-tical aims of
persuading the Christian faithful to follow true doctrineand
practice, and convincing the infidels to abandon their
errors.35
Bacon, writing a few years before Giles embarked on his
Rhetoriccommentary, had already, as Ire`ne Rosier-Catach has shown,
an-nonc[e] bien le chemin que prendra la Rhetorique dAristote chez
lesLatins, en circulant presquexclusivement avec des textes
dethiqueet de politique.36
This almost exclusive circulation was first established by J.
J.Murphy.37 At this juncture, it would do well for us to review,
andindeed to update and augment the evidence presented by
Murphyregarding themanuscripts. One hundred and one copies of
theMoer-
32R. Black, Humanism and Education in Medieval and Renaissance
Italy: Traditionand Innovation in Latin Schools from the Twelfth to
the Fifteenth Century (Cambridge:Cambridge University Press, 2001),
192.
33G. Dahan, Lentree de la Rhetorique dAristote dans le monde
latin entre 1240et 1270, in La rhetorique dAristote, cited in n. 13
above, pp. 65-86 (p. 79).
34Here Bacon refers to Aristotle, Nicomachean Ethics
1.1.1094b19-25, as notedby I. Rosier-Catach, Roger Bacon, Al-Farabi
et Augustin: rhetorique, logique etphilosophie morale, in La
rhetorique dAristote, cited in n. 13 above, pp. 87-110 (p.93).
35Rosier-Catach, Roger Bacon, 92-5.36Rosier-Catach, Roger Bacon,
110.37See n. 6 above.
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RHETOR ICA254
beke translation of theRhetoric survive (fivemore thanMurphy
knewabout).38 Of these, nearly half, forty-five manuscripts, date
from thelatter part of the thirteenth to the beginning of the
fourteenth century.Many of these bear the marks of northern French,
and probably inmost of these cases Parisian, origins, being either
in a north Frenchtextualis, or some combination of French, German,
Dutch, English,Spanish, and Italian hands. Of the remainder,
thirty-seven were pro-duced in the fourteenth century, while a
further seven come eitherfrom the end of the fourteenth or
beginning of the fifteenth century.Another twelve can be firmly
assigned to the fifteenth century. Theplaces of origin of these
later manuscripts are, not surprisingly, morevaried, reflecting the
transmission of the text as well as the estab-lishment of new
centers of book production in association with theproliferation of
universities in the later Middle Ages.39
The explosive production of copies within a half century of
theworks translation points to its avid reception; and although
thatreception was somewhat limited compared to that of the
Ethics,which survives in over three hundred copies of the
Grossetesteand Moerbeke translations, and in a few dozen of the
early EthicaNova/Ethica Vetus versions, it nonetheless compares
favorably withthe 110 or so copies of the Politics.40 As Murphy
earlier showed, thevast majority of theseRhetoric copies
seventy-eight according tomyupdated list are accompanied by other
moral philosophical textsin the manuscripts: seventy with the
Politics and fifty-seven withthe Ethics, although in fully
fifty-three of the manuscripts it appearswith both the Ethics and
Politics. Frequently it also appears withthe
pseudo-AristotelianMagna moralia and Economics: in thirty-sevenand
twenty-sevenmanuscripts respectively. In the remaining
twenty-threemanuscripts, theRhetoric appears alone in five
andwithGiles of
38Murphy, Rhetoric in the Middle Ages, cited in n. 6 above, p.
100. This numberhas since been revised upward by B. Schneider, ed.,
Aristoteles Latinus, Vol. XXXI, pts.1-2, Rhetorica, Translatio
Anonyma sive Vetus et Translatio Guillelmi de Moerbeka
(Leiden,Brill, 1978), xxxiii-xxxvii. To Schneiders list can be
added two further manuscripts:Oxford, Bodl. Libr. canon class.
lat., fols. 153-205; Turin, Bibl. Naz. E.III.20, fols. 1-47v.
39G. Pollard, The Pecia System in theMedieval Universities,
inMedieval Scribes,Manuscripts and Libraries: Essays Presented to
N. R. Ker, ed. M. B. Parkes and A. G.Watson (London: Scolar Press,
1978), 145-61; C. Bozzolo and E. Ornato, Pour unehistoire du livre
manuscrit au Moyen Age: trois essais de codicologie quantitative
(Paris:Editions du CNRS, 1983), 15-121; L. J. Bataillon, B. G.
Guyot, and R. H. Rouse, eds., Laproduction du livre universitaire
auMoyenAge: exemplar et pecia (Paris: Editions du CNRS,1988); A.
Gieysztor, Management and Resources, in A History of the University
inEurope, cited in n. 9 above, pp. 108-43 (pp. 128-9).
40Cambridge History of Later Medieval Philosophy, cited in n. 23
above, p. 78.
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Aristotles Rhetoric in the Later Medieval Universities 255
Romes commentary in three. Of the fifteenmanuscripts in which
theRhetoric does not share space with other moral philosophical
texts, ittends in the earliest of them to be boundwith other
Aristotelian texts,like theMetaphysics (which is alsooften found in
themanuscriptswithmoral philosophical material), or theDe causis,
Problemata, Physics, orDe animalibus. Fragments from amanuscript
dating to the fourteenthcentury, now at Monte Cassino, come from
the Rhetoric and thepseudo-Aristotelian Secretum secretorum, an
Arabic Mirror of Princesthat occasionally appears in collections
ofmoral philosophical texts.41
It is virtually never accompanied by other non-Aristotelian
rhetoricaltexts, the only exception being BibliotecaApostolica
Vaticana Vat. lat.2995, an early fourteenth-century manuscript of
Italian origin thatincludes an anonymous abridgment of the Ad
Herennium as well asthe texts of the Ethics, Politics, Rhetoric,
Economics, an alphabeticalindex of the Ethics, and the Rhetorica ad
Alexandrum. Also noteworthyin this context is a thirteenth-century
manuscript in Toledo (Bibl.del Cabildo 47.15) which combines the
translatio vetus of the Rhetoricand Averroes Rhetoric commentary
with Ciceros De inventione, AdHerennium, and De officiis, Martin of
Bragas De quattuor virtutibus(Formula vitae honestae), and the
Secretum secretorum.42
Largely ignored by Murphy, however, and only partially treatedby
other scholars, is a large body of manuscripts containing
ancillaryand derivative material from the Rhetoric.43 I have been
able to findseventy-six of these, although there could well be a
few that haveescapedmy notice (see Table). I should add the further
caveat that al-though I have either personally examined or at least
seen the detailedcatalogue descriptions of most of these
manuscripts, there are a fewwhose entire contents I have not yet
been able to assess. Here, how-ever, is what I can say so far. In
these seventy-six manuscripts thereappears a wide array of
ancillary/derivative texts. These include:Giles of Romes Commentary
(twenty-eight copies) and De differen-
41For this, see Aristoteles Latinus, Pars Posterior, ed. G.
Lacombe et al. (Cambridge:Cambridge University Press, 1955), 907-8
(no. 1312).
42The translatio vetus, an anonymous translation of the mid
thirteenth century,survives in two manuscripts besides Toledo:
Chicago, Newberry Libr. f. 23; and BNFLat. 16673. A list of
propositions from the translatio vetus also survives in Venice,
Bibl.Marciana lat. VI.164.
43Staico, Rhetorica e politica, cited in no. 15 above, pp. 4-12;
Fredborg,Scholastic Teaching of Rhetoric, cited in n. 9 above, p.
97; J. R. ODonnell, TheCommentary of Giles of Rome on the Rhetoric
of Aristotle, in Essays in MedievalHistory Presented to Bertie
Wilkinson, ed. T. A. Sandquist and M. R. Powicke
(Toronto:University of Toronto Press, 1969), 139-56; G. Bruni, The
De differentia rhetoricae,ethicae et politicae of Aegidius Romanus,
New Scholasticism 6 (1932): 1-18.
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RHETOR ICA256
tia rhetoricae, ethicae et politicae (four copies plus a brief
synopsis);44
the Tabula moralium, an exhaustive alphabetical index of the
Rhetoric,Ethics, Politics, Economics, Poetics, and Magna Moralia,
and of theirchief medieval commentators, compiled in 1346 by the
Paris-trainedBenedictine Jean Bernier de Fayt (fifteen copies);45
the ParisianQuaes-tiones on the Rhetoric of Jean de Jandun and Jean
Buridan (sevenand three copies respectively);46
thePadua-trainedBenedictineEngel-bert of Admonts late
thirteenth-century Compendium of the Rhetoric,Ethics, Politics,
Economics, De bona fortuna, and Ciceros De officiis (3surviving and
one known lost copy);47 the Dominican Guido Ver-nani of Riminis
Compendium Rethoricae (3 copies);48 two copies of thealphabetical
tabula of Auctoritates from the Ethics, Politics,
Rhetoric,Economics,Topics, andBoethiussDe consolatione philosophiae
compiledby Petrus Storch de Czwikau at Leipzig in 1419-20;49 and
one copyapiece of Hermannus Alemannus Didascalia in Rethoricam
Aristotelisex glossa Alfarabii and of the Leipzig-trained early
fifteenth-centuryDominican, Johannes Brasiator de Frankensteins
Notabilia AegidiiRomani super libros Rethoricorum et auctoritates
librorum Rethoricorum,Ethicorum, Politicorum et Yconomicorum.50 To
these can be added an as-sortment of anonymousworks, either
quaestiones, commenta, notabilia,propositiones, or auctoritates, of
the Rhetoric, or of some combination ofthe Rhetoric, Ethics, and
Politics, or Giless Rhetoric Commentary.51
44C. H. Lohr, Medieval Latin Aristotle Commentaries, Traditio 23
(1967): 334-5;Staico, Rhetorica e politica, 2. All subsequent
citations of Lohr are to MedievalLatin Aristotle Commentaries in
Traditio. Only volume number, year, and pages willbe given.
45Lohr 26 (1970): 157. Note that Tortosa, Bibl. del Cabildo 215,
credited by Lohrto Bernier de Fayt, is in fact an anonymous tabula,
inc. Accumulare.
46Lohr 26 (1970): 214-15; E. Beltran, Les questions sur la
Rhetorique dAristotede Jean de Jandun, in La rhetorique dAristote,
cited in n. 13 above, pp. 153-67 (pp.153-4). Lohr 26 (1970): 181;
J. Biard, Science et rhetorique dans les Questions sur laRhetorique
de Jean Buridan, in La rhetorique dAristote, 135-52,
(pp.135-6).
47G.B. Fowler, Admont 608 and Engelbert of Admont (ca.
1250-1331), Archivesdhistoire doctrinale et litteraire du Moyen Age
44 (1977): 149-242 (pp.152-61).
48Lohr 24 (1968): 191-2; M. Grabmann, Methoden und Hilfsmittel
des Aristote-lesstudiums im Mittelalter (Munich: Verlag der
Bayerischen Akademie der Wissen-schaften, 1939), 85. Guido Vernani
likely prepared his compendium in associationwith his teaching
duties as Dominican lector in Bologna, where he served twice
dur-ing the years 1310-24. He also wrote compendia of the
commentaries on the Ethicsand Politics of Thomas Aquinas and Peter
of Auvergne.
49Lohr 28 (1972): 371-2; Grabmann, Methoden und Hilfsmittel,
149-51.50Lohr 24 (1968): 234 (Hermannus). Lohr 26 (1970): 160
(Johannes Brasiator).51See in the Table: Berlin, Staatsbibl. lat.
quart. 377; Bruges, Stadsbibl. 482;
Cambridge, Gonville & Caius College 462/735 and Peterhouse
College 208; Cluj,
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Aristotles Rhetoric in the Later Medieval Universities 257
As for the contents of these seventy-six manuscripts,
fifty-three,or just over two-thirds contain some combination of
theRhetoricwithother Aristotelian moral philosophical texts. By way
of comparison,of the remainder, the lions share are manuscripts of
Giles of RomesCommentary (fourteen manuscripts), with a further
scattering ofmanuscripts containing the Compendium of Guido Vernani
and theQuaestiones of Jandun and Buridan. These texts
andmanuscripts alsoreveal an ongoing interest in Ciceronian and
Senecan rhetoric andmoral philosophy. Jean de Jandun, in his
Quaestiones refers to the Deinventione and De officiis, the Ad
Herennium, the letters of Seneca, andthe pseudo-Senecan De quattuor
virtutibus; he also appends someextracts from book four of Ad
Herennium to the longer version ofthe Quaestiones. Also, Engelbert
of Admont included a section ofextracts from theDe officiis in his
compendium.Extracts fromSenecasletters to Lucilius appear along
with those from the Rhetoric, Ethics,Politics, and Poetics in BL
Royal 5.C.iii a manuscript, by the way,which also includes an
abridgment of Giles of Romes De regimine while Vienna Nationalbibl.
clw 2307 includes extracts from Ciceroalong with Jean Bernier de
Fayts Tabula moralium and another ofhis alphabetical tabula, this
one of Vegetius De re militari.52 Notabiliafrom the moral letters
of Seneca and the pseudo-Senecan De quattuorvirtutibus alsodirectly
follow those fromAristotelian rhetoricalworksin the extremely
popular florilegium compiled at the very end of thethirteenth
centuryby theFranciscan lector atMontpellier JohannesdeFonte, the
Auctoritates Aristotelis (which also ties Aristotles Rhetoricto
philosophia moralis).53
Bibl. Acad. Rom. cod. 9; Hereford, Cath. Libr. P.III.6; London,
Grays Inn Libr. 2, andBL Add. 21147 and Royal 5.C.iii; Modena,
Bibl. Estense Fondo Estense 14, anothercopy of which is in Paris,
Bibl. Sainte-Genevie`ve 3078; Oxford, Bodl. Libr. Digby 55;Reims,
Bibl. mun. 493; and Tortosa, Bibl. del Cabildo MSS 215 and 249.
52Giles of Rome relied heavily on Vegetius in bk. 3, pt. 3 ofDe
regimine principum.This association of Vegetius military manual
with Giless mirror of princes wasappreciated by English readers,
who frequently paired the two works in manuscripts:Briggs, Giles of
Romes De regimine principum, cited in n. 14 above, pp. 11, 65.
53There are some 300 surviving copies of the Auctoritates
Aristotelis: J. Hamesse,Les Auctoritates Aristotelis: un florile`ge
medievale (Louvain and Paris: Publications Uni-versitaires de
Louvain, Editions Beatrice-Nauwelaerts, 1974); J. Hamesse, Les
flo-rile`ges philosophiques, instruments de travail des
intellectuels a` la fin du Moyen Ageet a` la Renaissance, in
Filosofia e teologia nel trecento: studi in ricordo di Eugenio
Randi,ed. L. Bianchi (Louvain-la-Neuve: Federation Internationale
des Instituts dEtudesMedievales, 1994), 479-508 (p. 491). Hamesse
identified Johannes de Fonte as com-piler of this florilegium in
1994: J. Hamesse, Les manuscrits des Parvi flores: unenouvelle
liste de temoins, Scriptorium 48 (1994): 299-332 (p. 300).
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RHETOR ICA258
The dating of these manuscripts follows a predictable pattern:
amere handful are from the thirteenth century, some forty from
thefourteenth, and roughly a score from the fifteenth. In other
words,their peak time of production follows that of the manuscripts
ofthe Rhetoric itself by roughly a generation. Finally, there is
someevidence of several lost Rhetoric commentaries, among them
thoseof Boethius of Dacia (d. ca. 1284), Dionigi da Borgo San
Sepolcro,OESA (d. 1342), Hermann von Schildesche, OESA (d. 1357),
JohannesAlphonsus de Benavente (d. after 1478, but teaching
rhetoric andarts at Salamanca 1403-18), Johannes Breslauer von
Braunsberg, OP(fl. mid-late 1400s), and Lancillottus de Zerlis (fl.
1400s).54 Thesemany ancillary/derivativeworks attest to an
immediate and ongoinginterest in the Rhetoric, and to a tradition,
established in the firstgeneration of its reception, of connecting
it to moral philosophy.
In conclusion, some general observations can be hazarded on
thefortunes of Aristotles Rhetoric in the later Middle Ages. First,
theearly connection of rhetoric with dialectic, on the one hand,
and withmoral philosophy, on the other, popularized the study of
the Rhetoricas a component of the Corpus Aristotelicum while also
limiting thetime and energy devoted to it. After all, the number of
quaestiones,commentaries, and compendia on the Rhetoric is dwarfed
by thatof those composed on Aristotles logical works or on his
Ethics andPolitics. Yet the Rhetoric was regularly taught and
studied, if onlycursorily and in association with dialectic and
moral philosophy. In-fluence of this kind of instruction can be
seen in Dino del Garbosearly fourteenth-century commentary on Guido
Cavalcantis poemDonna mi prega, wherein this former student of
Bolognas famedprofessor ofmedicine, TaddeoAlderotti whose own keen
interest inmoral philosophy is evinced in his havingmade an Italian
translationof the Ethics and devotee of the dolce stil nuovo, cited
the Rhetoric,Ethics, and Politics.55 Familiarity with Aristotles
moral philosophi-cal corpus and a background in medicine are also
evident in a briefanonymous commentary (Paris, BNF Lat. 16133,
fols. 74r-83v), pre-pared probably between 1317 and 1319 for Jaime,
heir to the throneof Aragon. Called the Libellus de ingenio bone
nativitatis, it is really aseries of fourteen leges taken
fromAristotles discussion of the properage of marriage and the
nurturing of infants in chapters 16 and 17
54Lohr 23 (1967): 388; Lohr 23 (1967): 397; Lohr 24 (1968): 236;
Lohr 30 (1974):141; Lohr 26 (1970): 160; Lohr 27 (1971): 313.
55N.G. Siraisi, Taddeo Alderotti and His Pupils: Two Generations
of Italian MedicalLearning (Princeton: Princeton University Press,
1981), 72-95.
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Aristotles Rhetoric in the Later Medieval Universities 259
of book 7 of the Politics, and supplied with commentary, which
citesby name from all Aristotles libri morales, including the
Rhetoric, aswell as several of his works on natural
philosophy.56
There is no doubt, however, that a reliance on moral philoso-phy
is most apparent in the writings of theologians; and no
wonder,since their familiarity with it helped them be more
effective pastors,preachers, and confessors. This explains,
perhaps, the popularityof Giles of Romes De regimine principum with
its very large cleri-cal audience.57 It also helps us understand
the appeal of AristotlesRhetoric amongDominicans like Guido Vernani
and Johannes Brasia-tor de Frankenstein, and for Benedictines like
the Austrian Engelbertof Admont and the Flemish Jean Bernier de
Fayt, who explains thatjust as blessed David made himself a diadem
from the crown ofthe Ammonite idol Milcom. . . . I judge it not
incongruous with theconfirmation of Catholic truth to relate
sometimes the writings ofthe gentile philosophers, and especially
of . . . that man of excellentgenius Aristotle.58
56P. Biller, Aristotles Politica and Demographic Thought in the
Kingdom ofAragon in the Early Fourteenth Century, Annals of the
Archive of Ferran Valls ITaberners Library 9/10 (1991): 249-64.
According to my inspection of the manuscript,it was originally in
two parts the first comprising fols. 2-61 and the second,
fols.62-86 and dates from the fourteenth century. The second part,
which also containsan Iberian commentary on the Economics and a
Tractatus magistri Pauli de causasterilitatis mulorum, was joined
to part one, which includes extracts of Senecas Deremediis
fortuitorum and Martin of Bragas Formula vitae honestae, by
sometime in thefifteenth century. According to an inscription on
fol. 1v, it was bought in Paris in 1477by a Rosselli: Medicus.
57Briggs, Giles of Romes De regimine principum, cited in n. 14
above, pp. 91-107.58Quoniam ut habetur primo paralipomenon 20 c de
corona melchom ydoli
Amonitarum beatus David sibi dyadema composuit et paulus
apostolus dicta quo-rumdam poetarum gentilium ad suum propositum
eleganter aptavit ut Thym 1. etAct. 11 capitulis apparet et ut ait
glossa beati Augustini ad Thym. primo sumpta exlibro contra
inimicum legis et prophetarum licet divine auctoritati quod verum
inve-nis testimonium sumere nempe de herba non queritur, que terra
vel cuius hortulanicura creverit dummodo vim habeat sanativam.
Idcirco non incongruum arbitror adconfirmationem catholice
veritatis quandoque scripturas philosophorum gentiliumallegare
presertim illorum, qui super ceteros sapientia floruerunt. Inter
quos exceptotamen Platone famossissimus Aristoteles vir excellentis
ingenii, ut ait Augustinusde civitate dei 12 c., qui nihil dixit
sine forti ratione, ut ait Averroys. 1o De gen-eratione et
corruptione, obtinuit ut estimo principatum. Eapropter, ut
quorumdamipsius librorum scilicet Rhetorice, Ethicorum, Politice,
Poetice, magnorumque Moral-ium nobiliora dicta pro manibus facilius
habeantur, ea favente deo de prefatis librisprout potui diligenter
excerpsi et in unum manipulum, quem tabulam moraliumAristotelis
vocari cupio, secundum ordinem alphabeti redegi: Grabmann,
Methodenund Hilfsmittel, cited in n. 48 above, p. 145.
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RHETOR ICA260
This reliance on moral philosophy and rhetoric in the service
ofpastoral care is perhaps best exemplified by two works of the
TuscanDominican, Bartolomeo da San Concordio. The first is
Bartolomeospreaching aid, the Documenta antiquorum, which he
composed in thefirst decade of the fourteenth century and soon
thereafter translatedinto Italian with a dedication to the
Florentine banker Geri Spini.59
In it, and particularly in the second part on Virtue, Bartolomeo
fre-quently cites Aristotles Rhetoric, as well as the Ethics and
Politics; buthe is just as likely to quote from Ciceros De officiis
and De inven-tione, the pseudo-Ciceronian Rhetorica ad Herennium,
and the lettersof Seneca. So, to cite just one example among many,
in treatise two,distinction eleven, chapter one, whose subject is
the praise of theknowledge and practice of eloquence, he quotes,
among other au-thorities, the De officiis, Valerius Maximus, the
Elder Seneca, andthe Rhetoric.60 About a decade later Bartolomeo
prepared the Com-pendium moralis philosophiae, a glossed abridgment
of Giles of RomesDe regimine principum, whose likely intended
audience was the mas-ters and students in the Dominicans
theological studia.61 Just as hehad in his earlier work, so here
too does Bartolomeo frequently drawhis glosses from Aristotles
Rhetoric, as well as from Seneca, Cicero,and Valerius Maximus.62
Educated in the studia of the DominicansRoman province and then,
during the 1280s, at Bologna and Paris,Bartolomeo won the praise of
his contemporaries for his talents as apreacher and teacher; he
also played a key role in developing the Do-minicans educational
program in moral philosophy.63 More recentlyhe has been numbered
among the early Italian humanists, owing tohis commentaries on
Virgil and Seneca, and his Italian translation ofSallust.64
59C. Segre, Bartolomeo da San Concordio, in Dizionario
biografico degli italiani,ed. A.M. Ghisalberti, 62 vols. (Rome:
Instituto della Enciclopedia italiana, 1960-2004),vol. 6,
768-70.
60Bartolomeo da San Concordio, Ammaestramenti degli antiqui, ed.
P. G. Colombi(Siena: Edizioni Cantagalli, 1963), 104-5. Citations
are from: De officiis 2.14.48; Factaet dicta memorabilia 8.9.2;
Controversiae 2.Prefatio.3; and Rhetoric 1.1.1355b1.
61The Compendiums eleven extant copies suggest it achieved a
certain popu-larity: C. F. Briggs, Moral Philosophy and Dominican
Education: Bartolomeo daSan Concordios Compendium moralis
philosophiae, in Medieval Education, cited in n.3 above, pp. 182-96
(pp. 185-6).
62In the glosses he cites theRhetoric andValeriusMaximus four
times each, Ciceronine times, and Seneca eleven times. For other
authorities cited in the Compendium,see Briggs, Moral Philosophy
and Dominican Education, 190.
63Briggs, Moral Philosophy and Dominican Education, 184, 191-3;
Mulchahey,First the Bow is Bent in Study, cited in n. 3 above, pp.
454-8.
64Briggs, Moral Philosophy and Dominican Education, 183-5.
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Aristotles Rhetoric in the Later Medieval Universities 261
The application of moral philosophy and Aristotles Rhetoric
tothe political life was hardly ignored, either. In their early
fourteenth-century commentaries on the Rhetoric both Jean de Jandun
and JeanBuridan further elucidated rhetorics importance by
stressing theabsolute necessity of rhetorical formation for those
pursuing thepolitical life, and by affirming the political life as
something goodand worth pursuing.65 This had been Giles of Romes
message in theDe regimine principum, and it was later expounded by
Marsilius ofPadua in his Defensor pacis, a work with a very
different politicalprogram from Giless, but one that also makes
frequent use of theRhetoric, Ethics, and Politics.66
These Paris-trained artists and theologians believed in the
prac-tical, political value of what they had learned and taught in
theschools, and they were willing to put it into practice in the
ser-vice of the state.67 They were by no means the first periti to
offerup their specialized knowledge in the interest of politics.
One needonly think of the civil lawyers whom Giles of Rome sought
to unseator the thirteenth-century dictator Brunetto Latini, who
had stolenthe march on the scholastics when he dedicated books two
andthree of his Tresor, composed in the 1260s, to ethics, rhetoric,
and
65Beltran, Les questions sur la Rhetorique, cited in n. 46
above, pp. 53-67; Biard,Science et rhetorique, cited in n. 46
above, pp. 135-52; J. Zupko, John Buridan:Portrait of a
Fourteenth-Century Arts Master (Notre Dame: University of Notre
DamePress, 2003), 248-9.
66Marsilius cites the Politics ninety-eight times, the Ethics
twenty-two times, andthe Rhetoric ten times. All but eleven of
these citations occur in Discourse I, whosesubject is the
constitution and functions of the State: Marsilius of
Padua,Defensor pacis,trans. A. Gewirth (New York: Columbia
University Press, 2001). On Marsilius use ofAristotles moral
philosophy, see also C. J. Nedermans Afterword to this
translation,446.
67J. Miethke, Political Theory and the Fourteenth-Century
University, in Learn-ing Institutionalized, cited in n. 9 above,
pp. 257-77; J. Miethke, Practical Intentionsof Scholasticism: The
Example of Political Theory, in Universities and Schooling
InMedieval Society, ed. W. J. Courtenay and J. Miethke (Leiden:
Brill, 2000), 211-28; J.Krynen, Aristotelisme et reforme de lEtat,
en France, au XIVe sie`cle, in Das Pub-likum Politischer Theorie im
14. Jahrhundert, ed. J. Miethke (Munich: R. OldenbourgVerlag,
1992), 225-36; J. P. Genet, ed., Four English Political Tracts of
the Later MiddleAges, Camden Fourth Series 18 (1977), ix-xix. See
also C. F. Briggs, Teaching Phi-losophy at School and Court:
Vulgarization and Translation, in The Vulgar Tongue:Medieval and
Postmedieval Vernacularity, ed. F. Somerset and N. Watson
(UniversityPark: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2003),
99-111; and the papers of A. deLibera, Le troisie`me pouvoir: les
intellectuels scholastique et la politique, and S.Lusignan,
Intellectuels et vie politique en France a` la fin du Moyen Age, in
Lesphilosophies morales et politiques au Moyen Age/Moral and
Political Philosophies in the Mid-dle Ages, vol. 1 of 3, ed. B. C.
Bazan, E. Andujar, and L. G. Sbrocchi (Ottowa: Legas,1995),
241-81.
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RHETOR ICA262
politics.68 For ethics he relied on the Summa Alexandrinorum,
Her-mannus Alemannuss translation of an Arabic epitome of
Aristo-tles Ethics, and on theMoralium dogma philosophorum and
PeraldussSumma de virtutibus; for rhetoric, Ciceros De inventione,
BoethiussDe rhetorica cognitione, an anonymous Ars dictaminis, and
some pas-sages from the French Li faits des Romains; and, for
politics, the Ocu-lus pastoralis, John of Viterbos De regimine
civitatum, and a numberof official documents of the city of
Siena.69 According to Brunetto,who wrote in French and Italian, and
offered his expertise to hisfellow citizens of the republic of
Florence, a grounding in the art ofrhetoric was crucial for
effective political and moral action.70 Likehis scholastic
counterparts, he attaches rhetoric to moral philoso-phy in the
Tresor. Even in his Rhettorica, as Iolanda Ventura has ar-gued, he
creates a political work rather than a narrowly
rhetoricalone.71
Aristotles Rhetoric, then, was studied primarily in
connectionwith moral philosophy, just as Murphy originally
postulated. None-theless it should certainly now be apparent that
one would be wrongto dismiss its importance as a rhetorical
treatise in the milieu of latermedieval scholars. True, these men
of learning, as Jacques Vergercalls them, seem largely to have
ignored theRhetorics practical adviceon composing speeches, but
they enthusiastically applied its lessonsto the broader fields of
ethical formation and political discourse andaction. Nor did their
message go unheard in the world of practicalpolitics, for not only
did they themselves exert some influence onpolitical affairs, but
certain princes actually embraced the moralphilosophical teachings
of scholars likeGiles of Rome, BartolomeodaSan Concordio, and Luca
Mannelli. The earliest example of this newkind of learned prince
was the preacher-king Robert of Naples, whonot only owned copies of
De regimine principum but also patronizedGiless
fellowAugustinianDionigi daBorgoSanSepolcro (whowrote
68See above, n. 15; Brunetto Latini, Li livres dou tresor, ed.
F. J. Carmody (Berkeley:University of California Press, 1948).
69For some cautionary words on Brunettos use of John of Viterbos
De regiminecivitatis, see J. M. Najemy, Brunetto Latinis
Politica,Dante Studies 112 (1994): 33-51;Witt, In the Footsteps of
the Ancients, cited in n. 3 above, p. 201.
70P. Cammarosano, Leloquence laique dans lItalie communale (fin
du XIIe-XIVe sie`cle), Bibliotheque de lEcole des chartes 158
(2000): 431-42.
71I. Ventura, LIconographia letteraria di Brunetto Latini, Studi
Medievali series3, 38 (1997): 508-11, as quoted in J. O. Ward,
Rhetorical Theory and the Rise andDecline of Dictamen in the Middle
Ages and Early Renaissance, Rhetorica 19 (2001):175-223 (p.
197).
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Aristotles Rhetoric in the Later Medieval Universities 263
a commentary on Aristotles Rhetoric), as well as the
DominicansRemigio de Girolami, who had preached a sermon on the
Ethics, andPtolemy of Lucca, whose continuation of Aquinass own De
regimineprincipum is heavily indebted to Aristotles moral
philosophy.72 Laterin the century, King Roberts model would be
emulated (without thepreaching, but with plenty of learned
discussions) by Charles V ofFrance who commissioned French
translations of the Ethics, Politics,and Economics by Nicole Oresme
and, to a lesser extent, by CharlesIV of Bohemia. It might even be
argued, as Samantha Kelly recentlyhas, that learned wisdom may
represent a defining characteristicof European rulership more
generally in the fourteenth century.73
Aristotles Rhetoric played a key role in these developments, for
itprovided much of the basis for the moral discourse that lies at
thevery heart of latermedieval ethical andpolitical thought
andpractice.
72S. Kelly, The New Solomon: Robert of Naples (1309-1343) and
Fourteenth-CenturyKingship (Leiden: Brill, 2003), 27, 39-41, 183-4.
On Robert, see also, D. Pryds, Rexpraedicans: Robert dAnjou and the
Politics of Preaching, in De lhomelie au sermon,cited in n. 28
above, pp. 239-62. On Remigio deGirolami, see C. T. Davis, An
EarlyFlorentine Political Theorist: Fra Remigio deGirolami, in
Dantes Italy, cited in n.3 above, pp. 198-223. His sermon on the
Ethics receives treatment in Mulchahey,Education in Dantes Florence
Revisited, in Medieval Education, cited in n. 3 above,pp. 143-81
(pp. 152-5). For Ptolemy of Lucca, see Ptolemy of Lucca, On the
Governmentof Rulers: De regimine principum, trans. J. M. Blythe
(Philadelphia: University of Penn-sylvania Press, 1997); also C. T.
Davis, Ptolemy of Lucca and the Roman Republic,in Dantes Italy,
254-89.
73Kelly, The New Solomon, 19. The literature on Charles V and
the translationsof Nicole Oresme is vast. Some key works are F.
Autrand, Charles V le Sage (Paris:Fayard, 1994); J. Quillet,
Charles V: le Roi lettre (Paris: Perrin, 1984); M.
Grignaschi,Nicolas Oresme et son commentaire a` la Politique
dAristote, in Album Helen MaudCam (Louvain and Paris: Publications
Universitaires de Louvain, Editions Beatrice-Nauwelaerts, 1960),
97-151; S. Lusignan, La topique de la translatio studii et
lestraductions franaises de textes savants au XIVe sie`cle, in
Traduction et traducteursauMoyen Age, ed. G. Contamine (Paris:
Editions du CNRS, 1989), 303-15; S. Lusignan,Les lectures de Gilles
de Rome et de Nicole Oresme de la Politique I, 2 dAristote,in
Chemins de la pensee medievale: etudes offertes a` Zenon Kaluza
(Turnhout: Brepols,2002), 653-74. On Charles IV, see C. C. Bayley,
Petrarch, Charles IV, and the RenovatioImperii, Speculum 17 (1942):
323-41; M. Nejedly, Lideal du roi en Boheme a` la findu XIVe
sie`cle: remarques sur le Nouveau Conseil de Smil Flaska de
Pardubice, inPenser le pouvoir, cited in n. 18 above, pp. 247-60;
and I. Rosario, Art and Propaganda:Charles IV of Bohemia, 1346-1378
(Woodbridge: The Boydell Press, 2000). The issue oflearned kingship
in the thirteenth to early fifteenth century is discussed in C. F.
Briggs,Knowledge and Royal Power in the Later Middle Ages: From
Philosopher-Imam,to Clerkly King, to Renaissance Prince,
(forthcoming).
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RHETOR ICA264
Table
In the following table, only relevant contents are
mentioned,i.e. rhetorical or moral philosophical texts, as well as
the occasionalmention of a text by the same author that seems
apposite. It shouldalso be noted that the selected contents are not
necessarily given inorder, as texts related to Aristotles Rhetoric
are always listed first.The following abbreviations are used:
Bf pseudo-Aristotle, De bona fortunaC CommentaryE Aristotle,
Nicomachean EthicsM pseudo-Aristotle, Magna moraliaP Aristotle,
PoliticsPo Aristotle, PoeticsQ QuaestionesR Aristotle, RhetoricY
pseudo-Aristotle, Yconomica (Economics)
City Library andShelfmark
Date Relevant Contents
Admont Stiftsbibl. 608 xiiiex Engelbert of Admont,Compendium
Arras Bibl. mun. 858 xiv Jean Bernier de Fayt,Tabula
moralium
Avignon Musee Calvet 1081 xiv2 Giles of Rome RC extracts;Jean
Bernier de Fayt, Tabulamoralium
Barcelona Bibl. Univ. 586 xiv/xv Jean Bernier de Fayt,Tabula
moralium
Berlin Staatsbibl.lat. quart. 377
xv Anon. EQ; Anon. RQ
Berlin Staatsbibl. lat. fol. 695 xv1 Petrus
Storch,Auctoritatesmoralis philosophiae
Bologna Bibl. Univ. 197 (299) xiv Giles of Rome RC
Bologna Bibl. Univ. lat. 1625 xiv Jean de Jandun RQ
(longversion); Guy Terreni EQ;Bartholomew of Bruges YQand YC; Peter
of AuvergnePQ
Bruges Grootseminarie103/129
xiv Jean Bernier de Fayt, Tabulamoralium; Anon. Dicta
superPol.
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Aristotles Rhetoric in the Later Medieval Universities 265
Bruges Stadsbibl. 144 xivmed Jean Bernier de Fayt,
Tabulamoralium
Bruges Stadsbibl. 482 xiiiex ThomasAquinas/Peter of Au-vergne PC
auctoritates; Gilesof Rome, RC auctoritates
Bruges Stadsbibl. 508 xiv Jean Bernier de Fayt,
Tabulamoralium
Brussels Bibl. Roy. 2916 xv Jean de Jandun RQ (shortversion);
Anon. PQ
Cambrai Bibl. mun. 392 (370) xiv Jean Bernier de Fayt,
Tabulamoralium; and idem, alpha-betical index to Bible
Cambrai Bibl. mun. 963 (861) xiv2 Jean Bernier de Fayt,
Tabulamoralium
Cambridge Gonville & CaiusColl. 462/735
xv Anon. Tabula super EC (ThomasAquinas), PC (Thomas Aquinas
/Peter of Auvergne), and RC (Gilesof Rome)
Cambridge Peterhouse 82 xiiiex Giles of Rome RC and BfC;Thomas
Aquinas EC; ThomasAquinas /Peter of AuvergnePC
Cambridge Peterhouse 208 xvmed Giles of Rome RC notabilia;Thomas
Aquinas /Peter ofAuvergne PC tabula; P nota-bilia; Giles of Rome
BfC nota-bilia; E with Thomas AquinasEC
Cluj Bibl. Acad. Rom.cod. 9
xv Anon. Commentum super Eth.Pol. Reth.
Cracow Bibl. Jag. 681 xiv Giles of Rome RC
Eichstatt Staatsbibl. 628 xiv2 Engelbert of Admont,
Com-pendium
Erfurt Wiss. Allgemeinbibl.CA F. 13
xiv Jean Bernier de Fayt, Tabulamoralium; Jean de Jandun
RQ;Albert of Saxony EC
Erfurt Wiss. Allgemeinbibl.CA Q. 72
xivex Giles of Rome RC glosses(with glosses from
Rhetoriccommentaries of Al-Farabi,Averroes, and others)
Erfurt Wiss. Allgemeinbibl.CA Q. 319
xivex Jean Buridan RQ (short ver-sion); Albert of Saxony
EC;Walter Burley PC; Albert ofSaxony YC
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RHETOR ICA266
Erlangen Universitatsbibl. 380 xv Guido of Rimini,
CompendiumRethoricae
Florence Bibl. Laur.Ashburnham 249
xiv Guido of Rimini, CompendiumRethoricae
Florence Bibl. Laur. S. CrocePlut. XVI sin 8
xiv Giles of Rome RC
Heiligenkreuz Stiftsbibl. 150 xiv Jean Bernier de Fayt,
Tabulamoralium
Hereford Cath. Libr. P.III. 6 xv1 Anon. RC
Klosterneuberg Stiftsbibl. CCI 749 xiv Jean de Jandun RQ
(longversion)
Leipzig Universitatsbibl.(according to L.J. Feller,Catalogus
codicumMSSCtorum BiblothecaePaulinae in AcademiaLipsiensi
[Leipzig,1686], p. 369bis)
Giles of Rome RC
Leipzig Universitatsbibl. 1246 xvex Jean Buridan RQ; Jean
deJandun RQ (short version)
Leipzig Universitatsbibl. 1247 Jean de Jandun RQ
(shortversion)
London BL Add. 21147 xv Anon. notabilia ex Pol,. Eth.,Reth.,
Ycon., et Metaphys.
London BL Add. 38810 xviin Giles of Rome RC synopsis
London BL Royal 5.C.iii xvmed Anon. Propositiones ex Meta-phys,.
Phys., De anima, Eth.,Pol., Reth., Poet., et Seneca adLucilium
London Grays Inn Libr. 2 xiv Anon. Tabula Eth., Pol., et
Reth.;Anon. P synopsis
Lubeck Hansebibl. Philos. 3 xv Jean Buridan RQ; Anon. PQand a
related quaestio
Merseburg Domstiftsbibl. 131 xv Jean Bernier de Fayt,
Tabulamoralium
Milan Bibl. TrivulzianaN. 837
xv Giles of Rome RC
Modena Bibl. Estense FondoEstense 14
xiv Anon. Conclusiones ex Pol.,Eth., et Reth. (also in
Bibl.Sainte-Genevie`ve 3078)
Munich Bayerische Staatsbibl.clm 3565
xv Giles of Rome RC
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Aristotles Rhetoric in the Later Medieval Universities 267
Munich Bayerische Staatsbibl.clm 8001
xiv1 Giles of Rome, De differentiarhetoricae, ethicae et
politicae;Summa Alexandrinorum
Naples Bibl. Naz. Centr.VII.C. 16
xiv1 Giles of Rome, De differentiarhetoricae, ethicae et
politicae
Oxford Bodl. Libr. canon classlat 271
xv1 Engelbert of Admont, Com-pendium
Oxford Bodl. Libr. Digby 55 xiiiex Anon. Propositiones reth. et
eth.;Martin of Braga De quattuorvirtutibus; Seneca,moral
lettersextracts
Padua Bibl. Univ. 678 xiv Giles of Rome RC
Padua Bibl. Univ. 1472 xvin Jean de Jandun RQ (long ver-sion);
Jean Buridan EQ; JeanBuridan PQ; Bartholomewof Bruges Quaestiones
circaYcon.; Nicholas de Vaude-mont, Quaestiones super Pol.
Paris Bibl. de lArsenal 980 xiv Giles of Rome RC
Paris Bibl. Mazarine 3496 xiv2 Giles of Rome RC; GerardOdon EC;
Walter Burley PC
Paris BNF Lat. 6457 xiv1 Giles RC; Thomas AquinasEC; Thomas
Aquinas/Peterof Auvergne PC; Albert theGreat PC
Paris BNF Lat. 6551 xv Jean Bernier de Fayt, Tabulamoralium;
chapter list of allAristotles books of moralphilosophy
Paris BNF Lat. 7694 xiv Giles of Rome RC
Paris BNF Lat. 16090 xiv Jean Bernier de Fayt, Tabulamoralium;
E; brief notes onall books of Aristotles booksof moral
philosophy
Paris BNF Lat. 16097 xiii/xiv Hermannus Alemannus, Di-dascalia
in Reth.; Giles of RomeRC (fragment containing bk.2, chaps.
1-2)
Paris BNF Lat. 16681 xiii2 Giles of Rome RC
Paris BNF n.a. lat. 1876 xiv Giles of Rome RC; R
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RHETOR ICA268
Paris Bibl. Sainte-Genevie`ve3078
xv Anon.Notabilia super Pol., Eth.,et Reth. (also in Modena,
Bibl.Est. Fond. Est. 14)
Paris Bibl. de la Sorbonne120
xiiii2 Giles of Rome RC; R
Ravenna Bibl. Class. 409 xiv Giles of Rome RC and BfC;Thomas
Aquinas/Peter ofAuvergne PC
Reims Bibl. mun. 488 xiv1 Giles of Rome, De
differentiarhetoricae, ethicae et politicae
Reims Bibl. Mun. 493 xiv Anon. Notabilia Eth., Pol., etReth.
Rome Bibl. Apost. Vat.Vat. lat. 776
xiv Giles of Rome RC; ThomasAquinas EC
Rome Bibl. Apost. Vat.Vat. lat. 833
xiv Giles of Rome RC
Rome Bibl. Apost. Vat.Borgh. lat. 314
xiv Giles of Rome RC
Stuttgart Landesbibl. theol. etphil. fol. 120
xv1 Petrus Storch, Auctoritatesmoralis philosophiae
Tortosa Bibl. del Cabildo 215 xivex Anon. Tabula Reth.; Albert
ofSaxony EC
Tortosa Bibl. del Cabildo 249 xv Anon. RC; Anon. PC
Troyes Bibl. mun. 912 xiv Giles of Rome RC; R
Valenciennes Bibl. mun. 400 xivmed Jean Bernier de Fayt,
Tabulamoral-ium; and idem alphabetical in-dexes of Boethius and
Vegetius
Venice Bibl. Marcianalat. XI.1
xvex Giles of Rome RC; WalterBurley PC
Venice Bibl. Marcianalat. XI.24
xiv Guido of Rimini CompendiumReth.
Vienna Nationalbibl. clw 2307 xiv Giles of Rome RC
Vienna Nationalbibl.clw 4364
xv1 Jean Bernier de Fayt, Tabulamoralium; idem.
alphabeticalindex of Vegetius; extractsfrom Cicero
Wolfenbuttel Herzog August Bibl.Helmst. 593 (B.641)
xivmed Giles of Rome, De differentiarhetoricae, ethicae et
politicae; E;Y; R; P; Averroes PoC; M
Wroclaw Bibl. Univ. IV.Q.52 xiv/xv Johannes Brasiator,
NotabiliaReth., Eth., Pol., et Econ.
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