ancientplanetH istor y Arc hae o l o g y Sc ie nceIN THIS ISSUE
A Prehistory Of Belief Human Sacrifice In Ancient Egypt Unmasking
Ancient Colour : Colour And The Classical Theatre Mask Kalyna
Copper Plates Of ilhra King Chittarja (1019 CE) Anomalies In The
Social Norm: A Description Of Battle Graves And Execution Graves In
The British Archaeological Record Exploring Pastoral-Nomadic
Origins And Population History Of The Xiongnu Confederacy Of Iron
Age Mongolia... and more
ONLINE JOURNAL
VOL. 04 FEBRUARY 2013
1
for evolving minds
http://ancientplanet.blogspot.com/7
AncientPlanet Online Journal VOLUME 04 February 2013WEBSITE
http://ancientplanet.blogspot.com/ EDITOR/PUBLISHER Ioannis
Georgopoulos email: [email protected] NOTICE The editors
accept no responsibility for any loss, injury or inconvenience
sustained by persons using the resources contained within the
journal and/or websites mentioned herein. Editorial and
contributors views are independent and do not necessarily reflect
those of AncientPlanet. 2013 AncientPlanet Online Journal, founded
by Ioannis Georgopoulos. All rights reserved. No part of this work
may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in
any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying,
microfilming, recording or otherwise, without the prior written
consent from the authors. Permission of the author is also required
for all other derivative works, including compilations and
translations. Unless stated otherwise, all photos and illustrations
are by AncientPlanet and its authors. Reproduction of the material
published in AncientPlanet in any form by any person without prior
consent is a violation of copyright and appropriate action may be
taken against any person(s) violating the copyright. Front Cover:
Relief at the A barantha iva Temple. Photgraph courtesy of Rupali
Mokashi. ANCIENTPLANET PATRAS, ACHAIA E | GREECE ISSN:
2241-5157
A Prehistory of Belief
06
contents
62
Numismatic Iconography in Classical Greece
112 Anomalies in the Social Norm
2
contents
22
Human Sacrifice in Ancient Egypt
34
The Sacred Image of the Palladium
Unmasking Ancient Colour
42
Unmuddling Ancient Choices
74
86
Exploring PastoralNomadic Origins and Population History of the
Xiongnu Confederacy of Iron Age Mongolia
100 Kalya Copper
Plates of ilhra King Chittarja
120 Symbols of Mortality
136 Dinosaurs on Ice
150 The Minerva CulturalAssociation
3
contributors
Mike Williams, PhD Archaeologist interested on prehistoric
belief and shamanism. He is the author of Prehistoric Belief:
Shamans, Trance and the Afterlife, an exploration of shamanism and
religious belief in the past.
Ryan W. Schmidt, PhD Anthropologist interested in human
variation, population genetics, and ancient DNA studies. Ryan is
currently a Postdoctoral Fellow with the Japanese Society for the
Promotion of Science, and am studying Japanese population history
through the analysis of ancient DNA.
Andrea Sinclair, MA Classical scholar specializing on the
interconnections and iconographic issues for the Egyptian, Aegean
and Near Eastern Bronze Age.
Shashikant Dhopate, Senior Numismatist and Epigraphist (right)
and Rupali Mokashi, PhD, Associate Professor, Department of
History, RKT College (Permanently Affiliated to the University of
Mumbai (left).
Lisa Swart, Ph.D Egyptologist specializing in the Egyptian Third
Intermediate Period, Egyptian art and iconography, funerary customs
and theology
Maria Correas-Amador, MA Recently completed her PhD in
Archaeology at Durham University. Maria is passionate about mud,
languages and travelling.
j o u r n a l
Cristiana Margherita , PhD Archaeologist specializing in
Medieval burials in Italy and co-founder of the Cultural
Association Minerva.
Jesse Obert, BA Classical Archaeologist specializing in Warfare
in Antiquity and currently sitting for an MA in Ancient
History.
Amy Talbot, BA Archaeologist interested in Palaeopathology,
Biblical Archaeology and Gender Studies.
A n c i e n t P l a n e t
O n l i n e
Lorraine Evans, MA Research Fellow at the IIPSGP. and author of
the best-selling book Kingdom of the Ark, together with Warrior
Women of Northern Europe and Murder at Medinet Habu - A Heritage
Tour Guide, the first in her mini-heritage tour series.4
Eva Alex. Statherou, Graduate in Humanities and Arts in Greek
Culture and Civilization interested in Myth, Cult and Analysis.
Tristan Stock, is a 15-year-old high school student who has been
studying palaeontology for more than 5 years. Tristan spends all of
his spare time exploring prehistoric life on Earth and intends to
major in palaeontology in college.
from the editor
A n c i e n t P l a n e t
W
elcome to Volume 04 of the AncientPlanet Online Journal. In this
issue we present twelve feature articles dealing with various
aspects of life in the ancient world. As can be seen from our list
of contributors on the left, we also have the pleasure of welcoming
several new members to the AncientPlanet team. Our first article,
by British archaeologist Dr. Mike Williams, delves into the subject
of religious belief in prehistoric times. Exactly how did our early
ancestors see the world around them and why did they contrive the
idea of an afterlife? In this fascinating article, Dr. Williams
explains how concepts of death, the afterlife, and even agriculture
arose simply from what people imagined to be true. Next our
resident Egyptologist, Dr. Lisa Swart, examines the evidence for
human sacrifice in ancient Egypt. Disputed by some scholars, the
evidence for human sacrifice in Egypt, as Dr. Swart says, is not
only undeniable but was in fact practiced on two levels - viz., the
killing of servants and that of ritualized sacrifice proper. We are
then transported to ancient Greece and Rome by Eva Statherou who
introduces us to the sacred cult of the Palladium, a divine effigy
cast down from the heavens that was used by the Trojans, Greeks and
Romans as divine justification of political power. This is followed
by two articles from our resident classicists, Andrea Sinclair, who
explains the importance of colour in ancient GraecoRoman theatrical
masks, and Jesse Obert, who introduces the subject of iconography
on the coinage of classical Greece. Our next article, by PhD
candidate Maria CorreasAmador, takes us back to Egypt to explore
how modern Egyptian mud-brick houses can shed light on housing
construction
methods in ancient Egypt. From there we travel to Mongolia with
American anthropologist Dr. Ryan Schmidt who shares with us his
insights into the origins and population history of the Xiongnu
confederacy of Iron Age Mongolia. Staying in Asia, our next article
by Mr. Shashikant Dhopate and Dr. Rupali Mokashi discusses a
recently discovered set of copper plates, recovered fortuitously by
local authorities. which illuminate hitherto unknown aspects of
life in eleventh century India. The next two articles deal with the
burial customs and practices from Medieval Britain and Scotland.
The first of these, by Amy Talbot, introduces the subject of battle
graves and execution graves in Anglo-Saxon England. This is
followed by a foray into the field of graveyard archaeology by PhD
candidate Lorraine Evans, who examines the various symbols and
imagery engraved on the memorials found in late medieval and early
historical cemeteries of Scotland. We then journey to the earths
distant past with an article on the dinosaurs of Alaska and
Antarctica by Tristan Stock, a talented young man from the USA with
an unbridled passion for palaeontology. Finally, Drs. Cristiana
Margherita and Tommaso Saccone introduce the work of the Minerva
Cultural Foundation, established in 2010, which aims to promote,
preserve and disseminate the cultural heritage of Italy online. The
last few pages provide information regarding several field schools
aimed at aspiring archaeologists. On behalf of the AncientPlanet
team Ioannis Georgopoulos Editor/Publisher
O n l i n e j o u r n a l
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A n c i e n t P l a n e t
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A model of the face of an adult female Homo erectus, one of the
first truly human ancestors of modern man, on display in the Hall
of Human Origins in the Smithsonian Museum of Natural History in
Washington, D.C. Credit Wiki Commons
A n c i e n t P l a n e t
A Prehistory of BeliefBy Mike Williams, PhD.
O n l i n e
R
esearch into the human mind shows that much spiritual
experience, especially that induced through trance, is common to
all people at all times. This provides a new way of exploring
j o u r n a l
what prehistoric people may have thought about their world and
how they formulated what we might recognise as religious belief.
Examining images created by Palaeolithic artists, shapeshifting
practices of Mesolithic hunters, the conception of the afterlife
within Bronze Age communities, and why Iron Age people slaughtered
some of their own in gruesome bogside executions, a new past
reveals itself in which peoples beliefs come to the fore. Using
ethnographic evidence from historical shamans, the article shows
how concepts of death, the afterlife, and even agriculture arose
because of what people believed.
the Middle East, China, or even Britain. The people were Homo
erectus, an early form of human who were the first to leave their
homeland of Africa and to strike out into the far reaches of the
world (Rightmire 1993). One advantage they had over earlier species
was control of fire. Dating the first use of fire is fraught with
difficulty and archaeologists cite different evidence to support a
range from 1.5 million years-ago to 200,000 yearsago, but it seems
certain that H. erectus This scene comes from the Cave of Hearths
was the first to build a fire and cook food in South Africa, around
500,000 years-ago, upon it (James 1989). Cooking food enabled but
could have just as easily occurred in H. erectus to absorb more
nutrients from A group sit around a fire, some roasting meat in the
curling flames, others knapping flint with an incessant tap-tap.
Although not speaking words, people communicate with sound and
gesture. When the fire lights the face of one, it is powerful and
dark; eyebrow ridges, receding forehead, and pronounced jaw
revealing that, although resembling and acting just like humans,
they are different; not yet us.7
A n c i e n t P l a n e t
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j o u r n a l
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General view of Blombos site, South Africa. Credit Wiki
Commons.
a n t h r opo l o g y
A n c i e n t P l a n e t O n l i n e j o u r n a l
Artistic depiction of phosphenes. Credit: Wiki Commons.
their diet and, over time, this led to the Those with a
particular affinity for trance likely lived longer and had easier
births. The development of the brain. genes of these individuals
became dominant Prolonged staring into flames would have and passed
to their descendants. As H. been a regular occurrence for H.
erectus and erectus gave rise to other species of human, this may
have induced trance (Winkleman these genes replicated, all the way
down to 1986). Trance is something all higher-order our species,
Homo sapiens. We evolved with mammals can achieve, mainly through
eating the capacity and even the need for trance. hallucinogenic
plants (Siegel and Jarvik 1975). H. erectus may have done similar
but As the brain developed, changes allowed what is more certain is
that sitting around a better memory retention, meaning that H. fire
likely led to and possibly even increased sapiens began to remember
their experience of trance. The dormant posture of those trance
activity. in trance is not unlike that of the dead Although H.
erectus could enter trance, their and people probably made a
connection brains had not yet developed the memory between the two.
Unlike the dead, however, function to remember the experience those
in trance could return and relate what afterwards (Mithen 1996:
65-78). To them, they had experienced. People may have trance was
probably something that deduced that the dead went somewhere
instinctively felt good. Moreover, they were similar but that they
do not return. Over right: regular access to trance helps problem
time, these rudimentary musings may have solving, develops thought,
and aids the coalesced into spiritual belief in an afterlife.
immune system (McClenon 2002: 47-52). It is striking that, of all
the modern human9
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Artefacts found at Blombos Cave, including a small piece of
ochre carved with hashed lines. Credit: Chris Henshilwood, Wiki
Commons.
behaviours to emerge with H. sapiens, Palaeolithic imagery
reveals it, although burial and provisioning for the afterlife not
until people migrated out of Africa and entered Europe some 35,000
years-ago. In was among the first (Williams 2010: 23-6). southern
regions, people squeezed into Upon entering trance, people report
clefts in the ground and followed sinuous seeing shapes in the
darkness, known as tunnels until they reached enormous phosphenes
(Oster 1970). One such shape caverns. It is even possible that the
incentive comprises hashed lines and, at Blombos to enter the caves
came from the experience Cave in South Africa, people at around of
trance. After seeing phosphenes, people 70,000 years-ago carved a
small piece of in trance report the images coalesce to form ochre
with exactly this image (Henshilwood a tunnel. By following its
route, they are et al. 2002). It was a means of externalising
eventually able to step out into an otherwhat they saw in their
minds eye; showing world. The similarity to the underground others
what they experienced in trance. It caves would have been striking
and perhaps also demonstrates the importance people this is why, in
a breath-taking explosion of placed on the practice since this was
among creativity, people painted the walls of the the first
pictorial representations ever caverns with their trance visions of
this otherworld (Clottes 2008). Herds of horses, created. mammoths,
and deer swirl in a dizzying There is a lot more to trance than
merely mass of flesh and fur. These animals seem seeing phosphenes
and, once again, to cover every available space and it is10
A n c i e n t P l a n e t
O n l i n e
j o u r n a l
a n t h r opo l o g y
A n c i e n t P l a n e t O n l i n e j o u r n a l
Copy of a palaeolithic painting from the Lascaux Cave depicting
reindeer, at the Muse dAquitaine, Bordeaux, France. Credit: Wiki
Commons.
revealing that zoopsia, the hallucination of animals, is among
the most common effects of trance (Siegel 1978: 311). Moreover, as
if to emphasise that the art was, indeed, a vision of the
otherworld, people painted phosphenes in among the animals, the
shapes that they saw in trance. People painted some of the animals
moving in and out of the wall, occasionally appearing and
disappearing from a crack in the rock. These were not ordinary
animals but spirits, able to cross the boundary between the worlds.
People tried to follow and, putting their hands against the wall,
blew paint over and around them, so that they appeared to reach
behind the veil and touch the mysteries beyond. Pockets of noxious
gas in the caves, together with the hallucinogenic quality of the
paint (both causing trance), would have blurred the boundaries
between this
world and the other until the spirits broke free from the walls
and people stood at the centre of an otherworldly maelstrom
(LewisWilliams 2002: 204-27). It must have been overwhelming,
perhaps even provoking what we would recognise as religious awe.
People did not just paint prey species in the caves. There was also
the occasional predator: a bear or lion stalking the herds looking
for a kill. Since people were themselves hunters, it is likely they
sought to emulate, even befriend these predators. People wanted
their spirits to be at their side in the hunt. Perhaps this is why
people carved small figurines of predators, copious wear marks
showing individuals carried them as touchstones of power (Dowson
and Porr 2001). Moreover, if we are in any doubt as to the origin
of these creatures, phosphenes scratched on the sides shows that
they were11
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Palaeolithic cave painting dubbed Great god of Sefar from the
Tassili Natural Park, Algeria. (redit: Wiki Commons.
of the otherworld: spirit animals. Occasionally, a model or a
painting in the caves shows a hybrid creature, part animal and part
human. The sensation of turning into an animal often occurs in
trance and people were visually representing this phenomenon
(Vitebsky 1995: 68-9). The hybrid images in the caves occur in the
most inaccessible places, as if such shapeshifting was the most
secret and sacred knowledge people held. Indeed, these techniques
were so important that they survived the abandonment of the painted
caves, and, as the Palaeolithic became the Mesolithic, people
continued to shapeshift into animal form.
A n c i e n t P l a n e t
wrapping themselves in hides to complete the transformation
(Conneller 2004). Whether used in dances or as disguise in the
hunt, people probably felt more animal than human as they took the
shape of their prey. At Lepenski Vir, on the Danube in Serbia, a
fishing community carved boulders into hybrid human-fish forms.
These represented the dead, buried between houses with their heads
facing downstream. It was their role to take on the form of a fish
and guide back the beluga migration each spring (Radovanovi 1997).
To emphasise the close connection between the dead and their
piscine spirits, people even scattered fish teeth over graves,
making the unseen real.
O n l i n e
j o u r n a l
The importance of animal spirits may At Star Carr in England,
people fashioned explain why people at atalhyk in Turkey
headdresses from deer skulls, cutting eye- decorated entire rooms
with the skulls and holes through the mandible and possibly horns
of aurochs, an extinct form of oversized12
a n t h r opo l o g y
A n c i e n t P l a n e t O n l i n e j o u r n a l
Above: Aurochs found on the Fourneau-du-Diable (Devils Furnace)
rock in Bourdeilles, Dordogne, France, dating to the Solutrean
period (18,000 BP), housed in the National Museum of Prehistory in
Les Eyzies-de-Tayac; Below: Auroch horns decorating room at
Catalhoyuk , Konya-Turkey. Credits: Wiki Commons.
13
A n c i e n t P l a n e t
O n l i n e
j o u r n a l
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View from Newgrange burial chamber. County Meath, Ireland.
Credit: Jimmy Harris, Wiki Commons.
a n t h r opo l o g y
cattle (Mellaart 1967: 77-130). These potential shrines provided
a place people could show due reverence to this mighty beast. Wild
aurochs roamed outside the settlement and, to supplement the
shrines, people may have caught a few beasts to bring back to the
village. Over time, the more docile of the captive creatures might
have bred, slowly turning the wild aurochs of the plain into the
tame cattle of the farmyard (Williams 2010: 100-101). Spiritual
belief may have given the first impetus for agriculture.
Shapeshifting survived into the Neolithic and at Para in Romania, a
large structure contained a raised platform holding two human
figurines, one with an ox head (Lazarovici et al. 1985: 34-42). It
seems that reverence for aurochs had now transferred to their
domesticated kin. Perhaps the ambiguity of cattle, moving from
animal to human realms, gave them a liminal quality that people
associated with journeying to the otherworld. In some British
tombs, cattle even served as surrogate humans, buried in place of
the dead (Ashbee, Smith and Evans 1979: 247). Again, people may
have believed that the liminality of cattle reflected the
liminality of the newly dead.Triple spiral motif carved in the
inner chamber of the prehistoric tomb at Newgrange, Ireland.
Credit: Wiki Commons.
A n c i e n t P l a n e t O n l i n e j o u r n a l
Some tombs faced solstice sunrises or sunsets, so that the rays
of the sun entered the tomb and passed along the passageway to the
chamber itself. At Newgrange in Ireland, the first rays of the
winter solstice illuminate three spirals carved in the inner
chamber, flaring them into life (LewisWilliams and Pearce 2005:
230-31). Maybe this was a portal for the dead to move onto the
afterlife. Outside, the community may have chanted or drummed to
help the passing, with some forecourts amplifying drumming to
exactly the right frequency to From the burial practices of the
time, such affect trance (Watson 2001). It was not only liminality
lasted between the first and the dead who journeyed at these times.
second burial stages. First, people left the land of the living,
their remains left to People experienced similar at Stonehenge.
decompose in tomb entrances, and second, Excavation in recent years
has concluded they joined the ranks of the dead, when that people
gathered at midwinter at nearby descendants collected defleshed
bones Durrington Walls, where they feasted on pigs and moved them
into the burial chamber and waited for the solstice (Parker Pearson
itself. Like the Palaeolithic caves, entering 2012). On the day
itself, people sailed a short the tomb reflected the sensation of
passing way along a river before processing to the through the
tunnel of trance. This may be stones. Owing to the copious burials
there, why people carved phosphenes onto the excavators believe the
circle may have been a sides of tomb walls, emphasising the journey
place of the ancestors and, as at Newgrange, people watched as the
last rays of the sun to the otherworld (Dronfield 1995).15
A n c i e n t P l a n e t
O n l i n e
j o u r n a l
16
Rock carvings at Alta, Finnmark, Norway. Credit: Karl Brodowsky,
Wiki Commons.
a n t h r opo l o g y
A n c i e n t P l a n e t O n l i n e j o u r n a l
A female Bronze Age mummy from Cladh Hallan, Scotland, made from
different body parts. Credit: Mike Parker Pearson, University of
Sheffield.
pierced the enclosure and brought light to and sea, as if
wandering spirits picked up their transport on the way. Engravings
of the dead. footprints point the way for any lost souls The river
journey on the way to the stones may (Bradley 1999). have also
referenced trance. Hearing running water is a common auditory
hallucination In South Uist, off the west coast of Scotland,
(Harner 1968: 28) and this may also be why, people mummified
corpses, making at Alta, in the far north of Norway, Bronze
composite identities from body parts of Age people chose a
shoreline location to several individuals (Parker Pearson et al.
carve myriad images, including numerous 2005). Perhaps people
retained the mummies boats (Sveen 1996). In some of these boats to
keep their spirits close. After the Bronze individuals drum, a
technique still used in Age had given way to the Iron Age, people
the region to initiate trance. Other images buried the mummies in
the northern part of of boats, on bronze razors from southern their
houses. This was where people slept; Scandinavia, carry a different
but just as possibly dreaming of the ancestors whose potent cargo:
hallucinogenic mushrooms remains lay beneath the floor. (Kaul 1998:
188-95). It seems that, for people of the time, boats were
appropriate Other bodies from the Iron Age preserved transport to
the otherworld. Perhaps this is naturally. In the peat bogs of
northern Europe, why, at burial cairns overlooking the sea in
anaerobic conditions arrest decomposition Norway, people carved
boats between cairn so that features survive with startling
realism17
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Lindow Man. Credit: Einsamer Schtze, Wiki Commons.
A n c i e n t P l a n e t
(van der Sanden 1996). Many of these bog bodies had
distinguishing characteristics, through disability, having extra
bones, or walking with a pronounced gait. These characteristics set
these individuals apart and people may have viewed them as touched
by the spirits (Green 2001: 157-60). Some bog bodies had taken
drugs before they died while one had eaten mistletoe, a plant
sacred to the Druids (Scaife 1986: 131). Most bodies show signs of
good nourishment and hands betray a lack of manual work. Clearly,
these people served their communities in other ways. Many of the
characteristics of the bog bodies are also evident in Siberian
shamans of more recent times. Liminal positions in society,
prevalence for illness or disability, and use of drugs all denote
shamans in Siberia. Moreover, many wear particular18
O n l i n e
items of clothing, such as a hat or cape, and these garments
occur with bog bodies, often with no accompanying apparel. Some bog
bodies carried animal fetishes, such as the fox fur armband worn by
Lindow Man from England; Siberian shamans do the same. Other bodies
had newly shaven hair, or else wore it in elaborate styles,
matching the importance of hair to Siberian shamans as a source of
spiritual power (Williams 2002: 101-103). The bog bodies may have
been Iron Age equivalents to shamans. If so, then their deaths
become more explainable. Prior to immersion in bogs, these
individuals died in horrific and brutal executions (van der Sanden
1996: 154-65). For example, the executioners first bludgeoned
Lindow Man, garrotted him until his face went blue, before finally
slashing his throat, causing
j o u r n a l
a n t h r opo l o g y
A n c i e n t P l a n e t O n l i n e j o u r n a l
The entrance to Bull Rock Cave in Moravian Karst, Czech
Republic. Credit: Wiki Commons.
the pressurised blood to erupt like a geyser. Other bodies met
similar fates. Even after death, the violence did not cease with
limbs hacked off, heads severed, and remains crushed beneath blocks
of stone. Incredibly, the bodies show no sign of resistance;
victims acquiesced in their treatment.
62). The similarity to the remains in Bull Rock Cave, and to the
dismembered bog bodies of northern Europe, is striking except that,
for these individuals, there would be no rebirth. The execution of
the bog bodies seems to represent a striking performance of what
they undertook when they journeyed to the otherworld in trance.
From their preparation, dress, diet, and even the manner of death,
all events matched aspects of usual spiritual practice. It must
have been truly appalling to witness but perhaps this was the
point. If these individuals were revealing the secrets of their
profession then it was vital that people watching would remember.
Such shocking events imprint themselves on the brain with
astonishing clarity (Brown and Kulik 1977).
A similar ritual occurred at Bull Rock Cave in the Czech
Republic (Poulik and Nekvasil 1969: 38-49). Inside the cave,
dismembered remains of 40 individuals lay around a bronze cauldron.
To understand the scene, we need to move forward 2,000 years to
hear the tale a Siberian shaman told to a young Hungarian
ethnographer. In his first journey to the otherworld, the spirits
carried the shaman to a cave where they hacked him apart and threw
him in a cauldron. After flensing the bones, the spirits remade the
man, returning him to life in perfect form (Diszegi 1960: But what
drove these people to die in this
19
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manner? The answer was rapidly approaching from the south: Roman
invasion. As the Romans advanced, more died in the bogs. It was an
act of defiance, literally preserving peoples spiritual practice in
a watery grave. Romans incorporated rather than obliterated native
beliefs but the decline had started. The rise of Christianity
sounded the death knell and snuffed out indigenous spirituality in
most of Europe. But the intervening period has not altered our
brains from when the first inhabitants of Europe painted their
caves some 35,000 years ago. The ability to access alternative
realities through trance is hard-wired into each of us; an ability
that symbolically connects us to our prehistoric forbears and the
beliefs they held. ***Further Reading Ashbee, P., I. Smith and J.
Evans. 1979. Excavation of Three Long Barrows near Avebury,
Wiltshire. Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 45: 207-300.
Bradley, R. 1999. Dead soles. In Gustafsson, A. and H. Karlsson
(eds.) Glyfer och Arkeologiska Rum en Vnbok till Jarl Nordbladh.
Gotarc: 661-6. Brown, R. and J. Kulik. 1977. Flashbulb Memories.
Cognition 5: 73-99. Clottes, J. 2008. Cave Art. Phaidon. Conneller,
C. 2004. Becoming Deer. Corporeal Transformations at Star Carr.
Archaeological Dialogues 11: 37-56. Diszegi, V. 1960. Tracing
Shamans in Siberia. Anthropological Publications. Dowson, T. and M.
Porr. 2001. Special objects special creatures: shamanistic imagery
and the Aurignacian art of south-west Germany. In Price, N. (ed.)
The Archaeology of Shamanism. Routledge: 165-77. Dronfield, J.
1995. Migraine, Light and Hallucinogens: the Neurocognitive Basis
of Irish Megalithic Art. Oxford Journal of Archaeology 14: 261-75.
Green, M. 2001. Dying for the Gods: Human Sacrifice in Iron Age and
Roman Europe. Tempus.20
Harner, M. 1968. The Sound of Rushing Water. Natural History 77:
28-33 and 60-1. Henshilwood, C., F. dErrico, R. Yates et al. 2002.
Emergence of Modern Human Behavior: Middle Stone Age Engravings
from South Africa. Science : 295: 1278-80. James, S. 1989. Hominid
Use of Fire in the Lower and Middle Pleistocene: A Review of the
Evidence. Current Anthropology 30 (1): 126. Kaul, F. 1998. Ships on
Bronzes: A Study in Bronze Age Religion and Iconography. National
Museum Copenhagen. Lazarovici, G., Z. Kalmar, F. Draoveanu and A.
Luca. 1985. Complexul Neolitic de la Para. Banatica 1985: 7-71.
Lewis-Williams, D. 2002. The Mind in the Cave: Consciousness and
the Origins of Art. Thames and Hudson. Lewis-Williams, D. and D.
Pearce. 2005. Inside the Neolithic Mind: Consciousness, Cosmos and
the Realm of the Gods. Thames & Hudson. McClenon, J. 2002.
Wondrous Healing: Shamanism, Human Evolution, and the Origin of
Religion. Northern Illinois University Press. Mellaart, J. 1967.
atal Hyk: A Neolithic Town in Anatolia. Thames & Hudson.
Mithen, S. 1996. The Prehistory of the Mind: A Search for the
Origins of Art, Religion and Science. Thames and Hudson. Oster, G.
1970. Phosphenes. Scientific American 222: 83-7. Parker Pearson, M.
2012. Stonehenge: Exploring the Greatest Stone Age Mystery. Simon
& Schuster. Parker Pearson, M., A. Chamberlain, O. Craig et al.
2005. Evidence for Mummification in Bronze Age Britain. Antiquity
79: 529-46. Poulik, J. and J. Nekvasil. 1969. Hallstatt a Bi Skla.
Akadamie Vd Archeologick stav. Radovanovi, I. 1997. The Lepenski
Vir culture: a contribution to its ideological aspects. In
Antidoron Dragoslavo Srejovi: Completis LXV Annis ab Amicis
Collegis Discipulis Oblatum. University of Belgrade: 85-93.
Rightmire, P. 1993. The Evolution of Homo Erectus: Comparative
Anatomical Studies of an Extinct Human Species. Cambridge
University Press. Scaife, R. 1986. Pollen in human palaeofaeces;
and a preliminary investigation of the stomach and gut contents of
Lindow Man. In Stead, I., J. Bourke and
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D. Brothwell (eds.) Lindow Man The Body in the Bog. British
Museum: 126-35. Siegel, R. 1978. Cocaine Hallucinations. American
Journal of Psychiatry 135: 309-14. Siegel, R. and M. Jarvik. 1975.
Drug-induced hallucinations in animals and man. In Siegel, R. and
L. West (eds.) Hallucinations: Behaviour, Experience and Theory.
John Wiley: 81-161. Sveen, A. 1996. Rock Carvings, Jieprialuokta
Hjemmeluft, Alta. Trykkforum Finnmark. van der Sanden, W. 1996.
Through Nature to Eternity: The Bog Bodies of Northwest Europe.
Batavian Lion. Vitebsky, P. 1995. The Shaman. Duncan Baird. Watson,
A. 2001. The sounds of transformation: acoustics, monuments and
ritual in the British Neolithic. In Price, N. (ed.) The Archaeology
of Shamanism. Routledge: 178-92. Williams, M. 2002. Tales from the
dead: remembering the bog bodies in the Iron Age of north-western
Europe. In Williams, H. (ed.) Archaeologies of Remembrance: Death
and Memory in Past Societies. Kulwer. Williams, M. 2010.
Prehistoric Belief: Shamans, Trance and the Afterlife. The History
Press. Winkelman, M. 1986. Trance States: A Theoretical Model and
Cross-Cultural Analysis. Ethos 14: 174203. ***
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Carved boulder depicting a hybrid human-fish from Lepenski Vir
in Serbia. Credit: Wiki Commons.21
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Pyramid and Sphinx, Giza. Credit: Codadilupo78 via Wiki
Commons.
A n c i e n t P l a n e t
HUMAN SACRIFICE IN ANCIENT EGYPTBy Dr. Lisa Swarthe ritual
sacrifice of human beings has been practiced regularly throughout
history in various forms and for various reasons. Mention of the
words human sacrifice for many people brings to mind gruesome
scenes of Aztec priests ripping out the still-beating hearts of
their unwilling victims in a debauched sadistic ritual replayed
continually on television documentaries world wide. As such, human
sacrifice is not typically associated with Ancient Egypt and is
still considered a controversial topic despite evidence to the
contrary. It was long believed that the Egyptians were too
civilized to perform this type of barbarous deed, an excellent
example of the transmission of western moral superiority onto the
Ancient Egyptians. In fact, the sacrifice of humans is attested in
two primary forms in Ancient Egypt. The first being the practice of
killing servants (retainer sacrifice) during the formative years of
the Egyptian state, and ritualized sacrifice within a
magico-religious context that appeared in later periods at the peak
of Egyptian civilization.
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T
period (c. 3500 3200 BCE), where several dismembered bodies have
been excavated. This burial custom had not previously been
demonstrated in earlier times. In a few cemeteries, it has been
noted that parts of the bodies were buried or reburied separately,
and many bodies were decapitated. In one tomb, the skulls and
longer bones were arranged along the perimeter of the tomb, which
has been interpreted by some scholars as the development of
retainer sacrifice. By the reign of King Aha, the first king of the
First Dynasty, numerous retainers were killed an extravagant
display of conspicuous consumption, demonstrating the
solidification of central authority of the new Egyptian
civilization.
Experiments in Absolute Power: Retainer Sacrifice in the First
Dynasty
The royal cemetery of Umm el-Qaab contains the impressive mud
brick tomb complexes of the kings of the First Dynasty (c. 2950
2775 BCE). Located in the desert, west of the ancient city of
Abydos, Umm el-Qaab, was in use as an exclusively royal cemetery
The earliest occurrences of sacrifice of from earliest times.
According to the custom retainers are attested archaeologically of
the time, and for reasons unknown, each from most prominently in
the Naqada II First Dynasty ruler built a corresponding23
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The name Umm el-Qaab, literally translated means Mother of Pots,
due to astounding amount of ceramic pots littering the site.
Flinders Petrie first excavated here from 1899-1903, and again in
1922.
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royal mortuary enclosure 1.5 kilometers (0.93 miles) north of
the royal cemetery, closer to habitation. Each enclosure may have
been related to the specific kings mortuary cult. The most recent
excavations undertaken by German and American missions uncovered a
vast number of small subterranean graves surrounding both the tombs
of the First Dynasty kings in Umm el-Qaab and their enclosures in
north Abydos. The majority of these subsidiary tombs contain the
skeletal remains of one individual interred in a wooden box. The
subsidiary burials border the royal tombs and enclosures, and are
laid out in regular patterns. The subsidiary graves surrounding the
tomb of King Aha were laid out in parallel rows of three, facing
the east. The occurrence of these graves increases, peaks, and then
decreases over the course of the First Dynasty. 34 subsidiary
burials accompanied the tomb of Aha, and his funerary enclosure in
northern Abydos contained 6 additional burials. Ahas successor,
Djer noticeably increased the amount of burials to 326 around his
tomb, and added 269 subsidiary graves to his funerary enclosure in
northern Abydos. Beginning with the burial of following ruler,
Djet, there is a gradual decrease in the number of secondary
burials. Djets tomb was surrounded by 174 subsidiary burials, and
his funerary enclosure contained 154. Queen Merytneith, who
probably acted as a regent to her son Den, was interred with 41
subsidiary burials around her tomb, and a further 80 graves around
her enclosure. This steady reduction of subsidiary tombs is
demonstrated by the 121 subsidiary burials surrounding Dens tomb,
63 around Anedjibs tomb, 69 at Semerkhets tomb, and 26 at Qaas
tomb. No subsidiary graves occur
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Map of the Umm el Qaab cemetery.
in Second Dynasty tombs and enclosures, however, three skeletons
were found lying near Khasekhemwys burial chamber, which may be
attributed to sacrifice (OConnor, 2009:173). As is often the case
with ancient civilizations, there are more questions than answers
with each new discovery. Were the occupants killed, i.e.,
sacrificed or did they commit suicide? Conversely, did they die
natural deaths and were buried at varying intervals of time around
the mortuary complexes of their monarch? Archaeological evidence
strongly supports the argument for sacrifice, the subsidiary graves
in both Aha and Djers enclosures were roofed at the same time. The
wooden roofs over the individual graves were covered by a compacted
layer of mud plaster laid down concurrently over all the graves,
and parallel to the construction of the enclosure. The 69
subsidiary burials surrounding Semerkhets25
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Ivory label of King Den. The king is depicted in the customary
smiting pose; here he is striking an Asian dignitary. The
inscription reads first time of striking the easterners. This label
may indicate conflict with the Levant.
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tomb were constructed directly around the burial chamber, and
were covered by the same roofing structure. Moreover, the
necropolis at Umm el-Qaab and the northern Abydos enclosures
exhibited very strict social hierarchy in that only royalty were
permitted burial. Thus, making the case for ritualized group
sacrifice and simultaneous burial with the royal funeral very
likely. Additional evidence for retainer sacrifice can be found in
the early Dynastic cemetery at Abu Roash, Saqqara, and Tarkhan,
indicating the possibility that retainer sacrifice26
was not just a royal prerogative. At Abu Roash, in the 1913-1914
season, the French archaeologist, Pierre Montet excavated at least
two mastabas (tombs I and VII) that were surrounded by rows of
subsidiary graves dating to the time of Den. Tomb VII contained
eight subsidiary tombs. The seven subsidiary tombs of Tomb I,
though badly looted, still contained skeletal remains and remnants
of wooden coffins. Fortunately, one grave contained a
well-preserved coffin, not only with human remains, but also the
bones of unspecified animals. Although the superstructures of these
mastaba tombs no
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longer exist, it is possible to discern that they are much
smaller than the royal mortuary tombs in Abydos. It is possible
that these tombs belonged to members of the ruling elite, the
relatives of the reigning monarch.
many of the occupants were skilled artisans who were more than
likely working for the monarch at the time of his or her death. In
Semerkhets tomb at Umm el Qaab, analysis of the skeletal remains
reveals that several retainers were dwarfs. During the Old Kingdom,
dwarves were actively involved in the administration of the
kingdom. Although, the six burials surround Ahas enclosure was
heavily plundered, excavators found valuable funerary articles of
ivory, lapis lazuli, and carnelian, indicating that the individuals
buried there were of a very high social standing.
A n c i e n t P l a n e t
The Transference of Social Hierarchy in the AfterlifeWho was
sacrificed and why were they sacrificed? Are more enduring
questions that have arisen since the discovery of the subsidiary
tombs. Forensic analysis of the skeletal remains from the tombs
around Ahas enclosure provides further evidence that these
individuals were killed simultaneously. The occupants were healthy
males, between twenty and twenty-five years of age, and in the
prime of their lives. In a re-examination of the tomb occupants
teeth, it appears that these young men died of strangulation (van
Dijk, 2007:5). Most of the burials around Djers enclosure were
women.
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In many ancient civilizations, the practice of sacrificing
individuals at the burials of highranking persons is a custom that
sought to transfer the social hierarchy that existed on earth in
the afterlife. For the First Dynasty rulers, it appears that the
occupants of the subsidiary tombs were slain in order to continue
to provide goods and services Despite having being badly plundered
in to their deceased monarch in the afterlife. antiquity, the
subsidiary tombs have yielded Thus, these attendants become part of
the many clues concerning their function within funerary equipment
included in the burial. the funerary complexes. It appears that the
occupants of the subsidiary burials around The discovery of the
burials of ten donkeys, at the enclosures provided basic services
to the least seven lions, and fourteen full-size boats deceased
rulers, while the burials around around the funerary complex of
Aha, gives the tomb at Umm el Qaab contain higher credence to this
hypothesis. Consequently, status occupants. The enclosure
subsidiary the needs for supply and transportation of graves have
generated an unexpected the dead King Aha were provided for his use
number of copper tools, and it appears that in the afterlife. the
occupants were interred with the tools of their trade, such as
adzes, chisels, knives, An Extravagant Display of Coercive needles,
and axes. Moreover, following Power? the reign of Aha, a number of
small stelae inscribed with the names and occupations What is the
significance of retainer sacrifice of the deceased individuals have
been in Egypt? Wilkinson (2000: 32) maintains that unearthed from
the subsidiary graves around these great tombs with their
complementary Djer, Djet and Merytneiths enclosures. Thus,
enclosures and subsidiary tombs represent27
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Tomb of Den, Abydos, Um el-Qaab. Credit: Wiki Commons.
A n c i e n t P l a n e t
a transitional period in Egyptian funerary beliefs. King Narmer
of Dynasty O(c. 3150 3100) is credited with the final unification
of the predynastic kingdoms of Upper and Lower Egypt, and ushering
in the Dynastic period of the pharaohs. His successor, King Aha
firmly stamped his authority as an absolute ruler over Egypt by
having his servants sacrificed and buried alongside his tomb in an
extravagant demonstration of royal power. Aha also set the
precedent for the construction of a new style of funerary
architecture, and provision for the afterlife. Not to be outdone,
his actions were promptly emulated by his successors, each working
to stamp their own authority on the new Egyptian realm.
formation of early dynastic Egypt. These monarchs now had the
ability to command the life and death of their loyal retainers to
serve them further in the afterlife. By embarking on grand
architectural projects, and initiating new forms of artistic and
iconographic conventions, the First Dynasty kings reformulated and
strengthened their power. The royal First Dynasty tombs symbolized
the new political order, with a state religion headed by a king to
legitimize this order. In doing so, they distinguished themselves
from the previous dynasts of Egypt by effectively eradicating
traces of Predynastic cultural traditions.
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Retainer sacrifice disappeared from the Within the greater
scheme of monarchial archaeological record by the Second power, the
subsidiary burials signify the Dynasty, and it seems that the First
Dynasty cementation of absolute royal power in the represents a
transitional period in terms of
28
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The fortress of Mirgissa. It was located on the west side of the
Nile, about 15 kilometers (9 miles) south of Buhen and built to
keep the Egyptians in control of the Second Cataract of the Nile,
as it was an important transit route for trade goods. Credit: Wiki
Commons.
royal power and authority, and the royal necropolis was
relocated to Saqqara. After this period, small-scale wooden models
of workers involved in a number of industries were included in the
tombs of the monarchy and elites. Van Dijk (2007:152) avers that
with the development of a strong centralized authority and the
growing demand for luxury goods and services, the ruling elite may
have contemplated more economically sustainable options to serve
their departed rulers. It is logical to assume that the deaths of
these skilled courtiers and craftsmen would deprive the succeeding
monarchy and elite of vital expertise and skills. Taking this
inference one step further, occupations were family affairs in
ancient Egypt and were passed down from father to son; thus,
retainer sacrifice could potentially deplete valuable skill bases,
and endanger the economy.
Execration, State-Sanctioned Killing, and the Mirgissa DepositIt
was believed until very recently that the Predynastic Period and
First Dynasty offered the only evidence of human sacrifice, which
many scholars attributed to the expansion of royal power in the
formative stage of the Egyptian civilization. However, the
discovery of a decapitated disarticulated skeleton lying adjacent
to a skull in a red bowl at the Middle Kingdom fort (c. 2100 BCE)
in Mirgissa provided indisputable evidence for the continuation of
human sacrifice in Egypt. The intact assemblage contained the
skeleton of an executed man; his body was badly mutilated and he
was buried in a shallow pit. Numerous broken red clay vessels,
several limestone and clay figurines of bound prisoners, and
associated materials were included in the burial. It is believed
that this deposit reveals the existence of human29
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Execration texts aimed at destroying destructive elements and
enemies were inscribed on pots, and then deliberately smashed to
ensure the efficacy of the spells. Egyptian Museum, Berlin Inv. no.
P. 14.517. Credit: Wiki Commons.
sacrifice within the parameters of the well- locked in a box,
burned and saturated in known Egyptian rites of Breaking of the Red
urine, before being buried (often upside down) (Muhlestein, 2008:
2) Pots and the execration ritual. The Egyptians regularly
practiced a ritual involving the magical removal of their enemies
called Execration Rituals. This often involved writing texts with
curses on red pots and deliberately breaking them in the belief
that this would increase their efficacy. The colour red was
believed to be a very potent symbol in Egyptian magic. Clay, stone
or wax figurines depicting bound prisoners, often broken, were
included in these rites, and the pots and figurines were buried
near areas that needed protection. Hence, these deposits are
frequently found near military forts along the outlying frontiers
of Egypt. Ritual objects could also be stomped on, stabbed, cut,
speared, burned, spat on,30
A n c i e n t P l a n e t
The finds at Mirgissa comprised of four burials, or deposits,
one of which included the human remains. The other three contained
197 broken red pots, 346 assorted clay figures, three limestone
prisoner figures, and the single head of a fourth figure. The human
skull was found resting upside down on one half of a broken ceramic
pot. About the skull were traces of beeswax dyed with red ochre. A
flint blade, the traditional ceremonial knife used for ritual
slaughter was found five centimetres from the skull. The mutilated
skeleton was found nearby. It can be assumed that this ritual
provided a magical safeguard for the inhabitants of the
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An execration figure made from clay and inscribed. It was
believed that figurines were subsititued in effigy for human
sacrifice. Brussels, Muses Royaux dArt et dHistoire E.7491. Credit:
Wiki Commons.
frontier fort against their Nubian enemies on the border, and
the single head may allude to the sacrificed skull formed part of
the ritual. Forensic analysis points to a Nubian origin of the
skull and skeleton. It cannot be ascertained whether the individual
was simply chosen at random with the human sacrifice being the
primary objective of the ritual, or, whether, the deposit
represents the religious significance of a ritualized execution
that would have taken place on the basis of some military or legal
precedent. It is also likely that the victim could have been a
Nubian criminal or rebel leader whose execution took on greater
cosmic meaning by the application of the execration rituals to his
execution.
yielded more evidence for human sacrifice. Archaeologists
uncovered two execration pits dating to the Eighteenth Dynasty (c.
1550 1295 BCE). The smaller pit, Locus 1055 contained three human
skulls and human finger bones. Further examination of the skulls
revealed that one skull belonged to a mature male adult, and the
remaining two were young adolescent males. One skull displayed a
prominent hole on the right side above the ear, and indication of a
hard blow that have damaged his temple. The finger bones belonged
to three right hands, and are believed to correspond to the owners
of the skulls. The cutting off of the hands of enemies was a common
practice in Egypt, and very often, Egyptian soldiers were rewarded
for the amount of hands they brought back with them following a
conflict. The Avaris Deposit The second pit, Locus 1016 contained
two The Mirgissa Deposit is not the only one of human skeletons and
a large quantity of its kind. In 1997, the Austrian Archaeological
broken clay pots. Institute in Egypts excavations at Avaris (Tel el
Daba) in the delta region of northern Egypt These rituals typically
substituted a figurine31
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A severed right hand discovered in front of a Hyksos palace at
Avaris (Tell el-Daba). Credit: Axel Krause.
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in effigy for a human sacrifice, which is why it was believed
that human sacrifice was not practiced when a symbolic form was
used instead. Here, the inclusion of humans in these rituals
corroborates with and intensifies the efficacy rituals.
the Mirgissa and Avaris deposits provide compelling evidence for
the practice of state-sanctioned human sacrifice in a highly
ritualized setting in Ancient Egypt. ***Further Reading Muhlestein,
K. Royal Executions: Evidence Bearing on the Subject of Sanctioned
Killing in the Middle Kingdom. Journal of the Economic andSocial
History of the Orient 51 (2008) 181-208. Muhlestein, Kerry. (2008).
Execration Ritual. UCLA Encyclopedia of Egyptology, 1(1).
nelc_uee_7901. Retrieved from: http://www.escholarship.org/uc/
item/3f6268zf OConnor, D. 2009. Abydos: Egypts First Pharaohs and
the Cult of Osiris. Thames & Hudson: London. Penn Museum,
Archaeologists Discover Evidence that Courtiers Were Sacrificed to
Accompany Early Egyptian Kings into the Afterlife. 24 March
2004.
ConclusionFrom the beginning of the Egyptian state and at the
peak of Egyptian civilization, there is convincing evidence for the
sacrifice of humans. These findings correlate to many cultures that
practiced human sacrifice, with the centralization ofabsolute royal
power, the ultimate authority was the divine king upon whose death
retainers were offered as sacrifices. Later, at peak periods of
Egyptian history, execration rites were utilized to rid Egypt of
evil and dangerous beings, and32
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Ritner, R. 1993. The Mechanics of Ancient Egyptian Magical
Practice. Oriental Institute of University of Chicago: Chicago. Van
Dijk, J. Retainer Sacrifice in Egypt and in Nubia. In Jan N.
Bremmer (ed.), The Strange World of Human Sacrifice. Studies in the
History and Anthropology of Religion, Vol. 1 (Leuven, Peeters,
2007), 135155. Wilkinson, A. H. What a King Is This: Narmer and the
Concept of the Ruler. The Journal of Egyptian Archaeology, Vol. 86
(2000), pp. 23-32. Wilkinson, A. H. 1999. Early Dynastic Egypt.
Routledge: London.
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***
Carved relief inside the main temple of Ramesses II showing
showing bound Nubian prisoners,13th century BCE..
33
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Archaic Palladium statuette of the late 6th century BCE from
Sparta, Greece in The Walters Organization.
A n c i e n t P l a n e t
T he Sacre d I mage of the PalladiumBy Eva Alex.
StatherouRemember to establish in the city which you shall build
perpetual worship to the gods, and to honour them with safeguards,
sacrifices and choirs. For, as long as these venerable gifts of the
daughter of Zeus to your wife shall remain in your country your
city shall for ever be impregnable. Dion of Halicarnassus
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T
he Palladium, perhaps the most legendary sacred image among the
miraculous cult idols of Greek antiquity, was both a unique
talisman of divine power and an insuperable political weapon. Said
to have fallen from the heavens, this mysterious statue was an
indisputable symbol of divine authority over the land in which it
stood and the most powerful cities of the Graeco-Roman world vied
for its ownership. According to ancient sources, the Palladium was
an image of Pallas Athena, given either to Dardanus wife Chryse as
a wedding gift by the gods or sent to Ilus, Dardanus son, during
Troys foundation as assurance that the new city would be divinely
protected as long as the
idol remained untouched within its shrine. Ancient sources also
refer to the incident of its theft by Odysseus and Diomedes before
or during the sack of Troy since, as the seers Calchas and Helenus
had prophesied, its removal from the sacred shrine was crucial for
the Greeks victory over the Trojans. The Palladium, as one scholar
says, is the secret strength of Troy or [rather] it is the secret
weakness of Troy, the magical weak link that is mastered [James M.
Redfield, 2003]. After the fall of Troy the Palladium was
transferred to the Greek city of Argos by Diomedes, though some
accounts place it in Athens or Sparta. Yet other versions of the
myth refer to the Palladiums venerable35
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Apulian red-figure oinochoe of ca. 360350 BCE from Reggio di
Calabria depicting Odysseus and Diomedes stealing the Palladium
from Troy. Credit: Wiki Commons.
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removal by Aeneas, forced to abandon the beleaguered city, to
Italy as a promising symbol of the continuity of the Trojan race.
Later ancient scholars in fact reasoned that there must have been
at least two palladia in the temple of Athena at Troy, either
because the gods had given Chryse more than one statue or because
the Trojans had fashioned duplicates in an effort to protect the
original.
Ancient depictions of the Palladium in both Greek and Roman art
present a repeated and somewhat static portrayal of the goddess
Athena holding a spear or javelin in her right hand and a shield in
her left. However, the fact that common mortals were forbidden to
gaze upon the statue raises questions Indeed, the Palladium did not
lose its totemic about its true form. Robert Graves [1955], for
power even after Aeneas had transferred example, believed that the
Palladium was it to Italy where it served as a venerable36
A n c i e n t P l a n e t
not a truly anthropomorphized figure at all, but was instead a
phallus-shaped idol that represented the male attributes of the
Virgin Goddess. This phallocentric theory certainly has some merit
given that primitive idols often take the form of a phallic trunk
or a single stone column on which the abstract shape of a face is
etched, much like those seen in pottery depictions of Dionysian and
other primitive ritual cults. This also explains the idols
talismanic properties since the Palladium served as a kind of
conjuring totem whose original ritual function was to protect and
legitimize a royal clans right to rule.
j o u r n a l
M y t h ,
C u l t
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A n a l y s i s
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Roman Lamp showing Aeneas fleeing Trow carrying his father on
his shoulders, while dragging his little son Askanius by the hand.
The Palladium (and probably goddess herself) is depicted near by
him on the right, standing on its shrine. Credit: Wiki Commons.
cult symbol of the Trojan (i.e. Roman) supremacy over Magna
Graecia. Like other traditional phylacteries, the Palladium was an
object of rituals which were revealed to only a handful of select
individuals, either hereditary priesthoods or the highest rank of
political leadership [C. A. Faraone, 1988]. The foundation of the
temple of Vesta and the rigorous preservation of the Sacred Fire by
the virgin priestesses who were also entrusted with the
safe-guarding of the sacred image of the Palladium maintained this
totemic function insofar as the preservation of Roman dominion was
concerned [F. Bennett, 1913]. It is further apparent that the
patron hero-deity Aeneas
was little more than a fictional requirement from the earlier
saga [Tim Cornell, 1995], serving to complement the Palladium myth
as a pre-shamanic or proto-shamanic resynthesizing element of the
Palladiums cult, whose early myth was greatly developed by later
Roman Emperors to bolster their growing dominion over conquered
lands. Of course, the early Roman policy of empire building and the
reassurance of divine support derived from the possession of the
original sacred image, thus fulfilling an old oracle about the
global revival of Troys power as rightful inheritor, was not the
sole purpose of the Palladium cult. It also37
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Nike offers an egg entwined around a column, at the top of which
the Trojan Palladium stands, to a Greek warrior. Marble bas relief,
Roman copy of the late first century CE after a Greek original of
the Hellenistic era, in the.Louvre Museum. Credit: Wiki
Commons.
possessed a moral dimension. It is said that during the sack of
Troy the kings daughter, Cassandra, had taken refuge inside the
temple and was embracing the Palladium when was violently dragged
away by Locrian Ajax to join the other captives. According to some
accounts Ajax also raped Cassandra before the Palladiums
unflinching presence. In recompense for this transgression, often
referred to as the sin of Ajax, the Locrians were obliged to send
two maidens annually to the Trojan temple of Athena for more than a
thousand years. The German classicist A.38
Reinach [1916], in an attempt to reconcile the story of Ajax to
a ritualistic framework, claimed that the Athena of Ilium was the
successor of the great Phrygian goddess who may have been
worshipped at Troy under the name of Cassandra; that the Palladium
[that was guarded in the temple] was the primitive statue of this
goddess; that when Cassandra became a distinct personality it was
necessary to chain her to the stone which had once symbolized the
goddess herself... to explain the story of blood on the stone due
to the generative
A n c i e n t P l a n e t
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M y t h ,
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a n d
A n a l y s i s
A n c i e n t P l a n e t O n l i n e j o u r n a l
Locrian Ajax raping Cassandra. Tondo of an Attic red-figure cup
by the Kodros Painter, ca. 440430 BCE, in the Louvre Museum.
Credit: Wiki Commons.
character of the original goddess. This argument recalls a
similar assertion for the supposed existence of a primeval deity
named Iphigeneia, later associated with the cult images of
Vrauronia Artemis in Athens and Orthia Artemis in Sparta. In any
case, Ajaxs sacrilegious act cannot support the idea of a sacred
wedding simply because the consequence of this insolent behaviour
was the cruel and humiliating punishment of the Locrians in
historical times. Rather, the theme of the Ajax-Cassandra myth is
one of ritual punishment. Ajaxs transgression was a direct insult
against the sacred image itself, of which Cassandra was a
supplicant,
and thus against the goddess herself [L. R. Farnell, 2004].
Certainly the most remarkable point which emerges from the
different versions of the myth and its associated cult conventions
is the fact that the image was treated as a living entity. It was,
for all intents and purposes, the earthly manifestation of the
goddess herself. Ancient references about the Palladiums movement
or of the blinding of unqualified persons who had gazed upon its
forbidden countenance are common traits shared by many mysterious
talismans. Such magical attributes are physical manifestations of
the39
A n c i e n t P l a n e t
O n l i n e
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40
Detail from a Roman fresco in the atrium of the Casa del
Menandro in Pompeii, showing Locrian Ajaxs insult upon Cassandra
who is embracing the sacred Palladium in supplication. Credit: Wiki
Commons.
M y t h ,
C u l t
a n d
A n a l y s i s
deitys power instilled in the talisman by the divinity that is
worshipped through that symbol. In epic and archaic literature, the
contentious influence of primitive images over their possessors is
particularly striking in images referred to as daidala [Sarah P.
Morris, 2004].
According to the historian and traveller Pausanias says (IX, 3:2
& VIII, 53:8) that daidala were the same as the wooden images
or xoana worshipped in prehistoric times when people used to call
the images *** of gods by the name of their first mortal Further
Reading creator, in this case the master craftsman Florence M.
1913, A Theory concerning the Daidalus. These images were said to
be Bennett, Origin and the Affiliations of the Cult of Vesta in The
possessed by something divine, some sort Classical Weekly, Vol. 7,
No. 5 (Nov. 1, 1913), pp. 35-37. of celestial animating power.
Writing in the Bennett, Florence M. 1917, A study of the word fifth
century BCE, a certain Pherecydes says in American Journal of
Archaeology, Vol. 21, No. 1 (Jan. - Mar. 1917), pp 8-21. that
palladia were forms not fashioned by Tim. 1995, The Beginnings of
Rome: Italy and human hands and derives the term from the Cornell,
Rome from the Bronze Age to the Punic Wars (c. 1000-264 Greek verb
pallein or ballein, meaning to B.C.), Routledge. throw, because
they had been cast down Dowden, Ken. 1992, The Uses of Greek
Mythology, from the heavens. This if often interpreted Routledge.
C.A. 1988, Talismans, Voodoo Dolls and other as evidence of early
meteorite worship and, Faraone, Apotropaic Statues in Ancient
Greece, Stanford. while there is no mention in Homers Iliad
Farnell, L. R. 2004, Greek Hero Cults and the Idea of of the
Palladium as such, there are in fact Immortality, Kessinger.
several passages (e.g. XIX:126-131) which Graves, Robert, 1955, The
Greek Myths Vol. 2. Penguin describe Athena descending meteorically
Books. McBeath, A. A. & Gheorghe, A. D. 2004, Meteor to Earth
(McBeath & Gheorghe, 2004). The Palladium then was a talismanic
xoanon, a mythological archetype dating from remote antiquity used
to explain objects that had fallen from the sky, often connected
with heroic legend and around which were performed mysterious and
unusual rites [F. Bennett, 1917]. An etymological analysis of the
word talisman reveals that it is derived from the perfect passive
participle of the Greek verb telein, meaning to complete or
consecrate [Peter Struck, 2008]. In Medieval Greek, as well as in
Arabic and Turkish, the root evolves into words designating
amulets
consecrated through ritual and which became animated and imbued
with mystical power. To sum up, the primary function of the
Palldium was that of a transcedental weapon which assured the
safety of both a city and a clan. Ultimately, it represents that
ceaseless human desire to communicate with the supernatural, to
seek solace in the divine, to surpass the limitations imposed by a
transient and all too mortal existence. It was, for all intents and
purposes, a little piece of heaven.
A n c i e n t P l a n e t O n l i n e j o u r n a l
Beliefs Project: The Palladium in ancient and early Medieval
sources in Journal of the International Meteor Organization, vol.
32, no. 4, p. 117-121 McBeath, A. & Gheorghe, A. D., 2005,
Meteor Beliefs Project: Meteorite worship in the ancient Greek and
Roman worlds in Journal of the International Meteor Organization,
vol. 33, no. 5, p. 135-144 Morris, Sarah P. 2004, Daidalos and the
Origins of Greek Art, Princeton. Redfield, James M. 2003, The
Locrian Maidens, Love and Death in Greek Italy, Princeton. Struck,
Peter T. 2008, Birth of Symbol: Ancient Readers at their Limits of
their Texts, Princeton. Reinach, A. cite (p. 493) in William N.
Bates, Archaeological Discussions of American Journal of
Archaeology, Vol. 20, No. 4 (Oct. - Dec. 1916), pp. 475-509,
Archaeological Institute of America.
***41
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Masked actors: mosaic from the House of the Tragic Poet,
Pompeii, Italy. 1st century BCE-1st c. CE. Naples Archaeological
Museum. Credit: Wiki Commons.
A n c i e n t P l a n e t
Unmasking Ancient ColourColour and the Classical Theatre MaskBy
Andrea Sinclair M.A.
O n l i n e
the Roman Imperial periods. The primary literary source employed
to illustrate this discussion is the Onomasticon of Julius Pollux,
which will be examined from the point of view of the importance of
colour to convey meaning in the creation of a theatrical
mask.background in theatre design. But this assumption of austerity
would be faulty, for theatre performance in antiquity was a
different animal, less refined and more diverse in its application
and unlike The idea of theatre performance in ancient contemporary
theatre, all actors wore Greece and Rome conjures up a variety of
masks. images for me, one of vast semi-circular auditoriums,
layered schema with elegant The intention of this article is to
elaborate columns and facades, audiences dressed on a topic
relating to theatre from ancient in their Sunday best reclining
leisurely Rome and Greece that appears to be sadly on steeped
seating and, of course, the absent. A factor which one could argue
is performers. Somehow I cannot help but as crucial to the nature
of an object as its be influenced by the elegance of modern form
and texture: the colour of these masks reconstructions of classical
theatre when worn by performers in early plays. Much I envision
ancient theatre performance. literature has applied itself to the
physical Perhaps this may be blamed on my own characteristics of
masks from late antiquity43
T
j o u r n a l
he purpose of this article is to provide the reader with an
overview of the characteristics of traditional theatre masks from
the Hellenistic Greek and
Who introduced masks, prologues, the number of performers and
such things is unknown. Aristotle, Poetics, 1449b
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Theatre masks: architectural relief from the Roman theatre at
Side, Turkey. Credit: Bruce Allardice.
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and their relation to earlier Greek masks from the Classical and
Hellenistic periods, with particular emphasis placed upon masks
from comedy. However, there appears to be little or no discussion
of the nature of colours associated with these highly visual
objects.
to take advantage of the visual nature of a magazine format by
providing a range of relevant colour images. When we think of Greek
and Roman theatre masks our own perception is highly coloured by
the extant material that we have available to us as representative
of these early performance tools. Sadly, because the original masks
were constructed from degradable materials, such as leather, fabric
and fibre, we do not have examples of the original artefacts.
Instead, we are dependant on imagery of masks from the visual arts
and some (few) references in texts for the physical nature of these
objects.
A n c i e n t P l a n e t
Classical masks were intended to provide strong visual cues to
an audience in what was, to all intents and purposes, a large
performance space. This goal was achieved by using full head/helmet
masks with broad and exaggerated features. The sculptural qualities
of these very visual theatrical tools were an important feature of
their legibility, but this legibility ought also to entail the use
of colour. I consider this article to be an The visual evidence
consists of two primary opportunity to discuss this facet of
ancient sources: the two dimensional, via wall mask and also,
unlike academic publications, paintings, ceramics and mosaics and
the44
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The venue for masked drama: a Roman theatre from Bosra, Syria.
Credit: Wiki Commons.
three dimensional, from sculpted terracotta figurines and from
architectural ornaments. Of the aforementioned types, only mosaics
and wall paintings employ colour, and I would hazard that you, the
reader, when thinking of a mask, conjure up a monochrome image most
likely related to masks from architectural and sculptural
sources.
Aeschylus and comedic writers such as Aristophanes, Menander and
Plautus. In ancient Greece plays were an important component of
public festivals and were designed to be performed by a reasonably
small group of actors. This troupe comprised three core actors who
would perform all the speaking roles, in addition, there was a
chorus of up to fifteen performers who sung and danced and guided
the audience through the storyline. Finally there was the potential
for a non specific amount of nonspeaking roles, such as attendants,
slaves, guards or citizens. All characters, actors, chorus and
extras were masked, and all parts were performed by men.
Theatre Performance in Greece and Rome
To begin this discussion, I will provide a brief overview of the
theatrical context with which we are dealing. The performance of
public theatre in Greece and Rome has a long and illustrious
history which one could argue remains with us today with
contemporary interpretations of the plays of renowned Within the
theatre space, the action proper tragedians such as Euripides,
Sophocles, would take place on a raised stage, while
45
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Three actors from Greek comedy: Apulian bell-krater. 2nd century
BCE. National Archaeological Museum, Spain. Credit: Wiki
Commons.
O n l i n e
the chorus would sing and dance in the semi-circular orchestra
at the front of this stage. It is worth noting that with the
limited number of actors performing all speaking roles, the use of
mask would have been a convenient device to facilitate scene,
character, and particularly, gender changes in a performance. But
this may not be considered the sole motivation behind the choice of
mask for performance. The earliest use of mask was not bound to
character types and thus the masks of 4th century Athenian drama
and comedy would have been constructed to suit the requirements of
a given play and playwright. It was not until the second half of
the fourth century and the plays of Menander and his contemporaries
that costume and mask types became clearly defined. The
grotesque46
j o u r n a l
padding and phalli of the Old Comedy were dispensed with and
masks too were adapted into more rigid characters. This does not
mean however, that a playwright could not still adapt or invent
masks to suit his own requirements.
What is a mask and what was a classical mask?In any dictionary a
mask may be defined in a variety of ways: as the likeness of a
face, a covering for all, or part of a face, an object worn as a
disguise, or to amuse, or frighten others. When employing this term
mask, I am referring to the head coverings in the likeness of
beings (divine, human and animal) that were employed in the
performance of theatrical plays in Greece and Rome in the classical
period (500 BCE-
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Tragic actors: Roman fresco. 1st century CE. Archaeological
Museum of Palermo, Italy. Credit: G. DallOrto, Wiki Commons.
300 CE). I use the term head coverings intentionally, since it
must be emphasised that a mask in the context of classical drama
was not simply a covering for the forepart of an actors head.
Rather, it was a combination of hair, headdress and the face. For
the intentions of this work I clearly distinguish between a mask
that is designed to be worn on a human head and a reproduction of a
human face. And it is worth noting that the features required to
identify a mask that may be worn in performance are the presence of
eye sockets, breathing holes and suspension holes. They also must
be light and durable. There is absolutely no point in describing
a
ceramic mask as a performance mask, these on the contrary, must
be either ornamental copies of an original, or replicas perhaps
intended for votive use. The term used in Greek literature to
describe a mask was pros pon (). This noun may be literally
translated as something which is (placed) before the eyes, that is,
a covering for the face, but it can also be used to refer to the
face proper. Another word which may be used in the discussion of
masks in antiquity is protom , () which actually refers to a
reproduction of a bust, head, or face, and may therefore, not be
considered crucial to this discussion. (It is however, of value to
an examination of47
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Satyr mask: marble (provenance unknown). 2nd century CE.
Capitoline Museum, Rome. Credit: Wiki Commons.
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characteristics from Greece and Rome may lead you to the
realisation that our information pool is indeed small. However, The
sources for masked performance we have one detailed account by a
classical It is a considerable disadvantage to modern author left
to discuss. scholarship that we have only limited textual evidence
for the use and description The primary textual source employed of
masks in antiquity. While we do have in literature for mask in
antiquity is the secondary sources, we are casting about in
Onomasticon () of Julius Pollux the dark with regard to the
original objects. of Naucratis, (2nd century CE). Now this text
Aristotle in the Poetics , his discussion of is a form of thesaurus
and was intended 4th century Greek theatrical practice, refers by
its author as a general description of sparingly and somewhat
dismissively to the a variety of topics from geography to use of
masks in Greek theatre and with a few astronomy and so forth.
Therefore, the sentences he passes laconically over them.
discussion of theatre and theatrical masks is necessarily concise
and most probably A direct example (of this) is the comic functions
on the assumption that the mask which is ugly and distorted yet
reader has a basic awareness of the topic. without (being)
distressful. This applies particularly to his discussion of the
characteristics of masks. For each detail Aristotle , Poetics: 1449
provided, there appears to be much that is Somewhat later in the
Roman period, we absent, or assumed. have another brief but
colourful reference to mask characteristics in Lucians Anacharsis .
This text is nonetheless our best literary source for the
description of masks in I have seen those tragedians and antiquity
and for this reason I too have comedians of whom you speak, if they
used it as my source, but I would emphasise are those individuals
wearing heavy here that this article is naturally biased raised
shoes, with costumes decorated in towards the late 1st millennium
before the gold and quite ridiculous head-dresses Common Era and
the early Common Era. with enormous gaping mouths from This time
frame is governed by the period within which they shout out
mightily, contemporary with Julius Pollux (2nd and I do not know
how they cannot century) and on the understanding that fall over in
those shoes when walking. I his information is considered to be
derived believe at that time the city was celebratfrom an earlier
3rd century BCE Alexandrian ing a festival of Dionysus. But
comedians source. Discussion of the nature of 5th are shorter than
them, use their feet, century Attic theatre masks shall therefore
are more human and bellow less. Their be considered a topic for
another article. head-dresses are more comical and the entire
theatre laughed as one. In antiquity there were three specific From
the fact that these sources are often varieties of theatrical
performance and each employed in literature to describe mask was
masked. In the Onomasticon of Pollux49
the origins of masks).
A n c i e n t P l a n e t O n l i n e j o u r n a l
Lucian , Anarchasis: 23.
The Masks in Pollux: the Satyr Play
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these three are duly listed as masks that were used in the
performance of Tragedy, those for Comedy and those belonging to the
Satyr play. We shall begin with the Satyr play since it has been
argued that it is from these that later theatrical performances
were derived (Aristotle, Poetics ). The Satyr play was a risqu
rough and tumble farce which (much like that of tragedy) revolved
around anecdotes sourced from traditional mythology. The costumes
somewhat reflected the animal nature of these followers of the god
Dionysus and consisted of horse tails, erect phalli and masks. The
Satyr masks described in the Onomasticon pose the least challenge
to us and contain only four clearly defined characters: an old
satyr, a bearded satyr, a clean-shaven satyr and one that was worn
for the god Silenus. Pollux is sparing with detail for these masks,
but describing their characteristics is not difficult, since we
have adequate resources for the characteristics of satyrs and of
satyr masks from antiquity. The satyr mask may be identified by the
bestial characteristics of the classical satyr: the presence of
horns on the upper forepart of the mask, elongated and pointed goat
ears framing the face and unkempt, shaggy hair. Colour is not
indicated in the text with the exception of the use of polios () or
grey haired to describe the old satyr, and Pollux is emphatic that
the distinction between the four rests with their names: old,
bearded, beardless and the god Silenus.
A n c i e n t P l a n e t
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j o u r n a l
Above: Silenus mask: fresco from Villa of Fannius Synistor,
Boscoreale, Italy. 1st century BCE, Metropolitan Museum of Art.
Credit: WikiCommons; Below: Old man: encaustic painting from
Solunto, Italy. 1st century CE. Palermo Archaeological Museum.
Credit: G. DallOrto, Wiki Commons.50
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The Masks in Pollux: Tragedy and ComedyIn the Onomasticon the
categories for masks from both tragedy and comedy have been
arranged into four groups: those for old men, young men, male
servants and for women. In addition there is a description of
equipped ( ) or extra` masks belonging to tragedy. These were masks
with unusual features, such as animals, deities, demi-gods, or
monsters (nymphs, gorgons, titans, sea monsters, giants, centaurs);
forces of nature (rivers, mountains, cities); and abstract concepts
(justice, death, persuasion, deceit, envy). It is worth noting that
Pollux states that any one of these masks may also be used for the
performance of comedy. The following is a brief list of the names
for characters that are given by Pollux.Old Men Six tragic masks :
Shaved hair, White, Greying, Black, Yellow, More yellow. Nine comic
masks : 1st Grandfather/Pappos, 2nd Grandfather, Leader, Old man,
Hermeneios, Brothel keeper, 2nd Hermeneios, Peaked beard,
Lycomedeios. Young Men Eight tragic masks : All purpose young man,
Curly haired, More curly, Delicate, Dirty, 2nd Dirty, Ochre, Faded
Ochre. Eleven comic masks : All purpose, Black, Curly haired, More
curly, Delicate, Bumpkin, Wavy haired, 2nd wavy haired, 1st
Parasite, 2nd Parasite, Foreigner, 3rd Parasite.Above: Young man:
mosaic from the House of Masks, Sousse, Tunisia. 3rd century CE.
Sousse Archaeological Museum; Below: Comic servant: mosaic from the
House of the Faun, Pompeii. 1st century BCE-1st c. CE. Naples
Archaeological Museum. Credits: Wiki Commons.51
A n c i e n t P l a n e t O n l i n e j o u r n a l
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Masks of women: mosaic from the House of Cicero, Pompeii.
2nd-1st centuries BCE. Naples Archaeological Museum. Credit: Wiki
Commons.
Servants Three tragic masks: Leather, Peaked beard, Snub nosed.j
o u r n a l
Grey talking, Mistress, Hetaira (prostitute) at the end of her
career, Hetaira in her prime, Golden hetaira, Diademed hetaira,
Hetaira with torch hair-do and two serving girls.
Eight comic masks : Grandfather, Leader, Lower 3rd or 4th
attendant, Perhaps the one notable detail for womens Curly haired,
Middle attendant, Tettix (cicada), masks is that they mostly differ
by hairstyle and, excluding the mention of specific Wavy haired
leader. Women Eleven tragic masks : Grey old woman, Freed old
woman, Old domestic servant, Domestic (medium hair), Leather, Ochre
(long hair), Ochre (medium hair), Medium cropped, 1st sallow
maiden, 2nd sallow maiden, Young girl. Seventeen comic masks :
A n c i e n t P l a n e t
characteristics, may therefore be viewed as having reasonably
regular features. In fact, this observation may be made for all the
masks listed in Pollux. Where facial features are absent, we must
assume that they are in fact there, but in each example relatively
regular, such as aquiline nose, level brows and so on.
O n l i n e
Lean old woman, Fat old woman, Old domestic, And this brings us
in a roundabout way to the Talking, Curly haired, Girl, False girl,
2nd false girl, issue of the characteristics for these masks.52
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Marble relief of tragic masks showing the onkos headress and
curly beard (this would have been real hair in antiquity), Rome.
2nd century CE. Museum of Art History, Vienna. Credit: Wiki
Commons.
I do not feel that I can throw you headlong into a discussion of
mask colour without some brief explanation of the features of the
masks in Pollux. There are actually a limited range of features
listed in the text and they may be summarised as follows: Hair:
straight, curly, wavy. Hairstyle: various for women: for men:
waving forward, bald, receding. Headpieces: onkos, stephan and
speira. Beards: long, short, curly, peaked, beardless. Brows:
knitted, raised, lowered, asymmetrical. Eyes: lazy, cheerful,
severe, distorted. Nose: hooked, snub. Mouth: flat lips. Battered
ears and snaggle teeth.
Finally we have descriptions of the complexion which may be
good, wrinkled, lined or of a specific hue, and thus we come to the
discussion proper.
Colour for Masks: Age and GenderOn examining the characteristics
above, it could be argued that the distinctions between masks in
classical drama were based on stereotypes: a characters age, their
social standing and their gender. In addition, it has been asserted
in the past that due to the auditorium distance, only age and
gender would be easily recognised by an audience and that there was
actually little distinction between the characteristics of
individual masks.53
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Gender expressed by using light and dark complexions, tragic
female and comic servant: mosaic from Hadrians Villa, Tivoli,
Italy. 2nd century CE. Credit: Wiki Commons.
O n l i n e
It is not this writers intention to support such a claim, for
while costume, hair, and physical features do provide enough scope
for identifying a character, mask colour could also provide similar
important visual cues to a distant audience. Nonetheless, these
three basic distinctions: age, status and gender are reasonably
apparent from the evidence of extant plays and the description in
the Onomasticon and it is worth noting that they are still basic
distinctions for a modern audience. Age distinction for a mask
could be conveyed through a variety of methods, such as wrinkled
skin, or varying shades of grey through to white hair on both men
and women. In Pollux white hair is indeed reserved for the oldest
characters. For the complexion, age is conspicuously indicated by
lack of pigment and older54
characters have whiter skin than younger. Facial hair on men is
another criterion for distinguishing age, as after the Hellenistic
period it became fashionable for young men to shave. Thus the
absence of a beard infers youth (although in earlier periods this
would have been used to convey a notion of effeminacy). Older,
respectable men are correspondingly to be recognised by the various
styles of beard. Gender distinction is consistent with Greek
artistic convention and is characterised by the use of dark and
light skin tones. Thus, a male character will have a darker
complexion than a female, whose ideal colouring was white, no doubt
from a notion of seclusion in the domestic environment (but this
may apply more to women of higher social standing). For young male
characters the complexion is generally described by a
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Tragic woman: fresco from the House of the Golden Bracelet,
Pompeii. 1st century CE. Credit: Wiki Commons.
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verbal form of , black, here more appropriately translated as
dark. Ideally a healthy active Greek or Roman man was athletic and
tanned, thus masks of young men are described as dark and in some
instances, flushed with red (). For male characters this convention
could also be manipulated to express character nuances, and a man
could indeed have a pale mask, but this could convey specific
visual cues to the audience. Thus, a paler mask could be
effeminate, sickly, dying, pining away from love, or of delicate
constitution. On the other hand, a pale mask on an older man
conveys a notion of advanced age and/ or physical weakness. Finally
a pale or white mask on a male character could also be used to
indicate a ghost or a spirit of the dead.
and I am aware that the choice of name in Pollux often appears
to reflect the nature of a mask. One has to concede that leathery
does conjure up a specific (perhaps modern) notion of texture and
age.
Colour and Mask Character
To turn to the broader colour terminology encountered in Pollux,
we have a limited range of colours used to describe thea