Architectures of Global Modernity

7/25/2019 Architectures of Global Modernity

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Architectures of Global Modernity, Colonialism and Places*

Ar i f Di r l i k

My i nt er est i n t hi s di scussi on i s i n t he i ssue of t he col oni al i n

ar chi t ect ur e; t hen, i n t he hal cyon days of col oni al i sm bef or e Wor l d War I I ,

and now, under t he r egi me of gl obal i zat i on. The part archi t ect ur e pl ayed i n

col oni al i sm, and what col oni al ar chi t ect ur e has meant f or ar chi t ect ur e, i s not

somet hi ng t hat di scussi ons of archi t ect ur e and ar chi t ect ur al hi st or y t ake up

ver y of t en, or i n any sust ai ned and ser i ous way. 1 The subj ect has recei ved

consi der abl e at t ent i on, but mor e of t en than not f r om ar ea st udi es speci al i st s

or hi st or i ans of Empi r e r at her t han hi st or i ans of ar chi t ect ur e. 2 The omi ssi on

i s sur pr i si ng, as ar chi t ect ur e may be a col oni al act i vi t ypar excellence; i t

i s di f f i cul t t o concei ve of any human act i vi t y that equal s i t i n t he conquest

and shapi ng of space and, t her ef ore, t he envi r onment of ever yday l i f e.

1 Even t he pol i t i cal l y sensi t i ve( and r adi cal ) Kennet h Frampt on hasnothi ng t o say on col oni al i sm and ar chi t ect ur e i n hi s i mpor t ant sur vey ofmoder n archi t ect ur e( Frampt on, 1992) . I t may be t hat col oni al archi t ect ur e doesnot dr aw much at t ent i on i n ar chi t ect ur al hi st ory because i t was der i vat i ve,and pr oduced nothi ng of gr eat ori gi nal i t y, as Rober t Fer mor- Hesket h wr i t es i nhi s Concl usi on t o Architecture of the British Empire ( Fer mor- Hesket h, 1986:186- 187) . But t hi s al so i ndi cat es an obl i vi ousness, I t hi nk, t o t he spaces ofever yday l i f e agai nst cel ebr i t y- or i ent ed ar chi t ect ur e. Paul Rabi now andGwendol yn Wr i ght have al so poi nted out t he i mpor t ant par t t he col oni es pl ayedas l abor at ori es f or exper i ment i ng wi t h di f f er ent ki nds of ur bani sm whi chcoul d t hen be t r anspor t ed back t o the mot her countr y. ( Rabi now, 1985;Wr i ght , 1991: chapt er 2) . Especi al l y i mpor t ant , i n l i ght of r ecentdevel opment s i n ar chi t ect ur e associ ated wi t h post moder ni sm and cri t i calregi onal i sm, i s t he ef f ort i n col oni al proj ects t o l ocal i ze ar chi t ecture. Iwi l l say more on t hi s bel ow.

2 The schol ar who has done t he most i n i nvest i gat i ng t he r el at i onshi pbet ween col oni al i sm and ar chi t ect ur e/ ur bani sm i s Ant hony Ki ng( 1990a, 1990b) . Iam gr at ef ul t o Pr of . Ki ng f or shar i ng t hi s ar t i cl e wi t h me. I n addi t i on t o t heworks ci t ed i n t he pr evi ous f ootnot e, i mpor t ant exampl es of i nvest i gat i on i nt ot he r el at i onshi p bet ween col oni al i sm and ar chi t ect ur e, wi t h emphasi s on Asi a,ar e to be f ound i n Cel i k(1986, 1992) , Cr i nson( 1996) , and, Met cal f ( 1989) .

Wi t h col oni al i sm under st ood i n a more rest r i ct ed sense as t he conquest

of one soci et y by anot her , ar chi t ect ur e has been si gni f i cant bot h mat er i al l y


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and symbol i cal l y i n t he r eshapi ng of i nher i t ed l i vi ng envi r onment s gl obal l y i n

what we or di nar i l y concei ve as moder ni t y. Col oni al ar chi t ect ur e, i n

negot i ati ng cul t ur al di f f er ences, ant i ci pat ed some of t he devel opment s si nce

t he 1970s t hat have been associ ated wi t h post moderni sm- hi st or i ci sm and

cont ext ual i sm come t o mi nd r eadi l y. The cul t ur al t ur n, whi ch has l ef t i t s

mark on al l t he di sci pl i nes si nce t he 1980s, has i nf used di scussi ons of bot h

t heor y and pr act i ce f or ar chi t ect ur e as wel l - especi al l y si nce success i n t he

ar chi t ect ur al mar ket pl ace i ncreasi ngl y has demanded sensi t i vi t y t o cul t ur al

di f f er ence. The cul t ur al t ur n, however , may r epr esent onl y a bel ated

r ecogni t i on of an i ssue t hat had a l ong hi st or y i n col oni al pol i t i cs,

i ncl udi ng t he pol i t i cs of col oni al ar chi t ect ur e. I n mor e t han one sense, t he

i ssue of gl obal i zat i on i n ar chi t ect ur e i s i ncompr ehensi bl e wi t hout r ef er ence

t o t he l egaci es of col oni al i sm, of whi ch gl obal i zat i on may be vi ewed at once

as a negat i on and f ul f i l l ment .

The ci t y of Shanghai i n t he Peopl e s Republ i c of Chi na provi des an

al most i deal l ocat i on f or l ooki ng i nt o t he r el at i onshi p bet ween col oni al i sm

and gl obal i zat i on. The ci t y i s a pr oduct of col oni al i sm, whi ch r ender ed i t

suspect t o nat i onal i st s and Communi st s of an ear l i er day, but now qual i f i es i t

t o l ead the PRC on i t s gl obal march. The very physi cal make- up of Shanghai

demonst r at es t hi s r el at i onshi p.

There i s a wi de- angl e phot ograph of present - day Shanghai t hat shows both

banks of t he Huangpu Ri ver , hi st ori cal l y the east er n edge of t he ci t y, but now

an art ery r unni ng thr ough i t s cent er si nce Pudong( East of t he Pu) has been

i ncor porated t o enl arge what had been Shanghai pr oper, Puxi ( West of t he Pu) .

On the west ern bank i s t he f amous Bund, t he symbol of col oni al Shanghai and,

f or al l pr act i cal pur poses, t he symbol of Shanghai et ched on t he mi nds of

many, wi t h i t s neo- cl assi cal , neo- Gothi c and art deco bui l di ngs dat i ng back to

t he 1920s. On t he east er n bank, Luj i azui adj oi ni ng t he banks of t he r i ver i s


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t he cent er of Shanghai s cl ai m t o gl obal i t y; t he new f i nanci al di st r i ct wi t h

i t s ( i n) f amous Or i ent al Pearl TV Tower ( 468 met er s) , and the skyscr aper s bui l t

over t he l ast decade, wi t h the t al l est ( so f ar ) , t he J i n Mao Tower , st andi ng

at 421 met er s. 3

3 For a sampl i ng of phot ogr aphs of Pudong and t he Bund, and t hej uxt aposi t i on of Pudong and Puxi , see, .


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Luj i azui l ooks down on t he bui l di ngs of t he Bund, whi ch al r eady i s

dwarf ed by bui l di ngs t o i t s West . Onl y t wo decades ago, Pudong was a rur al

ar ea cl osed to f orei gner s, wher e my wi f e( a f el l ow- schol ar of Chi na) and I

vent ur ed sur r ept i t i ousl y t o l ook f or an ol d Buddhi st Monastery t hat had served

as a base i n 1910- 1911 f or l ocal women r ebel l i ng agai nst t he Qi ng

Dynasty( 1644- 1911) , at l east part l y because of moderni zi ng ref orms t hat

br ought about i ncr eased gover nment i nt er vent i on i n t hei r l i ves and gr eat er

expl oi t at i on by the l ocal el i t e upon whom t he government depended f or t he

execut i on of t he r ef or ms( Pr azni ak, 1999) . The r el at i onshi p of Shanghai t o i t s

f ormer r ur al nei ghbors has been rever sed. Now t he skyscr aper s of Luj i azui seem

poi sed to t ake over t he ver y bui l di ngs t hat , i n symbol i zi ng the meet i ng of

t he East and the West , l egi t i mi ze Shanghai s candi dacy as a gl obal ci t y, t he

dr agon- head t hat wi l l t ake t he Yangzi Ri ver r egi on, and t he Rest of Chi na, on

i t s l ong voyage to gl obal i t y. And i ndeed, t he bui l di ngs of t he Bund, symbol s

of Shanghai hi st ory and i dent i t y supposedl y pr ot ect ed by hi st or i c pr eser vat i on

l aws, are i n the pr ocess of bei ng conver t ed i nt o busi ness and ent er t ai nment

cent er s i n keepi ng wi t h t he aspi r at i ons t o gl obal i t y- and t he vor aci ous

appet i t es of f orei gn ent r epr eneur s who have descended upon Shanghai as t he new

l ocat i on f or hyper devel opment . 4 Luj i azui may be vi ewed as a vanguar d

l ocat i on i n Chi na s gl obal i zat i on. I t al so appear s, i n t he t ur n t he Huangpu

t akes at t hi s poi nt wher e i t commands the convex bank agai nst t he l ocat i on of

t he Bund on the concave bank of t he r i ver , as a l aunchi ng pad(among ot her

possi bl e met aphor s) agai nst t he i nt er i or of Chi na. The gl obal Luj i azui , bui l t

most l y by gl obal ar chi t ect ur al f i r ms f r om abr oad, i s i n t he pr ocess of t aki ng

over t he Bund.5

Shanghai pr ovi des t he si t e. I n f act , Shanghai may be metonymi c

4 Shanghai has become t he t al k of t he town, sor t of t o speak. For r ecentr eport s t hat ar e t ypi cal of t he exci t ement - and anxi et y- cr eated by the Shanghaiboom, see, Ron Gl uckman, Br i ght Li ght s, Beaut i f ul Bund( nd) , And,Escobar ( nd) . For t he ar chi t ect ur al f r enzy, see, Gl uckman, Fl ash Ci t y( nd) .

5 The r ol e of gl obal ar chi t ect ur al f i r ms i n t he maki ng of t he newShanghai i s document ed i n Ol ds( 2001) . Not e especi al l y t he phot ogr aph ( p. 214)of


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of t he PRC as a whol e; whi ch appears i ncr easi ngl y as a l aborat ory- i f not a

pl aygr ound- f or gl obal i zat i on. The di f f er ence f r om ear l i er days l i es i n t hose

who i ssue t he i nvi t at i ons. I t woul d be i mpossi bl e t o gr asp t he dynami cs of

Shanghai , ar chi t ect ur al l y or ot her wi se, wi t hout br i ngi ng i nt o t he pi ct ur e

col l abor at i on bet ween t he soci al i st st at e and gl obal capi t al as t he dr i vi ng

f or ce of Chi na s gl obal i zat i on.

f orei gn archi t ect s atop a Shanghai skyscraper , pr esumabl y di scussi ng t he

ci t y s archi t ect ural f ut ure.


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I t i s, i n ot her wor ds, a nat i onal l eader shi p wi t h cl ai ms t o soci al i sm

t hat promotes Shanghai s gl obal i zat i on, but t he gl obal i t y t hus created seems

even more di vor ced f r omi t s envi r onment t han the ar chi t ect ur e of col oni al

days. Col oni al and gl obal i zed archi t ect ur e share one t hi ng i n common: t hat

t hei r r ef er ences l ay out si de t hei r i mmedi at e l ocal es. But i t appear s f r om a

pr esent per spect i ve t hat col oni al ar chi t ect ur e f el t some obl i gat i on, i f onl y

f or pol i t i cal r easons, t o l egi t i mi ze i t sel f by answer i ng l ocal i zed est het i cs. 6

Thi s i s a concer n f or gl obal ar chi t ect ures as wel l , as gl obal i zat i on al so has

r ai sed t he quest i on of t he l ocal . But t he l ocal her e i s hi ghl y pr obl emat i c, as

gl obal ar chi t ectural pr acti ces( actual i zed i n gl obal ar chi t ectural f i r ms that

ar e themsel ves t r ansnat i onal cor por at i ons of sor t s) seem t o der i ve t hei r

est het i c l egi t i mati on not f r om some commi t ment t o t he l ocal but f r om t hei r

abi l i t y t o r epr esent gl obal capi t al i sm, and t he consumer cl i ent el e i t i s i n

t he pr ocess of creat i ng. The l ocal i t sel f i s commodi f i ed, i n ot her wor ds, i n a

di al ogue whi ch i s not between t he gl obal and t he l ocal but bet ween t he gl obal

and t he gl obal t al ki ng about t he l ocal . That di al ogue i s now bl essed by a

nat i onal l eader shi p commi t t ed t o goal s of gl obal i zat i on, a l eader shi p t hat i s

much bet t er at suppr essi ng l ocal opposi t i on t o gl obal i zati on than the Qi ng

gover nment was back i n 1910. I r oni c as i t may seem, t he answer t o t hi s

mar gi nal i zat i on of t he l ocal may l i e i n t he pol i t i cs of nat i onal i sm t hat

di st i ngui shes t he pr esent f r om t he l at e Qi ng. Nat i onal i st pol i t i cs has a much

more compl i cat ed r el at i onshi p t o col oni al i sm t han we ar e usual l y i ncl i ned t o

6 J an Mor r i s wr i t es of t he devel opment of Br i t i sh i mper i alar chi t ect ur e that , by t he mi ddl e of t he ni net eent h cent ur y t he i mper i al

archi t ect s had been f eel i ng t hei r way t owards some such synt hesi s . . . of eastand west , r ul ers and r ul ed. The ol d hubr i s of Empi r e was somewhat t emper ed byt hen, and the i mper i al i st s yearned f or f orms whi ch woul d i mpl y a bl end ofcommand and cooperat i on( Mor r i s, 1986: 25) . The hybri d st yl e t hat emergedwent by t he name of , var i ousl y, I ndo- Saraceni c, Hi ndu Gothi c, or Renai ssanceMogul . But t he Br i t i sh r et ai ned cont r ol over t he st yl e, as wel l as over nat i vear chi t ect ur e( Met cal f , 1989) . Si mi l ar consi der at i ons gui ded t he i nst i t ut i onsand archi t ects who pr oduced a Si ni ci zed modern archi t ectur e i n Chi na-especi al l y wi t h uni ver si t i es and even chur ches( Cody,.


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r ecogni ze. More on that bel ow.

I pi ck the exampl e of t he Peopl e s Republ i c of Chi na(PRC) here pr i mari l y

because i t i s a count r y about whi ch I am a l i t t l e l ess i gnor ant t han about

ot hers . But t he PRC i s al so i mpor t ant because i t has emerged r ecent l y, most

i mport ant l y wi t h the i mpetus of t he 1908 Ol ympi c Games, as t he new f r ont i er i n

ar chi t ect ur e, as i t i s al so i n t he gr owt h of t he gl obal economy, i nspi r i ng

bot h hope and anxi ety among t he capt ai ns of hi gh capi t al and t he doyens of

ar chi t ectur e. I r oni es mul t i pl y when i t i s a soci al i st r egi me t hat f i nds i n an

of f - gr ound gl obal archi t ect ur e t he announcement of i t s ar r i val among gl obal

pl ayers i n t he game of capi t al ; a pr omi se no doubt encour aged by t r ansnat i onal

ar chi t ect ur al f i r ms i n sear ch of new t er r ai n t o devel op- or col oni ze f or t he

r ul e of gl obal capi t al , as t he case may be.

But t he PRC i s obvi ousl y not al one i n t hi s, and f ol l ows t he l ead of

ot hers i n East and Sout heast Asi a who had j oi ned t he game ear l i er . Whi l e t he

cont ext f or a tr ansnat i onal i zed ar chi t ect ur e i s ul t i mat el y gl obal i n scope,

f ol l owi ng t he l ead of t he gl obal cent er s of capi t al such as New Yor k, London,

Tokyo or Los Angel es, i t i s gl obal ci t i es i n t he vi ci ni t y t hat most di r ect l y

ser ve as ref er ences and sour ces of i nspi r at i on. I t i s t r ansnat i onal f i r ms,

gl obal i n oper at i ons, and most l y l ocat ed out si de of Asi a but speci al i zi ng i n

Asi an bui l di ng market s, t hat pl ay a maj or par t i n r ebui l di ng t hose par t s of

Asi a that have ent er ed the pathways of capi t al as new nodes i n i t s operat i ons.

The ar chi t ect ure t hat emer ges expresses an of f - ground gl obal est het i c, where

t he l ocal serves most l y as ornament at i on- as i n t he cur ved r oof s and pagoda-

l i ke shapes t hat def i ne t he sky- l i ne of a ci t y l i ke Bei j i ng, or t he use of

r ock- gardens as el ement s of i nt er nal desi gn. Such appr opr i at i ons of t he l ocal

r epr esent not an organi c connect i on t o the envi r onment but a ki nd of l ocal i zed

ori ent al i sm. On t he other hand, a ki nd of occi dent al i sm- sort of an i magi ned

f ut ur i sm- seems al so t o be at work i n the i n the many f l yi ng- saucer shapes t hat

t op of f many bui l di ngs i n Asi an ci t i es, most of t hem ser vi ng as l ocat i ons of


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r evol vi ng rest aur ant s( Shanghai i s descr i bed on websi t es var i ousl y as t he

f i r s t c i ty of the 21st cent ur y, a sci ence f i cti on ut opi a, et c. ) .

Such l ocal i zat i ons of an i magi ned gl obal est het i cs may be t aken t o mark

a new ki nd of l ocal , one t hat nei t her gr ows out of i t s soci al and nat ur al

envi r onment nor i s i nt ended to enhance t he par t i cul ar i t i es of pl aces except i n

an abst r act sense- a gener i c l ocal t hat i s a pr oduct of ar chi t ect ur al

i magi nat i on t hat i s more or l ess i mposed upon pl aces. An exampl e i s provi ded

by t he phi l osophy of bui l di ng pl aces f or peopl e, gui di ng t he pr oj ect s of

J ohn Por t man and Associ at es, a t r ansnat i onal ar chi t ect ural and desi gn f i r m

headquart er ed i n At l ant a, Geor gi a, wi t h br anch of f i ces i n Si ngapore, and,

si nce 1993, i n Shanghai . Wi t h an i nt er nat i onal st af f , t he f i r m cl ai ms

exper t i se i n bui l di ng and cul t ur al pr act i ses i n Chi na, Hong Kong, Mal aysi a,

Si ngapore and I ndonesi a. Por t man Associ at es have been r esponsi bl e f or

i mpor t ant pr oj ect s f r omt he Peacht r ee ( At l ant a), Renai ssance ( Det r oi t ) and

Embar cadero( San Fr anci sco) Cent ers i n t he US, t o the Mar i na Cent r e i n

Si ngapore, Capi t al Squar e i n Kual a Lumpur and Shanghai Cent r e i n Shanghai

( ) . Ther e i s no

r eason why we shoul d not t ake ser i ousl y t he Fi r m s cl ai m t o bui l di ng pl aces

f or peopl e. At t he same t i me, whatever l ocal el ement s t hese cont emporary

market squares may i ncorporate r epr esent a mechani cal r el at i onshi p t o the

envi r onment ; l ocal i zat i on i t sel f seems qui t e i nsi gni f i cant agai nst t he mor e

cruci al i ssue of t he i nvent i on and di st r i but i on of t he l ocal desi gned by the

i nt er nat i onal st af f of engi neer s and ar chi t ect s of J ohn Por t l and and

Associ at es. As Ri char d Mar shal l wr i t es i n hi s i mpor t ant cri t i cal st udy,

Emergent Urbanity,

Gl obal ur ban pr oj ect s are t ypi cal l y ver y l arge and expensi ve ur ban

pr oj ect s at t he f oref r ont of a nat i on s devel opment agenda. These

pr oj ect s ar e pr oduced wi t h the pur pose of enabl i ng a st r onger

i nt er r el at i onshi p wi t h t he gl obal economy. As such, t hey have a


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ver y speci f i c r ol e t o pl ay. Because of t hi s, t hese pr oj ect s do not

r epr esent broad vi si ons of what a cont emporary ur bani t y mi ght be.

On the cont r ar y, because of t he mot i vat i on behi nd thei r creat i on,

t hese pr oj ect s r epr esent r el at i vel y nar r ow vi si ons. The r eason

f or t hi s i s si mpl e. Ther e i s a r at her par t i cul ar envi r onment t hat

i s deemed appr opr i ate t o at t r act and keep t he gl obal el i t e and

i t shoul d come as no surpri se t hat t hese spaces ar e i ndeed

r emar kabl y al i ke( Mar shal l , 2003: 3) .

Marshal l s obser vat i on can be conf i r med by many a commerci al f or hot el

and r est aur ant chai ns on CNN I nt er nati onal , t hat pr omi se to t he gl obal el i t e

t hat no mat t er wher e they are, t hey wi l l enj oy t he same comf ort s t o whi ch t hey

are accust omed. On t he other hand, despi t e t hei r under l yi ng i nt ent i ons, t he

new ur ban spaces cr eat ed by gl obal archi t ectur al f i r ms such as Port man and

Associ ates have not been part i cul ar l y successf ul wi t h t he peopl e ei t her i n

Det r oi t or San Fr anci sco or Shanghai . What needs t o be under l i ned i n

Mar shal l s obser vat i on i s t he r eor i ent at i on i n nat i onal pr oj ect s of ur ban

desi gn f r om nat i onal f or m t o i nt er r el at i onshi p wi t h t he gl obal economy, t hat

i s char act er i st i c of ur ban devel opment acr oss Asi an ci t i es. I n t he case of a

count r y such as t he PRC, i nternal compet i t i on among ur ban cent ers vyi ng f or

supr emacy( such as Shanghai and Bei j i ng) may add to i nt ernat i onal compet i t i on

over l ocat i on i n t he gl obal economy, wi t h i mport ant consequences f or t he

pr est i ge of t he of f i ci al s i nvol ved. The vi si bi l i t y t hat comes wi t h t he wor ks

of f amous ar chi t ects may have been an i mpor t ant f act or i n many of t he pr oj ects

associ at ed wi t h t he 2008 Ol ympi cs. 7

7 Hawt hor ne( 2004: 27) . Thi s di scussi on i s i t sel f exempl ar y of what i tdi scusses; as t he aut hor s mai n concer n, i mpl i ed by t he ti t l e, i s wi t hnat i onal i st anxi et i es about f or ei gn cul t ur es t hat has l ed t he PRC t o pul lback f r om t he f or ef r ont of ar chi t ect ur al devel opment . The subt i t l e t o thepi ece i s qui t e r eveal i ng i n l i ght of what I wi l l t ake up bel ow: I s t he er a ofanythi ng- goes ar chi t ect ur al exper i ment at i on gone f orever ?


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I n 1902, when t he Qi ng i mperi al government deci ded t o send a f ul l -

f l edged exhi bi t t o t he Loui si ana Pur chase Exhi bi t i on t o be hel d i n St . Loui s

i n 1904, t he ar chi t ect s chosen t o desi gn t he Chi nese pavi l i on( a r epl i ca of t he

pal ace i n Bei j i ng of t he i mper i al r epr esent at i ve t o t he Exhi bi t i on, Pr i nce Pu

Lun) wer e t he f i r m of At ki nson and Dal l as i n Shanghai . Accor di ng t o t he

Worlds Fair Bulletin, At ki nson and Dal l as were Engl i shmen who went t o Chi na

year s ago to pr act i ce ci vi l engi neer i ng and ar chi t ect ur e. 8 The suggest i on

cl ear l y was t hat t hei r l ong exper i ence i n Chi na qual i f i ed t hem t o desi gn an

aut hent i c Chi nese pavi l i on. A f ew year s l at er , i n 1910, At ki nson and Dal l as

woul d be sel ect ed t o desi gn- t hi s t i me wi t hi n Chi na i t sel f - t he f i r st Chi nese

Exposi t i on hel d i n Nanj i ng, wi t h bui l di ngs t hat wer e even more heavi l y

Chi nese i n char act er .

8 Worlds Fair Bulletin( August 1903: 3) . The f i r m of Br enan At ki nsonand Ar t hur Dal l as was est abl i shed i n 1866, and was responsi bl e f or many l argeand smal l scal e bui l di ngs i n Shanghai . A l i st of t hei r pr oj ect s, al ong wi t hsparse bi ogr aphi cal i nf or mati on, i s avai l abl e i n Zheng( 2003: 323- 325) . I amgr atef ul t o Lai kwan Pang f or l ocat i ng t hi s sour ce f or me. At ki nson and Dal l aswer e among t he f i r st of t he f orei gn f i r ms i n Shanghai t o br i ng Chi neseel ement s i nt o desi gn( most pr omi nent l y i n St . J ohn s Uni ver si t y) , whi ch mayexpl ai n why t hey wer e awarded t he cont r acts f or bui l di ng Worl d s Fai r spavi l i ons i n St . Loui s and Nanj i ng. See, Wu( 1997: 96- 97) .


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The act ual bui l di ng of t he pavi l i on i n 1904 woul d be i n t he hands of St .

Loui s cont r act or s, Lange & Ber gst r om, a bui l di ng f i r m of l arge and var i ed

exper i ence i n const r uct i on of exhi bi t and exposi t i on bui l di ngs (Worlds Fair

Bulletin, Oct ober 2003: 4) . The i nt r i cate wood- work t hat woul d mark t he

bui l di ng as aut hent i cal l y Chi nese, however , was t o be compl eted by i mper i al

cr af t smen sent f r omChi na, who were t o pr esent a real probl em, as Chi nese

l aborer s wer e barr ed f r omt he Uni t ed St ates under t he Chi nese Excl usi on l aws

goi ng back t o 1882, whi ch were r enewed j ust bef ore the ar r i val of t he Qi ng

cont i ngent t o the Fai r i n 1903. The cr af t smen i n t he end di d t hei r j ob, but

di scr i mi nat i on agai nst t hem consi der abl y cool ed down t he Qi ng ent husi asm about

t he Fai r . The f ol l owi ng year t he Qi ng gover nment r ef used t o part i ci pate i n t he

Por t l and Exposi t i on.

The epi sode of t he Qi ng pavi l i on i n St . Loui s coul d be r ead i n many

ways. One i mmedi ate r eadi ng, l i kel y to be of t he gr eatest i nt er est t o t he

pr of essi onal ar chi t ect , woul d under l i ne t he di vi si on of l abor bet ween desi gn,

bui l di ng and ornament at i on. But even t he most narr owl y pr of essi onal archi t ect

woul d pr obabl y not st op at t he t echni cal aspect s of such a di vi si on of l abor,

and i gnor e t he r el at i onshi ps i t ent ai l ed t hat cut across mul t i pl e nat i onal and

cul t ur al boundar i es, whi ch wer e consequent i al not onl y f or archi t ect ur al

pr act i ce but i n t he pr oduct i on of ar chi t ect ur al f or m. The epi sode, mor eover ,

poi nt s t o the ent angl ement of ar chi t ect ur e i n mul t i - l ayer ed rel at i onshi ps of

power : pr of essi onal power r el at i ons bet ween desi gners, bui l der s and

or nament al i st s, but , mor e si gni f i cant l y, r el at i ons const r ucted out of cul t ur al

di f f er ence, col oni al i sm and tr ansnat i onal i sm, as wel l as cl ass and r ace( gender

not bei ng an i ssue as yet ) .

Techni cal l y speaki ng, Chi na at t he end of t he Qi ng was not a col ony. I t

has been descr i bed most commonl y as semi - col oni al , as i t di d have col oni al

encl aves such as t he I nt er nat i onal Set t l ement and t he French Concessi on i n

Shanghai t hat wer e home t o f i r ms l i ke At ki nson and Dal l as. I n al l l i kel i hood,


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At ki nson and Dal l as was chosen f or t he t ask by t he Chi nese Cust oms Ser vi ce

whi ch had been under f orei gn di r ect orshi p ever si nce i t s est abl i shment i n

1854. 9 The Cust oms Ser vi ce was ef f ect i vel y i n char ge of t he subst ance of t he

Chi nese Exhi bi t i on i n St . Loui s. 10 There were, moreover , no Chi nese ar chi t ects

i n 1904. Ar chi t ect ur e, havi ng emer ged as a pr of essi onal pr act i ce i n Eur ope and

t he Uni t ed St ates onl y i n t he mi d- ni net eent h cent ur y, was a f orei gn i mport i n

Chi na as el sewher e i n the Thi r d Wor l d, and the f i r st pr of essi onal Chi nese

archi t ects were not t r ai ned unt i l t he 1920s( Rowe and Seng, 2002: 24- 55) . There

were cr af t smen, of cour se, who had been const r uct i ng the sophi st i cat ed nat i ve

bui l di ngs over t he cent ur i es; but t hey woul d have been unaccept abl e t o the

Fai r or gani zer s i n St . Loui s, wi t h t hei r f et i shi sm of moder ni t y and i t s

t echnol ogi es, whi ch r ender ed t r adi t i onal craf t smen i nt o mer e l abor er s- as i s

wi t nessed by the har assment t o whi ch t hey were subj ect ed when they were

brought over t o do the work of or nament at i on upon whi ch depended t he

9 The pr i nci pal of t he f i r m was assi st ant engi neer t o t he ShanghaiMuni ci pal Counci l . See, Chi na, i n Musgr ove( 1985: 1233- 1234) .

10 Thi s was t he f i r st I nt er nat i onal Exposi t i on t hat was of f i ci al l y

endorsed by t he i mperi al government , and an i mperi al pr i nce was di spat ched t oSt . Loui s as t he I mper i al Hi gh Commi ssi oner , but t he Cust oms Ser vi ce, wi t h thevener abl e Rober t Har t at t he hel m, was r esponsi bl e f or t he exhi bi t i ons( Benni t tand St ockbr i dge, 1904) .


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Chi neseness of t he Chi nese pavi l i on.

The cr eat i on of a Chi nese ar chi t ect ure, not sur pr i si ngl y, has been of

gr eat i mpor t ance t o nati onal i st s. A r ecent st udy of t he hi st or y of moder n

Ar chi t ect ur e i n Chi na by Peter G. Rowe and Seng Kuan( ci t ed above) i s ent i t l ed

Ti/Yong: Architectural Encounters with Essence and Form in Modern China. I t

i s a r eveal i ng t i t l e. I n i t s moder n usage, t he bi nar i sm, ti/yong, goes back

t o the 1890s, when i t was used t o i ndi cat e t he cour se moderni zat i on shoul d

t ake under t he Qi ng Dynasty i n the f ormul a, Chi nese l ear ni ng f or t he

essence( or subst ance, ti) , Western l ear ni ng f or ut i l i t y( or f uncti on or, as

t he aut hors her e woul d have i t , f orm, yong) . I t i s a powerf ul cul t ural

cl i che t hat compel s at t achi ng t he qual i f i er Chi nese char act er i st i cs t o

everyt hi ng t hat Chi nese l eaders over t he l ast hundr ed years have i mpor t ed f r om

abr oad- f r om Mar xi sm t o capi t al i sm t o ar chi t ect ur e. The habi t has der i ved

addi t i onal f or ce over t he l ast decade f r om t he r evi val of i nt er est i n nat i ve

t r adi t i ons i n a soci et y t hat seeks t o escape f r om i t s revol ut i onar y past

i nt o, i roni cal l y, a capi t al i sm whi ch i ncreasi ngl y r enders t hose t radi t i ons

i nt o commodi t i es.

And yet , archi t ect ur al t heory and hi st ory i n Chi na wer e i mport s. When

At ki nson and Dal l as wer e assi gned the j ob of desi gni ng a Chi nese pavi l i on, al l

t hey had t o go on was t he ar chi t ect ur e ar ound them, especi al l y t he pr i vi l eged

i mper i al ar chi t ect ur e, whi ch di sgui sed t he compl exi t y of ar chi t ect ur al

t r adi t i ons wi t hi n Chi na. I t was t he st i mul us pr ovi ded by pol i t i cal cal l s f or

Chi neseness, i n f act, t hat l ed t o t he hi st or i cal i nvest i gat i on of ar chi t ecture

i n Chi na, whi ch was t o r eveal t he di ver si t y of ar chi t ect ur al t r adi t i ons and,

t her ef or e, t he i mpossi bi l i t y of def i ni ng a Chi nese ar chi t ect ur e. 11 I t was

al so t he col oni al desi r e t o be domest i cat ed i n Chi na, and, t her ef or e, t o

become more accept abl e to the popul at i on f or t he purposes of t hei r event ual

11 The f i r st maj or st udy of t he hi st ory of Chi nese archi t ect ur e wasLi ang and Li n( 1943) .


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t r ansf ormat i on, t hat pl ayed a semi nal par t i n t he cr eat i on of a Chi nese st yl e.

Moder n Chi nese ar chi t ect ur e i s domi nat ed by st yl es t hat owe l i t t l e t o thei r

nati onal l ocat i on( as on t he Bund i n Shanghai or i n t he Sovi et st yl e

soci al i st bui l di ngs f romt he 1950s), styl es creat ed by col oni al i smi n i t s

ef f or t s at domest i cat i on ( especi al l y evi dent i n uni ver si t y campuses, wi t h i t s

hybr i di zed pretensi on t o Chi neseness, marked most conspi cuousl y by t he

cur ves added t o t hei r r oof s) , and r edi scover ed ar chi t ect ur es f r om t he past

whi ch def y any i dea of Chi neseness i n t hei r r egi onal di ver si t y. Al r eady,

bef ore t her e was such an i dea, t hi s archi t ect ur e t hat was a pr oduct of

col oni al i sm pr esupposed gl obal i t y bot h i n the pr act i ces and or gani zat i on of

ar chi t ect ur al f i r ms, and t he i nspi r at i on i t dr ew upon; but wi t h a cl ear

hi er ar chy of power as wel l as of ar chi t ect ur al f or m. 12 The aut hor of a recent

hi st or y of Chi nese ar chi t ect ur e wr i t es of t he Hai pai ( Shanghai gr oup, wi t h a

suggest i on of Over seas i n t he t er m hai , sea) st yl e t hat i n f l avor i t was mor e

l i ke West er n f or subst ance, Chi nese f or f unct i on( yi Xi wei t i , yi Zhong wei

yong) ( Wang, 2000: 298) .

Some anal yst s have suggest ed t hat i n t erms of t he quant i t y and i nt ensi t y

of exchanges of var i ous ki nds, t he l at e ni net eent h- cent ur y, t he cont ext f or

t he St . Loui s Exposi t i on, was a per i od of consi der abl y gr eat er gl obal i t y t han

t he pr esent ( Hi r st and Thompson, 1996) . The Qi ng pavi l i on i n St . Loui s,

desi gned by an Engl i sh archi t ect ur al f i r m i n Shanghai and bui l t by an Amer i can

company i n t he US wi t h t he l abor of cr af t smen i mpor t ed f r om Chi na, pr ovi des

prima facie evi dence t hat t r ansnat i onal i t y and gl obal i t y ar e by no means novel

i n t hemsel ves. I t i s never t hel ess i mpor t ant not t o er ase si gni f i cant

12 Not onl y di d f orei gn ar chi t ect s pl ay an i mport ant par t i n t hepr oduct i on of t hi s st yl e, but Chi nese ar chi t ect s t hemsel ves wer e tr ai nedabr oad, most l y i n t he US, and t ook moder n archi t ect ur e as t hei r poi nt ofdepart ur e i n t he cr eat i on of a new synt het i c archi t ect ur e. Many of t he Chi nesear chi t ect s al so wor ked f or f or ei gn f i r ms, whi ch al r eady wer e t r ansnat i onal i n t hei r pract i ces( Rowe and Kuan, 2002: 55- 107) , and, ( Cody, 2003) .


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di f f erences bet ween t he pr esent and t he past , whi ch are not t o be f ound i n

empi r i cal data on t r ade and mi gr at i on, or pr ecedent s f or t r ansnati onal i t y.

More i mpor t ant ar e di f f er ences i n t he hi st or i cal dynami cs at wor k.

Gl obal i zat i on i n t he l at e ni net eent h- cent ur y cul mi nat ed i n t he gl obal spr ead

of nat i onal i sm and col oni al i sm. Pr esent l y i t nour i shes, and i s nour i shed by,

postcol oni al and post nat i onal i st chal l enges t o t he wor l d creat ed by t hat

ear l i er epi sode of gl obal i zat i on. What i s most i mpor t ant about a hi st or i cal

perspecti ve on gl obal i zat i on i s that i t af f ords t he possi bi l i t y of a cr i t i cal

eval uat i on of cont emporar y cl ai ms t o gl obal i t y as wel l as j udgment s over

di f f er ences bet ween t he pr esent and i t s past .

The most i mport ant di f f er ence between t he present and t he wor l d of t he

l ate ni net eent h- ear l y t went i et h cent ur i es may be cul t ur al and i deol ogi cal .

Col oni al i sm was j ust i f i ed by t he cl ai ms of t he col oni zer s t o possessi on of a

hi gher ci vi l i zat i on whi ch, f or al l t he compl exi t i es i n r el at i onshi ps, was

acknowl edged by t hose who spoke f or t he col oni zed, who by and l arge f ound i n

emul at i on of t he col oni zer s= ways t he path to t hei r own moderni t y.

Fundament al t o t he under t aki ng wer e nat i onal i sm, and nat i on- bui l di ng, whi ch

i ncl uded t he cr eat i on of a nat i onal cul t ur e. Gl obal i zat i on i n t he l at e

ni net eent h cent ur y was premi sed i deol ogi cal l y and cul t ur al l y on a cl ear

di st i nct i on between t he advanced and t he backward, and t he ci vi l i zed and t he

pr i mi t i ve, whi ch poi nt ed i t i n a di r ect i on i ndi cat ed by those who cl ai med t o

show t he way t o t hose who wer e l ess f ort unate i n i nt el l i gence or cul t ur al

endowment t o f i nd t hei r own way i nto moderni t y.

Agai nst t hi s worl d, t he wor l d of Eur ocent r i c moder ni t y, t he wor l d of t he

pr esent i s radi cal l y di f f er ent . I t i s a wor l d of gl obal cont empor anei t y- i f

onl y out of t he r equi r ement s of a gl obal pol i t i cal cor r ect ness, whi ch ar e not

l i ght l y i gnored. Cul t ur es condemned t o ext i nct i on i n an ear l i er per i od have

f ound r enewed l i f e i n ser vi ce t o aspi r at i ons f or Aal t er nat i ve moder ni t i es.


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Of cour se, not al l cul t ur es are equal even under t he r egi me of Gl obal

Moder ni t y. At t he ver y or i gi ns of t he i deol ogy of gl obal i zat i on i n t he 1980s

was a r ecogni t i on, si nce f orgot t en, t hat cer t ai n ot her cul t ur es mi ght be even

more conduci ve t o t he success of capi t al i st moder ni t y t han the or i gi nal

Eur opean pr otest ant cul t ur e t hat had pr oduced i t - namel y, Conf uci ani sm. I t i s a

r emi nder t hat t he i ssue has been, al l al ong, not j ust moder ni t y but capi t al i st

moder ni t y. Moder ni t y i t sel f has l ost i t s coher ence as i t has become a si t e of

cont ent i on over di f f er ent f ut ur es. Thi s i s t he wor l d of Gl obal Moder ni t y, when

we ar e al l moder n- i f l ess equal t han ever .

I deol ogy and cul t ur e, needl ess t o say, do not exi st by themsel ves.

I deol ogi cal t r ansf or mat i ons, whi ch f i nd expr essi on i n i nt er nat i onal l aw and

gl obal r el at i ons, have a power of t hei r own, but t hey ar e never t hel ess bound

up wi t h mat er i al changes. What ever moderni t y may mean i n mat er i al t erms, i t

has become gl obal i n t he cour se of t he past cent ury. Uneven and unequal t he

ar r i val of moder ni t y may be, but i t has ar r i ved. Col oni al i sm i s no l onger

accept abl e, and nei t her i s i mper i al i sm. Nat i on- bui l di ng has not been equal l y

successf ul everywhere, but nat i onal i sm has become per vasi ve. And most

i mpor t ant l y, wi t hi n t hi s part i cul ar cont ext, i s t he gr owt h i n number s and

i nf l uence of a moder n i nt er nat i onal el i t e wi t hout whi ch nei t her moder ni t y nor

gl obal i zat i on woul d have any ser i ous meani ng. Thi s el i t e f ound cul t ur al and

i deol ogi cal i dent i t y i ni t i al l y i n t he nat i onal ent erpri se, and, t o a l arge

ext ent , st i l l does. But i ncreas i ngl y, i t s i dent i f i cat i on l i es al so i n i t s

rel at i onshi p to t ransnat i onal i nsti t ut i ons- f romt ransnat i onal cor porati ons t o

t r ansnat i onal pol i t i cal , pr of essi onal and i nt el l ectual organi zat i ons. I t s

l ocat i ons ar e t he gl obal ci t i es t hat ar e t he nodes of net wor ks thati ncreasi ngl y def i ne gl obal i t y, agai nst an ear l i er st r ess on nat i onal sur f aces

t hat under l i ned t he r el at i onshi p of t he ci t y to i t s hi nt er l and i n t he

count r ysi de. What i s t r ue of t he el i t e i s al so t r ue of t he popul at i on at

l arge, as t he count r ysi de pour s i nt o t he gl obal ci t i es, t ur ni ng t hem, we ar e

t ol d, i nt o mega- ci t i es wi t hout hi nt er l ands.


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Thi s r econf i gur at i on of space i s cr uci al t o underst andi ng t he f or ces

shapi ng cont empor ar y ar chi t ect ur e. The di scour se of nat i onal st yl es i s by no

means dead, but , l i ke pl eas f or al t er nat i ve moder ni t i es, ar e mor e st r i ki ng f or

t he nost al gi a they expr ess t han f or t he r eal i t i es t hat t hey i nf or m. Nat i onal

st yl es and cul t ures have t hemsel ves become mor e ambi val ent as t hey have come

under att ack f or r epl i cat i ng essent i al i sms i nvent ed by col oni al i sm, on t he one

hand, and f or t he col oni zi ng f unct i on t hey have served i n i nvadi ng pl aces, and

f orci ng thei r own vers i on of homogenei t y on t he heterogeneous spaces of pr e-

nat i onal exi st ence. One of t he f undament al f eatur es of gl obal moder ni t y i s t he

ongoi ng conf r ont at i on of t he gl obal and t he l ocal or , as I pr ef er i t , pl aces.

I t i s i n t hi s conf r ont at i on t hat we may see most cl ear l y the per si st ence

i n gl obal moder ni t y of i t s col oni al l egacy. Gl obal i zat i on i s the f ul f i l l ment

of a capi t al i st moder ni t y spr eadi ng over t he worl d f r omNort hwest er n Eur ope

and Nor t h Amer i ca over t he l ast hal f - mi l l eni um, but i t i s dr i ven pr esent l y by

t he headl ong r ush of soci et i es of a f ormer Thi r d Worl d desi gnat i on t o make i t

t hei r own. 13 Gl obal i zat i on i s a r epudi ati on of col oni al i sm, and t he power

r el at i ons t hat i t ar t i cul at es ar e l i kel y t o el ude us unl ess we r ecogni ze t hat

i t i s i ndeed Aa coal i t i on of t he wi l l i ng - whi ch i dea woul d i t sel f have been

unl i kel y under ear l i er ci r cumst ances of f or mal col oni al i sm. Col oni al i sm,

r ather t han a f ai l ur e, was qui t e successf ul i n creati ng Thi r d Wor l d el i t es who

have now come f orward as t he vanguards of gl obal i zat i on i n f ormer l y col oni al

soci et i es, and candi dat es f or membershi p i n the newl y emergent At r ansnat i onal

13 For some groups i n t he popul at i on, t hi s may appear as ani deol ogi cal r ever sal of an ear l i er col oni al i sm, when many l eadi ng f i gur esf ound i n col oni al i sm an escape f r om t he soci al t r ansf or mat i ons wr ought byi ndust r i al capi t al i sm t hat under mi ned hi er ar chy at home. These col oni al i st sf ound ki ndr ed soul s i n nat i ve el i t es, whose col l aborat i on i n t ur n made

possi bl e t he Ai ndi rect rul e charact er i s t i c of Br i t i sh col oni al i sm( Cannadi ne, 2001) .


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capi t al i s t cl ass. 14 I t i s i nt er est i ngl y t hi s same bour geoi si e t hat seeks i n

t he mi dst of t ransnat i onal i zat i on t o reassert i t s nat i onal or ci vi l i zat i onal

14 ( Skl ai r , 2001) . The emergence of such a cl ass does not i mpl y equaldi st r i but i on of power gl obal l y, needl ess t o say, whi ch st i l l i s cent er ed i nt he t r i ad areas of Nor t h Ameri ca( New Yor k) , West ern Eur ope ( London) and EastAsi a( Tokyo) . Ar chi t ect ur al pr act i ce i s ver y much par t of t hi s st r uct ur e, not

j ust because f i r ms f ol l ow capi t al ar ound t he wor l d, but t hey ar e t hemsel vespar t of a st r ucture of gl obal capi t al . The cent er s of gl obal ar chi t ecturalpr act i ce are New Yor k, Los Angel es, Chi cago and San Franci sco, i n Nort hAmer i ca, pl us London and Tokyo. Ar chi t ect ur al educat i on i t sel f i st r ansnat i onal i zed, wi t h st udent s f r om ar ound t he wor l d f l owi ng t o i nst i t ut i onsi n t hese ar eas, whi l e t hese i nst i t ut i ons become cent er s f or st udyi ng gl obalcul t ur es i n or der t o achi eve gr eat er t r ansnat i onal i zat i on i n desi gn and, wemi ght add wi t h a bi t of cyni ci sm, access t o l ocal markets. ( Knox and Tayl or,) . I n some senses,

ar chi t ect ur al educat i on and pr act i ce have been t r ansnat i onal al l al ong, aswi t nessed by t he tr ai ni ng of Chi nese ar chi t ect s ear l i er i n t he twent i et hcent ur y(See above, f n. 12) . For t he i mpl i cat i ons of gl obal i zat i on f orar chi t ect ur al pr act i ce, see, Ni na Ver egge( ) . For the pr emi ses gui di ngi nternat i onal st udi os, see, Bermudez and Hermanson( 1998) . I n one such st udi o,

between Amer i can and Ar gent i ni an i nst i t ut i ons, st udent s (Ai mmi grants )

Aengaged i n t he art of expl orat i on, col oni zat i on and occupat i on of new

praxi al ter r i tor i es . ( p. 66) .


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par t i cul ar i t y by cl ai ms t o cont i nui t y wi t h a pr ecol oni al or pr e- moder n past .

Nat i onal i sm and gl obal i zat i on usual l y ar e taken t o be cont r adi ct or y, and

t hey ar e. But cont r adi ct i on i s not j ust about opposi t i on; i t al so pr esupposes

uni t y. The r el at i onshi p bet ween nat i onal i sm and gl obal i zat i on par al l el s that

bet ween nat i onal i sm and col oni al i sm. Col oni al i sm gener at ed nat i onal i sm i n

opposi t i on t o i t , but was i nst r ument al f or t he same reason i n t he gl obal

spread of nat i onal i sm. Nat i onal i sm, on t he other hand, has been a col oni zi ng

act i vi t y i t sel f i n er asi ng l ocal di f f er ences i n or der t o creat e a homogenous

nati onal cul t ur e. I t has al so ser ved as an agent of moder ni zati on, br i ngi ng

popul at i ons gl obal l y i nt o t he or bi t of moder ni t y, i f not i s cent er . I n ot her

wor ds, i t has pl ayed a cent r al par t i n t he f or mat i on of gl obal i t y. As i t

br i ngs t he l ocal ont o t he pl ane of t he gl obal , i t al so br i ngs t he gl obal i nt o

ever yday l i f e ever ywhere.

There i s another , l ess expect ed di mensi on t o t he r el at i onshi p between

nat i onal i sm and gl obal i zat i on, t hat may hel p expl ai n why of f i ci al s i n a

soci al i st st at e such as t he PRC may f avor gl obal i zat i on i n spi t e of i t s

col oni zi ng i mpl i cat i ons. At l east some among hi gh l evel of f i ci al s i n t he PRC

per cei ve i n gl obal i zat i on not abr i dgement but t he expansi on of nati onal

power ( and of soci al i sm) . Gl obal i zati on i n t hi s i nt er pr et at i on means t he

gl obal pr oj ect i on of PRC economi c and pol i t i cal pr act i ces( Yu, 2004; Li , 2003) .

I t i s wel l - known t hat as t he PRC dr aws i n f or ei gn capi t al i n i t s devel opment ,

PRC compani es, most l y st at e- owned and connect ed, are al so busy buyi ng up

t r ansnat i onal cor por at i ons abr oad( Kur t enbach, 2004) . I t i s i nt er est i ng t hat

t he Chi nese state shoul d be i nvest i ng abr oad whi l e t he pr obl em of t he

underdevel opment of t he i nt eri or and t he West ern regi ons i s acknowl edged to bea ser i ous expr essi on of warped nat i onal devel opment . Power i n gl obal economy

and pol i t i cs i s obvi ousl y a cent r al consi der at i on i n t he t r ansnat i onal i zat i on

of t he Chi nese economy, l ed by t he stat e, t hat al so has t he ef f ect of f ur t her

di st anci ng t he st at e, si mi l ar l y t o st at es across the gl obe, f r om i t s i mmedi at e

const i t uenci es, whi ch i s especi al l y i r oni c i n t he case of a st at e t hat


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cont i nues t o pr of ess soci al i st commi t ment s. Never t hel ess, i t hel ps expl ai n why

t he st ate mi ght be a wi l l i ng accompl i ce i n t he ki nd of col oni zat i on t hat

accompani es gl obal i zat i on, evi dent especi al l y i n ar chi t ect ur al r econf i gur at i on

of nat i onal spaces i n accor dance wi t h gl obal nor ms, as t he same

r econf i gur at i on ser ves t o pr oj ect nat i onal power and pr est i ge gl obal l y.

Studi es of Eur o/ Amer i can i mages of t he wor l d over t he l ast t hr ee decades

have demonst r ated that col oni al i st s who di d not t hi nk much of t he col oni zed

and t hei r l i vi ng cul t ur es never t hel ess had gr eat admi r at i on f or t hei r past s,

especi al l y when t hose past s l ay i n r ui ns. The i nt er act i ons of t he col oni zi ng

and t he col oni zed, especi al l y at t he l evel of el i t es, wer e t o creat e a

par t i cul ar f or m of moder ni t y, a col oni al moder ni t y, t hat r ef er r ed above al l t o

t he ar t s and ar chi t ect ur es cr eated under ci r cumst ances of col oni al i t y, whi ch

r ecogni zed t he subj ect i vi t y of t he col oni zed, but al so t he i mpor t ance of

col oni al i sm i n shapi ng not onl y t he col oni zed but t he col oni zer as wel l . The

whol e poi nt of t he r ecogni t i on, however , was not t o cr i t i ci ze or t o put an end

t o col oni al i sm, but t o show i t s benef i cent aspect s. Rober t Rydel l wr i t es of

what he descr i bes as At he `col oni al e moderne= sens i bi l i t y i n ear l y t went i et h

cent ur y uni ver sal exposi t i ons t hat ,

Root ed i n t he exot i c f asci nat i on wi t h t he AOt her cul t i vat ed at

Eur opean f ai r s bef ore t he Gr eat War, col oni al e moder ne- a conj unc-

t ur e of moder ni st i c ar chi t ect ur al st yl es and repr esent at i ons

of i mper i al pol i ci es t hat st r essed t he benef i t s of col oni al i sm

t o col oni zer and col oni zed al i ke- devel oped f r om t he desi r e by

Eur opean i mper i al aut hori t i es t o decant t he ol d wi ne of

i mper i al i sm i nt o new bot t l es bear i ng t he moder ni st i c desi gns of

t he i nt er war years. Mor e speci f i cal l y, t he col oni al e moder ne

pr acti ce- habitus may be a bet t er expr essi on- cr yst al l i zed around

ef f ort s by government s t o make the moderni st i c dr eam wor l ds of


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mass consumpt i on on vi ew at f ai r s unt hi nkabl e apart f r omt he

mai nt enance and ext ensi on of empi r e(Rydel l , 1993: 62) . 15

Col oni al moder ni t y was not about er asi ng di f f er ence, but t he r ephr asi ng

of di f f erence wi t hi n a modern cont ext whi ch, as t he many Wor l d=s Fai r s and

Uni ver sal Exposi t i ons i n t he cent ur y af t er 1850 el oquent l y at t est t o, was

i nconcei vabl e wi t hout r ef er ence t o col oni al i sm. The al t er nat i ve moder ni t i es

whi ch now asser t t hemsel ves agai nst Eur o/ Amer i can par adi gms of moderni t y ar e

pr oduct s of t he i nt er act i on bet ween par t i cul ar col oni al i sms and pr ecol oni al

nat i ve l egaci es, f ashi oned i nt o l ocal i zed moder ni t i es by t he subj ect s of

col oni al moder ni t y. These are now al so t he subj ect s of gl obal moder ni t y,

asser t i ng t hemsel ves on a gl obal scene i n the i deol ogi cal spaces seemi ngl y

evacuat ed by a Apr ovi nci al i zed Eur o/ Amer i ca, i n tenuous negot i at i on over t he

f ut ur e of moder ni t y that bear s upon i t ever y mar k of i t s col oni al past .

Col oni al i sm has l ef t behi nd an ambi val ent l egacy. I t has br ought wi t h i t

oppr essi ve pr act i ces, added on t o t hose t hat al r eady exi st ed. I t has al so

br ought wi t h i t t he pr omi se of l i ber at i on f r om oppr essi on. Li kewi se t he

est het i cs of col oni al i sm, whi ch er ased t he past , but al so r escued f r om

obl i vi on past s t hat mi ght have gone unnot i ced had i t not been f or col oni al i sm.

I t makes a gr eat deal of sense t o r ecogni ze col oni al i sm, i n i t s mul t i f acet ed

expr essi ons, not as a devi ati on f r om but as a f or mati ve el ement of hi st or y. I

am r ef er r i ng her e t o col oni al i sm i n al l t he senses t hat I have di scussed

above; col oni al i sm as oppr essi on not j ust bet ween but al so wi t hi n nat i ons, and

24 For f ur t her di scussi on of t he col oni al i n t he gl obal , see,Di r l i k( 2005) .


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across cl asses, et hni ci t i es, r aces and gender s: t he col oni al i t y of power .

I t i s i mpor t ant , i n t hi s gener al i zed under st andi ng of col oni al i t y whi ch

owes much t o gl obal i zati on, however , not t o over l ook t he speci f i ci t i es of

di f f er ent power r el at i ons; i n t hi s case, power r el ati ons bet ween cl asses-

especi al l y t he t r ansnati onal cl ass- i n- f or mat i on t hat emer ges out of a new

col l abor at i on bet ween st at es and capi t al , wi t h the di ver se f unct i onar i es i n

t hei r empl oy. 16 Col oni al i sm under st ood i n t he sense of nat i onal oppr essi on and

expl oi t at i on may not seem appr opr i at e t o under st andi ng gl obal i zat i on pr eci sel y

because of t he par t i ci pat i on of nat i ve el i t es i n t he pr ocesses of t he l at t er .

To be sure, nat i ve el i t es al ways par t i ci pat ed i n col oni al r ul e; but t he

pr esent si t uat i on i s somewhat di f f er ent t han i n t he past bot h i n gr eat er

r eci pr oci t y bet ween el i t es of di f f er ent nat i onal or i gi n, and al so i n t he f ar

gr eat er possi bi l i t i es i t of f er s to f ar gr eat er number s of escapi ng t er r i t or i al

conf i nement s. On the ot her hand, gl obal i zat i on i s al so about col oni al i sm, i f

we underst and that t erm i n i t s most f undament al sense of t aki ng space away

f r om t hose who make di f f er ent uses of i t , i ncl udi ng t hei r l i vel i hood, and

put t i ng i t i n t he ser vi ce of of f - gr ound concept i ons and goal s of spat i al

ut i l i t y. I f i t does not seem l i ke col oni al i sm because t he nat i ves col l aborate

i n i t s pr ocesses, i t never t hel ess i s pr emi sed on t he mar gi nal i zat i on, i f not

t he er asur e, of al t er nat i ve uses of space that are more consonant wi t h the

needs and pr erogat i ves of everyday exi st ence.

16 For t hi s col l aborat i on i n t he case of Shanghai , see, Wu( 2002), i nLogan( 2002) . Ot her essays i n t hi s vol ume of f er i mport ant di scussi ons of t heur ban poor , and t he new geogr aphy of povert y. See, Par t I V, pp. 183- 226. Therei s, of cour se, al so a new geogr aphy of weal t h that br i ngs t oget her t he Chi neseand t he f or ei gn el i t es.


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Ref er r i ng t o var i ous gl obal ar chi t ect ur al pr oj ect s pr oduced by

ar chi t ects of di f f er ent nat i onal i t i es, t he cel ebr at ed ar chi t ect Rem Kool haas

wr i t es t hat t hese pr oj ect s. . . wer e al l pl anned f or ar eas t hat coul d be

descr i bed as tabulae rasae- and I t hi nk thi s i s a ver y i mpor t ant char acteri st i c

of gl obal i zati on. I n other wor ds, none of t hem was pl anned f or a cont ext t hat

consi st ed of an exi st i ng ci t y. They wer e al l cr eat ed out of not hi ng (Koolhaas,

1996: 197).17 We may r ecal l her e t hat t her e i s not any di f f er ence of subst ance

bet ween tabulae rasae and t he f avor ed t er m of an ear l i er col oni al i sm, terra

nullius; both assume bl ank pl aces, erasi ng ever ythi ng bef ore t hem, i ncl udi ng

human l i f e. 18 J ohn Di xon ref er s t o t he ur ban r enewal pr oj ect s i nf ormed by

17 Exampl es of such pr oj ect s ar e t o be f ound i n an i nt er est i ng vol ume,Shanghai Reflections. Architecture, Urbanism, and the Search for an

Alternative Modernity( Gandel sonas, 2002) . A col l aborat i ve pr oj ect bet weenPri ncet on, Hong Kong Uni ver si t y and Tongj i Uni ver si t y i n Shanghai , t he vol umedi scusses desi gns f or t he r enovat i on of a cat hol i c chur ch( Dongj i adu) and i t s

envi r ons i n Shanghai . Despi t e t he Aal t er nat i ve moder ni t y i n t he t i t l e, and

cl i ches about Aan `al t er nat i ve moderni sm= t hat Chi na has recent l y f orged as

i t opens i t sel f t o a di al ogue wi t h t he West , what i s r emarkabl e about t hevar i ous comment ari es and t he pr oj ect s di scussed i s how l i t t l e they have to dowi t h t hei r i mmedi ate human cont ext , i ncl udi ng the resi dent s of t he ar ea

di scussed. The Adi al ogue, of cour se, i s i ni t i at ed and car r i ed out byPr i ncet on, i n t hi s case, and i s exempl ar y of t he st udi os t hat US ar chi t ect ur eschool s have been conduct i ng ar ound t he wor l d- much l i ke US busi ness managementschool s openi ng up br anches.

18 A cel ebr at ory not e on t he tabulae rasae i s audi bl e i n another wor k

coedi t ed by Rem Kool haas wi t h col l eagues i n the Harvard Desi gn School ( t hi s oneon the Pear l Ri ver Del t a i n Sout her n Chi na) , when t he edi t or s wr i t e that ,

Aonl y t he tabul a rasa can enabl e possi bi l i t i es ot her wi se hi nder ed by t he

t r adi t i onal obl i gat i on of ci t i es and ar chi t ecture t o be st abl e. Chui hua J udyChung, J ef f r ey I naba, Rem Kool haas, Sze Tsung Leong ( ed) ( 2001: 111) . Nancy Li n,

t he cont r i but or of t he sect i on on AArchi t ecture ( mai nl y i n t he f i rst Speci al

Economi c Zone of cont emporary Chi na, Shenzhen) , wr i t es t hat , AAr chi t ect ur ehas become a channel f or i nvest ment . Bui l di ng const r uct i on has becomesuch a


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moderni sm as Asl ash- and- bur n `r enewal ,= whi ch i s echoed i n a Shanghai

sl ogan, Af l at t eni ng al l f or a new st ar t . 19 And what f ol l ows t he Af l at t eni ng?

I cannot r esi st quot i ng snatches of el oquent observat i ons by Paul i na Bozek on

a cur r ent gl obal i zed ar chi t ect ur e dr i ven by, Amul t i nat i onal cor por at i ons

r equi r i ng magni f i cent st r uct ur es t o mar k t hei r pr esence. . . . much of t he

const r uct i on and devel opment has been dr i ven by f or ei gn capi t al wi t h l i t t l e

sensi t i vi t y to concer ns of cul t ur al her i t age. . . . t he super b st r uctures, whi ch

domi nat e t he cent er of a ci t y l i ke Mani l a or Shanghai , are t r ul y cel ebr at i ng

t he success of a pl ace ver y f ar away. Thi s i ssue has been wi del y di scussed i n

t he cont ext of col oni al past s, but has been l argel y over l ooked i n t oday=s

arena of gl obal markets and i nvest ment . . . . cr eat i ng moder n, ur ban cent ers t hat

at t empt t o mi r r or each ot her . . . . [ whi l e] cul t ur al her i t age as expr essed by t he

bui l t envi r onment i s becomi ng a scar ce commodi t y (Bozek, : 3) . The more we tal k about cul t ur e, i t

seems, t he l ess cul t ur e mat t er s i n t he subst ance of ar chi t ect ur e- and l i f e i n

gener al . Thi s ar chi t ect ur e of gl obal i zat i on i s t he embodi ment of a Avi sual

capi t al t hat i s r ecogni zed gl obal l y. I t i s al so, f or much t he same r easons,

i ncreasi ngl y di st ant f r om t he l i ves of t hose i n t he mi dst of whom i t i s

pr of i t - maki ng t ool t hat a bui l di ng=s pr i mar y f unct i on i s no l onger t o ser vehuman needs. The t r adi t i onal concept s associ ated wi t h ar chi t ect ur e such asaest het i cs, comf or t abl e envi r onment , advanced bui l di ng technol ogy, and humanoccupancy have been suppressed to emphasi ze quant i t at i ve measures l i keconst r uct i on vol ume, capi t al i nvest ment , const r uct i on t i me, cost and pr of i t

return. ( p. 165) . Al so see bel ow, f n. 34.

19 Di xon( 1996: 21) . For the Shanghai sl ogan, see, Bal der st one, Qi an,and Zhang(2002: 28) .


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er ect ed.

I n t he case of a soci et y such as t he PRC, wi t h i t s cont i nued pr of essi ons

t o soci al i sm, t he ar chi t ect ur e of a ci t y such as Bei j i ng pr ocl ai ms a

cor por at i zed soci al i st vi si on, wher e so- cal l ed cul t ur al consi der at i ons appear

onl y i n t he or nament at i on, i f at al l . Rat her t han expr ess connect i ons t o t he

l i ves of t he peopl e ar ound t hem, t he of f i ci al bui l di ngs of Bei j i ng st and over

t hei r envi r onment i n over bear i ng, i f awkwar dl y squat, asser t i ons of a

corpor ate soci al i sm. I n Bei j i ng, even commer ci al bui l di ngs assume shades of

t hi s mant l e of of f i ci al dom. I f t he ar chi t ect ur e of Pudong, l ooki ng t owar ds t he

gl obe, i s al i enat ed f r om i t s sur r oundi ngs i n i t s de- t er r i t or i al i zed economi c

aspi r at i ons, Bei j i ng ar chi t ecture adds a pol i t i cal di mensi on t o t hi s

al i enat i on, t hat f i nds expr essi on i n i t s economy i n t he cel ebr at i on of t he

i ndust r i al and t he technol ogi cal . I t r emai ns ambi val ent i n t he f ace of t he

cont r adi ct i ons of t he gl obal l y of f - gr ound and t he t er r i t or i al l y anchor ed, but

nevert hel ess cont i nues to expr ess unbounded f ai t h i n t he pr owess of

devel opment . 20

20 The f amous t hor oughf are known gener i cal l y as as Changan Avenue( butcompr i sed of t he t hr ee sect i ons of Fuxi ngmennei daj i e, Changan j i e, and

J i anguomennei daj i e) i s l i ned up on bot h si des by t hese monuments t ocor por at i st soci al i sm. For a sampl i ng, see, ( Al so, i nChi nese, ) .


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Gl obal i zat i on i n ei t her of t hese per spect i ves( Shanghai and Bei j i ng, t he

of f - gr ounded gl obal i t i es of hi gh- f i nance and consumpt i on ver sus t he

gr oundedness of i ndust r i al and t echnol ogi cal devel opment , neo- l i ber al ver sus

st ate capi t al i sm) i s a second comi ng of moderni sm, but wi t h a vengeance; what

Hans I bel i ngs cal l s Asupermoderni sm, an ar chi t ect ur e of Anon- pl aces that

Acan be seen as t ypi cal expr essi ons of t he age of gl obal i zat i on( I bel i ngs,

2002: 66) . 21 Kool haas, hi msel f an archi t ect i n gl obal demand, sees i n t he

ar chi t ect ur e of gl obal i zat i on an ar chi t ect ur e of di sappear ance f r om whi ch

At here i s no escape.

:

The f i r st t i me I went t o Si ngapore, I was seven, and I ar r i ved

by boat . What I r emember i s t he smel l : equal part s r ot and

sweet ness, t he smel l of t he t r opi cs. But when I went back t wo

years ago that smel l was gone. I n f act , Si ngapore was gone,

scrapped, i t s ar chi t ectur e a pet r i di sh of Chi nese St al i ni st

moderni sm f ol l owed by Chi nese post moderni sm. Now t he ci t y was

t ryi ng t o f i l l t he f ew hol es l ef t af t er t he reconstr ucti on

wi t h master pi eces by J ames St i r l i ng, Mari o Bot t a, and other

cont extual i st s. I t was a spect acl e, one that was compl et el y

and f r i ght eni ngl y pl ausi bl e.

He concl udes: AWe al l i nhabi t concept ual Si ngapores (Koolhaas, 1996:239).

Si mi l ar l y pessi mi st i c, Ri char d Mar shal l wr i t es t hat ,

. . . . t he most successf ul gl obal pr oj ect l acks any i dea of t he

ci t y. . . . Luj i azui r epr esent s a moder n cri si s i n ur bani sm, t he

21 Mar i sa Carmona r ef ers t o t he pr esent growt h of urban areas,

associ ated by many wi t h gl obal i zat i on, as a Asecond moderni t y (Car mona, 2001) .


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ul t i mate aspi r ati on of gl obal i zat i on and a pr oj ect whose

f unct i onal i t y, as a pi ece of Shanghai= s gl obal i nf r ast r ucture

i s wi t hout di sput e, yet one t hat l acks any possi bi l i t y t o

ar t i cul at e or suppor t an ur bani t y appr opr i at e to Shanghai . I f

Luj i azui i s a model f or how Chi na and t he r est of t he worl d

shoul d pr oceed t hen t her e i s l i t t l e hope f or ar chi t ect ur e and

ur ban desi gn. . . . ( Mar shal l , 2003: 193- 194) . 22

I bel i ngs wr i t es t hat once non- pl aces Ahave acqui r ed a past, t hey wi l l

i ndeed become pl aces (Ibelings, 2002:151).23

That may or may not be a possi bi l i t y,

22 Chi nese i nt el l ect ual s assessment s of Shanghai var y wi del y, f r omadmi r at i on f or t he ci t y s successf ul management t o l ament s t hat cont emporaryShanghai di spl ays somethi ng i n t he natur e of a uni ver sal exposi t i on(wanguobolanhui) ( i n ot her wor ds, a hodgepodge of sor t s) ; unl i ke i n t he t hi r t i es, i thas not pr oduced a hospi t abl e cul t ur al envi r onment , or cr eat ed a home- gr owncul t ur e of si gni f i cance( haipai wenhua) ( Fang, 2003: 194- 195) .

23 Promi nent among I bel i ng=s Anon- pl aces ar e ai r por t s. He shoul d


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as t he cont r adi ct i on bet ween t he gl obal , t he regi onal and t he l ocal may be

expr essi ons of a more f undament al cont r adi ct i on bet ween st abi l i t y and

i nst abi l i t y, whi ch woul d under cut t he possi bi l i t y of hi st or y i t sel f ( Kool haas,

1996: 239) . I r oni cal l y, ar chi t ect s and anal yst s of ar chi t ect ur e such as Kool haas

and I bel i ngs r eadi l y recogni ze the dest r uct i on t hat at t ends t he emer gence of a

gl obal moder ni t y, but are not beyond cont r i but i ng t o i t t hemsel ves. 24

der i ve gr eat comf or t f r om t he recent movi e, AThe Termi nal , where Tom Hanks

not onl y manages t o make( bui l d) t he At wi l i ght zone of t he t er mi nal i nt o apl ace, but becomes a worki ng- cl ass heron i n t he pr ocess.

24 I bel i ngs, f or i nstance, r ef er s t o At he monst r ous, wor l dwi de

al l i ance of ant i - gl obal i s ts , i n t he same br eat h as Awor l dwi de t er r or i sm( Supermodernism, p. 9) , whi l e Kool haas i s ver y much par t of t he f r enzy t hat hedepl or es. For a cri t i cal assessment s of hi s deal i ngs i n t he bui l di ng boom i n


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Bei j i ng, see, Wheel er ( 2004) .


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There i s wi despread agreement present l y among bot h t he cr i t i cs and t he

cheer - l eader s of gl obal i zat i on t hat i t exact s a heavy pr i ce i n t he

di sappear ance of pl ace( bot h ur ban and r ur al ) and, wi t h i t , of hi st or y and

memory( i ncl udi ng archi t ect ur e=s own memor y of i t sel f ) . I t i s ar guabl e t hat

ar chi t ect ur e si mpl y expr esses l ar ger t r ends i n t he pol i t i cal economy: t he

r econf i gur at i on of economi c and pol i t i cal uni t s of soci al or gani zat i on whi ch

may be vi si bl e i n t he at t enuat i on of t he power of nat i on- st ates and t he

appear ance of r egi onal economi es; t he most i mpor t ant mani f est at i on of whi ch

may be t he appear ance of gl obal ci t y regi ons, whi ch provi de t he cont ext bot h

f or urban and archi t ect ur al desi gn associ ated wi t h gl obal i zat i on( Si mmonds and

Hack, 2000) . From such a per spect i ve, i t may seem r eact i onar y t o be cr i t i cal

of t he new urban and archi t ectural f orms i n t he name of ear l i er f orms and

t hei r r el at i onshi p t o soci et y.

I t needs t o be st r essed her e t hat t he i ssue i s not a mat t er of hi st ory

and t he f ut ur e, or t he nat i on- st at e agai nst new pol i t i cal / economi c f or mat i ons,

whi ch mi ght poi nt t o a react i onary def ense of t he past agai nst t he pr esent and

t he f ut ur e. The f undament al i ssue i n the cri t i que of t he new ur ban and

ar chi t ectur al f or ms i s rather t he i nt ensi f i cat i on of i nequal i t y gl obal l y and

wi t hi n nat i ons by t he det er r i t or i al i zat i on of economi es. To the ext ent t hat

ar chi t ecture i s compl i ci t i n t hi s det err i t or i al i zat i on, i t becomes a

par t i ci pant i n t he per pet r at i on of i nequal i t y, t he mar gi nal i zat i on of

popul at i ons swept asi de by so- cal l ed gl obal i zat i on, and the col oni zat i on of

t he spaces of ever yday l i f e. Ther e i s no doubt pr of essi onal exci t ement t o be

dr awn f r oman of f - gr ound est het i cs t hat cel ebr ates t echnol ogy and the f r eedoms

af f or ded by neo- l i ber al gl obal i zat i on, but t hat shoul d not bl i nd us t o t he

i mpor t ant f unct i on i t ser ves i n pr ovi di ng i deol ogi cal cover f or archi t ect ur e s

compl i ci t y i n t he col oni al i t y of power , al l t he mor e di r ectl y f or t he

cruci al par t i t pl ays i n conf i gur i ng t he spaces of ever yday l i f e.

On t he ot her hand, gl obal i zat i on, l i ke post moder ni sm bef or e i t , does not


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r epr esent t he t ot al i t y of ar chi t ect ur e but coexi st s pr esent l y wi t h ot her

appr oaches, i ncl udi ng post moderni sm, cont ext ual i sm, and r egi onal i sm- t hemsel ves

r esponses t o moder ni st uni ver sal i sm of an ear l i er day t hat are st i l l ver y much

al i ve. These cri t i cal pr acti ces of f er al t er nat i ves t o t he new uni ver sal i sm of

ar chi t ectural gl obal i zat i on t hat i s dr i ven by t he gl obal i zat i on of capi t al .

Most i mpor t ant among t hese al t ernat i ves may be Acr i t i cal regi onal i sm

( or par al l el s such as Acr i t i cal ur bani sm) t hat reaf f i rm t he i mpor t ance of

pl ace, whi l e recogni zi ng t hat pl aces t hemsel ves are hi st or i cal . As Kennet h

Frampt on expl ai ns i t , AThe t er m `Cr i t i cal Regi onal i sm= i s not i nt ended t o

denot e t he vernacul ar as t hi s was once spontaneousl y pr oduced by t he combi ned

i nt er act i on of cl i mat e, cul t ur e, myt h and craf t , but r at her t o i dent i f y t hose

r ecent r egi onal `school s= whose pr i mary ai m has been t o ref l ect and serve t he

l i mi t ed const i t uenci es i n whi ch t hey ar e gr ounded (Frampton, 1992:314). How t hose

Al i mi t ed const i t uenci es ar e def i ned i s qui t e pr obl emat i c, and i mpor t ant ,

however , as t he l ocal t hat i s set agai nst t he gl obal i n many cases i s qui t e

ambi guous, r angi ng f r omt he pl ace- based and i nt r a- nat i onal r egi onal r egi onal

t o t he nat i onal and supr a- nat i onal r egi onal . Especi al l y i n post col oni al

soci et i es, t he nat i onal i s t he product of a pr evi ous, col oni al , gl obal i t y. I t

serves i n many cases pr esent l y as t he medi um f or t he l ocal i zat i on of t he

gl obal . The conf oundi ng of t he l ocal and t he nat i onal i s l i kel y t o di st r act

Acri t i cal r egi onal i sm f r om achi evi ng i t s mor e democrat i c goal s, by openi ng

i t up t o ser vi ce t o t he nat i on- st at e whi ch may seem ant i - col oni al i n i t s

cont r ast wi t h t he gl obal but appear s i n i t s own col oni al i t y when vi ewed f r om


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pl ace- based per spect i ves. 25 I t i s al so i mpor t ant t o r ecogni ze t hat Acr i t i cal

regi onal i sm has i t s own cont radi cti ons; l i ke gl obal i zat i on, i t s pr acti t i oner s

ar e cel ebr i t y ar chi t ect s whose own pr oj ect s are qui t e gl obal i n scope. 26 Thi s

may be unavoi dabl e, as gl obal i t y has become a def i ni ng f eatur e of t he l ocal ,

and col oni al i sm an i ner adi cabl e const i t uent of hi st or y ever ywher e. Wher e

peopl e ( i ncl udi ng archi t ect s) are headed pol i t i cal l y shoul d be much more

i mpor t ant pr esent l y than wher e they ar e f r om cul t ur al l y or et hni cal l y.

Ul t i matel y, t he cont r adi ct i ons bet ween t he gl obal and t he l ocal i n

ar chi t ectur e ar e i nt egr al par t s of soci al and pol i t i cal cont r adi cti ons t hat

at t end cont emporar y t r ansf ormat i ons as moder ni t y goes gl obal . The resol ut i ons

of t hese cont r adi cti ons, l i kewi se, wi l l be par t of br oader pol i t i cal pr oj ects,

whi ch st i l l ar e subj ect t o ci r cumst ances of pl ace and t i me. Manf r edo Taf ur i

concl uded near l y t hr ee decades ago that ,

the crisis of modern architecture is not the result of

`tiredness or `dissipation. It is rather a crisis of

the ideological function of architecture....For this reason,

it is useless to propose purely architectural alternatives.

The search for an alternative within the structures that

25 I have di scussed t hi s pr obl em f r om t he per spect i ve of moder n Chi na.For i l l umi nati ng st udi es cover i ng ot her ar eas, see, Val e( 1992) , and,Bozdogan( 2001) . For a di scussi on of t he post col oni al pr oduct i on of nat i onali dent i t y i n ar chi t ect ur e, see, Pr akash( 1997) .

26 For a spl endi d gl obal over vi ew, see, Lef ai vre and Tzoni s( 2003) .Thi s overvi ew i s cr i t i cal l y sensi t i ve. The t wo ar t i cl es by t he edi t or s, t hatt r ace cr i t i cal regi onal i sm hi stor i cal l y, are f ocused mostl y on cr i t i calr egi onal i sm as a r esponse t o uni ver sal i sm, but have l ess t o say about t her el at i onshi p of t he r egi onal t o t he nat i onal , whi ch has been pr obl emat i c al lal ong. Bozdogan of f er s an i nt er est i ng account f or t he case of Tur key, wher et he nat i onal bot h pr esupposed t he i nt er nati onal as i t s poi nt of depar t ur e, andsought al so t o appr opr i at e t he i nt er nal r egi onal ( Bozdogan, 2001: 255- 271) .Bozdogan al so shows t hat a l i mi t ed ki nd of cri t i cal r egi onal i sm ( andassoci ated t hemes of archi t ect ur al post moder ni t y) wer e i mpl i ci t i n t henati onal i zat i on of Eur o/ Amer i can f or ms.


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condition the very character of architectural design

is indeed an obvious contradiction of terms(Tafuri, 1976:181).

Insurgent architects have much to contribute to the outcome in designing spaces that affirm life

and livelihood against the abstractions of placeless architecture driven by a fetishism of development.

What makes architecture insurgent in the first place is a recognition that esthetic choices are ultimately

social choices as well. The problem with the architecture of globalization ultimately is that it is a negation

of the social as such. It may make sense under contemporary imbalances of power to let globalization

have its spaces, as in Pudong, and the many Pudongs of Global Capital, and rebuild architectures of

sociability from locations that have not lost completely memories of the social. Let us not forget that with

all the talk about globalization, there are many, many of those places.

* I am grateful to several friends and colleagues have read and commented on this article; inparticular, Roxann Prazniak and Rob Wilson. They bear no responsibility for my irresponsibilities.

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