Appendix : Additional Survey Results

Appendix : Additional Survey Results

1. O

ccup

atio

n an

d ge

nder

Occ

upat

ion

Con

struc

tion

and

cons

truc

tion

rela

ted

Chi

ld a

nd

elde

rly ca

reC

leani

ng

serv

ices

Serv

ices

(hot

els,

resta

uran

ts,

driv

ers,

etc.)

Une

mpl

oyed

Stud

ent

Tota

l

Gen

der

Fem

ale

Cou

nt1

822

234

361

% w

ithin

Occ

upat

ion

3.2%

100.

0%10

0.0%

45.1

%66

.7%

42.9

%48

.8%

Mal

eC

ount

300

028

24

64

% w

ithin

Occ

upat

ion

96.8

%.0

%.0

%54

.9%

33.3

%57

.1%

51.2

%

Tota

lC

ount

318

2251

67

125

% w

ithin

Occ

upat

ion

100.

0%10

0.0%

100.

0%10

0.0%

100.

0%10

0.0%

100.

0%

Appendix ● 209

Have you moved at least once since arrival in Madrid?

Yes No Total

Gender Female Count 44 17 61

% within have you moved at least once since arrival in Madrid?

55.0% 37.8% 48.8%

Male Count 36 28 64


45.0% 62.2% 51.2%

Total Count 80 45 125


100.0% 100.0% 100.0%

3. Change of residency and gender

Area of residency

Frequency Percentage Valid percentage

Cumulative percentage

Valid Madrid (almendra) 66 52.8 53.7 53.7

Corredor del Henares 18 14.4 14.6 68.3

Urbana Sur 27 21.6 22.0 90.2

Urbana Noroeste 5 4.0 4.1 94.3

Sierra Norte 7 5.6 5.7 100.0

Total 123 98.4 100.0

Missing System 2 1.6

Total 125 100.0

2. Area of residency

210 ● Appendix

4. Area of work

Area of work



Valid Madrid (almendra) 39 31.2 32.0 32.0

Corredor del Henares 17 13.6 13.9 45.9

Urbana Sur 17 13.6 13.9 59.8

Urbana Noroeste 4 3.2 3.3 63.1

Sierra Norte 18 14.4 14.8 77.9

All over Madrid 16 12.8 13.1 91.0

Unemployed 11 8.8 9.0 100.0

Total 122 97.6 100.0


Total 125 100.0

6. P

refe

renc

e fo

r al

tern

ativ

e ci

ty o

f res

iden

cy

Whi

ch o

ther

city

in S

pain

wou

ld y

ou w

ant t

o liv

e in?

Freq

uenc

yPe

rcen

tage

Valid

per

cent

age

Cum

ulat

ive p

erce

ntag

e

Valid

Non

e40

32.0

32.0

32.0

Barc

elon

a37

29.6

29.6

61.6

Whe

reve

r the

re’s

wor

k1

.8.8

62.4

Oth

er u

rban

cen

ters

4737

.637

.610

0.0

Tota

l12

510

0.0

100.

0 Area

of w

ork

Mad

rid

(alm

endr

a)C

orre

dor d

el H

enar

esU

rban

a Su

rU

rban

a N

oroe

steSi

erra

Nor

teAl

l ove

r M

adri

dU

nem

ploy

edTo

tal

Gen

der

Fem

ale

Cou

nt29

83

212

24

60

% w

ithin

are

a of

wor

k74

.4%

47.1

%17

.6%

50.0

%66

.7%

12.5

%36

.4%

49.2

%

Mal

eC

ount

109

142

614

762

% w

ithin

are

a of

wor

k25

.6%

52.9

%82

.4%

50.0

%33

.3%

87.5

%63

.6%

50.8

%

Tota

lC

ount

3917

174

1816

1112

2

% w

ithin

are

a of

wor

k10

0.0%

100.

0%10

0.0%

100.

0%10

0.0%

100.

0%10

0.0%

100.

0%

5. A

rea

of w

ork

and

gend

er

212 ● Appendix

7. Areas for improvement in Madrid

What could be better about Madrid?



Valid Values and emotions

41 32.8 32.8 32.8

Nothing 33 26.4 26.4 59.2

Better management (transportation, air quality, security)

31 24.8 24.8 84.0

Signs of modernity (Olympics, more cars and buildings)

5 4.0 4.0 88.0

Improvements in parks and Latin@ areas

8 6.4 6.4 94.4

Beach 7 5.6 5.6 100.0

Total 125 100.0 100.0

8. A

reas

for

impr

ovem

ent

in M

adri

d an

d ge

nder

Wha

t cou

ld b

e bet

ter a

bout

Mad

rid?

Valu

es an

d em

otio

nsN

othi

ngBe

tter m

anag

emen

t (tr

ansp

orta

tion,

air

qu

ality

, sec

urity

)

Sign

s of m

oder

nity

(O

lym

pics

, mor

e ca

rs an

d bu

ildin

gs)

Impr

ovem

ents

in

park

s and

Lat

in@

ar

eas

Beac

hTo

tal

Gen

der

Fem

ale

Cou

nt24

1216

04

561

% w

ithin

wha

t cou

ld b

e be

tter

?58

.5%

36.4

%51

.6%

.0%

50.0

%71

.4%

48.8

%

Mal

eC

ount

1721

155

42

64

% w

ithin

wha

t cou

ld b

e be

tter

?41

.5%

63.6

%48

.4%

100.

0%50

.0%

28.6

%51

.2%

Tota

lC

ount

4133

315

87

125

% w

ithin

wha

t cou

ld b

e be

tter

?10

0.0%

100.

0%10

0.0%

100.

0%10

0.0%

100.

0%10

0.0%

9. P

refe

rred

asp

ect

abou

t M

adri

d

Wha

t’s M

adri

d’s b

est t

hing

?

Freq

uenc

yPe

rcen

tage

Valid

per

cent

age

Cum

ulat

ive p

erce

ntag

e

Valid

Wor

k11

8.8

8.8

8.8

Met

ro19

15.2

15.2

24.0

Park

s27

21.6

21.6

45.6

Peop

le22

17.6

17.6

63.2

Sign

s of m

oder

nity

(clea

n, o

rgan

ized,

tech

nolo

gica

l . . .

)20

16.0

16.0

79.2

Free

dom

, atm

osph

ere

64.

84.

884

.0

Nig

htlif

e4

3.2

3.2

87.2

Oth

er6

4.8

4.8

92.0

Ever

ythi

ng10

8.0

8.0

100.

0

Tota

l12

510

0.0

100.

0

Wha

t’s M

adri

d’s b

est t

hing

?

Wor

kM

etro

Park

sPe

ople

Sign

s of

mod

erni

tyFr

eedo

m,

atm

osph

ere

Nig

htlif

eO

ther

Ever

ythi

ngTo

tal

Gen

der

Fem

ale

Cou

nt8

710

1113

31

26

61

% w

ithin

wha

t’s

Mad

rid’s

best

th

ing?

72.7

%36

.8%

37.0

%50

.0%

65.0

%50

.0%

25.0

%33

.3%

60.0

%48

.8%

Mal

eC

ount

312

1711

73

34

464

% w

ithin

wha

t’s

Mad

rid’s

best

th

ing?

27.3

%63

.2%

63.0

%50

.0%

35.0

%50

.0%

75.0

%66

.7%

40.0

%51

.2%

Tota

lC

ount

1119

2722

206

46

1012

5

% w

ithin

wha

t’s

Mad

rid’s

best

th

ing?

100.

0%10

0.0%

100.

0%10

0.0%

100.

0%10

0.0%

100.

0%10

0.0%

100.

0%10

0.0%

10. P

refe

rred

asp

ect

abou

t M

adri

d an

d ge

nder

216 ● Appendix

11. Favorite location in Madrid

What is your favorite place in Madrid?



Valid Lago 31 24.8 24.8 24.8

El Retiro 24 19.2 19.2 44.0

Other parks 8 6.4 6.4 50.4

Streets and malls 8 6.4 6.4 56.8

Discos and nightlife 1 .8 .8 57.6

Tourist areas 34 27.2 27.2 84.8

Amusement Parks 7 5.6 5.6 90.4

My neighborhood and home

12 9.6 9.6 100.0

Total 125 100.0 100.0

12. F

avor

ite

loca

tion

in M

adri

d an

d ge

nder

Wha

t is y

our f

avor

ite p

lace

in M

adri

d?

Lago

El R

etir

oO

ther

pa

rks

Stre

ets a

nd

mal

lsD

iscos

and

ni

ghtli

feTo

urist

ar

eas

Amus

emen

t Pa

rks

My

neig

hbor

hood

an

d ho

me

Tota

l

Gen

der

Fem

ale

Cou

nt10

114

60

174

961

% w

ithin

wha

t is y

our

favo

rite

plac

e in

Mad

rid?

32.3

%45

.8%

50.0

%75

.0%

.0%

50.0

%57

.1%

75.0

%48

.8%

Mal

eC

ount

2113

42

117

33

64

% w

ithin

wha

t is y

our

favo

rite

plac

e in

Mad

rid?

67.7

%54

.2%

50.0

%25

.0%

100.

0%50

.0%

42.9

%25

.0%

51.2

%

Tota

lC

ount

3124

88

134

712

125

% w

ithin

wha

t is y

our

favo

rite

plac

e in

Mad

rid?

100.

0%10

0.0%

100.

0%10

0.0%

100.

0%10

0.0%

100.

0%10

0.0%

100.

0%

218 ● Appendix

Where would you take a visitor?



Valid Tourist sites 47 37.6 37.6 37.6

Casa de Campo (park and zoo) 6 4.8 4.8 42.4

Bars and discos 2 1.6 1.6 44.0

El Retiro 35 28.0 28.0 72.0

Lago 15 12.0 12.0 84.0

My house 8 6.4 6.4 90.4

Other parks 4 3.2 3.2 93.6

Other: Kio, areas outside Madrid, the subway

8 6.4 6.4 100.0

Total 125 100.0 100.0

13. Location of preference to take a visitor

14. L

ocat

ion

of p

refe

renc

e to

tak

e a

visi

tor

and

gend

er

Whe

re w

ould

you

take

a v

isito

r?

Tour

ist si

tes

Cas

a de

C

ampo

(par

k an

d zo

o)

Bars

and

disco

sEl

Ret

iro

Lago

My

hous

eO

ther

pa

rks

Oth

er: K

io, a

reas

ou

tside

Mad

rid,

th

e sub

way

Tota

l

Gen

der

Fem

ale

Cou

nt25

40

195

33

261

% w

ithin

whe

re w

ould

you

take

a

visit

or?

53.2

%66

.7%

.0%

54.3

%33

.3%

37.5

%75

.0%

25.0

%48

.8%

Mal

eC

ount

222

216

105

16

64

% w

ithin

whe

re w

ould

you

take

a

visit

or?

46.8

%33

.3%

100.

0%45

.7%

66.7

%62

.5%

25.0

%75

.0%

51.2

%

Tota

lC

ount

476

235

158

48

125

% w

ithin

whe

re w

ould

you

take

a

visit

or?

100.

0%10

0.0%

100.

0%10

0.0%

100.

0%10

0.0%

100.

0%10

0.0%

100.

0%

220 ● Appendix

What did you know about Madrid before your arrival?



Valid Tourist areas 35 28.0 28.0 28.0

Retiro 20 16.0 16.0 44.0

Lago 2 1.6 1.6 45.6

Other areas (Pza.Castilla, Colon, Atocha, KIO)

4 3.2 3.2 48.8

Transportation 3 2.4 2.4 51.2

Tourist areas outside Madrid 7 5.6 5.6 56.8

Nothing 54 43.2 43.2 100.0

Total 125 100.0 100.0

15. Familiarity with Madrid prior to arrival

16. Imagination/experience of Madrid and gender

Were these locations as you had imagined them?

Yes No Better Worse Total

Gender Female 20 2 14 6 42

Male 21 6 10 7 44

Total 41 8 24 13 86

17. Preferred location to spend free time

Where do you spend your free time?

Frequency Percentage Valid percentage Cumulative percentage

Valid Home 63 50.4 50.4 50.4

Parks 27 21.6 21.6 72.0

Nightlife 7 5.6 5.6 77.6

Streets 28 22.4 22.4 100.0

Total 125 100.0 100.0

Appendix ● 221

19. Locations of police raids

Where in Madrid have you seen police raids?



Valid Metro 31 24.8 40.8 40.8

Locutorio 2 1.6 2.6 43.4

Atocha 2 1.6 2.6 46.1

Discos 4 3.2 5.3 51.3

Street 4 3.2 5.3 56.6

Parks 10 8.0 13.2 69.7

Just heard about them

23 18.4 30.3 100.0

Total 76 60.8 100.0


Total 125 100.0

Where do you spend your free time?

Home Parks Nightlife Streets Total

Gender Female Count 34 7 5 15 61

% within where do you spend your free time?

54.0% 25.9% 71.4% 53.6% 48.8%

Male Count 29 20 2 13 64


46.0% 74.1% 28.6% 46.4% 51.2%

Total Count 63 27 7 28 125


100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0%

18. Preferred location to spend free time and gender

222 ● Appendix

20. Means of transportation to get to work

How do you get to work?

Frequency Percentage Valid percentage Cumulative percentage

Valid Metro 71 56.8 61.2 61.2

Train 9 7.2 7.8 69.0

Bus 14 11.2 12.1 81.0

Private vehicle 10 8.0 8.6 89.7

On foot 12 9.6 10.3 100.0

Total 116 92.8 100.0


Total 125 100.0


Metro Train Bus Private vehicle

On foot Total

Gender Female Count 34 3 10 2 8 57


47.9% 33.3% 71.4% 20.0% 66.7% 49.1%

Male Count 37 6 4 8 4 59


52.1% 66.7% 28.6% 80.0% 33.3% 50.9%

Total Count 71 9 14 10 12 116


100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0%

21. Means of transportation to work and gender

Appendix ● 223

How often do you take the Metro?



Valid Everyday 83 66.4 66.4 66.4

2–3 times per week 26 20.8 20.8 87.2

Occassionally 13 10.4 10.4 97.6

Never 3 2.4 2.4 100.0

Total 125 100.0 100.0

22. Frequency of Metro usage

23. Frequency of Metro usage and gender

How often do you take the Metro?

Everyday 2–3 times per week Occasionally Never Total

Gender Female 38 14 9 0 61

Male 45 12 4 3 64

Total 83 26 13 3 125

24. Access to the press

What newspapers do you read, if any?



Press handed out in Metro 79 63.2 63.2 63.2

Newspapers and newsletters by migrant organizations

15 12.0 12.0 75.2

National Spanish newspapers 17 13.6 13.6 88.8

National Ecuadorian newspapers 5 4.0 4.0 92.8

None 9 7.2 7.2 100.0

Other 0 0 0 0

Notes

Introduction

1 . A research that would not have been possible without the continued sup-port of many colleagues and scholars, including the editors of this series, Benjamin Fraser and Susan Larson. Malcolm A. Compitello, Laura Gutiérrez, Laura Briggs, and Raquel Rubio-Goldsmith have all shaped this project, as well as so many participants and dear friends, who at the Tepoztlán Institute for Transnational History of the Americas shared valu-able and generous feedback. Mostly, this project was possible because of all the people who speak through its pages, and who taught me to walk Madrid through its Ecuadorian histories. To my family and friends, to those with whom I have paved the way for this book, and to those who joined me along the way.

2 . By transnational approach, I mean a more radical critique of the over-determined status of the nation-states that foregrounds inequality, colonial legacies, and their attendant racisms, sexisms, homophobias, and gender discriminations. Rather than using the nation as a central category of anal-ysis, this study unsettles the nation by considering the connections and disconnections between sub and supra-national arenas extending migra-tion scholarship on interdependent ideologies of city and nation to under-stand local practices and their cultural manifestations thereof.

3 . Yet migration between rural areas and the cities evidently predates the twentieth century, and has been a constant in Ecuador since colonial times through labor systems between the Sierra and the Costa, and also through the experiences of indigenous men and women, but largely, women moving to the cities for service, care work, and commerce. For studies on inter-nal and external migration in Ecuador before 1998, see Brown, Brea, and Goetz (1988), Carpio Benalcázar (1992), Palán, Moser, and Rodríguez (1993), Preston (1977), Borrero-Vega and Ugalde (1995).

4 . For a thorough literature review of Latin American migrations to Spain in general during the last decade, see Göttsch (2010).

5 . On migration dynamics between the Ecuadorian regions of Cañar and Azuay and New York, see Kyle (2000), Jokish (2003), Jokish and Pribilsky (2002), and Pribilsky (2007).

226 ● Notes

6 . I borrow the concept “bundles of relationships” from Eric Wolf. 7 . See Kearney (1995), Portes (1985), Faist (1996). 8 . Walter Mignolo (2000) highlights the centrality of Wallerstein’s World

Systems Theory to “border thinking,” and to Latin American intellectual thought. Despite critiques of the absence of historical specificity or human “agency” in Wallerstein’s division of the world into core and periphery, his work moved away from the nation as a unit of analysis and recognized the continuity of colonial systems of power. Although Wallerstein establishes the beginning of the current World System at the turn of the nineteenth century, Latin American postcolonial thinkers, Mignolo among them, locate its foundation in the colonial history of the Americas.

9 . Throughout the book, the choice of the term “migrant” over “immigrant” is a response to the need to counter metanarratives of linear progression (for example, development, integration) working through the spatio-tem-poral binaries here-there, then-now, local-global. Further, and whenever possible, I preference the term “resident” to highlight that, regardless of migrant status or city of origin, Ecuadorians reside in the city, and thus, make it.

10 . See Morokvasic (1984), Boyd (2005), Pedraza (1991), Grasmuck and Pessar (1991), Halfacree and Boyle (1993), Hondagneu-Sotelo (1994), Hondagneu-Sotelo and Avila (1997), McDowell (1996), Ong (1996), Gregorio Gil (1998), Spivak (1998), Chinchilla and Hamilton (1999), Kofman and Raghuram (2000), Anthias (2000), Pessar and Mahler (2001), Andall (2003), Mohanty (2003), Camacho (2004), Sheller (2008).

11 . Throughout the book, all translations, emphasis, and photos are mine, unless otherwise indicated.

12 . For further information access Rumiñahui’s website at http://www.rumi-nahui.org.es/

13 . This of course is arguable. Upon arrival, Ecuadorians, particularly chil-dren, often expressed their difficulties understanding Spaniards. Different expression, intonation, body language, and feelings of fear and anxiety, for instance, all play into this linguistic “border.”

1 Ecuador in Madrid/Madrid in Ecuador: Transnational Dynamics between Ecuador and Spain in the

Twenty-First Century

1 . Up to 2003 Spain was the main destination of the European Union’s structural and cohesion funds, receiving 21 percent of the total (See Plaza Guti é rrez 2005).

2 . Data from 2006 shows that of a total of 1,500,785 registered residents from Latin America, 402,000 were in Madrid, followed by Barcelona with 275,000 (Goz á lvez P é rez 53, 2008). According to Antonio Izquierdo, between 2001 and 2002 one of every two migrants in Spain was from Latin

Notes ● 227

America, and the average Latin American arrivals between 2000 and 2005 was of 200, 000 per year (76). For further information on migrant demo-graphics in Spain and in Madrid see Gonz á lvez P é rez (2008), Izquierdo (2008), L ó pez Trigal (2008), and P é rez Infante (2008).

3 . In a process that resembles Washington DC’s role in the OAS (Organization of American States), the Cumbre Iberoamericana established Madrid as the center for cooperation between the European and Latin American regions.

4 . Direct investments in Latin America rose from 780 to 100,000 million euros between 1990 and 2001, mostly directed to Brasil, Mexico, Argentina, and Chile (Hern á ndez Navarro 2004). After 1994, Spanish investments in Latin America made up 55 percent of the country’s total investments, ris-ing to 72 percent by 1998 and 1999 (data from CEPAL, http://www.eclac.org . Qtd. in Casas Gragea 2001 and confirmed by author).

5 . See Grau (2001), Casas Gragea (2001, 2004), S á nchez Ruiz (2001), Hern á ndez Navarro (2004), MacSwiney (2004), Plaza Guti é rrez (2005), Esquinas (2009), Soriano (2008).

6 . Partha Chatterjee’s analysis of colonial processes in India (1986) warns about colonial structures underpinning nationalist projects. The ideol-ogy of “Hispanidad” is central to discourses of independence that fueled Latin American nationalisms. The construction of the mixed national race through mestizaje for instance, is bound up with “Hispanidad.” Promoting “modernity” and “independence,” both discourses align the urban center and “Hispanidad” with “white” mestizos, modernity, and culture, and the coun-tryside with tradition and the indigenous. According to this rationale, elites read mestizaje as a gradual decolonizing process, defined in terms of race and color lines (Alonso 2005). Under this light, “Hispanidad” follows these color lines equating gradual acculturation and “modernity” to “mestizaje”.

7 . It has acted as the mediator in Ecuador’s conf licts with Per ú (1887, 1904, 1995, 1998, 1999), and more recently with Colombia and Venezuela (2008).

8 . For instance, during the referendum for Ecuador’s Constitution, approved on September 2008, the Spanish Agency for International Cooperation (AECI) contributed $144,000 to the counting of the votes, plus another $78,553 in financing experts from the Centro de Estudios Pol í ticos y Constitucionales de Espa ñ a , and in direct involvement in the constitutional process (Benavides).

9 . To give a couple of examples: (1) In response to Ecuador’s conf lict with Venezuela and Colombia regarding the death of an FARC member on the Colombian side of the Ecuador-Colombia border, Spain, “hace un llama-miento a la calma y encarece a las partes para que resuelvan sus diferencias, utilizando los canales diplom á ticos por medio del di á logo, la cooperaci ó n entre vecinos, y la buena fe” [Spain asks to remain calm and begs each part to solve its differences through diplomacy, including dialog, cooperation among neighbors, and good faith] (“Espa ñ a llama”); (2) Upon the approval

228 ● Notes

of the Ecuador’s new Constitution on September 2008, “Espa ñ a felicita a los ciudadanos del Ecuador por los resultados de un ejercicio de conviven-cia c í vica y de democracia” [Spain congratulates the citizens of Ecuador for its achievements in an exercise of civic coexistence and democracy] (“Espa ñ a conf í a”).

10 . See Colegio de Economistas de Pichincha (2004), and Acosta, L ó pez and Villamar (2006a).

11 . According to data from Spain’s Observatorio Permanente de Inmigraci ó n, documented migrants as of 2008 were estimated in 460,000. This number includes neither undocumented residents, nor those who already acquired Spanish citizenship.

12 . The complete text of this law is available at: http://noticias.juridicas.com/base_datos/Admin/lo4-2000.html

13 . Among other things, it increased the obligations of transportation com-panies in controlling migration, and conditioned the visa on work and residency permits.

14 . An article by Gabriela Paz y Mi ñ o in the Ecuadorian journal El Comercio (May 6, 2008) denounces the fact that, between 2004 and 2007 Spain deported 370,000 migrants, a number 43 percent higher than during the right-wing presidency of Jose Mar í a Aznar.

15 . Cited in “Latinoam é rica planta cara” El Mundo 1 July 2008. 16 . Quotes from Benita Ferrero Waldner, European office of International

Relations, cited in “La UE busca,” ( Hoy October 17, 2008). See also “El gobierno explicar á ” ( El Mundo June 20, 2008).

17 . Spain occupies the eleventh position in the world in international contri-butions to “development” initiatives, and over half of them are destined to Latin America. In 2002, Spain’s agency for international cooperation (AECI) destined 13 percent of its budget to cultural investments. By 2008, that percentage had increased to 40 percent out of a total of 5,500 mil-lion Euros. See Plan Anual de Cooperaci ó n Internacional 2008 ( http://www.cucid.ulpgc.es/documentos/1-documentos/1/PACI_2006.pdf ). See also the later plan through 2012 ( http://www.ceoe.es/resources/image/PACI2011Definitivo.pdf ).

18 . Ecuador was the second Latin American country after Mexico to restart peace negotiations with Spain (1840), and the second after Colombia to create a Spanish Academy of Language under the auspice of Spain. To mention just some of the country’s cultural initiatives to promote “Hispanidad”: the Biblioteca Hisp á nica (1946) (later Instituto Ecuatoriano de Cultura Hisp á nica), Convenio Cultural (1953), a variety of scholarship programs since 1954, and a long succession of intellectual exchanges and treaties for the promotion of the Spanish language and “culture” (Carri ó n Mena 2001).

19 . The value market for the most prominent Latin American companies, many affiliates of Spanish companies. It is the third largest stock market in Latin America after Mexico City and Sao Paulo. In 2012, it reached

Notes ● 229

record gains, 62 percent obtained through Spanish markets in the Latin American region (Inversi ó n Espa ñ ola ‘2013’, 31).

20 . For further information on Madrid’s prominence in the Latin American market, see Rodr í guez L ó pez (2007) and the annual reports for 2013 and 2014 by Inversi ó n Espa ñ ola Business School. See references.

21 . Gonz á lez Enr í quez and Á lvarez Miranda (2006), Conde and Herranz (2004).

22 . For history on Quito’s urban transformations vis- à -vis processes of cap-ital accumulation see Vintimilla (1987), Carri ó n (1987), Carri ó n Mena (1987, 2005), Hanley and Ruthenburg (2005) and Andrade (2005). For history on Madrid’s urban transformations see Ort í (1990), Juli á (1991), Ort í , Iba ñ ez and Albarr á n (2002), Calvo L ó pez and Molina Costa (2007) and Rodr í guez L ó pez (2007).

23 . Quito’s project for the “casco hist ó rico,” for instance, is largely funded by Spain’s Agencia de Cooperaci ó n Internacional. As shown in the next chap-ters, Spanish corporations are key actors in the design and construction of Quito’s subway and transportation system, and decisive in the city’s real estate dynamics.

24 . Quito gained autonomy as Metropolitan District in 1993. More recently, following the Constitution of 2008, Quito was declared “ciudad-distrito-regi ó n” with the political inclusion of cantonal administrations, and pro-vincial and regional governments.

25 . The Constitution of 2008 includes, as part of its main lines of action, the protection of migrant populations and their families. The text shows a comprehensive understanding of human mobility, covered in 58 articles, including 7 of the 9 general headings of the Constitution. Yet, its discourse shows contradictions at the level of practice that prioritize out migration to Europe at the turn of this century. For further analysis on these processes, see Moncayo (2011) and Ramos (2010).

26 . Dora Aguirre, founder and former director of the Asociaci ó n Rumi ñ ahui Hispano-Ecuatoriana, and mentioned in the introductory chapter, holds one of these positions, as representative for Europe, Asia and Oceania.

27 . Access the website to the “Observatorio” at: http://extranjeros.mtin.es/es/index.html

28 . Women change their place of residence within Madrid in greater numbers. Explanations include their longer time in Spain, and the large numbers who were or had been employed in domestic live-in service (in Madrid, called internas ).

29 . It is important to question how gender dynamics unfolded during this cri-ses, as men became further dependent on women’s jobs in the service and care sectors. In 2008, women’s complaints about the rise of violence, and alcohol in the home were already notable, as well as men’s expressions of frustration.

30 . The urban plans mentioned in this brief account of the Castellana will be revisited throughout.

230 ● Notes

31 . This will be further developed in chapters 4 and 5 , particularly as related to AZCA and the housing industry respectively.

32 . For a more detailed analysis, see Juli á (1991). 33 . Named after its author, Pedro Bigador (1906–1996). 34 . Edward Baker and Malcolm A. Compitello in the prologue to their edited

volume Madrid de Fortunata a la M-40: Un siglo de cultura urbana (2003) describe how after the Spanish Civil War (1936– 939), the Franco govern-ment faced the urban challenge of housing growing numbers of migrants arriving from the impoverished rural areas (22–24). Additionally, the authors characterize the response during the dictatorship (1939–1975) as a period in which the government’s abuse of power allied with private inter-ests. According to the authors, these liaisons endured after the transition to democracy and the Constitution of 1978, only challenged with the turn to the socialist government in the City’s plan of 1985 (24).

35 . The area surrounding this block of residential living was famous for its leisure “a la Americana” with bars, dancehalls, and restaurants. It was first known popularly as “Corea” and, later, as “Costa Fleming,” a name that connotes the perception of the area as a “getaway.” The area was therefore a space for the projections of Madrid’s national aspirations of becoming “European,” and thus “modern.”

36 . See also Ort í (1990). 37 . Malcolm Compitello (2003) shows how the change of governments from

the Partido Socialista Obrero Espa ñ ol (PSOE) to the more conservative Partido Popular (PP) in 1996 meant a turn to Madrid’s “urban boosterism and selling place” (405).

38 . Referred to as PAUs (Programas de Actuaci ó n Urban í stica) these residen-tial projects in Madrid’s peripheries are formulated as the “solution” to housing shortages through the urbanization of areas that the PGOUM of 1985 declared as “no urbanizables.” See Laboratorio Urbano. “El lujo precario.” Diagonal 1 September–October 2004 < http://www.nodo50.org/laboratoriourbano/?p=211 > (see also Rodrigo Calvo et.al. 2007).

39 . View the complete description of the project in the City’s website for the Plan Especial Para el Eje Prado-Recoletos (Municipio de Madrid).

2 Beginning of the Itinerary: Madrid’s Subway

1 . El Madrid de Filipinas (2007) by McCann Erickson, and later analyzed in this chapter.

2 . Madrid becomes a “villa de realengo” (municipality tied to the Crown) in the twelfth Century through the Carta de Otorgamiento, granted by Alfonso VII of Le ó n y Castilla; thus, the popular references to the city as “Villa.”

3 . As indicated in chapter 1 , between 1998 and 2008, Madrid became the main destination for migrants in Europe. Official sources indicate a growth

Notes ● 231

from 1 million to 4.1 million migrants between 2000 and 2006, half of them from Latin America (Izquierdo). Izquierdo describes this moment as the “latinoamericanizaci ó n” of Madrid. The city has the largest numbers of Latin American migrants in the EU, with Ecuadorians being the most prominent group to present.

4 . Known as “ley de todo lo urbanizable” it states that any space can be sub-ject to urban development, with the exception of national environmental reserves (a quite a malleable condition for most administrations). The Ley Boyer and the Plan para el transporte en las grandes ciudades (1990–1993) led the way to the 1998 Ley del Suelo , establishing what for many is a key turn in Madrid’s economy, with a stated priority on public works and real estate over industry (Calvo L ó pez 2007).

5 . The neighborhood of Cuatro Caminos, which appears throughout this chapter, and also in chapter 4 on “discotecas latinas,” is emblematic of Madrid’s changes tied first to rural to urban migrations, and more recently to international migrations.

6 . It is not at all surprising that Antonio Palacios (1872–1945) was the selected architect for this job. Throughout his career, he would collaborate with the Otamendi brothers in some of Madrid’s most emblematic projects, includ-ing the Edificio Espa ñ a, Torre de Madrid, and, with Jos é Otamendi, the planning of the Gran V í a Diagonal.

7 . See also Rodr í guez-L ó pez on Madrid’s turn to global recognition as “mod-ern” city since the 1990s and its ties to larger investments abroad, mainly in Latin America.

8 . I borrow the definition of the city as “growth machine” from the work of Harvey Molotch and John Logan.

9 . On September 5, 2013, the Olympic Committee confirmed Tokyo as pre-ferred candidate for the upcoming Olympics. The national media covered the expressions of disappointment of the thousands of people in the streets of Madrid, who witnessed the election “live” via giant televisions set by the Municipality in the Puerta de Alcal á .

10 . The Nave de Motores is not part of the museum, nor does it share this location.

11 . For a detailed contextualization of the “And é n 0” project, see Masterson-Algar (2011).

12 . Throughout this section of the chapter, quotations without citation corre-spond to the didactical film production And é n 0 , only accessible in a visit to the museum.

13 . David Harvey (2001b) argues that the production of heritage predates modern industrial society. However, the proliferation of heritage sites since the nineteenth century shows the inseparable relation between industrial production, the appropriation of space by capital, and cultural construc-tions of the nation through the rearticulation of industry into heritage.

14 . Richard Sennet explains how the organic metaphor in urban planning goes back to Baron Haussman and Ildefons Cerd á , and, before that, to the

232 ● Notes

discovery of the circulation of blood. See also Williamson for further devel-opment on the interrelations between the advertisement industry, myth, and perceptions of “naturalness.” The opening page for Metro de Madrid’s website also describes Metro as “alive,” with the use of various conjoined words as follows “r á pidomodernoecol ó gicoc ó modoseguro . . . vivo” [quick-modernenvironmentalcomfortablesafe . . . alive] (metrodemadrid.es).

15 . For instance, the museum does not explain that the Compa ñí a del Metropolitano chose to begin Metro’s construction in 1919 despite the country’s economic downturn, knowing that economic need would supply cheap and more “manageable” labor.

16 . See Sheperd for an analysis of the hyper-reality accompanying the produc-tion of “heritage.”

17 . For further dialog between socioeconomic dynamics tied to industrializa-tion and the heritage industry, see Hewison.

18 . For a detailed analysis of Madrid as represented in this film, see “Capital, Mobility, and Spatial Exclusion in Fernando Le ó n de Aranoa’s Barrio (1998).” Ed. Benjamin Fraser. Marxism and Urban Culture. Plymouth: Lexington Books, 2014. 23–42.

19 . See Beatriz Lancho for the press release in question. 20 . In the references, I include various articles describing some of Metro’s

“circensian” activities (“Aprender,” “Metro de Madrid,” “Raphael,” “Gallard ó n,” “Los pr í ncipes”).

21 . The mayor of Madrid described Madrid’s subway stations as “corralas” (“El teatro”). A “corrala” is a courtyard of apartment complexes typical of Madrid’s older neighborhoods, and which were/are occasionally used to represent plays and zarzuelas.

22 . Passengers pay each time they enter the subway system. As opposed to a bus, where one must pay for each ride, the subway allows to backtrack or change route without having to pay again.

23 . Results from the surveys showed that 75.2 percent of those interviewed described their address according to the name of the closest Metro station (See Appendix C).

24 . Second to Metro, public parks, locutorios and discotecas are also recurrent locations for these state practices.

25 . The fifth was an attack on a homeless man found sleeping in the subway. 26 . The transition from December 2007 to January 2008 marked Metro’s his-

tory with the cleaning workers’ strike. While Metro had to provide minimal services until the private company and Unions reached an agreement, litter and the accumulation of garbage reached dangerous levels. Contrapunto’s logo “Metro vuela” [Metro f lies] was quickly turned into the joke “Metro, huela” [Metro, smell it]. For an in-depth work on the privatization of secu-rity services, see Wakefield.

27 . McCann Erickson is a global advertising network. They hold offices in over 130 countries, and are subsidiaries of the Interpublic Group of Companies, one the four holding corporations that make up the advertising industry.

Notes ● 233

Some of their clients include the US Army (“Army Strong” campaign), and Visa MasterCard (“There are some things money can’t buy. For everything else, there’s MasterCard”). Their work for Metro includes two advertis-ings for the Plan de Ampliaci ó n 2003–07, Una Peque ñ a Historia (2003), N ó madas (2003), and the latest advertisement El Madrid de Filipinas (2007), all analyzed in this chapter.

28 . Interestingly, the Metro station of Legazpi is located in the district of Embajadores , which has a high concentration of migrant residents and is also the former location of the aforementioned Asociaci ó n Rumi ñ ahui-Hispanoecuatoriana. Revealingly, and as will be discussed further, the name of this station honors Manuel L ó pez de Legazpi, founder of the city of Manila, and thus a figure of Spain’s colonial role in the Philippines.

29 . The results from the surveys show that 63.2 percent of those interviewed considered Metro’s free press as their main source of printed media (See Appendix C).

30 . The subway—and trains in general—also features in Urbina’s later film Ayahuasca (2008), which will be addressed brief ly in the next chapters.

31 . Note the tie to the copla by Paradas and Jim é nez at the start of this chap-ter. Its protagonist, Rosi ñ a, speaks from the reality of “Cuatro Caminos” in the 1920s, an area in the city’s periphery made up of working class migrants arriving in the city from rural Spain. Both expressions—the “copla” from the 1920s and Pachamama Crew’s rhymes today—express noteworthy continuities in the neighborhood’s history. Both are voices from the city speaking from its “peripheries,” and which strongly identify with the neighborhood. The “barrio de la garata” (rough neighborhood) in Rosi ñ a’s experience speaks through Pachamama Crew’s love for their “barrio caliente” (also translated as “rough neighborhood”), which they also describe as “humble.” Their song “En mi barrio” (2011) expresses it as follows: “En mi barrio, pap á /ta caliente y te va/ y aunque en la esquina haya cr á [crack]/siempre va a haber la humildad” [In my neighborhood bro/ the heat is high/ but despite crack in its corners/ there will always be humility].

32 . Pachamama Crew’s more recent song, “En mi barrio” (2011), in which they sing “de Madrid al mundo” shows a shift of tone from the migrant experience of “Para í so perdido” to a feeling of belonging to the city. As he walks the neighborhood’s streets, the author sings that he is the street (“Yo soy la calle”), with verses such as, “Me quedo con mi barrio que me vio crecer” [I’m staying in the neighborhood that saw me grow up], and “Crec í en Cuatro Caminos en el distrito de Tetu á n/donde todos me conocen sea pa’ bien o pa’mal” [I grew up in Cuatro Caminos in the District of Tetu á n, where everyone knows me, for good or for bad]. Revealingly, the video clip for this song, accessible on YouTube, also opens with a pan shot of a street view of the Metro station of “Cuatro Caminos” followed by a descent into its opening. Throughout, there are numerous ascents and descents through the mouths of the various Metro stations in the neighborhood. The shots of

234 ● Notes

the Crew pointing to the Kio Towers and to AZCA (next chapter) from one of the neighborhood’s rooftops are particularly telling of Madrid’s recent history vis- à -vis the f lexibilization of capital, and tie to other chapters in this book.

33 . Alvarado (in honor of Pedro de Alvarado, author of Moctezuma’s death), Legazpi (in honor of Manuel L ó pez de Legazpi, founder of the city of Manila), Callao (honoring the Peruvian port, where Spaniards resisted even after the rest of the country was declared “independent”), Serrano (honoring Francisco Serrano y Dominguez, who carried out the annex-ation of Sto. Domingo to Spanish territories), Col ó n (Columbus), Pueblo Nuevo (the name the Spanish gave to hundreds of towns throughout their colonies, particularly in Colombia), Nu ñ ez de Balboa (for Vasco Nu ñ ez de Balboa, founder of Sta. Mar í a la Antigua in the Darien region, first Spanish city on the American continent), Rub é n Dar í o (interestingly known as the “father of Modernism” in literature), Rep ú blica Argentina, Cuzco, Lima, Colombia, and the unquestionable center of the Metro network, with no name other than “Avenida de Am é rica.”

34 . It is convenient to highlight the significance of Spain’s colonial trajectory in Latin America on Madrid’s urban physiognomy since the nineteenth century and in spite of the loss of the last colonies in 1898. Luis Fern á ndez Cifuentes calls attention to the importance of the returns to the metropolis of large capitals arriving from patrimonies in the Great Antilles during the first decades of the twentieth century. These capitals were key in the con-struction of the Gran V í a and to the emergence of the monumental build-ings of large banks, such as the R í o de la Plata, or the Hispanoamericano (107). Although nothing is written on the subject, this is the context under which Metro was built, being one of these banks, and specifically the Banco Vizcaya, its key investors.

35 . The “tuneladoras” of Madrid’s Metro are given female proper names (e.g., “La Chata”), and the arrival of each new “tuneladora” is amply celebrated in the local press.

36 . A most thorough analysis of Quito’s public transportation system and history by Juan Pablo Chauv í n, and published in 2007 (see references), reviews international studies since the 1990s, all of which signaled the “troleb ú s” (cable bus) as the best technical and financial option for Quito. There is only one mention to the subway, as one more in a list of discarded options.

37 . The choice of the name “Labrador” is worth ref lection, both for its mean-ing as “someone who works the land,” but also for the saint that earned this epithet, San Isidro Labrador, Madrid’s Patron Saint.

38 . The various banners celebrate different aspects of Metro de Quito, includ-ing its comfort, environmental commitment, security, and trustworthi-ness. They also offer “data”: numbers of stations and trains, hours to be saved in commutes per day and per year, estimated times between loca-tions, and number of job openings.

Notes ● 235

3 First Stop, Lago: Lakes and Lacunaes in Madrid’s Parks

1 . The monument is also known as “Jard í n de los Ausentes.” I will use these names, as well as the shorter “Bosque” and “Jard í n” interchangeably throughout the chapter.

2 . Jason Byrne and Jennifer Wolch address precisely this concern, focusing on the inf luence of ethno-racial formations on the constitution and usage of public parks. See this article for a more extensive review of the literature on the interrelation between nature, race, and parks.

3 . On this turn in Madrid’s economy, see Garc í a Fern á ndez (1997), D í az-V á zquez (2002), Baker and Compitello (2003), Rodr í guez-L ó pez (2007), L ó pez (2007), Fraser (2007).

4 . Envisioned as a means to overcome social decay and immorality of the social body, parks became commonly addressed as both the “lungs” and “conscience” of the city (Boyer, 1978; French 1973; Patmore 1983). See Byrne and Wolch (2009) for a thorough literature review.

5 . For further work on the significance of parks in turn of the century med-ical discourse see Szczygiel and Hewitt (2000), Gagen (2004), and Young (2002).

6 . Ironically, the title of the poster “Recuperemos Madrid” shares its name with the dictum “recuperar Madrid” from the 1985 “Plan General de Ordenaci ó n Urbana de Madrid” (PGOUM). The PGOUM followed the victory of the socialist government in Madrid’s municipal elections (1979), and showed a clearly Lefebvrian orientation to urban planning. My grati-tude to Malcolm Compitello for this observation.

7 . This image also touches an old point of sensitivity in “Espa ñ olista” nation-alism, and its expression through various methods of “costumbrismo” to trivialize subordinate populations.

8 . See Conde and Herranz (2004), and Gonz á lez Enr í quez and Á lvarez Miranda (2006) for case studies addressing migrant use of public parks.

9 . For an analysis of the centrality of the Paseo del Prado in recent urban plans read Alcolea Moratilla (2006).

10 . The objective of the plan is to enhance pedestrian spaces along the Paseo del Prado and its continuation through the Paseo de Recoletos , and to turn its 2.5 kilometers into an ambitious tourist boulevard—a space described as “l ú dico, social, cultural y con aura” [ludic, cultural, and with “aura”] (Municipio, Plan Especial para 7). Both the Paseo del Prado and the Paseo de Recoletos are the southward section of the Avenida de la Castellana , which I address in chapter 1 . The plan identifies El Retiro as this avenue’s “essential” element (Municipio, Plan Especial para 21).

11 . For further ref lection on the interrelation between urban nature and cap-ital, see the special volume of Capitalism Nature Socialism edited by Nik Hyenen and Paul Robbins. The authors identify four processes at play in what they term the “neoliberalization of nature,” and which prove useful to understand the significance of El Retiro in Madrid’s urban planning:

236 ● Notes

governance (“the institutionalized political compromises through which capitalist societies are negotiated”), privatization (“where natural resources, long held in trust by regional, state and municipal authorities, are turned over to firms and individuals”), enclosure (“the capture of common resources and exclusion of the communities to which they are linked”), and valuation (“the process through which invaluable and complex ecosys-tems are reduced to commodities through pricing”) (Heynen and Robbins 2005, 1).

12 . During the reign of Felipe IV, only members of the court of “pomp and glory” were allowed entry (Gothen 2008). During the eighteenth century, Fernando VI restricted the passage to only “personas decentes,” and King Carlos III forbade entry to those inappropriately dressed (Fraser 2007, 678).

13 . I refer the reader to the bibliographic references to the heritage industry in the analysis of the Museum “And é n 0” in chapter 2 .

14 . Mart í n-S á nchez analyzes the representations of El Retiro in the work of Benito P é rez Gald ó s, and highlights the persistence of this park in the pub-lic imagination as a space of the accommodated middle class.

15 . For an overview of some of El Retiro’s most recent events, see Masterson-Algar (2013).

16 . With a cost of half a million Euros, this installation invited park users to write a wish on a helium balloon that was then released into a giant tree structure. After “settling” a local’s artist accusations of plagiarism (“Acusan al ayuntamiento”), the municipality received various awards for this event, including the Prize to the Best International Event in the inter-national advertising festival of Cannes, and the Sol de Bronce in the festival of San Sebasti á n.

17 . Music ensambles like Horizontes Andinos (“Con mucho cari ñ o para todos nuestro amigos y familiares”), and Alturas del Ecuador (“estamos con todos los panas, chamba en el parque de El Retiro de Madrid sacando para dar de comer a los wawas”) regularly posted recordings on YouTube of their performances in El Retiro.

18 . As a brief reminder, the numbers of Ecuadorian migrants experienced a growth without precedents in Madrid going from 4,915 Ecuadorians reg-istered in the Census on May 1, 1999 to 51,370 a year later, and to 66,676 by March 2001 (variation of 945.2%) (Tamayo D’Oc ó n 2001, 143).

19 . Immigration from Ecuador to Spain started as predominantly female and linked to domestic work. In 1998, 74 percent of the work permits granted to Ecuadorian migrants were for women. Of that percentage, 69 percent were employed in domestic work (Ribas-Mateos 2000a, 174). See also Masterson (2006, 90).

20 . The Mexican “legend” of La Llorona, for instance, narrates the story of an indigenous mother who kills her children in the river. Repentant of her “terrible” action, her spirit haunts for souls in areas close to water. Her parallelisms with the figure of “La Malinche” have made both women

Notes ● 237

protagonists in processes of (re)appropriation of cultural symbols emerging from Chicana and Latina postcolonial feminisms.

21 . For more on gendered constructions of the nation, see the work of Elspeth Probyn (1999) and of Floya Anthias (2000).

22 . For an in-depth analysis of media portrayals of migrants in the Ecuadorian national press, with special attention to gender dynamics, see Ramos (2010).

23 . The debate surrounding the closure of the park began in the mid-late 1990s, in lines of action set out in Operaci ó n Turista 98 (See Fraser 2007).

24 . A term described by C. Ray Jeffreys in 1971, CPTED is an internation-ally implemented security initiative based on four principles: natural sur-veillance, natural access control, maintenance, and territoriality. Thus, it promotes “design against crime” in public parks through manipulation of the built environment (McCormick 2006, 35). This model is illustrative of the “defensible space theory” of the 1970s, which promoted the solution to crime in parks through the creation of appropriate territory, dedica-tion to space, visual surveillance, and rehabilitation of the area’s physical conditions (Aminzadeh and Afshar, 2004 74). See also Flusty (1994) and Wakefield (2003) on the interrelation of “selling security” and definitions over public space.

25 . Chapter 5 offers an overview of Madrid’s housing industry, and of the spa-tial practices surrounding migrants’ experiences of “homing.”

26 . Further, this perception fed into the image of the migrant as a “cost” to the system, further veiling their financial contributions to Spain’s economy.

27 . I borrow the concept of “stratified reproduction” from the work of Shellee Colen (1995).

28 . Throughout this section, all fragments without citation belong to the information panels inside the visitor center of the memorial known both “Bosque del Recuerdo” and “Bosque de los Ausentes.” The visitor center has been closed since 2009 due to lack of staffing.

29 . This was the first of three memorials. On March 11, 2007, the Municipality inaugurated a second memorial by the Architect firm “Estudio FAM.” Its white glass structure stands outside the Atocha station, and its interior, known as “vac í o azul,” is located inside it. A third memorial was inaugu-rated on March 11, 2011 by the train station of Pozo del T í o Raimundo, historically a working class neighborhood in the outskirts of the city, and second site of the March 11, 2004 bombings. This last monument was funded largely by the neighborhood associations, and designed by Jos é Mar í a P é rez Gonz á lez (known popularly as “Peridis”). It is much less alle-gorical than the others, and includes the full names of each victim.

30 . The removal of the soccer fields from the center of El Retiro to La Chopera, in the park’s periphery follows the model for Victorian British gardens at the turn of the twentieth century, where sports fields were located at the edge of the park and isolated through dense vegetation and winding paths catering to those “whose tastes lay in another direction” (Conway 1991, 102).

238 ● Notes

31 . Aminzadeh and Afshar, in a study on addiction in urban parks, show that adaptability and f lexibility should be a priority of park design, because they assure the durability of a space and its ability to meet the needs of a diverse range of activity systems (86). Their study concludes that the more a space attracts public behavior, the more limited anti-social behav-iors will be. The “prescriptive” design of El Bosque de los Ausentes , added to its somewhat “hidden” location would, under this light, make this area of El Retiro prone to antisocial behaviors, including the commercialization and consumption of drugs, which has been a recognized “problem” in El Retiro for over a decade. This explains, at least in part, the permanent vig-ilance over El Bosque del Recuerdo by the public police and private security guards.

32 . The bombings took the lives of 16 Ecuadorian migrants. During the weeks following the attacks, expressions of Ecuador’s shared history and fra-ternity with Spain abounded, raising feelings of the supranational ideol-ogy of Hispanidad . Popular sentiment and sincere expressions of loss by Ecuadorians “home” and “abroad” covered the pages of newspapers in both Spain and Ecuador. In Madrid, hundreds of migrants volunteered participated in the rescue efforts.

33 . The site “frikipedia” is a Spanish language “wiki,” and parody of “wikipe-dia.” It was launched in 2005, and includes 10,450 published articles.

34 . During the administration of Mayor Enrique Tierno Galv á n (1979–1986), Antonio Mingote was named honorary mayor of El Retiro. The art-ist visited the park daily, which he described as his place of inspiration. In January 2014, the park added a sculpture of Mingote to its statuary (Serrano 2014).

35 . Byrne and Wolch address the inf luence of deer parks in the understanding of public parks today. As they explain, nobles forcibly displaced peasants from traditional farmlands to create their hunting estates through a dis-tinctive “nature” aesthetic (756). See A. Taylor for further discussions on “deer parks” and constructions of gender, race, and class.

36 . Ecuadorian gatherings in Lago continued as described in this chapter through 2010. They have gradually dissolved in recent years, although scattered groups still meet most weekends. The inconsistency of verb tenses throughout this chapter responds to the procedural nature of Lago ’s history. Thus, although the setting today (Summer 2014) is hardly that of 2008, there are evident continuities and overlaps in the ways in which both the Municipality and Madrid’s Ecuadorian residents make use of the space today.

37 . The protagonic role of the subway in this location is beautifully portrayed in the short film Casa de Campo. Un pedacito de mi tierra (2008) by Pablo Vargas Hidalgo and accessible via YouTube.

38 . Bordieu’s concept of “habitus” as social space proves helpful to under-stand the conformation of the space of Lago as “Ecuadorian space.” In addition, Cosgrove’s concept of “sense of place” also sheds light on the

Notes ● 239

(dis)connections that Ecuadorians feel for Lago. Glen Searle and Jason Byrne have called attention to the work of Bordieu and Cosgrove in the formulation of memories of the past and future. Drawing from Harvey (2000b) and Healey they also worked to unveil the ties between people’s experience of a place and identity processes: “The sense of place is impor-tant in understanding how individuals attribute meanings to places and in turn how places shape their identities. It is also important for an under-standing of the ways in which places function as repositiories of social meaning, and are imbued with cultural histories” (11).

39 . “Madrid R í o” converted the riverside of the Manzanares into a splendid walkway, and, amazing but true, inaugurated a beach for the city. For images and information on this ambitious project see “El R í o,” a special article on the park published in El Mundo (2011): http://www.elmundo.es/especiales/2011/04/madrid/rio/

40 . The gatherings drew attention even outside Spain and Ecuador, as evident in an article for The Atlantic , in October 20, 2009. Its title, “Madrid’s Renegade Picnics,” and particularly the choice of the term “renegades” shows a total disregard for its users, whose history in the park can hardly be described as a political choice (Schmitt).

41 . This monument includes a sculpture to Columbus by Francisco Asorey and another to Isabel “La Cat ó lica” by Juan Crist ó bal, in addition to the female allegory to Cuba and the decorations and fountain by Mariano Benllioure (Salvador Prieto 1990, 38–45).

42 . The new airport should have been completed by 2010, but problems with the terms of the contract delayed the process considerably.

43 . This will be further addressed in chapter 5 . See also Ospina Lozano (2010).

44 . I borrow the term “bundles of relationships” from Eric Wolf.

4 Second Stop, Nuevos Ministerios: Planning Madrid’s Nightlife

1 . I also draw from previous ethnographic work between 2004 and 2006, and from the summer of 2010.

2 . There is currently only one extensive study with a specific focus on lei-sure among Latin American migrants in Spain (Santamar í a). Funded and published through the Ministry of Employment and Social Affairs, this study, as most scholarship on the subject of “migrants and leisure,” works through a framework of “integration.” The study brushes over variables of gender, ethnicity, race, and/or class, and gives no attention to music as performance, nor to practices of leisure tied to nightlife.

3 . For further development of Jamaican “riddims,” see Manuel and Marshall (2006).

4 . See also Marshall (2008b).

240 ● Notes

5 . For further discussion on these social cartographies, see Masterson (2006). 6 . For instance, in 1972, Ecuador’s president Rodr í guez Lara announced the

end of the “Indian problem” because, he argued, the indigenous popula-tions could become “white” upon their acceptance of the national culture (Gerlach 2003).

7 . This is revealing since, as I will later explain, most of these women danced Reggaet ó n in ways that did not hold much resemblance to the controversial “perreo.”

8 . With an Elvis toup é e, a small toy guitar, and surrounded by a group of women reproducing the female representations in hip hop and reggaet ó n music vid-eos, Chikilicuatre and his peculiar performance became either the source of national embarrassment for those who felt the festival of Eurovisi ó n as an opportunity to show the best of the country to the world, and/or a source of admiration for using his performance to mock just about every dance genre of the popular music industry (“el breikindance,” “el crusa í to,” “el Maiquel Yason,” “el Robocop,” and, of course, “el reguet ó n”), the European Union, national performances, and the festival itself. This topic deserves a paper in itself, but the fact is that, whatever its reading, the “Chiki Chiki” further brought reggaet ó n to the fore. Called a genius, an idiot, a performer, a clown, a racist, and/or a critic, Chikilicuatre made it to Eurovisi ó n after much contro-versy, and his repetitive use of the word “perrear” and addresses to his audi-ences as “mis queridos brodels y mulatas” received ample television coverage.

9 . The concept of “canci ó n del verano” is a yearly event, whereby a particular song is unofficially regarded throughout Spanish media to mark the mood for the summer months. In 2003, Panamanian rapper Lorna’s “Papi chulo” was the basis for reggaet ó n’s presence in the national arena, followed in 2005 by Daddy Yankee’s reggaet ó n world hit “Gasolina.”

10 . The question of “origins” is antithetic to reggaet ó n, given the constitution of the genre through ongoing transnational relations between Puerto Rico, Panama, Jamaica, and the United States. Yet Wayne Marshall notes how Puerto Rico has a legitimate claim to reggaet ó n as the crossroads of cul-tural f lows between these regions and the space where reggaet ó n became identified as a genre.

11 . The area surrounding this block of residential living was famous for its offerings of leisure “a la Americana” with bars, dancehalls, and restau-rants. It soon became known as “Costa Fleming,” which, writes Francisco Azor í n, implied modernity as “europeanness”: “nos acerca a la idea del cosmopolitismo, vacaciones, desenfado, nivel de vida superior a la renta per c á pita , levedad de ropa, levedad de conductas, levedad de compromisos: europeidad en una palabra” (430) [brings us closer to the idea of comopoli-tanism, holidays, relaxation, higher standards of living, lightness in cloth-ing, in behaviors, in commitments: Europeanness, that is.]

12 . The choice of architect Javier Feduchi for this exhibit is revealing. He is the son of Luis Feduchi, who shares authorship with Vicente Eced y Eced for the Edificio Capitol in Madrid’s Gran V í a (see chapter 2 ). For an

Notes ● 241

in-depth description of Feduchi’s exhibit, as tied to AZCA’s sonic history to present, see Masterson-Algar (2012).

13 . See also the studies by Inversi ó n Espa ñ ola Business School for 2013 and 2014 included in the references.

14 . See my previous work on the sonic history of AZCA (2012). 15 . To include a few illustrative headlines (See references for full entry): “El

submundo de los bajos de Orense,” “Cinco detenidos y dos heridos tras una reyerta en los Bajos de AZCA,” “Reyertas, bandas de j ó venes y drogas toman <<la movida Latina>> en los Bajos de AZCA,” “Dos heridos en una ri ñ a callejera en los Bajos de AZCA por una mujer,” “Muere un ecuato-riano apu ñ alado en una pelea en los bajos de Orense,” “Tres heridos, uno grave, en una pelea a la salida de una discoteca latina.”

16 . Readers’ on-line comments to the article: “El Nuevo AZCA tendr á un jard í n, menos discotecas y m á s zonas culturales.” 20 Minutos. June 24, 2007.

17 . See, for instance, Nakano (2002), Stepan (1991, 2001), Briggs (2002), Guy (1990), Davis (1998), Hall C. (2000), and Kempadoo (2004).

18 . It is revealing how this coincides with the “location” of women in the genre of reggaet ó n, where their role is almost exclusively as decoration and objects of male desire.

19 . As I have argued in previous work (Masterson 2006), there are mate-rial incentives tied to androcentric representations of migration between Ecuador and Spain. On the one hand, Ecuador can promote the image of the male migrant as “hero,” while placing the blame for many of the coun-try’s problems on the female migrant. Spain, on the other hand, can jus-tify the focus of migration laws directed to the male Ecuadorian migrant -increasingly portrayed as violent, drunk, and mysoginistic-, while meet-ing high demands for domestic work.

20 . See Ramos (2010) for an in-depth analysis of gendered representations of migrants in the Ecuador’s national media. On women’s centrality to nationalist ideologies and concepts of nation, see Yuval-Davis and Anthias (1989, 1992), Enloe (1989), McClintock (1993), McClintock, Mufti, and Shohat (1997), Sharp (1996), and Hill-Collins (2006).

21 . For an in-depth analysis of Ecuadorian women’s physical and mental health, vis- à -vis gendered constructions of migration, see Fresneda (2003).

22 . This is an illustrative example of how the racial dynamics of reggaet ó n vis- à -vis the global market are multilayered, contradictory, and complex. While Ecuadorian migrants identify the latinness of the rhythm as the source of their association with reggaet ó n, there is also a rejection to iden-tify with the image of the “reggatonero/a.” According to Dinzey-Flores (2008): “Race and appearance, including hair and the use of ‘black’ styles such as cornrows and dreadlocks lend some legitimacy and authenticity to reggaet ó n, which undoubtedly reference an urban poverty experience” (54). Yet, Ecuadorian women find little relation between their experience as mestiza women from Ecuador, and urban images of “latinness” pro-duced for the global market, and where “urban style” is largely associated

242 ● Notes

with “blackness.” Some of their statements in this regard are illustrative of this:S í existe el personaje del Reggaet ó nera pero concretamente en Madrid no se ve mucho. Para mi manera de ver las cosas creo que esos person-ajes son m á s notorios en América del Norte, rep ú blica dominicana, o en el mismo Puerto Rico. [The figure of the Reggaet ó nero/a exists, but in Madrid it is rare. The way I see it, those characters are more noticeable in North America, Dominican Republic, or even Puerto Rico.] Yo no me identifico con la imagen del regaettonero/a, pero s í existe esa figura y se identifica por su vestimenta: la ropa f loja, las gorras, las camise-tas y los pendientes. [I don’t identify with the image of the regaettonera, but it does exist and you can tell from the dress style: loose clothing, hats, t-shirts and earings.] Los que m á s se identifican con el personaje del Reggaet ó nero son los dominicanos, que se identifican por la forma de vestir. Los ecuatorianos no se identifican mucho con esa figura. [Dominicans are the ones who identify with the character of the reggaet ó nero, mostly through their dress style. Ecuadorians don’t identify with that figure.]

23 . Definitions and ideas about dance are inseparable from power dynamics working through ideas of class, gender, and race. Reggaet ó n is embed-ded colonial dynamics, central to Latin America’s cultural processes. J. C. Chasten (2004) affirms that transgressive dance is key to dance history in Latin America. He shows how social and gender inequalities played through the cultural definitions and expression of tango, danz ó n, and samba, and analyzes the dynamics behind the transformation of these musical forms from “gendered” and “raced” to cultural symbols of the nation. The history of much of the cultural production of “Other,” including space, is embed-ded in continuous processes of (re)appropriation that water it down to sell the nation in the local and global world systems. Thus, the contradictions at play in the performance of reggaet ó n are all but new. Just as Tango changed through time according to its (re)articulation as music, lyrics, and dance, reggaet ó n has experienced in its brief history a turn from the cultural expression of Puerto Rico’s “underground,” to an internationally popular dance form. It has “moved” from San Juan’s marginal neighborhoods to the global market, and into Puerto Rico’s collection of national legacies.

24 . Although “El Perro” no longer exists, its members continue their work through the “Colectivo Democracia” (Pablo Espa ñ a and Iv á n L ó pez) and independently (Ram ó n Mateos).

5 End of the Itinerary, Airport: Building Transnational Real Estate

1 . Patricia Ramos highlights the significance of Madrid’s airport in Madrid’s Ecuadorian history. The closure of Air Madrid in 2006 left thousands of Ecuadorians stranded at the airport during the Christmas holidays. This

Notes ● 243

event ended up drawing interventions from three States (Spain, Ecuador, and Venezuela), and garnered tremendous coverage in Ecuadorian media. That same December, the explosion of a bomb at the new terminal led to the death of two Ecuadorian migrants. One of them was, in fact, a con-struction worker in the expansion of Madrid’s Metro.

2 . Patricia Villarruel. “Inmigrantes” El Universo April 5, 2007. Results obtained from two market studies, one by the company GSM (Getting Save Management), and the second by “Ola Ó mnibus Inmigraci ó n,” part of the US consulting company Nielsen.

3 . Acosta, L ó pez, and Villamar call attention to the ties between the out migration of Ecuadorians to Spain, and the increase in the demand for construction workers in Ecuador, mostly filled by Peruvian and Colombian migrants (174). Similarly, Ospina Lozano, in a detailed analysis of the housing market in Quito, explains that the channeling of migrants’ remit-tances toward the acquisition of a home are seminal to the growth of the construction sector in Ecuador at the turn to the twenty-first century (4).

4 . See also Eduardo Kingman. “Identidad, mestizaje, hibridaci ó n: sus usos ambig ü os.” Revista Proposiciones 34 (2002): 1–8.

5 . Fundaci ó n La Caixa. ¿ C ó mo es este pa í s? Informaci ó n ú til para las personas inmigradas y los nuevos residentes. Barcelona: Obra Social Fundaci ó n La Caixa, 2008.

6 . See work by Patricia Ramos for a more detailed ref lection on the ties between media representations of the migrant in Ecuadorian media, and discourses of family and nation.

7 . Interestingly, in Urbina’s following film, Ayahuasca, the protagonists are both employees at a real estate company that sells houses to migrants. Arguably, the film as a whole could be read as a metaphor of the housing crash.

8 . Fundaci ó n “La Caixa.” ¿ C ó mo es este pa í s? 9 . See Contreras Jim é nez for further analysis on how purchasing a home

responds to Ecuadorians’ material conditions vis- à -vis Spain’s housing market.

10 . Construction companies began over three million residences only in the period between 1997 and 2003.

11 . Although the director refers to the neighborhood as an “imaginary” loca-tion in Madrid, the residential streets and parks correspond to the neigh-borhood of Lucero (interview).

12 . This quote belongs to an overview that a resident of the neighborhood pro-vided via web, expressing his dismay at the inaccessible price of homes in his own neighborhood. Under the title De excursi ó n por el Barrio de Lucero it was accessible until May 2013 in the address: http://usuarios.lycos.es/burbujona/Burbuja/deviaje.htm

13 . The implementation of the program “bono de vivienda para personas migrantes” is a case in point. Part of the larger plan “Bienvenido a Casa,” it was implemented by the Ecuadorian State and offers credits of up to

244 ● Notes

$35,000 to returning migrants. See Ospina Lozano for further elaboration on these initiatives as tied to Quito’s real estate dynamics.

14 . Ospina Lozano (2010) and Maka Su á rez (2014) show the historical ties between the consolidation of the home in Ecuador as private property and migration, beginning with rural-urban migration since the 1950s.

15 . “Los inmigrantes invierten m á s en el sector inmobiliario.” El Comercio May 18, 2007.

16 . In 2007, the Ecuadorian government paid $3,600 of the total price of a home in Ecuador to migrants who had been at least a year outside of the country. In 2008, that amount was raised to $7,000. Regional and national government programs to facilitate migrants’ home purchases abound (e.g., “Tu tierra te ayuda,” “Tu propia casa,” “El consorcio,” “Comunidades de propietarios”).

17 . “El sector inmobiliario espera despuntar este a ñ o.” El Comercio August 8, 2008.

18 . See Ospina Lozano for a detailed analysis of the market for new homes in Quito, and its ties to increasing costs and growing social segregation.

19 . “Uni ó n Andina. Tu casa propia en Per ú desde Espa ñ a, Estados Unidos e Italia.” Access at Youtube.com (see references).

20 . Uni ó n Andina. “Bienvenido a tu casa.” May 18, 2014 < http://union-andina.net/index_web.html >.

21 . I employ the term “diagonal” rather than “periphery” to address the speci-ficities of the Latin American city. According to Griffin and Ford (1980) in Latin American cities, the elite residential areas are visualized best as “sectors” or “spines” originating at the center and expanding outward.

22 . See interview with Jackeline L ó pez Mena in the Works Cited. 23 . This process is represented in the popular references to the Virgen del

Panecillo, who faces the north with her back to the south. The recent Ecuadorian film A tus espaldas (2011), directed by Tito Jara, tells the story of a young man that grew up in that neighborhood, and whose mother migrated to Spain when he was still a boy.

24 . Advertisements accessible at < http://www.mihogar.com.ec/WebSite/Anuncios/ciudad-jardin---departamentos-dentro-de-un-maravil loso-entorno-natural-en-el-sur-de-quito_473.aspx > and specifically, < http://www.ciudadjardin.com.ec/proyectos.html >

25 . See Fernando Carri ó n Mena (“Violencia urbana”) for an analysis on the ties between housing segregation, and increased violence in the city that, in turn, further increases segregation.

26 . See “Edificio Gaud í ” in the Works Cited. Access via http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=XL14uIkLTfI

27 . This is a telling example of Gillian Rose’s analysis of the feminization of the home, and which has been previously mentioned in this chapter.

28 . “El sector inmobiliario espera despuntar este a ñ o.” El Comercio August 8, 2008.

Notes ● 245

29 . “La construcci ó n comienza a estancarse.” El Comercio March 25, 2009. 30 . For more detailed engagement with the work by CONADEE and real

estate practices, see Contreras Jim é nez and Su á rez.

Afterword

1 . See Hidalgo (2009) and “Inmigrantes rechazan” in references. 2 . See http://www.eclac.org/default.asp 3 . During 2008, remittances to Ecuador decreased by $200 million, but

Madrid continued to head Spain’s remittances to Ecuador, becoming the seventh region in the world in remittances to Latin America (See full report at Remesas.org). In addition, see Moncayo (2011) for an analysis on the position of Ecuador’s government vis- à -vis migration as a polit-ical and economic tool. The identification of migrants’ rights as one of the main lines of action in Rafael Correa’s government, and the mobiliza-tion of political campaigns for this purpose outside Ecuador, offer grounds for contradictions between the territorialized vision of the government—developmentalist in orientation—, and the transnational experiences of migrants, which are mostly oriented toward acquisition of rights.

4 . See news articles: Paz y Mi ñ o (2009 ); “M á s de 400.000 inmigrantes”; “Espa ñ a alcanza”; “Espa ñ a cerr ó ”; “Espa ñ a tiene” (Complete citations in references).

5 . As indicated by Ecuador’s SENAMI (Secretaria Nacional del Migrante), the higher unemployment among Ecuadorian men translated into a return to women migrants as economic providers (Tedesco 2010, 134). This translates into new articulations of gender dynamics in both countries.

6 . For a detailed analysis of the Plan de Retorno Voluntario see Tedesco (2010) and Quicios (2010). See Moncayo (2011) for a comprehensive analy-sis to the Plan Bienvenidos a Casa and other Ecuadorian State initiatives. The amount of returns amounted to less than 1 percent of Ecuadorians in Spain, and yet, Ecuadorians were the main group to ascribe to the plan (1,688), followed by Colombians and Argentineans (Tedesco 2010, 131).

7 . On October 2, 2000, the Spanish Parliament passed an incentive plan for migrants’ “return,” known as the “Plan de Retorno Voluntario.” Under this plan, migrants who decide to “return” “home” receive their unemploy-ment subsidies in bulk, and are not charged taxes for importing their home apparel and work equipment. In turn, they must renounce their work and residency permits in Spain, and are not allowed to return for a period of three years. It is a no-brainer that for people who have made their lives in Spain, “returning home” is not that simple a solution.

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Index

11-M bombings, 16, 82, 87, 23711-M memorial, 16, 82, 87, 96, 98,

100, 2372016 Olympics, 39, 51

Acosta, Alberto, 247, 276Aguirre, Esperanza, 103Alerta Digital, 115Álvarez del Manzano, Jose María, 92Amigo, Vicente, 135Anuario de la inmigración en España, 31Appadurai, Arjun, 7, 10, 13, 79, 129,

249Asociación Rumiñahui Hispano-

Ecuatoriana, 17, 19, 20, 226, 229, 233

AU-D, 133, 249AZCA, 123–69

architecture, 138–43discotecas latinas, 124–9, 135, 138,

141, 145–60reggaetón, 124–9, 150–70

Azuay-Cañar, 188, 191

Balíbar, Etienne, 103, 250Barrera, Augusto, 75, 77, 120Berger, Karol, 151Bilbao, Ernesto, 117Bisbal, David, 130, 135border studies, 5–8, 18Bosque de los Ausentes. See Bosque del

RecuerdoBosque del Recuerdo, 82, 95, 96, 101,

102, 103, 237, 238

Botella, Ana, 166, 248Butler, Judith, 9, 150, 152, 251

Cairns, Stephen, 175, 200, 252, 264, 268, 270, 274, 277

Calderón, Basilio, 184, 187, 195, 252Calderón, Tego, 135Calle 13, 135Carrión, Fernando, 33, 116, 244, 248,

252, 253, 262, 266, 273Casa de Campo. See La Casa

de CampoCEPAL, 203, 227Chasten, J. C., 242, 254Chikilicuatre, Rodolfo, 136, 240Clifford, James, 53, 254Compitello, Malcolm A., 50, 62, 225,

230, 235, 250, 254, 255, 259, 269

CONADEE, 35, 199, 245Corporación Andina de Fomento, 75Correa, Rafael, 77, 199, 200, 245CPTED, 92, 237Cranz, Galen, 83, 84, 85, 255Czerniak, Julia, 83, 250, 256

Daddy Yankee, 135, 240Darío, Rubén, 23, 71, 234, 256Delgado, Manuel, 3, 8, 14, 20, 34, 62,

64, 155, 205, 256Democracia Nacional, 85, 86, 87, 115,

228Dinnerstein, Joel, 149, 257Dinzey-Flores, Zaire, 158, 241, 257

284 ● Index

directiva de La Vergüenza. See Directiva de Retorno

Directiva de Retorno, 27, 266discotecas latinas, 16, 40, 46, 78, 123–7,

129, 135–6, 138, 141, 145–6, 148–55, 158, 161, 231, 259

Don Omar, 130, 135–6, 254

Eced y Eced, Vicente, 62, 240economic crisis 2008 (crisis del

ladrillo), 21, 37, 188, 198, 204, 205, 253, 255

Ecuadorconstitution, 33–4, 227–8economic crisis, 24–5, 37, 199–206

Ecuadorianization, 40El Comercio, 121, 189, 198, 228,

244–5, 247, 249–50, 252–3, 257–9, 262, 264–7, 273, 275, 279–80

El Madrid de Filipinas, 48, 72, 230, 233, 257

El Paseo de la Castellana, 41, 44–6, 87, 138–9, 143, 145, 166, 184

El Perro, 167–9, 242, 258Endara, Galo, 18European Investment Bank, 75

Feduchi, Javier, 140, 240Feria de Productos y Servicios para el

Migrante, 189Foucault, Michel, 66, 259Franco, Francisco, 43–4Fraser, Benjamin, 12, 82, 83, 84, 90,

94, 225, 232, 235, 236, 237, 259, 269

Gaudí, Antonio, 196–8, 244, 257gentrification, 46, 90, 185, 277George, Rosemary, 174, 175, 260Gibson, Katherine, 13, 84, 113, 255,

260, 266, 273, 277, 278, 280, 281

Gilroy, Paul, 10, 11, 147, 159, 164, 260global cities

Beijing, 57, 267New York, 3, 29, 44, 54, 71, 72, 130,

135, 149, 225, 254, 260, 273, 274, 275

Bronx, 149Manhattan, 139, 142, 143, 148,

149, 247, 272Paris, 41, 44, 195, 263

golden triangle, 87Grosz, Elizabeth, 13, 155, 262Guayaquil, 188, 248Guayasamín, Handel, 118

Hanley, Lisa, 33, 116, 229, 248, 253, 262, 266, 273

Harvey, David, 11, 13, 35, 41, 42, 43, 47, 48, 55, 64, 84, 88, 195, 201, 231, 239, 263

Héctor “El Father,” 135–6heritage (industry), 29, 51, 55, 231,

232, 236, 263Hewison, Robert, 51, 232, 263Hispanidad, 23–9, 71, 115, 123, 227–8,

238home as idea and reality, 171–202

advertising, 176–80, 182, 192–8connection to family, 202,

243, 264home vs. house, 172, 174, 181–99industry, 129, 175, 183–86, 188,

191, 199–200migratory economy, 74, 109, 176nostalgia, 129, 157, 174, 178, 180,

190, 193ownership, 46, 171, 173–4, 182,

183–6, 191, 195, 196, 265Paella con Aji (film), 69, 181, 185,

279representations, 15, 172, 182, 195symbolic value, 180transnational housing industry, 188,

191, 199

IBEX, 141Iglesias, Enrique, 130, 135

Index ● 285

Inayatullah, Naeem, 128, 280investments in Latin America, 23,

28–30, 115, 142, 227

Jacobs, Jane, 10, 12, 182, 183, 202, 259, 264

Kingman Garcés, Eduardo, 265, 266

La Casa de Campo (Lago), 15–16, 20, 36, 59, 78–9, 81–4, 85, 87, 89, 91, 93, 95, 97, 99–100, 101, 103, 105–15, 117–22, 182, 216–20, 235, 238–9, 248, 257, 259, 279–80

data, 216–20gatherings, 15, 16, 36, 81–2, 87–95,

103, 105–10, 114–15, 238–9migratory economy, 109vendors, 110–12

Larson, Susan, 49, 50, 225, 266Latibex, 30Latin Kings, 32, 146Latinization, 40latinoamericanización, 29, 30, 231Lefebvre, Henri, 1, 10, 11, 12, 13, 40,

48, 58, 83, 98, 101, 119, 172, 267, 267

Ley de Extranjería, 26, 167, 205Lipsitz, George, 129, 267Lucero, 184–5, 243, 256

madre patria, 26, 28, 177Madrid Metro, 15, 16, 39, 47–84,

104–8, 116, 144, 153, 166, 171, 184, 232–4, 243, 249–55, 257, 261, 266–7, 279

advertising, 48, 57–62, 65, 67, 72–3awards, 71–2BiblioMetro, 58, 260Callao, 61, 166, 234Cuatro Caminos, 43, 49, 70–1,

143–5, 231, 233events, 58, 63in film, 55, 69–72, 184–5, 233

first line (Sol-Cuatro Caminos), 49history, 51–6Legazpi, 65, 233, 234Línea 8, 15, 79, 171Línea 10, 15, 78, 81, 144, 167, 274music, 65, 68–70, 73, 108Nuevos Ministerios, 15–16, 78–9,

123–71, 239Operación Reguetón, 123passengers, 53–6, 61, 66–8, 79, 232popularity, 72as public space, 57–8, 64, 66, 106spatial meaning, 57as transportation, 57, 59, 63, 75, 222violence, 53, 145, 229

Madrid museumsAndén 0, 15, 48, 51–5, 231, 226,

248, 269, 271Prado, 61, 73, 87Reina Sofía, 87Thyssen, 87

Madrid neighborhoods and additional landmarks

airport Madrid (Barajas), 171almendra, 37–8, 67, 186, 209, 210, 211Bajos de Orense, 145, 241, 258, 271Capitol building, 61–2Casa de Campo (see La Casa de

Campo)Cuatro Caminos, 43, 49, 70, 143,

144, 231, 233El Retiro, 16, 40, 46, 61, 81–122, 146,

166, 235–42, 249, 258, 26811-M, 96–101architecture, 88–90Atocha station, 40, 87, 237borderlands, 102–3, 249cultural importance, 16, 61, 82–7,

91, 104–7gatherings, 81–2, 87–108, 122history, 88–9La Chopera, 87–106, 114–15, 166,

237Gran Vía, 61, 62, 123, 184, 231,

234, 240

286 ● Index

Madrid neighborhoods and additional landmarks—Continued

KIO towers (Puerta de Europa), 46, 61, 184, 234

Nuevos Ministerios, 15, 16, 78, 79, 123–69

Parque del Oeste, 91Plaza de Callao, 61Salamanca, 37, 42Tetuán, 43, 123, 143, 144, 148, 233,

268Vallecas, 1, 203

Madrid Río, 39, 114, 239Marshall, Wayne, 129–30, 239, 240,

268Martín-Barbero, Jesús, 12, 66, 110,

110, 111, 268Massey, Doreen, 1, 8, 10, 11, 12, 13,

48, 57, 160, 165, 183, 269mestizaje, 131, 227, 243, 248, 266Metro de Madrid (company), 47, 72,

75, 232Metro de Quito (company), 270Mi casa en Ecuador, 111, 187, 189, 191Mignolo, Walter, 8, 9, 173, 226, 270migration laws

Directiva de Retorno, 27, 266Ecuador constitution, 33–4, 196,

228Nueva Ley de Extranjería, 26, 205Plan Bienvenidos a Casa, 205, 245Plan de Retorno Voluntario, 205, 245regulation, 26, 92, 176Schengen Agreement, 23

Mingote, Antonio, 104, 105, 238, 276Moncayo, Paco, 33, 74, 115, 117Movimiento 15-M, 35

Ñetas, 32, 146, 148, 256, 257Neville, Jennifer, 164, 249, 271, 274Nómadas, 48, 67, 233, 272

Omar, Don, 130, 135, 254Operación Reguetón, 123Otamendi, José, 231

Pachamama Crew, 30, 35, 70, 71, 74, 143, 233, 255, 272

Paella con aji, 69, 181, 185, 279Palacios, Antonio, 49, 231Parque del Oeste, 91Paseo de la Castellana, 41–6, 87, 138–9,

143, 145, 166, 184Perpiñá, Antonio, 138, 139, 140, 141, 166perreo, 130, 138, 162, 165, 240, 247, 276PGOUM, 45, 46, 50, 230, 235Plan de Cooperación al Desarrollo, 30Pont, Graham, 164, 274postcolonial, 2, 5, 7, 11, 124, 135, 226,

237, 248, 250, 260, 264, 269PSOE, 26, 230Puerto Rico, 126, 129, 138, 149, 158,

240, 242, 251

Quito, 1–2, 14, 16, 25, 29, 32–4, 39–40, 48, 74–81, 91, 115–21, 171–5, 181, 183, 187–202, 229, 234, 243–62, 265, 270–2

airport Quito (new airport—Tababela), 117, 187,

airport Quito (old airport), 120Conferencia Internacional Andina sobre

Movilidad Urbana Sostenible, 74Metro de Quito

El Labrador station, 75–6, 118, 234La Magdalena station, 75–6

Parque del Lago (Parque Bicentenario), 117–22, 248, 257, 259, 271–2, 279

reggaetón, 16, 19, 108, 124–38, 149–71, 240–2, 254, 264

artists, 132–6, 158, 167–8dancing, 127, 156, 157–64definition, 129, 138history, 149performance, 16, 124–8, 134–6,

150–2, 156–60, 165, 240, 242reception, 130–1, 138songs, 108, 136, 158, 163–4style, 138, 159–60, 241–2

Index ● 287

Retiro. See El RetiroRevista Lazo, 177–8, 271Rico, Manuel, 173, 275Robbins, Paul, 235, 236, 263Rodríguez, La Mala, 135Rodríguez Zapatero, Jose Luis, 22, 26,

278Rojo de Castro, Luis, 139–42, 275Ruido, Jon, 133, 159, 276Ruiz-Gallardon, Alberto, 33, 52,

57, 89, 96, 114, 115, 166, 256, 260

Rumiñahui, 17, 19, 20, 226, 229, 233. See also Asociación Rumiñahui Hispano-Ecuatoriana

Rusiñol, Santiago, 99

Sassen, Saskia, 10, 11, 24, 32, 102, 276Shohat, Ella, 177, 241, 269, 277Sí se puede, 77–8, 274Silva, Armando, 13, 120, 169, 202,

252, 256, 258, 260, 267, 275, 276, 277

Smith, Michael Peter, 2, 4, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 57, 83, 84, 91, 124, 151, 251, 277

Strehle, Susan, 175, 176, 190, 191, 193, 196, 278

Tetuán, 43, 123, 143, 144, 144, 148, 233, 268

Thrift, Neil, 10, 106, 279transnationalism, 6–10, 251, 265, 277Transparente, 46, 48, 61, 62, 65, 67, 71,

273, 279

Una pequeña historia, 48, 65, 72, 233, 279

Unión Andina, 192–3, 244, 279

urban cultural studies, 2, 4, 6, 11, 13, 14–16, 124, 172

migration, 2–10, 14–15, 172, 277transit, 267

urban planningLey Castellana, 44Ley del Suelo, 231Plan Bigador, 43, 138Plan Castro, 42–3, 46, 138Plan de Rehabilitación del Parque,

89, 98Plan Director de la Casa de Campo,

114Plan Eje Prado-Recoletos, 45, 89, 98,

230, 271Plan Especial Río, 98, 114, 271Plan Estratégico de Ciudadanía e

Integración, 33, 201Plan Estratégico Equinoccio, 201Proyecto Madrid Centro, 166

urbanization, 32, 41, 44, 61, 139, 142, 185, 193, 195, 230, 277

Urbina, Galo, 2, 36, 69, 70, 71, 181, 184, 185, 233, 243, 279

Vallejo, Andres, 120, 279Vico C, 135Villarruel, Patricia, 121, 243, 280VivAmérica, 123

Watson, Sophie, 13, 84, 113, 255, 260, 266, 273, 277, 278, 280, 281

Weinrobe, Phil, 128, 280Williams, Raymond, 23, 71, 129, 280Wisin & Yandel, 135Wolf, Eric, 226, 239, 280World Bank, 21, 25, 75

Zukin, Sharon, 11, 13, 48, 58, 84, 281