AP COGOPOME

AP American Government Unit 7: The Bureaucracy (12) Economic Policy (15) Social Policy

(16) Foreign Policy (17)

Mr. Andrew Conneen [email protected] 2011

Unit 7 Syllabus: 2

Potato wars: An eye for an eye 2

Collins triumphs in spuds fight 2

Class notes on the Bureaucracy and policy making: 2No, Congress did not declare pizza a vegetable 2

TKO--To Know Objectives: 2

Unit 7 Syllabus:

For Tuesday, Dec. 13: Read Potato Wars; Collins triumphs and Complete Tater Tales; Read No, Congress

did not declare pizza a vegetable

For Wednesday, Dec. 14: Directions:

1. Internet search: NYT budget puzzle.

Link to: http://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2010/11/13/weekinreview/deficits-graphic.html

2. Follow the directions on this website to cut the federal budget deficit.

• Write a paragraph explaining the most common sense decision you made in balancing the federal bud-get deficit.

• Write another paragraph explaining the most difficult decision you made in balancing the federal bud-get deficit.

For Thursday, Dec. 15: Complete M.C. test

For Friday, Dec. 16: Voter registration drive

For Tuesday, Jan. 3: Read “This is just the start” Complete assessment; Complete 2 cartoon assessments;

Read “From Dictatorship to Democracy” Ch. 4+5

For Wednesday, Jan. 4: Complete assessments for “Weakness of Dictatorships” and “Political Defiance”

For Thursday, Jan. 5: Midterm #3 Review

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For Friday, Jan. 6: Midterm #3

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Potato wars: An eye for an eyePolitico

David RogersOctober 13, 2011

Sen. Susan Collins is a more gentle soul than your typical Republican Steering Committee reg-ular, but there she was in the Capitol last week: Ms. Maine Moderate lunching with the “Sons of Jesse Helms” — all in the name of the potato.

It was a jaw-dropping, don’t-spill-your-fries mo-ment and a sign of the newest civil rights frontier of this dysfunctional Congress: the battle over eq-uity among vegetables.

The Irish potato folks — and Collins in particular — are mad as hell and vowing not to take it any more in the face of proposed Agriculture De-partment rules to bar white potatoes from school breakfast plans and limit consumption to one to two servings per week at lunch. Proponents argue the change is a science-based, overdue step to promote diversity, encouraging children to eat more dark green and orange vegetables such as broccoli, spinach and carrots. But having been al-ready bounced from the chief nutrition program for pregnant women, the blue-collar white potato is feeling like, well, a second-class citizen.

With a combined 43 million school breakfasts and lunches served daily, the National Potato Council, the industry lobby, is up in arms at losing its al-most unchecked access to the biggest single restaurant in town for many localities — and a big influence on tastes to come. All this follows a scathing June article in the New England Journal of Medicine linking potatoes — even mashed — to the nation’s obesity problem. And it doesn’t help either that the first lady is growing only greens and no spuds at the White House’s new victory garden.

For Collins, a daughter of Maine’s famed Aroost-ook County, who harvested potatoes as a girl and prefers hers baked and plain — it’s a call to arms.

“This is a big market and it is image also,” she told POLITICO. “It’s telling people that potatoes aren’t healthy and that’s not true.”

“This is what makes people angry about Washing-ton. It really is. It’s the kind of nonsensical, ex-cessive regulation that increases costs enor-mously.”

The battle lines will bedrawn Monday when the Senate is slated to take up an otherwise noncon-troversial $19.78 billion agriculture and rural de-velopment bill, which includes funding for the Food and Nutrition Service within the department.

House Republicans had been content to attach re-port language to the same bill in June expressing concern about the new standards. But Collins, herself a member of the Senate Appropriations Committee, wants an amendment to flatly deny funding for any rule that would limit the options available to local school districts or set “maxi-mum limits on the frequency of serving fruits and vegetables.”

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In this cause, the hunted has become the huntress. And the same woman whose swing vote has been courted for hundreds of bipartisan causes in the Senate is out now to build her own coalition.

That explains Collins’s surprising drop-in on the fiercely anti-regulation, anti-government Republi-can Steering Committee — famously associated for years with the late North Carolina conserva-tive Jesse Helms.

“It was an audience that was likely to be recep-tive,” said Collins, smiling demurely. And on the left she’s cultivated a Democratic partner in Sen. Mark Udall, whose home state of Colorado is also a potato producer and who’s worried about the costs to local schools already coping with budget cuts.

“We need to make sure that kids have access to all nutritious vegetables,” Udall said in a state-ment to POLITICO. “And especially at a time when schools are stretched financially, we need to give them the flexibility to provide nutritious meals, rather than impose unnecessarily rigid lim-itations.”

Those costs are real but also reflect a much larger public health initiative designed to reduce the fat, starch and sodium content of school meals while introducing more fruit, green vegetables and whole grain foods.

The potato’s plight is it has been lumped in with corn, lima beans and peas as starch vegetables, which would be limited collectively to one cup per week. That translates into two servings of fries or typically one moderate-size baked potato — a very narrow foothold for a proud industry still smarting from a George W. Bush-era initia-

tive that drove white potatoes out of the food bas-ket for pregnant women under the WIC program for women, infants and children.

“We care about all markets but for us it is about the larger image,” said John Keeling, the Potato Council’s CEO. But in this case the industry is also fighting its own success given the potato’s perceived dominance in America’s diet.

Indeed it was Congress itself that mandated the updating of the school dietary rules — with a greater weight on health than simply filling young stomachs. The beleaguered Food and Nutrition Service enlisted scientists at the Institute of Medicine in drafting the plan, first published in January. And altogether, it represents a substantial public investment given the added produce and la-bor costs for the meals.

In the first five years alone, it’s $6.8 billion, which roughly translates into a 10 percent in-crease in the school breakfast and lunch programs as now estimated by the Congressional Budget Office. Proponents argue that this must be mea-sured against the growing health care costs associ-ated with diabetes and obesity. But in today’s fis-cal climate, it’s a red flag for conservatives.

To hear potato advocates tell it, almost the entire $6.8 billion can be attributed to cutting out their product — a wild exaggeration. And like so many food fights, this one risks becoming just that: a food fight.

A Harvard School of Public Health website in-flames the passions by pairing images of a potato and Coke together, as if the nutritional equivalent.

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At the same time Collins strains her own credibil-ity by pitching the potato as the new “gateway” vegetable, capable of inducing teenagers to add broccoli toppings.

“There’s not a shred of scientific evidence,” said Margo Wootan, director of nutrition policy at the Center for Science in the Public Interest. “It’s not that potatoes aren’t healthful. It’s that schools serve too much of them.”

To make this point, Wootan’s center, a Washing-ton-based nonprofit supportive of the rules, dis-tributes literature to lawmakers in mock white cardboard French-fry containers “Do kids really need French fries every day?” reads the message outside. “Give other vegetables a chance!”

“If the department had put out guidance: ‘Gee school systems, you ought to consider baking not frying’ that would be a legitimate recommenda-tion for them to make,” Collins answers. “These

school nutrition directors recognize that they have to get away from the fries. They totally recognize that.”

“I do come from potato country and I did pick potatoes as a child,” she said, almost wistfully re-calling the potato diet of her youth: “fish with a baked potato” on meatless Fridays.

“This is absurd. If you have a baked potato on Monday you cannot have potatoes even in any-thing for the rest of the week. If on Friday, you are having fish chowder, you can’t have potatoes in it.”

“Did you ever have rice?” a reporter asks.

“I don’t think I had rice until high school,” she said.

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Collins triumphs in spuds fightPolitico

David RogersOctober 18, 2011

This spud’s for you, Susan Collins.

In a Washington classic, the Maine Republican and potato lobby emerged triumphant Tuesday evening, winning Senate passage of her amend-ment to preserve the white Irish potato’s unchecked access to school lunch and breakfast menus.

With the handwriting on the wall, even the Demo-cratic manager of the Agriculture Department’s budget bill, Wisconsin Sen. Herb Kohl, jumped on as a last-minute co-sponsor. And the adminis-tration appeared ready to cut its losses to save its broader initiative aimed at reducing the fat and sodium content in school meals while introducing more fruits, green vegetables and whole-grain foods.

“I am delighted, and I have won,” Collins told POLITICO before the vote. “I believe that we have sent a very strong signal to the department, and if the department were smart, it would revise the proposed rule to reflect the consensus I achieved on the amendment.”

In a formal statement, Agriculture Undersecretary Kevin Concannon, who hails from Maine himself and oversees the Food and Nutrition Service, was outwardly defiant.

“Our proposed rule will improve the health and nutrition of our children based on sound science recommended by the Institute of Medicine,” he said. “We will work with Congress to ensure that the intent of this rule is not undermined and that these historic improvements are allowed to move forward so that millions of kids across the nation will receive healthier meals.”

But as a practical matter, Collins holds most of the cards at this stage, and the Republican-con-trolled House will almost certainly accept her lan-

guage in any negotiations on the final agriculture appropriations bill.

“To improve the quality of school lunches and breakfasts is something that I have always sup-ported,” Collins said in an interview. “But either my amendment will become law, or the depart-ment will decide it needs to cut its losses and re-write the rule without waiting for it becoming law,” Collins said. “ At the end of the day, the re-sult is going to be the same.”

The potato’s plight stems from being lumped in with corn, lima beans and peas — starchy vegeta-bles that the IOM recommended should enjoy less of a place in healthful school meals. Taking this advice, the FNS proposed to ban all such starchy vegetables from school breakfasts beginning in the 2012 school year and to cap lunch servings at one cup per week.

That translates into two servings of fries or typi-cally one moderate-sized baked potato — at least a one-third cut from the amount typically con-sumed now in many high schools. Among younger children, the department’s data suggest that many of the school lunch programs average less than one cup per week, but the restrictions quickly touched a nerve in the potato lobby, which is still smarting over having been dropped from the food packages under the FNS Women, Infants and Children Program.

Indeed, with a combined 43 million school break-fasts and lunches served daily, the National Potato Council saw its image and market at risk and found a natural ally in Collins, a Maine moderate respected in both parties and a child of the state’s famed potato county, Aroostook.

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“To keep french fries, tater tots and the like on the daily school lunch menu, the potato and french fry industry aggressively lobbied Congress to kill a sensible proposal to limit french fries and other starchy vegetables to two servings a week with school lunches,” said Margo Wootan, director of nutrition policy at the Center for Science in the Public Interest. “Today, some members of Con-gress showed that they are more interested in pro-tecting business lobbyists than children’s health.”

In response, both the potato council and Collins have countered that the costs of the upgraded menus must be considered — and the USDA esti-mates that in the first five years alone, these could amount to a $6.8 billion or 10 percent increase in current expenditures for the school lunch and breakfast programs.

Collins insists that a “big chunk” of this could be reduced by restoring more vegetables like the potato. “It’s the biggest part of it,” she told POLITICO. “It’s clear to me that it’s this category of vegetables that created most of the cost and also created just a lot of practical burdens.”

And John Keeling, executive vice president for the potato council, sounded the same theme in his statement after the Senate vote. “Since publishing its proposed school meal changes in January, USDA has heard from tens of thousands of school districts, parents and taxpayers who are concerned about limiting healthy vegetable options for stu-dents and the $6.8 billion price tag of the regula-tion.”

But critics argue that potatoes — in or out — are not a big enough part of the equation to explain the cost swing. And the department’s analysis at-tributes about half of the increase to the added la-bor costs of preparing fresher vegetables or less processed food for the meals.

With the votes stacked against it, the department won agreement with Collins to narrow her lan-guage to just vegetables — dropping any refer-ence to rules related to fruit juices. And the path ahead was clear.

“Potatoes became a distraction,” said one official. “And no one wanted to fight it anymore.”

After reading the preceding articles by David Rogers, you'll see all of the major components of policy making merge together as one U.S. Senator challenged how a law would affect the use of potatoes in school lunches.

Reflect on your reading and think about how the different parts of Mr. Potato Head can be used to analyze policy making.

Eyes--U.S. Senators looking out for the best interests of their constituents.

Mouth--Interest groups speaking out for their causes.

Hands-- The role of the federal bureaucracy in handling public laws to make sure these laws are followed.

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Wallet / Purse-- The role of Congress to fund the federal bureaucracy to carry out the laws.

Directions: Label the following Mr. Potato Heads for each of the articles that you read with the appropriate names and short descriptions of their role in the policy making change.

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Class notes on the Bureaucracy and policy making:

• How Congress can control (oversee) bureaucracies in the Executive Branch:

• How the President (Chief Executive) can control bureaucracies:

• Obstacles to controlling bureaucracies:

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No, Congress did not declare pizza a vegetable

Washington PostSarah Kliff

November 21, 2011There are many ways for Congress to frustrate the American people. A high-profile failure to cut $1.2 trillion from the deficit, for example. But declaring pizza sauce a vegetable? That, it turns out, might work even better.

Congress passed a revised agriculture appropria-tions bill last week, essentially making it easier to count pizza sauce as a serving of vegetables. The move has drawn widespread outrage from con-sumer advocates and pundits, who see “pizza is a vegetable.” as outlandish.

There’s just one little misperception: Congress didn’t declare pizza to be a vegetable. And, from a strictly nutritional standpoint, there’s decent evi-dence that lawmakers didn’t exactly bungle this decision.

Let’s revisit the facts: Despite what one might ex-pect from the headlines, if you scour the agricul-ture appropriations bill, referenced in numerous stories, you won’t find a single mention of the word “pizza,” or even “vegetable,” for that mat-ter.

This is not a fight over pizza. It is, instead, a fight about tomato paste. Specifically, it’s a fight about how much of the product counts as one serving of vegetables.

Right now, tomato paste gets a sort of special treatment under school lunch regulations. Just “an eighth of a cup of tomato paste is credited with as much nutritional value as half a cup of vegeta-bles,” my colleague Dina ElBoghdady explained last week.

The Obama administration guidelines, outlined in January, would have nixed tomato paste’s extra credit, counting a half cup as a half cup. “Under

this proposal, schools would credit tomato paste and puree based on actual volume as served,” the regulation, published in the Federal Register on Jan. 13, 2011, explains. “Schools would not be al-lowed to credit a volume of fruits or vegetables that is more than the actual serving size.”

What happened this week was that Congress blocked that change: Tomato paste will continue to get outsized credit, with one-eighth of a cup es-sentially counted as something four times larger.

This makes it easier, and cheaper, for pizza manu-facturers to produce a product that includes a serving of vegetables. But, as my colleagues over at The Checkup emphasize, it by no means de-clares the pizza itself a vegetable. Schools lunches are still measured by federal regulations for calo-ries (no more than one-third of daily recom-mended value) and fat content (less than 30 per-cent of the meal), which limits how much pizza students can be served. A cafeteria worker can’t just pile a slice of pizza on a plate and say she’s serving salad.

Back to the tomato paste controversy: Should a smaller serving of tomato paste have equal foot-ing with a half-cup of other fruits and vegetables?

If you stack one-eighth of a cup of tomato paste up against a half-cup of some pretty common fruits and vegetables, the paste actually doesn’t do so badly. Here are nutrition facts for one-eighth of a cup of tomato paste (left) versus a half a cup of apples (right):

All told, the nutrition facts look really similar. Tomato paste does do a lot worse on sodium, but it also does much better in terms of calcium and potassium content. It also slightly edges out ap-ples on dietary fiber, with a lower amount of sugar.

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I tested out a few other comparisons, and they came out relatively close. You can see the results below.

Measuring fruit and vegetable servings by volume is a bit of an odd convention in the first place. When it comes to calories and nutrients, they’re really all over the map. A half-cup of avocado is quite nutritionally different from a half-cup of zucchini.

As for the half-cup of tomato paste at the center of this debate, it would no doubt have had more nutrients than an eighth-cup. Advocacy groups were disappointed to see the regulatory change blocked. More tomato paste would mean more

pizza sauce, would mean more potassium and fiber. But the smaller serving, in strictly nutri-tional terms, looks a whole lot like the larger serv-ing of some of the most common fruits and veg-etables we consume.

Moreover, it’s far from clear how much this deci-sion matters for what students actually eat. While the U.S. Department of Agriculture writes guide-lines for what school meals should look like, few schools actually follow them. Just 20 percent of schools served meals that met federal guidelines for fat content, according to a 2007 USDA audit.

© The Washington Post Company

The Iron Triangle (Issue Networks)

Budget Basics

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Deficit-- annual shortage of money (expected to be $2 trilion in 2009)

Debt-- total shortage of money ($12 trillion)

Surplus-- total extra revenue

Monetary policy: the process by which the government, central bank, (i.e. U.S. Federal Reserve appointed govt. officials) controls (i) the supply of money, (ii) availability of money, and (iii) cost of money or rate of interest, in order to attain a set of objectives oriented towards the growth and stability of the economy.

Fiscal policy: government attempts to influence the direction of the economy through changes in government taxes, or through some spending (i.e. budget making ...recommended by the President, made by Congress then approved by the President)

Social Security

Payroll (FICA) tax rate: • 1/5 widows live alone 3/5 of widows live alone• 1 retiree per 16 workers • 1 retiree per 3 workers 1937 = 2% 1950s-60s = 6% 1970s = 9% 1990s = 15.3%• originally for just • expanded to disabled • mandated COLAswidows and retirees Cost of Living hikes• avg age = 62

Possible changes:1. Bring more workers into system (i.e. teachers) 2. Invest S.S. funds into stock market

3. Raise taxes 4. Cut benefits

Define Entitlement Spending: mandatory spending made permanent by law. Does not change from year to year unless

the law changes. (S.S. / Medicare)

Define Discrentionary Spending: non-permanent spending that can change from year to year.

• Federal Revenues

Individual income tax (49%)

Payroll (FICA) tax (33%)

Corporate income tax (10%)

Excise tax (3.3%)

Estate and gift tax (1%)

Custom duties (1%)

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BUREAUCRACYCANON Chapters 12, 15, 16 and 17 Test

1. According to your text, what is the paradox of the federal bureaucracy?a. It continues to grow faster than any part of the government even though most

Americans express discontent with bureaucratic procedures.b. The same organization that does many important things can also be inefficient and

wasteful.c. Legislators often “run against” the Washington bureaucracy, but are frequently re-

sponsible for its exponential growth.d. The bureaucracy frequently makes very bad decisions even though the president

and Congress monitor it closely.

2. Civil servants are employees of the federal government who:a. are appointed to their positions by elected officialsb. serve at the pleasure of the presidentc. are hired on the basis of qualificationsd. cannot be fired because of their years of service

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3. Which of the following is the BEST definition of the bureaucracy?a. the group of employees who are responsible for implementing government policyb. the part of the federal government responsible for making government policyc. the group of civil servants who are permanent government employeesd. the political appointees who help the president administer the day-to-day opera-

tion of government

4. Although some presidential and congressional decisions are specific, many leave room for interpretation by bureaucrats. This explains why bureaucracies:a. are often inefficientb. can have significant influence on policyc. are difficult for politicians to controld. are not representative of the public’s demands on government

5. Government rules that influence the behavior of individuals and groups are known as:a. red tapeb. procurementsc. standard operating proceduresd. regulations

6. Any unnecessarily complex set of procedures in the bureaucracy is called:a. a regulationb. rule-makingc. a standard operating procedured. red tape

7. Elected officials are faced with the problem of controlling the bureaucracy because of:a. the officials’ lack of expertise relative to the bureaucratsb. the conflict that arises between the president and Congress in trying to control the

bureaucracyc. the emphasis on neutral competence among civil servantsd. the weak tools for controlling the bureaucracy that are available to Congress and the

president

8. While the spoils system ________, its principal drawback was that ________.a. strengthened political parties; it made government responsible to the mass publicb. strengthened political parties; appointees often lacked experiencec. helped make government responsible to the mass public; appointees often lacked

experience

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d. helped make government responsible to the mass public; it strengthened political parties

9. What was the principal bureaucratic change that occurred during the New Deal?a. The range of policy areas in which the government intervened expanded.b. An independent bureaucracy was created.c. A foundation for expanding state capacity was created.d. Limits on the growth of government were established.

10. The Office of Management and Budget is primarily responsible for:a. overseeing procurement of services for the federal governmentb. monitoring the flow of money throughout the economyc. helping the president monitor federal budget expenditures and proposalsd. investigating the bureaucracy on behalf of Congress

11. Which of the following is NOT a characteristic of an independent agency?a. It is not subordinate to one of the executive departments.b. It is below the executive departments in the federal hierarchy.c. It has a clear, specialized function.d. It’s leader must be from the opposition party

12. Why is it that some tasks are handled by independent agencies even when they might conceivably fall under the scope of an executive department?a. Congress may create an independent agency because presidents have less control

over them than executive agencies.b. Congress prefers independent agencies to executive departments because they have

more control over the people who run them.c. Independent agencies usually have more policy experts than executive departments.d. Congress doesn’t recognize the potential policy overlap between the independent

agency and the executive department until after they have established it.

13. Why does the president have limited control over the Federal Reserve when compared to executive departments like the Department of Treasury?a. Appointees serve for fourteen years, longer than the president.b. It is a body that is controlled exclusively by Congress.c. There is no process for removing appointees to that body.d. None of the above; the president has significant control over the Federal Reserve.

14. Although ______ are exempt from restrictions on political activity in the Hatch Act, they still cannot ______.a. political appointees; run for office unless they resign from their position.

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b. political appointees; use government resources for political purposes.c. civil servants; use government resources for political purposes.d. elected officials; donate money to other officials.

15. When members of Congress gather information about the bureaucracy by holding hearings and questioning bureaucrats, they are engaged in:a. oversightb. stacking the deckc. bureaucratic driftd. policing

16. When do agencies have the most discretion in implementing policy?a. when Congress and the president disagree on what an agency should be doingb. when it has a large budgetc. when it has more expertsd. when it is an executive department

17. Which government institution generally has the least amount of influence on economic policy?a. Congressb. presidentc. judiciaryd. bureaucracy

18. The gross domestic product (GDP) is:a. the annual difference between a country’s imports and exportsb. a measure of a country’s yearly budget surplusc. a measure of a country’s economic output and activityd. a measure of a country’s annual collection of taxes

19. Decisions made by the Federal Reserve System are:a. politically influenced by the presidentb. politically influenced by the Congressc. politically influenced by the National Economic Councild. not politically influenced because the agency is independent

20. Which of the following is NOT a responsibility of the Treasury Department?a. produce currency and coinageb. supervise national banksc. make changes to the U.S. tax coded. collect taxes, duties, and money paid to and due to the United States

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21. The theory that lowering taxes will stimulate the economy because of in-creased investment and spending among the public is called:a. Keynesian economicsb. discretionary spendingc. a stimulus packaged. supply-side economics

22. The Federal Communications Commission (FCC) and the Occupational Safety and Health Administration (OSHA) are examples of what kind of government power?a. the federal government’s power to tax incomeb. the federal government’s power to draft citizens into the militaryc. the federal government’s regulatory powerd. the federal government’s ability to maintain a federal bank

23. Regarding trade policy, Democrats generally represent ________, while Repub-licans generally represent ________.a. capital; government regulationb. labor; capitalc. free trade; labord. tariffs; quotas

24. An increase in consumer good prices over time is called:a. incrementsb. price gougingc. inflationd. price ceiling

25. What is it called when government spending is equal to its revenue?a. budget deficitb. balanced budgetc. budget surplusd. “Clinton” budget

26. What is it called when government spending exceeds its revenue?a. budget deficitb. balanced budgetc. budget surplusd. “Clinton” budget

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27. Which of the following agencies is housed in the Executive Branch and ad-vises the president on economic policy making?a. Federal Reserve Boardb. National Economic Councilc. Federal National Mortgage Associationd. American International Group

28. The agency previously called the Bureau of the Budget that is housed in the Executive Branch and works with the president to compose the nation’s annual budget is now called:a. Federal Reserve Bankb. National Budget Officec. Federal Council on Budget Affairsd. Office of Management and Budget

29. While debating the budget, Congress often seeks advice from an independent agency called the:a. Congressional Reserve Boardb. Congressional Budget Officec. Congressional Office of Management and Budgetd. Congressional Budget Bureau

30 The economic system in the United States is:a. capitalistb. socialistc. fascistd. democratic

31. The U.S. economic system is regulated by the ________, which seeks to maintain safe and transparent capital markets.a. Securities and Exchange Commissionb. Federal Reserve Boardc. National Economic Councild. National Banking Association

32. A ________ is the total accumulation of money borrowed by the government.a. budget deficit

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b. federal debtc. trade deficitd. budget surplus

33. Which type of congressional committees yield the most power on economic policies?a. foreign relationsb. commercec. veterand. environmental

34. What type of budget spending allows for expenditures to be cut?a. mandatory spendingb. Social Security benefitsc. Keynesian spendingd. discretionary spending

35. What kind of negative tradeoff do Democrats usually associate with free trade?a. higher interest ratesb. stock market declinec. reduction in American jobsd. increased prices on consumer goods

36. What kind of positive tradeoff do Republicans usually associate with free trade?a. lower interest ratesb. stock market increasec. increase in American jobsd. lower prices on consumer goods

37. In pursuing social policy, Republicans tend to favor market-based ap-proaches such as:a. school vouchersb. Medicaid paymentsc. welfared. universal health care

38. Which of the following is NOT a social policy administered in some degree by state and local governments?

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a. educationb. Social Securityc. Medicaidd. Welfare

39. It is widely believed that politicians seem to be less interested in social poli-cies concerning the poor and disadvantaged because:a. the Great Society plan solved most of their problemsb. they are not politically activec. the media does not report such political effortsd. it costs too much money to implement such policies

40. Social Security has been called the “third rail” of politics, which means:a. it is a program spending more than it is taking inb. it is a program taking in more than it is spendingc. politicians propose frequent changes to it in order to appease their constituentsd. politicians do not like to propose changes because they would likely be unpopular

with their constituents

41. Although there is some variation, Medicare is a government-sponsored health care program for:a. people living below the poverty lineb. citizens 65 and olderc. minorities living below the poverty lined. all children under the age of 18

42. Although there is some variation, Medicaid is a government-sponsored health care program for:a. people living below the poverty lineb. citizens 65 and olderc. minorities living below the poverty lined. all children under the age of 18

43. The Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF) put a ________ year life-time limit on welfare benefits.a. twob. threec. fourd. five

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44. Government assistance, usually financial, to individuals in need is called:a. block grantsb. welfarec. social policyd. Medicare

45. In the post-World War II era, the disparity between poor people and wealthy people:a. has gotten largerb. has gotten smallerc. has stayed about the samed. is no longer measured due to privacy concerns

46. No Child Left Behind is an example of education policy:a. becoming more controlled by state and local governmentsb. becoming more controlled by the federal governmentc. increasingly being funded by the federal governmentd. passed during the Great Society

47. Medicare and Medicaid are administered by state governments as well as by:a. Congressb. the Department of Health and Human Servicesc. the Federal Health Commissiond. The Treasury Department

48. Low income individuals have a difficult time fighting for more liberal welfare policies because:a. Congress has been under Republican controlb. they are generally not politically active and not represented by interest groupsc. such policies are too expensived. Republicans in the Senate filibuster all bills proposing such changes

49. What are market-based solutions?a. reform options, such as tax credits and free market investments, that substitute gov-

ernment-sponsored social programsb. reforms applied to societal issues by creating a reliance on government sponsored

social programs

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c. reform options for economic issues that solve problems by passing social programs, such as those passed in the New Deal

d. another name for a number of social programs passed in the Great Society

50. To combat income inequality, the Republican Party generally seeks to:a. increase funding for social and welfare programs and tax wealthier individualsb. print more money and privatize Social Securityc. create jobs and lower taxes for everyoned. restrict free trade and raise taxes on everyone

51. To combat income inequality, the Democratic Party generally seeks to:a. increase funding for social and welfare programs and tax wealthier individualsb. print more money and privatize Social Securityc. create jobs and lower taxes for everyoned. restrict free trade and raise taxes on everyone

52. No Child Left Behind is a piece of legislation that:a. increased federal funding for educationb. expanded Head Start to every school districtc. placed national accountability and testing requirements in every school districtd. required every school district to offer special education classes

53. “Corporate welfare” is a term used to describe:a. wealthier individuals who receive welfareb. individuals who become wealthy from welfarec. government assistance programs for businesses and corporationsd. corporate tax cuts by state and local governments to attract business development

54. The ________ is an interest group that represents the interest of senior citizens, the elderly and other older individuals.a. National Rifle Association (NRA)b. American Association of Retired Persons (AARP)c. National Association for the Advancement of Older People (NAAOP)d. Senior Citizen Alliance (SCA)

55. What policy involves government action toward other nations, groups, or en-tities outside the United States?a. domestic policyb. foreign policy

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c. social policyd. economic policy

56. When a foreign policy action is done without any coordination or support from other nations it is called a(n):a. unilateral actionb. multilateral actionc. individual actiond. isolationist action

57. When a foreign policy action is done with coordination or support from other nations it is called a(n):a. unilateral actionb. multilateral actionc. individual actiond. isolationist action

58. What foreign policy philosophy contends that America’s best interests are served by avoiding formal agreements and activity with other nations?a. internationalismb. realismc. idealismd. isolationism

59. What foreign policy philosophy contends that it is not only in America’s best interest to pursue foreign relations with other nations, it is also America’s moral obligation to intervene during international crises?a. internationalismb. realismc. idealismd. isolationism

60. Who of the following has the MOST power in creating foreign policy?a. the presidentb. Congressc. the Supreme Courtd. the World Trade Organization

61. Sanctions are often used to:

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a. pressure a country to change their behav-ior

b. facilitate a warc. increase the value of domestic goodsd. create jobs in America

62. ________ assists countries in managing budget deficits and currency values.a. The World Bankb. Amnesty Internationalc. North Atlantic Treaty Organizationd. The International Monetary Fund

63. When the United States imposes a fee on imported goods it is called a:a. trade agreementb. trading taxc. shipping taxd. tariff

64. Which of the following is NOT an example of diplomacy?a. establishing a most-favored trade status

agreement with another countryb. a nuclear arms reduction treatyc. roundtable discussions to end a nation’s

nuclear weapon development programd. a preemptive strike against another coun-

try

65.When a nation gives money, products, or provides services to another country it is called:a. foreign aidb. shuttle diplomacyc. a trade agreementd. foreign welfare

66. The “clash of civilizations” is a hypothesis suggesting:a. war is inevitable between nations that have

nuclear capabilitiesb. democracies do not go to war with each

other

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c. terrorism is motivated by a hatred of the Western World

d. communism is a time-bound governmental system that will inevitably fall

Unit 7--Canon Ch. 12 The Bureaucracy, Ch. 15 Economic Policy, Ch. 16 Social Policy, Ch. 17 Foreign Policy

TKO--To Know Objectives:

1. Define bureaucracy. 2. Explain how the bureaucracy makes public policy.3. Discuss how iron triangles affect policymaking.4. Explain the complex and often contentious relationship between the President and the Ex-

ecutive Branch.5. Identify and state the significance of the Federal Reserve and its Chairman.6. Compare and contrast fiscal versus monetary policy. What is the significance of both?7. Explain the significance of the Office and Management and Budget. 8. Compare and contrast OMB and CBO.9. Explain the significance of independent regulatory commisssions/agencies.10. Evaluate the effectiveness of Congressional oversight of the bureaucracy. 11. Explain how Congress, President, bureaucracy, states and interest groups affect welfare

policy.12. Define entitlements.13. Be able to explain how entitlement spending affects the budget making process. 14. Identify and state the significance of Social Security. 15. Explain the current problems facing Social Security and assess possible solutions. 16. Identify and state the significance of Medicare.17. Explain the current problems facing Medicare and assess possible solutions. 18. Identify and state the significance of No Child Left Behind. What are the greatest hurdles

facing educational policy?19. Identify and state the significance of Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF).

How have attitudes toward welfare programs changed over time?20. Be able to discuss current healthcare policy disputes. Who are the main players and what

makes completing public policy so difficult?

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The following Illinois SEL goals will govern our classroom:

1. Develop self-awareness and self-management skills to achieve school and life success.2. Use social-awareness and interpersonal skills to establish and maintain positive relationships.3. Demonstrate decision-making skills and responsible behaviors in personal, school, and community con-

texts.

Additionally the following values will be nurtured in all citizens entering this academic arena:

Self Discipline; Compassion; Responsibility; Friendship; Work; Courage; Perseverance; Honesty; Loyalty; Faith

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AP Government Questions - 3rd MidtermMedia, Executive Branch, Interest Groups and Legislative Branch

1. Explain the complex and often contentious relationship between the President and cabi-

net members.

2. Explain the process for choosing the president if there is no majority in the electoral col-

lege.

3. Explain the plurality, winner take all system for the electoral college.

4. Explain the significance of “horse-race” journalism.

5. Explain the agenda setting function of the media.

6. Discuss the constitutional/formal/institutional powers of the President. (be sure to in-

clude which require advice and consent of the Senate and which do not.)

7. Explain the significance of the presidential executive order.

8. Discuss the president’s ability to use the media to set the policy agenda.

9. Explain the significance of presidential executive agreement.

10. Define line item veto.

11. Explain the significance of an iron triangle.

12. Explain the significance of the White House Office/White House Staff.

13. Define fiscal policy.

14. Discuss the main role of the Federal Reserve Board.

15. Explain the significance of entitlement spending.

16. Explain the significance of the Office of Management and Budget.

17. Explain the significance of independent regulatory commissions/agencies.

18. Explain the significance of Us v. Nixon.

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19. Explain the significance of the Freedom of Information Act.

20. Discuss what characteristics a president considers when selecting a running mate or vice

president.

21. Explain the significance of the War Powers Act.

22. Explain the significance of the Rules Committee in the House.

23. Discuss the process of gerrymandering.

24. Define the franking privilege.

25. Explain the significance of the incumbency advantage.

26. Explain the significance of pork barrel legislation/ ear marks.

27. Explain the significance of lobbying.

28. Discuss the major similarities and differences between the House of Reps and the Senate.

29. Explain the significance of the committee system in the House.

30. Explain the significance of the subcommittee system.

31. Explain the significance of the committee chair in the House of Reps.

32. Define conference committee.

33. Explain the significance of cloture rule/motion.

34. Define pocket veto.

35. Discuss the formal/expressed/constitutional/institutional tools used by Congress for

oversight of the bureaucracy.

36. Explain the significance of linkage institutions.

37. Explain the significance of the President’s power in foreign policy.

38. Explain the significance of interstate commerce.

39. Explain the significance of divided government

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Twitter Revolu-tions Classroom Assessments

by Andrew Conneen and William Tin-kler

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32

Column: This is Just the Start 33

Assessments: “This is Just the Start” 33

Cartoon Assessment 1 33

Cartoon Assessment 2 33

Cartoon Assessment 3 33

Cartoon Assessment 4 33

Excerpts from FDTD: 33

Ch. 4--Dictatorships Have Weaknesses 33

Ch. 5--Exercising Power 33

Appendix One--The Methods of Nonviolent Action 33

Appendix Two--Acknowledgements and Notes on the History of From Dictatorships to Democracy 33

Column: This is Just the StartMarch 1, 2011

The New York Times

By Thomas Friedman

Future historians will long puzzle over how the self-immolation of a Tunisian street vendor, Mohamed Bouazizi, in protest over the confiscation of his fruit stand, man-aged to trigger popular uprisings across the Arab/Muslim world. We know the big causes — tyranny, rising food prices, youth unemployment and social media. But since being in Egypt, I’ve been putting together my own back-of-the-envelope guess list of what I’d call the “not-so-obvious forces” that fed this mass revolt. Here it is:

THE OBAMA FACTOR Americans have never fully appreciated what a radical thing we did — in the eyes of the rest of the world — in electing an African-American with the middle name Hussein as president. I’m convinced that listening to Obama’s 2009 Cairo speech — not the words, but the man — were more than a few young Arabs who were saying to themselves: “Hmmm, let’s see. He’s young. I’m young. He’s dark-skinned. I’m dark-skinned. His middle name is Hussein. My name is Hus-

sein. His grandfather is a Muslim. My grandfather is a Muslim. He is president of the United States. And I’m an unemployed young Arab with no vote and no voice in my future.” I’d put that in my mix of forces fueling these revolts.

GOOGLE EARTH While Facebook has gotten all the face time in Egypt, Tunisia and Bahrain, don’t forget Google Earth, which began roiling Bahraini politics in 2006. A big issue in Bahrain, particularly among Shiite men who want to get married and build homes, is the unequal distribution of land. On Nov. 27, 2006, on the eve of parliamentary elections in Bahrain, The Washington Post ran this report from there: “Mahmood, who lives in a house with his parents, four siblings and their children, said he became even more frustrated when he looked up Bahrain34 on Google Earth and saw vast tracts of empty land, while tens of thousands of mainly poor Shiites were squashed together in small, dense areas. ‘We are 17 peo-ple crowded in one small house, like many people in the southern district,’ he said. ‘And you see on Google how many palaces there are and how the al-Khalifas [the Sunni ruling family] have the rest of the country to themselves.’ Bahraini activists have encouraged people to take a look at the country on Google Earth, and they have set up a special user group whose members have access to more than 40 im-ages of royal palaces.”

ISRAEL The Arab TV network Al Jazeera has a big team covering Israel today. Here are some of the stories they have been beaming into the Arab world: Israel’s previ-ous prime minister, Ehud Olmert, had to resign because he was accused of illicitly taking envelopes stuffed with money from a Jewish-American backer. An Israeli court recently convicted Israel’s former president Moshe Katsav on two counts of rape, based on accusations by former employees. And just a few weeks ago, Israel, at the last second, rescinded the appointment of Maj. Gen. Yoav Galant as the army’s new chief of staff after Israeli environmentalists spurred a government in-vestigation that concluded General Galant had seized public land near his home. (You can see his house on Google Maps!) This surely got a few laughs in Egypt where land sales to fat cats and cronies of the regime that have resulted in huge overnight profits have been the talk of Cairo this past year. When you live right next to a country that is bringing to justice its top leaders for corruption and you live in a country where many of the top leaders are corrupt, well, you notice.

THE BEIJING OLYMPICS China and Egypt were both great civilizations subjected to imperialism and were both dirt poor back in the 1950s, with China even poorer than Egypt, Edward Goldberg, who teaches business strategy, wrote in The Globalist. But, today, China has built the world’s second-largest economy, and Egypt is still liv-ing on foreign aid. What do you think young Egyptians thought when they watched the dazzling opening ceremony of the 2008 Beijing Olympics? China’s Olympics were another wake-up call — “in a way that America or the West could never be” — telling young Egyptians that something was very wrong with their country, argued Goldberg.

THE FAYYAD FACTOR Palestinian Prime Minister Salam Fayyad introduced a new form of government in the Arab world in the last three years, something I’ve dubbed “Fayyadism.” It said: judge me on my performance, on how I deliver government services and collect the garbage and create jobs — not simply on how I “resist” the West or Israel. Every Arab could relate to this. Chinese had to give up freedom but got economic growth and decent government in return. Arabs had to give up free-dom and got the Arab-Israeli conflict and unemployment in return.

Add it all up and what does it say? It says you have a very powerful convergence of forces driving a broad movement for change. It says we’re just at the start of some-thing huge. And it says that if we don’t have a more serious energy policy, the dif-ference between a good day and bad day for America from here on will hinge on how the 86-year-old king of Saudi Arabia manages all this change.

Assessments: “This is Just the Start”

Thomas Friedman

a.Describe 3 of the factors that Friedman attributes to the mass revolt in Egypt.

b.Explain how Friedman’s factors connect the concepts of global-ization and democratization.

c.Explain how Friedman redefines the social network and its influ-ence on the “Arab Spring” movements?

Cartoon Assessment 1Directions: a. Identify the object that the person is shooting from the

slingshot in this cartoon.

b. Explain the message that the artist is trying to communicate in this cartoon.

Cartoon Assessment 2Directions: a. Explain the cartoonist’s perspective about the contrast be-

tween democratization in Egypt and Iran.

b. Describe two methods used by the Iranian government that fit the artist’s depiction of Iran’s response to the 2011 democratization move-ment in the Middle East.

Cartoon Assessment 3Directions: a. Explain the cartoonist’s perspective about the role of social

networking in the Arab Spring of 2011 as contrasted with the Syrian re-sponse to democratization efforts.

b. Describe two methods used by authoritarian governments looking to minimize the impact of social networking on democratization movements.

Cartoon Assessment 4Directions: a. Explain the cartoonist’s perspective about the difference

between deposing an authoritarian leader as contrasted with establishing a true democracy.

b. Describe two changes that former authoritarian governments can make to establish a true democracy.

Assessments: From Dictatorship to DemocracyWeakness of Dictatorships

a. Use historical examples to describe how three of Gene Sharp’s “Weak-ness of Dictatorships” have been evident in any of the AP Comparative Government and Politics core countries.

b. Use contemporary examples to describe how three of Gene Sharp’s “Weakness of Dictatorships” have been evident in any of the AP Compara-tive Government and Politics core countries.

c. Describe three acts of political defiance that have been used to try to weaken authoritarian rule in an AP Comparative Government and Politics core country.

d. Explain how each of these acts of political defiance could contribute to democratization in that AP Comparative Government and Politics core country.

Political Defiancea. Brainstorm 10 examples of political defiance. Identify how many of these

appear on Sharp’s list of “Methods of nonviolent action.”

b. Categorize your list of 10 acts of political defiance according to Sharp’s 4 categories of: protest, persuasion, noncooperation, and intervention.

c. Explain which of these acts of political defiance you think would be most effective at weakening an example of authoritarian rule in an AP Com-parative Government and Politics core country.

Arab Spring (update 2012)a. Find an article that analyzes a country in which widespread political vio-

lence was used to try to weaken authoritarian rule during the “Arab Spring—2011.”

b. Find an article that analyzes a country in which nonviolent political defi-ance was the primary method used to try to weaken authoritarian rule during the “Arab Spring—2011.”

c. Compare and contrast efforts to weaken authoritarian rule in the two coun-tries that each article addresses.

d. Compare and contrast democratization efforts in the two countries that each article addresses.

e. Explain how your findings might compare or contrast with Gene Sharp’s thesis about the role of political defiance in weakening authoritarian rule.

Excerpts from FDTD:

Ch. 4--Dictatorships Have WeaknessesDictatorships often appear invulnerable. Intelligence agencies, police, military forces, prisons, concentration camps, and execution squads are controlled by a powerful few. A country’s finances, natural resources, and production capacities are often arbitrarily plundered by dictators and used to support the dictators’ will.

In comparison, democratic opposition forces often appear extremely weak, ineffective, and powerless. That perception of invulnerability against powerlessness makes effective opposition unlikely.

That is not the whole story, however.

Identifying the Achilles’ heelA myth from Classical Greece illustrates well the vulnerability of the supposedly in-vulnerable. Against the warrior Achilles, no blow would injure and no sword would penetrate his skin. When still a baby, Achilles’ mother had supposedly dipped him into the waters of the magical river Styx, resulting in the protection of his body from all dangers. There was, however, a problem. Since the baby was held by his heel so that he would not be washed away, the magical water had not covered that small part of his body. When Achilles was a grown man he appeared to all to be invulnera-ble to the enemies’ weapons. However, in the battle against Troy, instructed by one who knew the weakness, an enemy soldier aimed his arrow at Achilles’ unprotected heel, the one spot where he could be injured. The strike proved fatal. Still today, the phrase “Achilles’ heel” refers to the vulnerable part of a person, a plan, or an insti-tution at which if attacked there is no protection.

The same principle applies to ruthless dictatorships. They, too, can be con-quered, but most quickly and with least cost if their weaknesses can be identified and the attack concentrated on them.

Weaknesses of dictatorshipsAmong the weaknesses of dictatorships are the following:1. The cooperation of a multitude of people, groups, and institutions needed to op-erate the system may be restricted or withdrawn.2. The requirements and effects of the regime’s past policies will somewhat limit its present ability to adopt and implement conflicting policies.3. The system may become routine in its operation, less able to adjust quickly to new situations.4.Personnel and resources already allocated for existing tasks will not be easily

available for new needs.5.Subordinates fearful of displeasing their superiors may not report accurate or

complete information needed by the dictators to make decisions.6. The ideology may erode, and myths and symbols of the system may become un-stable.7. If a strong ideology is present that influences one’s view of reality, firm adher-ence to it may cause inattention to actual conditions and needs.8. Deteriorating efficiency and competency of the bureaucracy, or excessive con-trols and regulations, may make the system’s policies and operation ineffective.9. Internal institutional conflicts and personal rivalries and hostilities may harm, and even disrupt, the operation of the dictatorship.

10. Intellectuals and students may become restless in response to conditions, re-strictions, doctrinalism, and repression.11. The general public may over time become apathetic, skeptical, and even hostile to the regime.12. Regional, class, cultural, or national differences may become acute.13. The power hierarchy of the dictatorship is always unstable to some degree, and at times extremely so. Individuals do not only remain in the same position in the ranking, but may rise or fall to other ranks or be removed entirely and replaced by new persons.14. Sections of the police or military forces may act to achieve their own objectives, even against the will of established dictators, including by coup d’état.15. If the dictatorship is new, time is required for it to become well established.16. With so many decisions made by so few people in the dictatorship, mistakes of judgment, policy, and action are likely to occur.17. If the regime seeks to avoid these dangers and decentralizes controls and deci-sion making, its control over the central levers of power may be further eroded.

Attacking weaknesses of dictatorshipsWith knowledge of such inherent weaknesses, the democratic opposition can seek to aggravate these “Achilles’ heels” deliberately in order to alter the system drasti-cally or to disintegrate it.

The conclusion is then clear: despite the appearances of strength, all dictator-ships have weaknesses, internal inefficiencies, personal rivalries, institutional ineffi-ciencies, and conflicts between organizations and departments. These weaknesses, over time, tend to make the regime less effective and more vulnerable to changing conditions and deliberate resistance. Not everything the regime sets out to accom-plish will get completed. At times, for example, even Hitler’s direct orders were never implemented because those beneath him in the hierarchy refused to carry them out. The dictatorial regime may at times even fall apart quickly, as we have al-ready observed.

This does not mean dictatorships can be destroyed without risks and casual-ties. Every possible course of action for liberation will involve risks and potential suffering, and will take time to operate. And, of course, no means of action can en-sure rapid success in every situation. However, types of struggle that target the dic-tatorship’s identifiable weaknesses have greater chance of success than those that seek to fight the dictatorship where it is clearly strongest. The question is how this struggle is to be waged.

Ch. 5--Exercising PowerIn Chapter One we noted that military resistance against dictatorships does not strike them where they are weakest, but rather where they are strongest. By choos-ing to compete in the areas of military forces, supplies of ammunition, weapons technology, and the like, resistance movements tend to put themselves at a distinct disadvantage. Dictatorships will almost always be able to muster superiorresources in these areas. The dangers of relying on foreign powers for salvation were also outlined. In Chapter Two we examined the problems of relying on negotia-tions as a means to remove dictatorships.

What means are then available that will offer the democratic resistance dis-tinct advantages and will tend to aggravate the identified weaknesses of dictator-ships? What technique of action will capitalize on the theory of political power dis-cussed in Chapter Three? The alternative of choice is political defiance.

Political defiance has the following characteristics:• It does not accept that the outcome will be decided by the means of fighting cho-sen by the dictatorship.• It is difficult for the regime to combat.• It can uniquely aggravate weaknesses of the dictatorship and can sever its sources of power.• It can in action be widely dispersed but can also be concentrated on a specific ob-jective.• It leads to errors of judgment and action by the dictators.• It can effectively utilize the population as a whole and the society’s groups and in-stitutions in the struggle to end the brutal domination of the few.• It helps to spread the distribution of effective power in the society, making the es-tablishment and maintenance of a democratic society more possible.

The workings of nonviolent struggleLike military capabilities, political defiance can be employed for a variety of pur-poses, ranging from efforts to influence the opponents to take different actions, to create conditions for a peaceful resolution of conflict, or to disintegrate the oppo-nents’ regime. However, political defiance operates in quite different ways from vio-lence. Although both techniques are means to wage struggle, they do so with very different means and with different consequences. The ways and results of violent conflict are well known. Physical weapons are used to intimidate, injure, kill, and de-stroy.

Nonviolent struggle is a much more complex and varied means of struggle than is violence. Instead, the struggle is fought by psychological, social, economic, and political weapons applied by the population and the institutions of the society. These have been known under various names of protests, strikes, noncooperation, boycotts, disaffection, and people power. As noted earlier, all governments can rule only as long as they receive replenishment of the needed sources of their power from the cooperation, submission, and obedience of the population and the institu-tions of the society. Political defiance, unlike violence, is uniquely suited to severing those sources of power.

Nonviolent weapons and disciplineThe common error of past improvised political defiance campaigns is the reliance on only one or two methods, such as strikes and mass demonstrations. In fact, a multi-tude of methods exist that allow resistance strategists to concentrate and disperse resistance as required.

About two hundred specific methods of nonviolent action have been identi-fied, and there are certainly scores more. These methods are classified under three broad categories: protest and persuasion, noncooperation, and intervention. Meth-ods of nonviolent protest and persuasion are largely symbolic demonstrations, in-cluding parades, marches, and vigils (54 methods). Noncooperation is divided into three sub-categories: (a) social noncooperation (16 methods), (b) economic nonco-operation, including boycotts (26 methods) and strikes (23 methods), and (c) politi-

cal noncooperation (38 methods). Nonviolent intervention, by psychological, physi-cal, social, economic, or political means, such as the fast, nonviolent occupation, and parallel government (41 methods), is the final group. A list of 198 of these methods is included as the Appendix to this publication.

The use of a considerable number of these methods — carefully chosen, ap-plied persistently and on a large scale, wielded in the context of a wise strategy and appropriate tactics, by trained civilians— is likely to cause any illegitimate regime severe problems. This applies to all dictatorships.

In contrast to military means, the methods of nonviolent struggle can be fo-cused directly on the issues at stake. For example, since the issue of dictatorship is primarily political, then political forms of nonviolent struggle would be crucial. These would include denial of legitimacy to the dictators and noncooperation with their regime. Noncooperation would also be applied against specific policies. Attimes stalling and procrastination may be quietly and even secretly practiced, while at other times open disobedience and defiant public demonstrations and strikes may be visible to all.

On the other hand, if the dictatorship is vulnerable to economic pressures or if many of the popular grievances against it are economic, then economic action, such as boycotts or strikes, may be appropriate resistance methods. The dictators’ efforts to exploit the economic system might be met with limited general strikes, slowdowns, and refusal of assistance by (or disappearance of) indispensable ex-perts. Selective use of various types of strikes may be conducted at key points in manufacturing, in transport, in the supply of raw materials, and in the distribution of products.

Some methods of nonviolent struggle require people to perform acts unre-lated to their normal lives, such as distributing leaflets, operating an underground press, going on hunger strike, or sitting down in the streets. These methods may be difficult for some people to undertake except in very extreme situations.

Other methods of nonviolent struggle instead require people to continue ap-proximately their normal lives, though in somewhat different ways. For example, people may report for work, instead of striking, but then deliberately work more slowly or inefficiently than usual. “Mistakes” may be consciously made more fre-quently. One may become “sick” and “unable” to work at certain times. Or,one may simply refuse to work. One might go to religious services when the act ex-presses not only religious but also political convictions. One may act to protect chil-dren from the attackers’ propaganda by education at home or in illegal classes. One might refuse to join certain “recommended” or required organizations that one would not have joined freely in earlier times. The similarity of such types of action to people’s usual activities and the limited degree of departure from their normal lives may make participation in the national liberation struggle much easier for many people.

Since nonviolent struggle and violence operate in fundamentally different ways, even limited resistance violence during a political defiance campaign will be counterproductive, for it will shift the struggle to one in which the dictators have an overwhelming advantage (military warfare). Nonviolent discipline is a key to suc-cess and must be maintained despite provocations and brutalities by the dictators and their agents.

The maintenance of nonviolent discipline against violent opponents facilitates the workings of the four mechanisms of change in nonviolent struggle (discussed below). Nonviolent discipline is also extremely important in the process of political

jiu-jitsu. In this process the stark brutality of the regime against the clearly nonvio-lent actionists politically rebounds against the dictators’ position, causing dissention in their own ranks as well as fomenting support for the resisters among the general population, the regime’s usual supporters, and third parties.

In some cases, however, limited violence against the dictatorship may be in-evitable. Frustration and hatred of the regime may explode into violence. Or, certain groups may be unwilling to abandon violent means even though they recognize the important role of nonviolent struggle. In these cases, political defiance does not need to be abandoned. However, it will be necessary to separate the violent action as far as possible from the nonviolent action. This should be done in terms of geog-raphy, population groups, timing, and issues. Otherwise the violence could have a disastrous effect on the potentially much more powerful and successful use of politi-cal defiance.

The historical record indicates that while casualties in dead and wounded must be expected in political defiance, they will be far fewer than the casualties in military warfare. Furthermore, this type of struggle does not contribute to the end-less cycle of killing and brutality.

Nonviolent struggle both requires and tends to produce a loss (or greater control) of fear of the government and its violent repression. That abandonment or control of fear is a key element in destroying the power of the dictators over the general population.

Openness, secrecy, and high standardsSecrecy, deception, and underground conspiracy pose very difficult problems for a movement using nonviolent action. It is often impossible to keep the political police and intelligence agents from learning about intentions and plans. From the perspec-tive of the movement, secrecy is not only rooted in fear but contributes to fear, which dampens the spirit of resistance and reduces the number of people who can participate in a given action. It also can contribute to suspicions and accusations, of-ten unjustified, within the movement, concerning who is an informer or agent for the opponents. Secrecy may also affect the ability of a movement to remain nonvio-lent. In contrast, openness regarding intentions and plans will not only have the op-posite effects, but will contribute to an image that the resistance movement is in fact extremely powerful. The problem is of course more complex than this suggests, and there are significant aspects of resistance activities that may require secrecy. A well-informed assessment will be required by those knowledgeable about both the dynamics of nonviolent struggle and also the dictatorship’s means of surveillance in the specific situation.

The editing, printing, and distribution of underground publications, the use of illegal radio broadcasts from within the country, and the gathering of intelligence about the operations of the dictatorship are among the special limited types of ac-tivities where a high degree of secrecy will be required.

The maintenance of high standards of behavior in nonviolent action is neces-sary at all stages of the conflict. Such factors as fearlessness and maintaining nonvi-olent discipline are always required. It is important to remember that large numbers of people may frequently be necessary to effect particular changes. However, such numbers can be obtained as reliable participants only by maintaining the high stan-dards of the movement.

Shifting power relationships

Strategists need to remember that the conflict in which political defiance is applied is a constantly changing field of struggle with continuing interplay of moves and countermoves. Nothing is static. Power relationships, both absolute and relative, are subject to constant and rapid changes. This is made possible by the resisters contin-uing their nonviolent persistence despite repression.

The variations in the respective power of the contending sides in this type of conflict situation are likely to be more extreme than in violent conflicts, to take place more quickly, and to have more diverse and politically significant conse-quences. Due to these variations, specific actions by the resisters are likely to have consequences far beyond the particular time and place in which they occur. These effects will rebound to strengthen or weaken one group or another.

In addition, the nonviolent group may, by its actions exert influence over the increase or decrease in the relative strength of the opponent group to a great ex-tent. For example, disciplined courageous nonviolent resistance in face of the dicta-tors’ brutalities may induce unease, disaffection, unreliability, and in extreme situa-tions even mutiny among the dictators’ own soldiers and population. This resistance may also result in increased international condemnation of the dictatorship. In addi-tion, skillful, disciplined, and persistent use of political defiance may result in more and more participation in the resistance by people who normally would give their tacit support to the dictators or generally remain neutral in the conflict.

Four mechanisms of changeNonviolent struggle produces change in four ways. The first mechanism is the least likely, though it has occurred. When members of the opponent group are emotion-ally moved by the suffering of repression imposed on courageous nonviolent re-sisters or are rationally persuaded that the resisters’ cause is just, they may come to accept the resisters’ aims. This mechanism is called conversion.Though cases of conversion in nonviolent action do sometimes happen,they are rare, and in most conflicts this does not occur at all orat least not on a significant scale.

Far more often, nonviolent struggle operates by changing the conflict situa-tion and the society so that the opponents simply cannot do as they like. It is this change that produces the other three mechanisms: accommodation, nonviolent co-ercion, and disintegration. Which of these occurs depends on the degree to which the relative and absolute power relations are shifted in favor of the democrats.

If the issues are not fundamental ones, the demands of the oppositionin a limited campaign are not considered threatening, and the contest of forces has altered the power relationships to some degree, the immediate conflict may be ended by reaching an agreement, a splitting of differences or compromise. This mechanism is called accommodation. Many strikes are settled in this manner, for example, with both sides attaining some of their objectives but neither achieving all it wanted. A government may perceive such a settlement to have some positive benefits, such as defusing tension, creating an impression of “fairness,” or polishing the international image of the regime. It is important, therefore, that great care be exercised in selecting the issues on which a settlement by accommodation is ac-ceptable. A struggle to bring down a dictatorship is not one of these.

Nonviolent struggle can be much more powerful than indicated by the mech-anisms of conversion or accommodation. Mass noncooperation and defiance can so change social and political situations, especially power relationships, that the dicta-

tors’ ability to control the economic, social, and political processes of government and the society is in fact taken away. The opponents’ military forces may become so unreliable that they no longer simply obey orders to repressresisters. Although the opponents’ leaders remain in their positions, and adhere to their original goals, their ability to act effectively has been taken away from them. That is called nonviolent coercion.

In some extreme situations, the conditions producing nonviolent coercion are carried still further. The opponents’ leadership in fact loses all ability to act and their own structure of power collapses. The resisters’ self-direction, noncoopera-tion, and defiance become so complete that the opponents now lack even a sem-blance of control over them. The opponents’ bureaucracy refuses to obey its own leadership. The opponents’ troops and police mutiny. The opponents’usual supporters or population repudiate their former leadership, denying that they have any right to rule at all. Hence, their former assistance and obedience falls away. The fourth mechanism of change, disintegration of the opponents’ system, is so complete that they do not even have sufficient power to surrender. The regimesimply falls to pieces.

In planning liberation strategies, these four mechanisms should be kept in mind. They sometimes operate essentially by chance. However, the selection of one or more of these as the intended mechanism of change in a conflict will make it pos-sible to formulate specific and mutually reinforcing strategies. Which mechanism (or mechanisms) to select will depend on numerous factors, including the absolute and relative power of the contending groups and the attitudes and objectives of the non-violent struggle group.

Democratizing effects of political defianceIn contrast to the centralizing effects of violent sanctions, use of the technique of nonviolent struggle contributes to democratizing the political society in several ways.

One part of the democratizing effect is negative. That is, in contrast to mili-tary means, this technique does not provide a means of repression under command of a ruling elite which can be turned against the population to establish or maintain a dictatorship. Leaders of a political defiance movement can exert influence and ap-ply pressures on their followers, but they cannot imprison or execute them when they dissent or choose other leaders.

Another part of the democratizing effect is positive. That is, nonviolent strug-gle provides the population with means of resistance that can be used to achieve and defend their liberties against existing or would-be dictators. Below are several of the positive democratizing effects nonviolent struggle may have:• Experience in applying nonviolent struggle may result in the population being more self-confident in challenging the regime’s threats and capacity for violent re-pression.• Nonviolent struggle provides the means of noncooperation and defiance by which the population can resist undemocratic controls over them by any dictatorial group.• Nonviolent struggle can be used to assert the practice of democratic freedoms, such as free speech, free press, independent organizations, and free assembly, in face of repressive controls.• Nonviolent struggle contributes strongly to the survival, rebirth, and strengthening of the independent groups and institutions of the society, as previously discussed. These are important for democracy because of their capacity to mobilize the power

capacity of the population and to impose limits on the effective power of any would-be dictators.• Nonviolent struggle provides means by which the population can wield power against repressive police and military action by a dictatorial government.• Nonviolent struggle provides methods by which the population and the indepen-dent institutions can in the interests of democracy restrict or sever the sources of power for the ruling elite, thereby threatening its capacity to continue itsdomination.

Complexity of nonviolent struggleAs we have seen from this discussion, nonviolent struggle is a complex technique of social action, involving a multitude of methods, a range of mechanisms of change, and specific behavioral requirements. To be effective, especially against a dictator-ship, political defiance requires careful planning and preparation. Prospective partic-ipants will need to understand what is required of them. Resources will need to have been made available. And strategists will need to have analyzed how nonvio-lent struggle can be most effectively applied. We now turn our attention to this lat-ter crucial element: the need for strategic planning.

Appendix One--The Methods of Nonvi-olent Action

The Methods of Nonviolent Protest and PersuasionFormal statements1. Public speeches; 2. Letters of opposition or support; 3. Declarations by organiza-tions and institutions; 4. Signed public statements; 5. Declarations of indictment and intention; 6. Group or mass petitions

Communications with a wider audience7. Slogans, caricatures, and symbols; 8. Banners, posters, and displayed communi-cations; 9. Leaflets, pamphlets, and books; 10. Newspapers and journals; 11. Records, radio, and television; 12. Skywriting and earthwriting

Group representations13. Deputations; 14. Mock awards; 15. Group lobbying; 16. Picketing; 17. Mock elec-tions

Symbolic public acts18. Display of flags and symbolic colors; 19. Wearing of symbols; 20. Prayer and worship; 21. Delivering symbolic objects; 22. Protest disrobings; 23. Destruction of own property; 24. Symbolic lights; 25. Displays of portraits; 26. Paint as protest; 27.

New signs and names; 28. Symbolic sounds; 29. Symbolic reclamations; 30. Rude gestures

Pressures on individuals31. “Haunting” officials; 32. Taunting officials; 33. Fraternization; 34. Vigils

Drama and music35. Humorous skits and pranks; 36. Performance of plays and music; 37. Singing

Processions38. Marches; 39. Parades; 40. Religious processions; 41. Pilgrimages; 42. Motorcades

Honoring the dead43. Political mourning; 44. Mock funerals; 45. Demonstrative funerals; 46. Homage at burial places

Public assemblies47. Assemblies of protest or support; 48. Protest meetings; 49. Camouflaged meet-ings of protest; 50. Teach-ins

Withdrawal and renunciation51. Walk-outs; 52. Silence; 53. Renouncing honors; 54. Turning one’s back

THE METHODS OF SOCIAL NONCOOPERATIONOstracism of persons55. Social boycott; 56. Selective social boycott; 57. Lysistratic nonaction; 58. Excommunication; 59. Interdict

Noncooperation with social events, customs, and institutions60. Suspension of social and sports activities; 61. Boycott of social affairs; 62. Stu-dent strike; 63. Social disobedience; 64. Withdrawal from social institutions

Withdrawal from the social system65. Stay-at-home; 66. Total personal noncooperation; 67. Flight of workers; 68. Sanctuary; 69. Collective disappearance; 70. Protest emigration (hijrat)

THE METHODS OF ECONOMIC NONCOOPERATION : (1) ECONOMIC BOYCOTTSAction by consumers71. Consumers’ boycott; 72. Nonconsumption of boycotted goods; 73. Policy of aus-terity; 74. Rent withholding; 75. Refusal to rent; 76. National consumers’ boycott; 77. International consumers’ boycott

Action by workers and producers78. Workmen’s boycott; 79. Producers’ boycott

Action by middlemen80. Suppliers’ and handlers’ boycott

Action by owners and management81. Traders’ boycott; 82. Refusal to let or sell property; 83. Lockout; 84. Refusal of industrial assistance; 85. Merchants’ “general strike”

Action by holders of financial resources86. Withdrawal of bank deposits; 87. Refusal to pay fees, dues, and assessments; 88. Refusal to pay debts or interest; 89. Severance of funds and credit; 90. Revenue refusal; 91. Refusal of a government’s money

Action by governments92. Domestic embargo; 93. Blacklisting of traders; 94. International sellers’ em-bargo; 95. International buyers’ embargo; 96. International trade embargo

THE METHODS OF ECONOMIC NONCOOPERATION : (2) THE STRIKESymbolic strikes97. Protest strike; 98. Quickie walkout (lightning strike)

Agricultural strikes99. Peasant strike; 100. Farm workers’ strike

Strikes by special groups101. Refusal of impressed labor; 102. Prisoners’ strike; 103. Craft strike; 104. Professional strike

Ordinary industrial strikes105. Establishment strike; 106. Industry strike; 107. Sympathetic strike

Restricted strikes108. Detailed strike; 109. Bumper strike; 110. Slowdown strike; 111. Working-to-rule strike; 112. Reporting “sick” (sick-in); 113. Strike by resignation; 114. Limited strike; 115. Selective strike

Multi-industry strikes116. Generalized strike; 117. General strike

Combinations of strikes and economic closures118. Hartal; 119. Economic shutdown

THE METHODS OF POLITICAL NONCOOPERATIONRejection of authority

120. Withholding or withdrawal of allegiance; 121. Refusal of public support; 122. Literature and speeches advocating resistance

Citizens’ noncooperation with government123. Boycott of legislative bodies; 124. Boycott of elections; 125. Boycott of govern-ment employment and positions; 126. Boycott of government departments, agen-cies and other bodies; 127. Withdrawal from government educational institutions; 128. Boycott of government-supported organizations; 129. Refusal of assistance to enforcement agents; 130. Removal of own signs and placemarks; 131. Refusal to accept appointed officials; 132. Refusal to dissolve existing institutions

Citizens’ alternatives to obedience133. Reluctant and slow compliance; 134. Nonobedience in absence of direct super-vision; 135. Popular nonobedience; 136. Disguised disobedience; 137. Refusal of an assemblage or meeting to disperse; 138. Sitdown; 139. Noncooperation with con-scription and deportation; 140. Hiding, escape and false identities; 141. Civil disobe-dience of “illegitimate” laws

Action by government personnel142. Selective refusal of assistance by government aides; 143. Blocking of lines of command and information; 144. Stalling and obstruction; 145. General administra-tive noncooperation; 146. Judicial noncooperation; 147. Deliberate inefficiency and selective noncooperation by enforcement agents; 148. Mutiny

Domestic governmental action149. Quasi-legal evasions and delays; 150. Noncooperation by constituent govern-mental units

International governmental action151. Changes in diplomatic and other representation; 152. Delay and cancellation of diplomatic events; 153. Withholding of diplomatic recognition; 154. Severance of diplomatic relations; 155. Withdrawal from international organizations; 156. Re-fusal of membership in international bodies; 157. Expulsion from international orga-nizations

THE METHODS OF NONVIOLENT INTERVENTIONPsychological intervention158. Self-exposure to the elements; 159. The fast (a) Fast of moral pressure (b) Hunger strike (c) Satyagrahic fast; 160. Reverse trial; 161. Nonviolent harass-ment

Physical intervention162. Sit-in; 163. Stand-in; 164. Ride-in; 165. Wade-in; 166. Mill-in; 167. Pray-in; 168. Nonviolent raids; 169. Nonviolent air raids; 170. Nonviolent invasion; 171. Non-violent interjection; 172. Nonviolent obstruction; 173. Nonviolent occupation

Social intervention174. Establishing new social patterns; 175. Overloading of facilities; 176. Stall-in; 177. Speak-in; 178. Guerrilla theater; 179. Alternative social institutions; 180. Alter-native communication system

Economic intervention181. Reverse strike; 182. Stay-in strike; 183. Nonviolent land seizure; 184. Defiance of blockades; 185. Politically motivated counterfeiting; 186. Preclusive purchasing; 187. Seizure of assets; 188. Dumping; 189. Selective patronage; 190. Alternative markets; 191. Alternative transportation systems; 192. Alternative economic institu-tions

Political intervention193. Overloading of administrative systems; 194. Disclosing identities of secret agents; 195. Seeking imprisonment; 196. Civil disobedience of “neutral” laws; 197. Work-on without collaboration; 198. Dual sovereignty and parallel government

** This list, with definitions and historical examples, is taken from Gene Sharp, The Politics of Nonvio-lent Action, Part Two, The Methods of Nonviolent Action.

Appendix Two--Acknowledgements and Notes on the History of From Dic-tatorships to DemocracyI have incurred several debts of gratitude while writing the original edition of this essay. Bruce Jenkins, my Special Assistant in 1993, made an inestimable contribu-tion by his identification of problems in content and presentation. He also made inci-sive recommendations for more rigorous and clearer presentations of difficult ideas (especially concerning strategy), structural reorganization, and editorial improve-ments.

I am also grateful for the editorial assistance of Stephen Coady. Dr. Christo-pher Kruegler and Robert Helvey offered very important criticisms and advice. Dr. Hazel McFerson and Dr. Patricia Parkman provided information on struggles in Africa and Latin America, respectively. However, the analysis and conclusions contained therein are solely my responsibility.

In recent years special guidelines for translations have been developed, pri-marily due to Jamila Raqib’s guidance and to the lessons learned from earlier years. This has been necessary in order to ensure accuracy in languages in which there has earlier been no established clear terminology for this field.

“From Dictatorship to Democracy” was written at the request of the late U Tin Maung Win, a prominent exile Burmese democrat who was then editor of Khit Pyaing (The New Era Journal).

The preparation of this text was based over forty years of researchand writing on nonviolent struggle, dictatorships, totalitarian

systems, resistance movements, political theory, sociological analysis,and other fields.

I could not write an analysis that had a focus only on Burma, as I did not know Burma well. Therefore, I had to write a generic analysis.

The essay was originally published in installments in Khit Pyaing in Burmese and English in Bangkok, Thailand in 1993. Afterwards it was issued as a booklet in both languages (1994) and in Burmese again (1996 and 1997). The original booklet editions from Bangkok were issued with the assistance of the Committee for the Restoration of Democracy in Burma.

It was circulated both surreptitiously inside Burma and among exiles and sympathizers elsewhere. This analysis was intended only for use by Burmese democrats and various ethnic groups in Burma that wanted independence from the Burman-dominated central government in Rangoon. (Burmans are the dominant ethnic group in Burma.)

I did not then envisage that the generic focus would make the analysis poten-tially relevant in any country with an authoritarian or dictatorial government. How-ever, that appears to have been the perception by people who in recent years have sought to translate and distribute it in their languages for their countries. Several persons have reported that it reads as though it was written for their country.

The SLORC military dictatorship in Rangoon wasted no time in denouncing this publication. Heavy attacks were made in 1995 and 1996, and reportedly contin-ued in later years in newspapers, radio, and television. As late as 2005, persons were sentenced to seven-year prison terms merely for being in possession of the banned publication.

Although no efforts were made to promote the publication for use in other countries, translations and distribution of the publication began to spread on their own. A copy of the English language edition was seen on display in the window of a bookstore in Bangkok by a student from Indonesia, was purchased, and taken back home. There, it was translated into Indonesian, and published in 1997 by a major Indonesian publisher with an introduction by Abdurrahman Wahid. He was then head of Nadhlatul Ulama, the largest Muslim organization in the world with thirty-five million members, and later President of Indonesia.

During this time, at my office at the Albert Einstein Institution we only had a handful of photocopies from the Bangkok English language booklet. For a few years we had to make copies of it when we had enquiries for which it was relevant. Later, Marek Zelaskiewz, from California, took one of those copies to Belgrade during Milosovic’s time and gave it to the organization Civic Initiatives. They translated it into Serbian and published it. When we visited Serbia after the collapse of the Milo-sevic regime we were told that the booklet had been quite influential in the opposi-tion movement.

Also important had been the workshop on nonviolent struggle that Robert Helvey, a retired US Army colonel, had given in Budapest, Hungary, for about twenty Serbian young people on the nature and potential of nonviolent struggle. Helvey also gave them copies of the complete The Politics of Nonviolent Action. These were the people who became the Otpor organization that led the nonviolent struggle that brought down Milosevic.

We usually do not know how awareness of this publication has spread from country to country. Its availability on our web site in recent years has been impor-tant, but clearly that is not the only factor. Tracing these connections would be a

major research project. “From Dictatorship to Democracy” is a heavy analysis and is not easy reading. Yet it has been deemed to be important enough for at least twenty-eight translations (as of January 2008) to be prepared, although they re-quired major work and expense.

Translations of this publication in print or on a web site include the following languages: Amharic (Ethiopia), Arabic, Azeri (Azerbaijan), Bahasa Indonesia, Belaru-sian, Burmese, Chin (Burma), Chinese (simplified and traditional Mandarin), Dhivehi (Maldives), Farsi (Iran), French, Georgian, German, Jing Paw (Burma), Karen (Burma), Khmer (Cambodia), Kurdish, Kyrgyz (Kyrgyzstan), Nepali, Pashto (Afghanistan and Pakistan), Russian, Serbian, Spanish, Tibetan, Tigrinya (Eritrea), Ukrainian, Uzbek (Uzbekistan), and Vietnamese. Several others are in preparation.

Between 1993 and 2002 there were six translations. Between 2003 and 2008 there have been twenty-two.

The great diversity of the societies and languages into which translations have spread support the provisional conclusion that the persons who initially en-counter this document have seen its analysis to be relevant to their society.

Gene SharpJanuary 2008Albert Einstein InstitutionBoston, Massachusetts

Law opens gate to return of U.S. horse slaughter

The South County SpotlightStover E. Harger IIIDecember 7, 2011

A Congressional bill signed into law last month allows federal money to be used to inspect horse slaughterhouses, a slight adjustment in a spending bill that many believe creates a support-ive environment for such facilities to once again start popping up across the country.

The federal government cut funding for the USDA to inspect horsemeat plants in 2006. That was after years of unsuccessful lobbying from an-imal interest groups calling for a complete ban on the industry. If there are no government inspec-tions at horse slaughterhouses then the meat can-not be legally sold. The last horse slaughterhouse in America, located in Illinois, closed in 2007.

President Obama signed the Agriculture Ap-propriations bill into law Nov. 18.

Since then, animal welfare advocates, horse owners and others have weighed in on the topic. Some believe U.S.-based slaughterhouses could

help cut back on the number of neglected and abandoned horses — a growing concern as the economy remains stagnant. Others say having nearby horsemeat plants could provide an easy out for irresponsible horse breeders and owners who want a simple way to ditch their animals when they become sick, old or merely unwanted.

“I think if you love horses there is no way that feels right,” said Sharon Harmon, Columbia County resident and executive director of the Ore-gon Humane Society.

Over time, our country has moved towards seeing horses more as companions rather than commodities, Harmon said. Allowing the inspec-tions will turn back that progress, she said.

“At this point I would love to see us focus our attention on creating a safety net for unwanted horses. We can do better,” Harmon said.

An estimated 140,000 horses a year are trans-ported — in sometimes cramped and stressful conditions — to be slaughtered in Canada and Mexico, according to a government report prior to reauthorizing the funding for inspections. Statis-tics show that banning inspections at horsemeat plants did little to limit the number of horses be-ing sent to slaughter. Almost the same number of horses were killed for meat in the U.S. before the 2006 inspection funding ban.

In hindering the once-multi-million dollar horsemeat industry in this country, animal welfare advocates say horse owners struggling in the economy have limited recourse to get rid of their expensive animals. It costs at least $200 a month to maintain a healthy horse.

At the industry’s height, only a few facilities were operating in this country. Those, including two in Texas, mostly exported the meat to coun-tries who do not have the same beliefs as the United States when it comes to eating the animal — seen by many as iconic symbols of the Ameri-can West.

In Mexico, France and Canada, for example, horsemeat is accepted, just like eating cattle is a regular practice in our country, while beef is en-tirely unacceptable in other cultures.

Even when the slaughterhouses were active in the United States, Oregon horses were sent to Canada where horsemeat is a large industry, said Julie Fritz, program administrator for the Oregon Hay Bank, a charitable group started in 2008 that aids struggling horse owners across the state with hay feed and medical care.

That’s assuming a facility does not open in Oregon or Washington, however.

The nonprofit United Horseman group is one of the leading voices in support of opening new American-owned horse slaughterhouses. Presi-dent Dave Duquette, who lives in Hermiston, said a number of investors are looking to open facili-ties. Rumors are popping up about where those would be located. Oregon has been mentioned as a possible location.

When active, horsemeat plants had cost as much as $5 million a year to inspect, said Rose-burg horse rescuer Darla Clark. That figure is sup-ported by other horse slaughter opponents.

The slaughter debate should steer away from emotions and into fiscal responsibility, said Clark, who runs the nonprofit Strawberry Mountain Mustangs and founded the Oregon Hay Bank.

“I don’t think it should be an option, because I do not want my money being paid to clean up an irresponsible industry,” she said.

The Humane Society of the United States is calling for a renewed push to pass the American Horse Slaughter Prevention Act, which would prohibit horse slaughter plants as well as end the ongoing practice of exporting American horses for slaughter in other countries.

That would be great news for horse owners like Kassi Sande Euwer who runs Sande School of Horsemanship in Warren. Living around horses her whole life, she said she can’t imagine ever bit-ing into the flesh of one her beautiful animals.

Horse roast

While not a regular food in the U.S., horse-meat is a delicacy in many other countries, in-cluding Canada where this recipe was published by grocery chain Metro.

Ingredients:

2 Tbsp. extra virgin olive oil

2-1/4 lbs. horsemeat roast

Dijon mustard

Salt and pepper to taste

Blue cheese-horseradish sauce

3 Tbsp. blue cheese crumbles

3 Tbsp. sour cream

5 tsp. minced chives

5 tsp. horseradish or wasabi

5 tsp. light mayonnaise

Directions:

• Preheat oven to 425°F

• Heat oil in a skillet over medium-high heat.

• Sear roast all sides. Rub with mustard and season.

• Roast 10 minutes.

Reduce temperature to 350°F and cook to desired degree of doneness.

• In a bowl, mix sauce ingredients together.

• In a skillet, bring sauce to a boil.

• Lay meat on the sauce.

AP American Government Name:Legislative Process Quiz

1. Define the Rules Committee:a. Place where the House negotiates amendments and debate procedures

b. Place where Senators and Representatives negotiate about differences between legislation.

2. Define the Conference Committee:a. Place where the House negotiates amendments and debate procedures

b. Place where Senators and Representatives negotiate about differences between legislation.

3. Which of the following can start the legislative process by introducing a bill?a. presidentsb. members of the Congress onlyc. interest group membersd. all of the above

4. Which of the following lists is correctly ordered?a. member introduces a bill; one chamber takes floor action; conference committee ver-

sion is approvedb. conference committee approves a bill; member introduces bill; one chamber takes

floor actionc. member introduces a bill; conference committee version is approved; one chamber

takes floor actiond. member introduces a bill; president signs/vetos bill; conference committee version is

approved

5. The process by which bills are rewritten and amended in a committee is known as:a. multiple referral

b. markupc. a conference committee voted. a floor action

6. What is the difference between a veto and a pocket veto?a. One can be overturned by Congress and the other cannot.b. One requires the president to send it back to Congress and the other requires him to

wait until Congress goes out of session.c. One can be overturned by a majority vote and the other requires a two-thirds vote.d. There is no difference between them.

Which comes first in the legislative process?

7. a. Bill is sent to a standing committee b. Bill is sent to conference committee

8. a. Bill is sent to rules committee b. Bill is debated on House floor

9. When an interest group contacts a public official and tries to influence public policy, it is engaged in:a. electioneeringb. lobbyingc. pluralismd. external strategy

10. One view of American government is that Americans participate in politics primarily through interest groups. This is known as:a. representationb. elitismc. pluralismd. the interest group state