ANCIENT GRAFFITI AND DOMESTIC SPACE IN THE INSULA OF THE MENANDER AT POMPEII AN HONORS THESIS SUBMITTED ON THE 28 th DAY OF APRIL, 2014 TO THE DEPARTMENT OF CLASSICAL STUDIES IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS OF THE HONORS PROGRAM OF NEWCOMB TULANE COLLEGE TULANE UNIVERSITY FOR THE DEGREE OF BACHELOR OF ARTS WITH HONORS IN CLASSICAL STUDIES BY ___________________________________ Julia Judge APPROVED: _____________________ Susann Lusnia Director of Thesis _____________________ Dennis Kehoe Second Reader ______________________ Christopher Rodning Third Reader
109
Embed
Ancient Graffiti and Domestic Space in the Insula of the ...
This document is posted to help you gain knowledge. Please leave a comment to let me know what you think about it! Share it to your friends and learn new things together.
Transcript
ANCIENT GRAFFITI AND DOMESTIC SPACE IN
THE INSULA OF THE MENANDER AT POMPEII
AN HONORS THESIS
SUBMITTED ON THE 28th DAY OF APRIL, 2014
TO THE DEPARTMENT OF CLASSICAL STUDIES
IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS
OF THE HONORS PROGRAM
OF NEWCOMB TULANE COLLEGE
TULANE UNIVERSITY
FOR THE DEGREE OF
BACHELOR OF ARTS
WITH HONORS IN CLASSICAL STUDIES
BY
___________________________________
Julia Judge
APPROVED: _____________________
Susann Lusnia Director of Thesis
_____________________
Dennis Kehoe Second Reader
______________________ Christopher Rodning Third Reader
ii
Julia Judge. Ancient Graffiti and Domestic Space in the Insula of the Menander at Pompeii.
(Dr. Susann Lusnia, Classical Studies; Dr. Dennis Kehoe, Classical Studies; Dr. Christopher Rodning, Anthropology.)
This thesis is a case study of the ancient graffiti found in a specific city block, the
Insula of the Menander (I.X), in the ancient Roman city of Pompeii. Contrary to the
late 19th and early 20th century treatment of graffiti in Pompeian scholarship, which
dismissed ancient graffiti as casual inscriptions with little relevance to the
archaeology of Pompeii, recent scholarship approaches ancient graffiti as artifacts,
studying them within their context. Using this contextual approach, my thesis
examines the spatial distribution of the graffiti in the Insula of the Menander to better
understand the use of public and private space. Chapter 1 introduces the topic of
ancient graffiti in context, providing a brief description of the current state of
scholarship and of the history of the Insula of the Menander. Chapter 2 discusses the
challenges of defining ancient graffiti, and the various approaches to their
interpretation. The two hypotheses are: first, that graffiti frequency and public and
private space are related, and second, that graffiti type and room function are related.
Chapter 3 outlines the methodology for analyzing the graffiti in context, and
introduces general comparisons of frequency and spatial distribution. Chapter 4
continues this analysis, describing the graffiti in the context of each house and unit in
the insula. Chapter 5 concludes that ancient graffiti, when used along with related
archaeological evidence, are an informative source for studying the conceptualization
and use of public and private space in antiquity, and may be used in future studies for
gaining insight into the functions of space in the Roman cultural mindset.
iii
Table of Contents
List of Tables………………….........................................................
List of Figures ……………………..................................................
Chapter 1: Graffiti and Roman Domestic Space...............................
Chapter 2: Ancient Graffiti: Definition and Interpretation...............
Chapter 3: Graffiti in Context: Frequency and Distribution.............
Chapter 4: Graffiti in the Insula of the Menander............................
Chapter 5: Graffiti and Defining Domestic Space............................
Table Number Description 1 Total graffiti in insula I.X by room type. 2 Graffiti location percentages, interior vs. exterior. 3 Exterior graffiti by door number (see fig. 4 for plan of insula with this
data). 4 Interior graffiti by room type, in order from front to back of house. 5 Interior graffiti by room type, by frequency. 6 Total graffiti percentages by category. 7 Numerical Graffito I.X.9 (CIL 4.8391) Roman numerals. 8 Numerical Graffito I.X.9 (CIL 4.8391) Transliterated Arabic Numerals. 9 Frequency of total graffiti by sub-category, textual. 10 Frequency of total graffiti by sub-category, figural. 11 Textual graffiti by sub-category: exterior. 12 Textual graffiti by sub-category: interior. 13 (The following tables express the graffiti of each house or unit, listed by
room type.) I.X.1
14 I.X.2-3 15 I.X.4 16 I.X.5-6 17 I.X.7 18 I.X.8 19 I.X.10-11 20 I.X.18 21 Exterior graffiti associated with entrances with and without benches. 22 Comparison of number of exterior graffiti and house size.
v
List of Figures
Figure Number Description 1 Map of Pompeii (Dobbins and Foss, 2007) 2 Map of Pompeii, Regio I. (Dobbins and Foss, 2007) 3 Floor plan of the Insula of the Menander, I.X. (Allison, 2006) 4 Exterior graffiti frequencies in association with house placement and
benches. (Plan from Allison, 2006) 5 Figural graffito, I.X.11. (Langner, 2001. n.1828) 6 Graffito in I.X.8, rm 3. (Langner 2001, n. 820)
1
Chapter 1: Graffiti and Roman Domestic Space
Houses were physically and figuratively an integral part of the Roman cultural
mindset. The domus was a central, sacred image in nearly all aspects of Roman culture:
in the Roman religious tradition, Vesta was highly revered as the goddess of the hearth
and home. Her temple in the Forum Romanum held the hearth of Rome from the earliest
days of the Republic. The lares and penates watched over different parts of the house,
and the imagines of ancestors were displayed prominently in the atria to be revered.
Latin authors treat the domus, both the physical home and the household, as the crux of
life and family, and a symbol of a free Roman male’s social position and lineage.1 In
Roman law, the house often represented a legal boundary; the question of whether or not
a woman was married, for example, was determined based on whether or not she had
been “led into the husband’s home”. A Roman citizen was absolved from murdering a
lower-class man who cuckolded him, so long as he caught the adulterer in the act with his
wife domi suae, “in his house,” which was thought to increase the outrage of the crime. 2
The social mores and customary ideals of Rome in many ways revolved around the
domus.3 By studying how the Romans behaved within their homes, we may gain a deeper
understanding of the intricacies of Roman culture and daily life. This study is focused on
the domestic culture in Roman Pompeii. I will analyze the graffiti found in Pompeian
houses in order to better understand the function of Roman domestic space.
their content, they soon were considered to be a novelty. Their usefulness for studying
Ancient Rome, it was believed, had been exhausted. August Mau even dismissed the
graffiti as being almost certainly authored exclusively by the lower classes, and therefore
were useless for understanding the “cultivated men and women of the ancient city.”24
Whether or not scholars from the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries
appreciated the value of Pompeian graffiti, most of them approached these inscriptions
with only their content in mind, not their context. The names, references, and actions
expressed in the words of the graffiti are carefully considered, but their relationship with
their surroundings is either referenced without analysis or ignored altogether. J.A. Baird
and Claire Taylor note that “the perceived ephemeral, informal and unsophisticated
character of graffiti has meant that they have not received sufficient attention relative to
other parts of the epigraphic corpus.”25 It is only in recent decades that this perception has
been challenged. The focus has changed from the content of the graffiti to their context.
Scholars have begun to use graffiti as a means of understanding how the
inhabitants of Pompeii interacted with each other and their environment. Benefiel’s
studies of Pompeian graffiti focus on the dialogues and social interaction that are evident
in clusters of graffiti around the city. She also argues that the degree of visibility in a
space would make someone more likely to inscribe a graffito there.26 Katherine Huntley,
Eamonn Baldwin, Helen Moulden and Ray Laurence focus on identifying the authors of
24 Mau 1902. 25Baird and Taylor 2012. 26 Benefiel 2010.
12
graffiti, and how marginal groups, such as slaves and children, participated in the act of
writing in Pompeii.27 Some scholars are now working with graffiti as a means of studying
the literacy of Pompeian inhabitants. The results of these studies show that literacy in the
ancient world was a spectrum rather than a hard-and-fast skill, and not isolated to the
elite.28 The trend of this new scholarship on graffiti is gravitating towards investigating
the normative social interactions of the people of Pompeii.
One observation that has been made in recent years about ancient graffiti is the
fact that they are not only written records, but material artifacts.29 If graffiti in Pompeii
are approached as pieces of archaeological evidence, rather than historical anecdotes,
they may be studied in relation to their context, just as potsherds or trash middens are
most informative when compared with their archaeological surroundings. This is the
approach I will take to analyzing graffiti as evidence for the Roman use of domestic
space.
The Insula of the Menander
Pompeii is one of the most thoroughly studied archaeological sites of the ancient
Roman world. The town lends itself well to the investigation of Roman epigraphy and
domestic space, because a breadth of information on the art, architecture and archaeology
of the city has been recorded through decades of Pompeian scholarship. In order to
27 Huntley 2012; Baldwin, Moulden, and Laurence 2013. 28 Garraffoni and Laurence 2013; Baird and Taylor 2012. 29 Baird and Taylor 2012.
13
narrow my study to a specific area of the city, I have chosen to focus my research on the
specific city block, or “insula,” known as the Insula of the Menander (Regio I, Insula
X).30
The Insula of the Menander was originally excavated by Amedeo Maiuri from
1926 to 1932, during the great revival of Italian archaeology in the Fascist era.31 The
palatial Casa del Menandro, which takes up about 55% of the insula, was named for the
painting of the playwright Menander, which is located in a large niche in the peristyle.32
Six other houses border the Casa del Menandro, including the Casa del Fabbro and the
Casa degli Amanti. The other remaining “units”33 in the insula are smaller, external
spaces that are considered to have been cauponae, workshops or other types of
independent shops.34 Compared to the orthogonal grid that divides the majority of the
city, the Insula of the Menander lies on an irregular axis, having been constructed during
one of the older phases of Pompeii’s development.35 The insula was likely to have been
built after the major roads, the cardo and decumani, were laid out in the early third
century B.C.E.36
After Maiuri’s excavation, the insula underwent a period of restoration in 1934.
Many of the walls were restored to solidify the ancient structures and to support modern
30 See Fig. 1, 2, and 3 for map of Pompeii, map of Regio I, and insula plan. 31 Berry 2007. 32 Berry 2007. 33 Allison 2004. 34 Houses: I.X.1, 3, 4, 7, 8, 11, and 18. Units: I.X.2, 5-6, 9, 10, 12, 13 (Ling 1997). 35 Ling 1997. 36 Ling defines the terminus post quem for the insula at the end of the third century B.C.E: “there is no evidence that any of the existing structures in I. 10 goes back far, if at all, into the third century BC” (1997).
14
roofs, which were added to protect the wall paintings in the houses.37 The insula was
fortunately not damaged by the Allies’ bombing in 1943. It did not, however, escape the
destruction of looting; the Casa degli Amanti was tunneled through by modern treasure
hunters. Some of these holes were filled in as restoration efforts, others remain open.38
The insula began to deteriorate in the 1970s, and a second restoration program was
launched on the Casa del Menandro. The house was again restored in 1980 to repair
earthquake and water damage.39
There are a number of problems that arise when attempting to date the building
phases of the Insula of the Menander. One of these is due to the raising of the walls
during the restoration of the 1930s. This modern masonry was worked mostly in opus
incertum, and was set apart from the ancient masonry by tile fragments. These restorative
additions, however, have eroded over several decades, and are now “scarcely
distinguishable” from the original walls.40 The walls which were not restored are also
difficult to date. Much of the wall fabric is covered by preserved wall paintings. In this
case excavators are reluctant to damage the paintings in order to date the masonry
underneath. Taking these issues into account, Roger Ling roughly divides the chronology
of the construction and development of the insula structures into five architectural phases:
In the first phase the buildings were initially constructed in the opera a telaio style, as
37 Ling 1997. 38 The date of these tunnels is unknown, and may range from antiquity to the middle ages, or possibly even later (Ling 1997). 39 Ling 1997. 40 Ling 1997.
15
was the fashion in the third and early second centuries B.C.E.41 This style was worked
exclusively in Sarno stone, so this period may also be referred to as the “Sarno-Stone
phase.” The following four phases are based on Mau’s four styles of wall decoration, and
their corresponding chronologies: The First Style spans the second and early first century
B.C.E. The Second begins to appear around 80 and lasts through the end of the first
century B.C.E, and the Third runs through the latter half of the first century B.C.E.
through the mid-first century C.E. The Fourth Style, which occurs the most frequently of
all the styles in the insula, is datable to the final three decades before the eruption. 42
Because most of the insula was re-painted in the Fourth Style, the approximate
terminus post quem for the graffiti of the insula dates to about 30 years prior to the
eruption. Although this date range is not absolute and cannot be applied to graffiti
appearing on older walls, the terminus post quem gives a general perspective on the
chronology of the majority of the graffiti in the Insula of the Menander.
The structures that make up the Insula of the Menander are a near ideal sample
group for examining the Romans’ use of domestic space. The insula features both large
and small houses;43 the richly decorated Casa del Menandro, Casa degli Amanti and
Casa del Fabbro stand adjacent to the more modestly built I.X.8 and I.X.1.44 The
differing degrees of wealth that are evident in these houses almost certainly indicate that
41 The majority of the insula is worked in opera a telaio and the slightly later style opus incertum (Ling 1997). 42 Ling 1997. 43 Sizes are relative to the rest of the town. 44 Ling 2005.
16
the people visiting and residing in these homes would have fallen within a wide range of
social statuses. It is possible then to observe the way all types of people in Pompeii used
domestic space in this insula. In addition to these private residences there are several
external units that open up to the streets surrounding the insula. Although these units may
have belonged to the owners of the adjacent houses, their locations indicate that they
possessed public functions; some suggest these spaces were used for selling goods, or as
workshops for craftsmen.45 At any rate these units, whatever their purposes may have
served, were more accessible to the public than the houses of the insula were. Working
with graffiti on a larger scale of public and private space is useful for the purpose of my
study.
The Insula of the Menander is probably the most carefully studied city block in
the entire city of Pompeii.46 Oxford University has published four volumes on different
aspects of the insula: the first volume details the structural history and architecture of the
insula.47 The second analyzes the insula’s decorative features.48 The third volume is a
meticulous database of its material finds,49 and the fourth volume specifically discusses
the silver treasure found in the cellar of the Casa del Menandro.50 A fifth volume, which
will discuss the inscriptions in the insula, is forthcoming.51 The extensive scholarship on
the Insula of the Menander will facilitate my study of how the spaces in the insula were
used by its ancient inhabitants.
The group of graffiti in Insula X is an excellent sample for studying the
relationship between graffiti and space. A substantial number of graffiti have been found
here, and are recorded in the CIL Volume IV. Della Corte reproduces the graffiti of this
insula in Epigrafi della Via fra le isole VI e X della Reg. I, and includes some context and
analysis.52 He goes into more detail concerning certain graffiti in Case ed Abitanti di
Pompei, in which he puts forth the hypothesis that the Casa del Menandro was owned by
the same Poppaea family who are often associated with the famous villa at Oplontis. 53
Della Corte conducted the earliest and most detailed study of graffiti at Pompeii.
His work, however, has been criticized for its lack of consistent methodology by modern
standards. His interpretations of the texts either exclude pertinent information or are far-
fetched stretches of the imagination. However, there are merits to Della Corte’s work; his
familiarity with Pompeian inscriptions is unparalleled, and he took great care in recording
the inscriptions, relative to the standards of his time.54 I use Della Corte’s works as my
primary source for graffiti data, not only out of necessity, but because of his close, if
inconsistent, attention to details of the graffiti.
The graffiti of the Insula of the Menander are remarkable for their diversity.
Textual, figural, and numerical graffiti are all present in the insula at varying frequencies.
52 Della Corte 1929. 53 Della Corte 1925. 54 For further discussion of the criticism of Della Corte as a source, see Wallace-Hadrill 2011.
18
The figural graffiti represent several of Langner’s categories of images.55 There is a
variety of content in the textual graffiti as well; from political campaign advertisements
to farewell addresses, from “word squares” to spiteful jeers of rivals in love, the graffiti
of the Insula of the Menander are representative of the various messages that the
Pompeians would write on their walls.
I will demonstrate in the following chapters that by studying the spatial
distribution of the graffiti in the structures of the Insula of the Menander, it is possible to
see the relationship between the presence of graffiti and the manner in which the people
of Pompeii understood and used public and domestic space.
Methodology
I have conducted a case-study on a select set of graffiti in one city block in
Pompeii, Insula I.X.56 In Chapter 2, I provide a more detailed background of ancient
graffiti. I discuss the challenges of defining ancient graffiti, as well as the changing trends
of graffiti scholarship. I also put forth my two hypotheses for this study: one, that graffiti
frequency and public and private space are related, and two, that graffiti type and room
function are related. In Chapter 3 I present the graffiti data collected for the insula,
demonstrating the general graffiti frequencies and categories within their spatial context
in the insula. The methodology I used for compiling my dataset is outlined in this chapter
as well. The fourth chapter is dedicated to analyzing the data. I have included a detailed
55 Langner 2001. 56 Wallace-Hadrill notes the benefits and drawbacks of performing a case study of graffiti (2011).
19
discussion of each house and unit in the insula, in which I explain the graffiti and their
contexts. I then make general conclusions about the significance of the distribution of the
graffiti in this insula. In my concluding chapter I evaluate both of my hypotheses, and the
implications that these conclusions have on graffiti scholarship. I also consider how the
conversation of ancient graffiti in context may continue in the future, and how studies
such as mine may contribute to the broader understanding of ancient Roman culture.
20
Chapter 2: Ancient Graffiti: Definition and Interpretation.
Defining “graffiti” as a category of ancient inscriptions is difficult. Not only is
there no evidence for graffiti being labeled as a distinctive practice in antiquity, the
modern definition of ancient graffiti is currently somewhat nebulous.57 The contemporary
definition of modern graffiti is clearly understood in the west: “writing or drawings
scribbled, scratched, or sprayed illicitly on a wall or other surface in a public place.”58
This definition, when applied to ancient graffiti, becomes problematic; graffiti in
antiquity was not seen as defacement in most contexts, and seems to be very rarely
outright illegal.59 The parameter of “public” in the modern definition is also not
applicable to ancient graffiti, which often appear within private residences. The core
concept behind the definition, however, lends itself well to this category of ancient
inscriptions, which are casually scribbled on walls or other surfaces. The word “graffiti”
comes from the Italian verb graffiare meaning “to scratch.” Following the general
implication of this word, we may define “graffiti” as any kind of mark purposefully made
on a wall or other surface.60 This broad definition, however, does not distinguish graffiti
from formal inscriptions. We may then follow the conventional distinction described by
Mairs:
57 Baird and Taylor 2011, 5. 58 Simpson, J. A., and E. S. C. Weiner. The Oxford English Dictionary. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1989. 59 Kruschwitz 2010, 217-218. 60 Baird and Taylor 2011, 3.
21
“a texted carved on official orders in a public setting is an ‘inscription’ and one personally written by a private individual in a setting constrained by fewer rules of public behavior is a ‘graffito’.”61
Graffiti may be created using a variety of writing instruments, including styli, charcoal or
paint. Sometimes dipinti (painted inscriptions), a category often including electoral
programmata (political campaign advertisements), are considered to be formal
inscriptions and are separated from graffiti. Determining whether or not certain dipinti
should be considered graffiti can be difficult; some seem to be quickly drawn by a non-
professional, but others appear to have been painted by professional scriptores.62 The
electoral programmata of Pompeii, however, are often grouped with other forms of
graffiti, and I am including all dipinti inscriptions found in the Insula of the Menander for
the purpose of this study.63 Ancient graffiti have also been categorized in modern
scholarship as any writings that appear in unexpected places which were not originally
intended to feature text or images. This definition at the outset seems useful, because it
captures the spontaneity of graffiti. However, the concept of “unexpected” places is too
subjective to be a criterion for accurately defining graffiti.64
What were the attitudes toward graffiti in antiquity? It is important to approach
this question without modern bias toward the ideas surrounding the practice of graffiti.
As stated previously, ancient graffiti are found in both public and private spaces, a
61 Mairs 2011, 157. 62 See Kruschwitz 215-216 on the term scriptor used for both professional scribes and authors of graffiti (2010). 63 Baird and Taylor 2011, 3. 64 Baird and Taylor 2011, 4.
22
fundamental difference between ancient and modern graffiti. It is also necessary to
determine whether or not the ancients considered the writing of graffiti to be an act of
vandalism, whether in public, private, or all spaces. Kruschwitz notes that based on the
number and location of graffiti, the act of writing graffiti seems to have been a somewhat
accepted practice, but that “a large group of texts explicitly prohibits defacing sacred
spaces and/or monuments.”65 These prohibitions are sometimes polite requests, while
others threaten individuals not to write in a specific place. Some even express legal
consequences, such as fines for writing graffiti. The prohibitions, however, are limited,
both in the context in which they appear and the content which they address; Kruschwitz
finds such warnings on “monuments, dedications, walls and buildings in sacred…
spaces,” and rarely in the private sphere. The warnings are generally directed against
dipinti inscriptions and programmata, as opposed to all kinds of graffiti writing. We may
presume that this limitation results from the probability that larger, painted campaign
inscriptions would be more noticeable and more expensive to remove than smaller carved
or charcoaled inscriptions. It would also be far more feasible to prosecute the author of a
programma than the author of a simple graffito.66 It seems, then, that graffiti in antiquity
were considered to be destructive in certain contexts, for example, the surfaces of sacred
monuments and similar spaces. They were not, however, seen as vandalism, both socially
and legally, to the degree that we view them today.
According to Kruschwitz’ examples of introspective textual graffiti that make
reference to the act of producing graffiti itself, the main motivations behind graffiti
writing were attributed to “amorous ambitions and too much spare time.”67 Arguably the
most famous example of a graffito criticizing other graffiti comes from the crypta of the
Amphitheater at Pompeii:
Admiror te paries non cecidisse qui tot scriptorum taedia sustineas.(CIL 4.2487)
I am amazed, o wall, that you have not collapsed, you who bears so many writers' tedious items68
Countless examples of love-related ancient graffiti are found throughout the
epigraphic corpus. One example from the façade of house 1 of the Insula of the Menander
reads:
Amat qui scr(ibit) (CIL 4.8229)
He who writes (this) is in love.
Certainly a great number of ancient graffiti seem to have been produced during
idle time or in a lover’s reverie, but it is hardly plausible that the people of antiquity
believed that every single graffito could be attributed only to these two causes. We may
compare such an impossibly limited scope to the motivations behind contemporary
graffiti; there are, of course, numerous examples of suggestive amatory remarks scrawled
67 Kruschwitz 2010, 215. These motivations, of course, are excluding the motivation behind writing electoral programmata 68 All of the translations included are my own, except where noted otherwise.
24
on bathroom walls, and the occasional doodle drawn by a distracted child on a
schoolroom desk. We also see, however, a myriad of political and cultural sentiments, as
well as artistic images, on the walls of public spaces in any major city in the modern
West. The motivations behind graffiti, both ancient and modern, inherently are limitless.
Identifying general patterns of motivation in the corpus of ancient graffiti is
possible, however. One distinguishable pattern of motivation for producing graffiti is
practicing writing. Alphabet graffiti are found quite frequently across the Roman Empire,
for example at the Forum of Caesar in Rome and the Large Palaestra of Pompeii.69 An
“alphabet graffito” is identified as the letters of the alphabet, even as few as one or two
(according to convention), written in order. The exercise of writing out the letters of the
alphabet was very popular and was even varied to make it more challenging: occasionally
an alphabet is found written with the letters alternating from the beginning and the end of
the Latin alphabet: AXBYCV….etc. In the House of the Menander, one graffito shows
that someone had intended to start this exercise:
AX (CIL 4.9272b)
Another example of graffiti as writing practice is the repetition or copying of a graffito.
There are many instances, both in the textual and the figural categories, of groups of two
or more identical or nearly identical graffiti. This suggests the possibility that someone
was practicing writing his own name, or that a second person came along and wanted to
69 Garraffoni and Laurence 2013, 126.
25
try his hand at writing what the original author had produced. A few examples of this
phenomenon appear in Reg. I. Ins. X:
Modestus (CIL 4.8252a) Modes(tus) (CIL 4.8252b)
Neptunus (CIL 4.8289a) Netunus (CIL 4.8289b) Net (CIL 4.8289c)
Famulus (CIL 4.8280a) Famulus hic (CIL 4.8280b)
Benefiel finds evidence of this practice occurring in figural graffiti as well; similar
drawings appear near each other, indicating the possibility of someone learning to draw.70
Additionally, Della Corte notes that many electoral programmata appear to be copied.
Often a professionally made programma dipinto will have a crude graffito counterpart in
another part of town.71
Recent graffiti scholarship is calling past assertions on ancient Roman literacy
into question. It has been assumed, not unreasonably, that literacy in the Roman world
was limited, and generally reserved for the privileged few.72 It was also taken for granted,
as previously mentioned, that graffiti in Pompeii were a phenomenon perpetuated
exclusively by the lower class.73 These two assumptions, however, when taken together,
are paradoxical; how can this massive corpus of writing be created solely by an
70 Benefiel 2011, 35. 71 Della Corte, 1929. 72 Harris 1989. 73 Baird and Taylor 2011, 10.
26
uneducated and largely illiterate underclass? Baird and Taylor argue that both of these
claims should be re-examined.74 First, the question of literacy: it is often taken for
granted that literacy is a hard-and-fast skill, which one either possesses or lacks. This
view, however, seems not entirely accurate. For example, an individual may be able to
read but not write. A person with this skill set cannot be entirely dismissed as illiterate,
since he or she can comprehend written words. A person’s ability to write, on the other
hand, does not necessarily indicate that he or she is literate. People may be capable of
copying letters without being able to independently reproduce them in different
combinations which they are able to read and comprehend. Mairs suggests that many
people’s literacy level allowed them to reproduce only the letters of their name, which
may account for the high frequency of single-name graffiti.75 Therefore, literacy in the
ancient world must be viewed as a fluid spectrum, especially when approaching informal
writing.76 Recognizing that graffiti writing is not limited to the fully educated expands
our scope of the potential demographic groups who were responsible for the writing of
ancient graffiti. Although it would be incorrect to assume that the vast majority of the
population of the Roman world were literate, in any sense of the word, it is important to
acknowledge that people outside the elite could also read and write.77
The second assumption, that graffiti in Pompeii represented a “vulgar” habit of
the lower class, is evidently false; by studying even a limited sample of the graffiti at
74 Baird and Taylor 2011, 10. 75 Langner 2001, 22-24. Mairs 2011, 162. See Chapter 3 of this thesis for statistics of sub-categories of textual graffiti. 76 Baird and Taylor 2011, 10. 77Wallace-Hadrill 2011, 402.
27
Pompeii, one can find multiple examples of urbane wall-scribblings. Lines of Vergil’s
poetry, for example, are a popular subject of graffiti.78 This suggests that at least some
formally-educated people were participating in the act of writing graffiti. One example is
found on the outer wall of the entrance to the Casa del Menandro.
vidisti quo Turnus equo q(uibus ibat in armis (CIL 4.8292) ( Verg. Aen. 9.269)
You have seen on which horse Turnus was riding, with which arms he was going… 79
Della Corte notes that this line is written in neat lettering, which further suggests that the
graffito was inscribed by a well-educated hand.80 We may safely assume from this
graffito and many similar examples that some authors of Pompeian graffiti were members
of higher, educated social groups. The study of graffiti makes clear that many people of
the ancient Roman world, regardless of age, gender, or social status, were participating in
the cultural habit of writing on the walls of their cities.
As was mentioned in the introduction, ancient graffiti scholarship has shifted its
focus toward new questions. Scholars are now studying graffiti as cultural artifacts within
their archaeological context. This new perspective on the study of graffiti has taken shape
in a variety of approaches, all which aim to contextualize the act of writing graffiti within
the social landscape of antiquity. One of these approaches focuses on “graffiti dialogues,”
groups of two or more graffiti that are in communication with each other, and what can
78 Milnor 2014, 255. 79 Nettleship and Wagner 1898, 281. See note 269. 80 Della Corte 1929, 465.
28
be learned from them about the social use of space. Graffiti dialogues are found relatively
frequently throughout the city of Pompeii.81 Dialogues often occur between different
textual graffiti. One example is read as a spat between two people, presumably both men,
who are vying for the love of a certain Iris, who is evidently a slave girl working in the
“caupona” I.X.2 in which the graffito is found. Graffiti conversations such as this one
show that writing on the walls functioned as a method of communication for the people
of Pompeii.
Successus textor amat Coponiaes ancilla(m) nomine Hiredem quae quidem illum non curat sed ille rogat illa com(m)iseretur scribit rivalis vale
invidiose quia rumperis sectari (?) noli formonsiorem, et qui est homo pravissimus et bellus
dixi, scripsi. Amas Hiredem quae te non curat. Sev(erus) Successo ut scr….. S…. Severus (CIL 4.8259)
“Successus the weaver loves the slave girl of Coponia named Iris, who does not care at all for him, but he begs, and she takes pity on him. A rival wrote this. Bye.
“Since you are bursting [i.e. you who are bursting with jealousy], don’t jealously harass someone better looking, and one who is a very depraved, and handsome, man.”
“I have spoken, I have written. You love Iris, who does not care for you. Severus to Successus….”
The relationship between groups of textual and figural graffiti, on the other hand,
is more difficult to approach. The vast majority of figural graffiti are either ignored or
only mentioned briefly in passing by the CIL and Matteo Della Corte. The relationships
81 Benefiel 2011, 24.
29
between spatially connected figural and textual graffiti are rarely noted, unless the
connection is plainly clear, such as a name labeling the image of a gladiator.82 Reading
the “dialogues” between text and image, however, can often illustrate the same kind of
social interactions that are evident in text-to-text conversations. For example, the
collection of textual and figural graffiti addressing a certain Onesimus, which is found
“on the northern wall of a room that lies to the right of the vestibule of house no. 7” in the
Insula of the Menander:83
Onesimi [image of a phallus]
ecce xurikilla
dos [image of a phallus] labii(s) Onesimus
Onesimi <c=Q>un(n)u(m) li(n)ge(re) (CIL 4.8380)84
The two images of a phallus drawn with related phrases suggest a few possibilities: these
words and pictures may have been inscribed by one author. By including a visual
representation of his or her intention beside the name of the addressee, the author may be
attempting to reach a wider audience; perhaps an illiterate person would recognize the
name, and be able to construe the meaning from its association with the image, without
reading the whole inscription. It is also possible that these graffiti were written and drawn
by multiple contributors. One person may have written the words, and another decided to
add the images, perhaps because he or she could not write, or simply because he or she
82 Benefiel 2010, 75. 83 Della Corte, 1929. Della Corte suggests that the term “xurikilla” is synonymous with “male member.” 84 The act of “cunnum lingere” performed by a man was “regarded with a certain contempt.” See Varone, 2001, 82-83.
30
liked the visual manifestation of the written phrase. In either case, the author(s) of the
graffiti are communicating with other people around them, besides poor Onesimus.85
Sometimes the textual and figural graffiti communicate with each other only in
terms of their spatial position, as opposed to their content. Benefiel finds such instances
in the House of Maius Castricius.86 Although it is not coincidental that the graffiti were
inscribed close together, the drawing and writing in these instances do not seem to be
directly responding to one or the other. Such “dialogues” are more indicative of the
tendency for graffiti to cluster, which will be discussed later in this chapter.
Dialogues between graffiti are not always confined by their spatial relationship
with one another. Greetings are one of the most common types of graffiti found in
Pompeii and sometimes a greeting and its response are separated, sometimes as far as
multiple city blocks, from one another.87 A better-known example is the series of
greetings between “Secundus” and “Prima,” which are found in various places around
Pompeii.88 `Two of their greetings are found outside two houses in the Insula of the
Menander (I.X.3 and I.X.7):
Prima Secu(n)do salute(m) plurima (CIL 4.8270)
Prima sends many greetings to Secundus
85 Varone says that the act of “cunnum lingere” by a man was “regarded with a certain contempt” (2001, 82-83). 86 Benefiel 2010, 76. 87 Benefiel 2011, 25. 88 CIL IV 2993b, 2993c, 8270, 8365 and 8366.
31
Secundus Prim(a)e suae ubi que i<p=S>s(a)e salute(m) rogo domina ut me ames (CIL 4.8364)
Secundus greets his Prima anywhere (she may be) I ask, lady, that you love me
This sustained graffiti dialogue indicates the commonplace use of graffiti as a means of
communication, and the habitual practice of both reading and writing graffiti in Pompeii.
Benefiel postulates that graffiti dialogues will occur in spaces that both have a
high degree of visibility, and are in places in which people tend to gather. If a graffito is
written in an open space, easily seen by multiple passers-by, it is more likely that
someone will read the graffito and be inclined to respond to its message.89 The presence
of a graffiti dialogue, therefore, is important information for understanding how the space
was used and interpreted by those who encountered it.
Graffiti clusters are another phenomenon that facilitates our understanding of a
space in antiquity. Scholars now study graffiti clusters within the context of social space
in the ancient world. A graffiti cluster is defined as a group of graffiti in close proximity
with one another, but not in direct discourse with each other, as is the case with a graffiti
dialogue. In the modern world, we find graffiti clustering quite often in the public
context. Because of contemporary legal prohibitions against defacing public property,
modern graffiti tend to cluster in areas in which the authors are less likely to be noticed
89 Benefiel 2010.
32
and apprehended, such as public restrooms, alleyways, or large public transportation
vehicles such as trains or subway cars. In the ancient Roman world, attitudes toward
writing on walls were far more relaxed, and clusters of ancient graffiti are found in both
public spaces and domestic residences in Pompeii. Peter Keegan finds clusters in spaces
of all sizes, especially ones that are “visible, legible and memorable to a broad cross-
section of the city’s oral-literate social strata.”90 From the presence of a graffiti cluster we
may assume similar conclusions as we can with the presence of graffiti dialogues: if
several graffiti are written in the same area, it must be a space that is frequently
encountered by a relatively high density of people. The authors of the graffiti also may
choose to write in such a space because they are aware that it is a popular area and that
their words will have a higher chance of being read by others.91 Something else that may
be concluded from a graffiti cluster is that the presence of graffiti creates an “attitude of
permission” for other people to contribute their own graffiti. It is human nature to feel
more comfortable expressing oneself if a strong precedent for doing so has been
established. Claire Taylor notes this “process of legitimization” of graffiti in the
gradually augmented clusters at Thorikos and Hymettos.92
These new approaches of studying graffiti in their spatial and social context have
recast graffiti as a potent source for gaining fresh insight into ancient perspectives on
social space. Following along this newly-trodden path of graffiti scholarship, I will
investigate the distribution of graffiti in the Insula of the Menander at Pompeii. My study
90 Keegan 2011, 179. 91 Garroffoni and Laurence 2013, 132. 92 Taylor 2011, 97.
33
began with two hypotheses: the first is that the frequency of graffiti in a given area
indicates the degree to which that space was public or private. The higher the number of
graffiti, the more public the space was in the eyes of its visitors. If a low number of
graffiti are found in a space, it was likely considered to be private. This correlation is
based on the logical assumption that more people are likely to be in a “public” space at
any given time, because fewer people are permitted into more private spaces. Again, the
ancient concept of “public” and “private” was a gradated spectrum, as emphasized by
Wallace-Hadrill.93 Based on the results of my study I am able to show that graffiti
frequencies reflect this spectrum of public and private in the Insula of the Menander.
My second premise is that the distribution of the categories and sub-categories of
graffiti illuminates potential uses of the different types of domestic spaces. In the Villa
San Marco, Baldwin, Moulden, and Laurence found that most numerical graffiti were
found in the service quarters, areas in which activities such as cooking would have
required “functional writing,” such as mathematical equations. They find a high number
of figural graffiti occurring in the bath areas, and postulate that this is due to ease of
incising the plaster softened by the heat of the baths. Bathers might have had more time
to draw while relaxing in the bath area, as might the slaves who could have drawn in their
spare time while waiting to serve the bathers.94 In the Insula of the Menander, such
definitive patterns are not found. However, I will show that some connections may be
93 Wallace-Hadrill 1994. 94 Baldwin, Moulden, and Laurence 2013, 162-163.
34
drawn between certain graffiti and their contexts to support theories of how those spaces
might have been used.
From the results of my research I am able to demonstrate that graffiti are a useful
and important source for understanding the use of domestic space in antiquity. By
recognizing ancient graffiti as archaeological artifacts, we may use their presence at other
sites, perhaps sites yet to be discovered, as evidence of the social activities in the ancient
world. In the following chapters I test my two hypotheses and the implications of these
results for the study of ancient graffiti.
35
Chapter 3: Graffiti in Context: Frequency and Distribution
In this Chapter I present the distribution and frequency of the graffiti in Insula
I.X. For this thesis, I compiled a database of 194 select graffiti from the insula. Wallace-
Hadrill uses a comparable number of graffiti in his case study of the near-by insula, I.9,
although he asserts that “it seems meaningless… to say whether 201 inscriptions is a lot
or a little for an urban block of 8 properties.”95 The majority of the data for I.X is taken
from two of Della Corte’s publications: his article Epigrafi della Via fra le isole VI e X
della Reg. I in Notizie degli Scavi di Antichità, and his book Casa ed Abitanti di
Pompei96. Several of the inscriptions in these publications are taken from CIL 4
Supplement 3, but many are Della Corte’s own observations, and are not recorded in the
CIL. Likewise, there are a few inscriptions in the CIL that are left out by Della Corte.
Several of the figural graffiti from the insula, which are missing from the CIL, have been
taken from Martin Langner’s 2001 study Antike Graffitizeichnungen: Motive, Gestaltung
und Bedeutung.97
In order to visualize the graffiti content within the context of these structures, I
have organized the data both by their location in the insula and by the category of their
content. In my database, I recorded each graffito with the following information:
-Available citation or reference
95 Wallace-Hadrill 2011, 404. 96 Della Corte 1929, 455-476. Della Corte 1925, 292-304. 97 Langner 2001.
36
-House number
-The text, image, or description of the graffito, or its interpretation by the source
from which it is cited
-The type of room in which the graffito appears (adapted from Penelope Allison’s
categorization of room types)98
- Any further details regarding the graffito’s location, such as its height on the
wall or relationship with a certain wall fixture (below a window, inside a
lararium, etc.)99
-The graffito’s general category (textual, figural, or numerical)
- A “subcategory,” detailing the content of the graffiti (e.g. a textual graffiti that
expresses a greeting.)
A full presentation of the graffiti database may be found in Appendix A.
The specificity of available information varies for each graffito: in terms of
location, for some graffiti I am able to note the exact room and wall number on which
they appear. For others, only the room number or room type is available. Others have
only the notation that they are found either in the interior or the exterior of the house.
From this information, I have charted the number of graffiti occurrences in each room
type of the insula as a whole. As is clearly seen in Table 1, the great majority of the
graffiti found in the insula appears on the exterior walls near entrances, which accounts
for about 63% of the total number of graffiti occurrences. This high frequency is a logical
98 Allison 2004, 64. Table 5.a 99 Not included in Appendix A.
37
result of the traffic patterns of the daily salutatio, which will be discussed further in
Chapter 4.100
Working from the hypothesis that graffiti will appear in a higher frequency in
more public spaces, we would expect to see a great number of graffiti found on the
exterior walls facing the street. More interesting, however, are the results of the
comparison between the exterior wall graffiti surrounding each house entrance. In these,
we find that there is a higher frequency of graffiti on the walls that are connected to the
larger street, the Vicolo del Menandro, which connects to the northern side of the insula.
Of the 123 graffiti on exterior walls, 108 of them are found on the walls facing the Vicolo
del Menandro. The frequency then diminishes on the walls further away from the main
road. There are 4 graffiti on the exterior walls of the west side of the insula, 0 on the
south side, and 11 on the east side.101
Since the number of graffiti appearing on exterior walls dwarfs the number that
appears in individual room types, it is useful to compare the frequencies within interior
room types, isolated from the exterior.102 I have sorted Table 4 by a general progressive
room order, beginning with the entrances of the house opening to the street and
progressing toward the back. For Table 5, I reordered the rooms by graffiti frequency, in
order of highest to lowest. We can see from these tables how the general trend of graffiti
frequency changes as one moves through the house, and which types of rooms tend to
100 See Table 2 for comparison of graffiti found on exterior and interior walls of the insula. 101 See Table 3, Figure 4. 102 Langner makes this division as well (2001, 22-23).
38
have higher frequencies. The comparison of these frequencies will be informative to the
discussion of graffiti’s relationship with public and private space.
My identification of room types is based on Penelope Allison’s Pompeian
Households: An Analysis of the Material Culture.103 Allison includes her own descriptive
labels for the room types, along with the traditional Latin or Greek equivalents (e.g.
Peristyle= “Main Garden”). She does this in order to emphasize the importance of leaving
behind preconceived notions of the function of a room type when approaching the study
of domestic space. In the discussion of graffiti in the context of domestic space, this
admonition is even more necessary to keep in mind; the majority (though slight) of
graffiti in interior spaces of the insula is found in cubicula, the small rooms that extend
off of the larger areas of the house, which are often referred to as private spaces. This
discrepancy will be further investigated in Chapter 4.
The frequency in other areas is less surprising. The three room types containing
the highest frequency of graffiti are peristyles, main entranceway areas (fauces and
vestibula), and rooms that open up to the street (tabernae, cauponae, workshops, etc.).
These spaces have long been considered as public spaces, relative to other parts of the
house such as triclinia or oeci.104
For the discussion of my second hypothesis, concerning what types of graffiti
occur in the different parts of the insula structures, it is necessary to compare the general
categories of graffiti, defined by Varone as textual, figural, and numerical.105 The
percentages of the total graffiti in the insula by category are as follows:106
Textual: 79%
Figural: 20%
Numerical: 1%
These results seem to be typical,107 and can be explained in a number of ways: first, the
exceedingly low number of numerical graffiti could be due to the fact that numerical
graffiti are relatively under-recorded.108 Since hand-written Roman numerals often appear
like simple hash marks, a numerical graffito may be indistinguishable from the rest of the
weathered wall on which it was inscribed. The lower number of figural graffiti compared
with that of textual graffiti can also be explained by under-recording.109 In his
publications, Della Corte marginalizes figural graffiti by only briefly noting them within
his descriptions of the cited textual examples,110 and figural graffiti are generally
excluded from the CIL.111 Benefiel finds a higher number of figural graffiti on the
exterior of the House of Maius Castricius than in the interior, and suggests that the lower
105 Varone 1999. 106 See Table 6. 107 Compare to the House of Maius Castricius, where Benefiel finds that textual messages make up nearly two-thirds of its extant graffiti (2011). 108 Benefiel 2011, 37. 109 Benefiel 2011 32. 110 Della Corte 1929. 111 Benefiel 2011 32.
40
number of figural graffiti in domestic spaces is due to the overpowering decoration that is
often prevalent in the houses of Pompeii.112 Textual graffiti may also be more prevalent
simply because for literate people, writing is more instinctive than drawing or
counting.113
Because there are only two recorded examples of numerical graffiti in insula I.X,
it is worth discussing them both in detail. The first is located on the outer wall of door
number 3, and it reads:
LXXIICII114
The numerals represent two numbers written closely together, 72 and 102.115 This graffito
is inscribed in the vicinity of multiple figural graffiti depicting gladiators. It is possible
that the numerals were written in association with the drawings, perhaps noting the
gladiators’ rankings resulting from recent matches.116
The second numerical graffito appears inside of door number 9, high on the
northern uncovered brick wall. This graffito records multiple, methodical lists of
numbers:
112 Benefiel 2011. 113 See Taylor (2011) and Kruschwitz (2010) on graffiti and the epigraphic habit, and Keegan, (2011) on the connection between graffiti, culture and literacy. 114 No CIL citation. Della Corte 1929, n. 163. 115 72 and 102 according to Keegan (2011). 116 See Carter for epigraphic evidence of gladiator ranking and pricing (2003).
41
1 2a 2b 3 4 5a 5b 6
X XXXV XIX XIIX XXV XIX XVI
XV XIX XXII XVI XIII XII
XIV XXV VIII XIII XIII
XIIX IIX XXII VIII XV
III
Table 7. Numerical Graffito I.X.9 (CIL 4.8391) Roman numerals.
Unit 9 has been labeled as either a workshop space or a food outlet. One can assume,
then, the possibility that a slave or other employed person in the workshop or food shop
would have at one point needed to make numerical notes, perhaps for the purpose of
taking inventory or to note the quantity of goods being bought or sold. I will discuss this
graffito and its context in unit 9 in more detail in Chapter 4.
The distribution of textual and figural graffiti, on the other hand, is more varied
than that of the numerical. The sub-categories of textual and figural graffiti are based on
Langner’s divisions in his brief chapter on textual graffiti.117 From the textual sub-
categories, we see that electoral programmata, single names, and greetings are the three
most frequent sub-categories of textual graffiti in this insula. These sub-categories are
generally some of the most frequent in all parts of Pompeii.118 This also follows with the
pattern we have already seen of graffiti tending to appear on exterior walls; these three
categories make up the highest percentage of textual graffiti on exterior walls, and all but
two of the programmata found in I.X appear on exterior walls.119
Looking at the figural sub-categories, we may note that gladiatorial images appear
at a slightly higher frequency than other types, with animal images being a close
second.120 We may compare these results with the frequencies of figural sub-categories
117 Langner 2001. 118 Langner does not include programmata in his statistics of textual graffiti (2001, 22-24). See Table 9. 119 CIL 4.7371 and CIL 4.7373. 120 See Table 10.
43
for all graffiti in Pompeii: the three most frequent sub-categories are human heads and
figures, gladiators and other sportsmen, and animals, respectively.121
From the information presented in this chapter, we are able to make some general
observations. The highest frequency of graffiti appears on the exterior walls of the insula,
and these exterior graffiti tend to appear on the Vicolo del Menandro. Textual graffiti are
the most common of the three categories of graffiti in this insula, and the three most
common subcategories of textual graffiti are single names, programmata and other items
of information, and greetings. In the following chapters, I will discuss the graffiti
distribution in further detail, and explain the implications of these observations.
121 Langner 2001, 22-24.
44
Chapter 4. Graffiti in the Insula of the Menander
The focus of this chapter will be the discussion of my dataset of graffiti within the
context of public and private space in the Insula of the Menander. I have organized my
analysis of the distribution of graffiti by the individual door numbers of the insula. The
assortment of graffiti, as well as other significant architectural and archaeological finds,
will be detailed for each house or unit. Analyzing the graffiti in conjunction with related
archaeological finds facilitates the understanding of graffiti as artifacts in their context of
public and private space. I will make general conclusions about the graffiti distribution in
the insula as a whole in the following chapter.122
House 1 (I.X.1)
In the first house, located on the North-East corner of the insula, I recorded five
graffiti. All are located on the exterior walls outside of the entrance. Three are electoral
programmata. Another is the single letter “L.” The fifth graffito is the beginning of a
relatively common phrase:123
AMAT QUI SCR(ibit)(CIL 4.8229)
He who writes this is in love.124
122 See Tables 11-20 for graffiti frequencies of each house or unit, listed by room type. 123 See CIL 4.2360, CIL 4.4008. 124 The database of graffiti for insula I.X is listed by house number in Appendix A.
45
This small dwelling, decorated in the Fourth Style, appears to have “served as
both a dwelling and a workshop,” based on Allison’s analysis of the material finds.125
The lack of precious finds, in addition to its relatively small size, indicates the possibility
that this was a poorer household.126 This may account for the lack of graffiti in the
interior: if the owner of this house was not wealthy, he would not have held a daily
salutatio (the house is too small to be considered a true atrium house), and it is likely that
he had relatively few visitors in comparison with the wealthy house owners of Pompeii.
With no need to entertain clients, the “public” aspect of the house would certainly have
been diminished. There is a lower probability for the appearance of graffiti inside a house
such as this one.
House 3 and Caupona 2 (I.X.2-3)
This structure is a small dwelling including an adjoining shop (entrance 2), which
opens to the Vicolo del Menandro. The shop, decorated in the Fourth Style, features a
masonry counter with two dolia, and a fornello (a “small oven”). The shop, and the house
as a whole, have been identified as either a taberna,a popina or a caupona.127 In any case
it is clear that some kind of food or drink was sold in this space. There are five graffiti in
this shop, including the dialogue mentioned in Chapter 2 between “Successus the
weaver” and his rival. The presence of a graffiti dialogue in this caupona is significant,
because it reaffirms the already widely-held belief that street-facing shops such as I.X.2
The majority of the graffiti in Insula X appears in and outside of the Casa del Menandro.
Because of the great size of the house and the large number of graffiti, my discussion into
three parts: graffiti appearing on the outer walls, in the main peristyle and in other areas
of the interior house.
Exterior Walls
Over 60% of the graffiti in the Casa del Menandro are found on the exterior walls
outside the main entrance. The grand entrance is flanked with two Corinthian columns,
and on both sides are two infixed masonry benches. Many of the graffiti appear on the
plastered panels above these benches, suggesting that the graffiti were inscribed by
people sitting on the benches. The presence of the graffiti in relation to the benches
indicates that people frequented this space and spent a relatively prolonged period of time
here. A discussion of the significance of graffiti in relation to street-side benches and the
salutatio will be included in the following chapter. The secondary entrances to the house
(I.X. 14, 15, 16, and 17) feature six more programmata graffiti. There are no masonry
benches on the exterior walls by these secondary entrances.
From the high concentration and variety of exterior graffiti, as well as the
grandeur of the house’s main entrance, one can surmise that a comparatively greater
number of people approached the Casa del Menandro on a daily basis than visited the
neighboring houses. The cluster of graffiti indicates that people were reading the graffiti
and participating in the activity, contributing their own names, phrases and drawings. We
49
may conclude from the context of the graffiti that the area outside the main entrance of
the Casa del Menandro was a public, highly populated space.
Peristyle
In the scheme of the Roman household, Wallace-Hadrill considers the peristyle,
the main garden area, to be a public space. Perhaps less public compared to the atrium,
the peristyle required invited entry, but access to it was more easily obtained than an
invitation to a triclinium or cubiculum.130 The peristyle of the Casa del Menandro is
relatively large,131 and is the nexus between the four wings of the house. About 17% of
the total graffiti in the house are found in this peristyle. Most of the graffiti are the names
or titles of public figures, including “celebrities” such as Tiberius and Cleopatra.132 We
also find a lamentation of unrequited love; “Chloe” and “Eutychia” have been identified
as two women.133 .
Chloe Eutychiae s[alutem] non me curas Euty- chia spe(s) [f]irma tua Ruf[um/am?] amas (CIL 4.8321)
Chloe greets Eutychia: Eutychia, you don’t care about me. With a firm hope you love (Rufus/Rufa)134
130 Wallace-Hadrill, 1994. 131 Berry 2007, 169. 132 This is the only mention of the name Cleopatra in the corpus of Pompeian graffiti (Keegan 2011, 179). 133 Varone 2001, 102. 134 Translation adapted from Varone, 2001, 102.
50
If we were to base our inferences solely on graffiti frequency in this house, we
would conclude that the peristyle was a more public space than the atrium, and was on
average more populated (there are no extant graffiti in the atrium of the Casa del
Menandro). However, since an external visitor would have had to pass through the atrium
to reach the peristyle, this conclusion would be false; anyone present in the peristyle
would also have been present in the atrium at some point. Benefiel remarks that the
peristyles of Pompeian houses tend to have a relatively high frequency of graffiti,
especially compared to the number found in atria.135 What caused the Pompeians to
prefer writing and drawing on the walls and columns of the peristyle to writing and
drawing in the atrium? We have already established that the peristyle is considered to
have been a relatively public space. The material findings in this and other peristyles in
Pompeii indicate that they were multi-functional spaces. In addition to the apparent,
primary purpose of the peristyle (ambling around the portico to enjoy the landscaped
garden), it is clear that the space was used for other purposes as well. Evidence of
utilitarian and domestic storage, food preparation and dining, and industrial materials
have been found in this peristyle. Because of its central location and multi-functional
nature, the peristyle drew in a variety of people from the house to perform a variety of
tasks, including both work and leisure activities, throughout the day.
The peristyle’s connection to spaces of leisure, such as the bath complex (rooms
46-49) and banquet hall (room 18), probably created a relaxed atmosphere that
encouraged writing and drawing. Those who lingered in the peristyle had idle time to
135 Benefiel 2011, 30.
51
ponder and imagine words and pictures which manifested themselves in numerous
graffiti. The busyness of the atrium, perhaps, did not provide such free time for writing
graffiti.
Another influential factor in the high frequency of graffiti in the peristyle was
lighting. Benefiel suggests that the more well-lit a space was, the more likely it was that
someone would inscribe a graffito there.136 Not only would more lighting facilitate the
author’s vision while writing or drawing, but the space’s higher degree of visibility would
increase the graffito’s potential audience, giving the author a greater incentive to write
there.
Other areas
The remaining graffiti make up about 17% of the total graffiti in the house, and are found
sporadically throughout the building. Because of the trace frequencies of the graffiti
outside the main reception areas (vestibule, atrium, and peristyle) of the house, it is
difficult to make any definitive inferences about these spaces. We can, however, make a
few noteworthy observations.
In the two entrances to the house, the graffiti are mostly “items of information.”
On the walls of the fauces of the main entrance, the documentation that some kind of loan
was given by Quintus is recorded (Della Corte would argue that this refers to Quintus
Poppaeus Sabinus, the purported owner of the house). Written in the same area among a
set of figural graffiti (identified by Langner as four shoes) is a monetary amount: 6
136 Benefiel 2011, 31.
52
asses.137 In the secondary entrance on the east side of the house, the following graffito is
inscribed:
Nucerea quaeres ad Porta(m) Romana(m) in vico Venerio, Novelliam Primigeniam (CIL 4.8356)
Look for Primigenia Novellia in Nucerea at the Roman gate in the prostitute’s district.
Della Corte reads this message as a “cheerful address.”138 Others have interpreted it as
directions to find a prostitute, Primigenia, in the “vico Venerio” in Nuceria.139 These
examples of informative graffiti appearing in entranceways suggest that entrances,
although small, were more public spaces with a high degree of visibility.
The name Sabinus appears twice again in room 19, the “golden cubiculum.”140
This room, lavishly painted in the Fourth Style, is connected to the peristyle and the large
banquet hall 18. If we assume the several occurrences of the name Sabinus are inscribed
by one man, we may assume that he either lives or works in the insula. Della Corte’s
assumption that this was Quintus Poppaeus Sabinus, and that he was at one point the
owner of I.X.4, is certainly plausible.141 The size and location of room 19 makes its
identification as a cubiculum dubious. Allison finds no furniture indicative of the room’s
use and suggests the possibility that the room was out of use at the time of the eruption.142
137 There are other instances of the monetary unit “as” abbreviated as “a.” (CIL 4.8357b). 138 Della Corte 1925, 299. 139 Cooley 2004, 111. 140 Della Corte 1925, 294. 141 Allison 2006, 334. 142 Allison 2006, 307-308.
53
Whatever function the room originally served, its location is removed to the back of the
house and not easily accessible. This detachment, along with the lack of graffiti apart
from the two names, suggests that this room was more private and less frequented by
visitors to the house. The presence of Sabinus’ name in such a space provides more
evidence that he was the owner or at least a resident of the Casa del Menandro.
Other graffiti found within the house include fragments of poetry scattered
throughout the interior. A greeting from Crescens to Chryseros and a dedication to the
divine Romulus appear in the service areas of the west side of the house.
Summary
The areas with the highest frequency of graffiti for I.X.4 are the exterior walls
near the main entrance, the peristyle, and the main vestibule.143 Imagining these
frequencies within the whole space, one can visualize the line of public space extending
from outside the entrance through to the peristyle. The public nature of these spaces is
reflected in the architecture: large spaces, lofty ceilings and certain artistic features like
columns all serve to create an “allusion” to public space.144 The Casa del Menandro is an
example of a Pompeian house with a clear public function, defined by its architecture and
evident in its graffiti record.
Domestic workshop (I.X. 5-6)
143 I am ignoring the percentage of interior graffiti with an unidentified location. 144 Wallace-Hadrill 1994.
54
I.X.6 is a small two-room unit, which possibly served as both a workshop and
living space. The two rooms are divided by stairway 5, which opens directly to the street
and led to a series of non-extant upper rooms. There are only 8 instances of graffiti
recorded in this unit. On the exterior wall of the stairway, we find the name “Crescens,” a
small drawing of a gladiator helmet, a greeting to “Primilla,” a statement of love, and a
fragmented sentence that reads as vaguely poetic but cannot be tied directly to any extant
ancient literature. A mini-dialogue between textual and figural graffiti is found on the
walls within stairway 5. The phrase “Primilla va” is written again, twice, with the
drawing of a phallus inserted between the two greetings. The implications of this
dialogue have been used to suggest that the upper story functioned as a brothel, but there
is no evidence to substantiate this claim.145 The graffiti dialogue alone cannot be used as
concrete evidence. This cluster is similar to the “Onesimus” dialogue described in
Chapter 2, and it is clear that House 7 did not function as a brothel. The usefulness of
graffiti for identifying the functions of space is contingent upon comparing their content
and context to material and architectural evidence. For example, we may observe the only
graffito found in the interior of unit 6, the single word “fullo,” the Latin word for “fuller.”
A fuller was a professional clothing launderer. In the back of the first room of unit 6 is a
rectangular structure enclosed by two low walls, containing two stone basins. Ling
identifies these as “wash basins.”146 Elia and Moeller suggest that this unit was a fuller’s
workshop, a claim that has been met with some opposition.147 The graffito, however,
I don't care about your pregnancy, Salvilla, I despise it."151
149 No CIL citation. Della Corte 1929, n. 225. 150 A.S. Kline, 2012.
57
A variety of figural graffiti were drawn among the text. The images include
human faces, patterns and shape designs: a gladiator, a bird, and two leaves. Because of
the relatively massive number of loom weights found in this house, Della Corte has
suggested that this house functioned as a weavers’ workshop, and the graffiti names are
some of the textores and textrices who worked in the house.152
The function of this room is difficult to identify. The material findings point to a
number of unrelated activities. Elia labeled this room as a bedroom (cubiculum) based on
the items of personal domestic use.153 Allison, however, argues that this is unlikely given
the presence of large lava slabs that were possibly used as floor polishers. The mix of
unrelated items may suggest that the room was being used for “haphazard storage,” and
its regular use may have been suspended at the time of the eruption. 154
When taking the graffiti into account, it becomes impossible to identify room 3 as
a personal bedroom. The number of names, as well as the dialogues and clustering of text
and images, suggests that this space was habitually occupied by multiple people at some
point. For what purpose they gathered, however, is unclear.
A substantial cluster of graffiti, which were clearly authored by multiple people,
found in a small, interior space is surprising at first glance; however, by digging deeper
into the epigraphic corpus we find that this is not an isolated incident. Benefiel finds
151 The Latin words of this graffito were written in Greek letters. I have included Varone’s transliteration and translation (2001, 100). 152 Della Corte 1925, 301. 153 Elia 1934, 309-310. 154 Allison 2006, 351.
58
clusters of comparable size in smaller spaces extending off of the atrium in both the
House of the Four Styles and the House of Maius Castricius.155 The graffiti cluster in
room 3 of House I.X.8 is another reminder that not all small rooms extending off of the
atrium are private, personal spaces. This room was clearly a more common space.
Shop 9 (I.X.9)
Only one graffito has been recorded in unit 9, the numerical grid described in
Chapter 3. This graffito was written on the northern wall of unit 9.
The function of this one-room structure opening to the street is uncertain. Elia
identified it as a workshop; its size and street-corner location give the general impression
that it is a functional workspace.156 The material finds in unit 9 are varied and do not
point to a single function or activity. The fixed finds include a masonry base in the south-
east corner, with some kind of hearth or oven unit at the end. There are also remains of
stairs on the back wall leading to an upper story. The loose finds include two small
marble weights and one lead weight for scales, a ceramic storage jar, ceramic table wear,
and ceramic lids. Based on the presence of the hearth and the ceramic dishware, Allison
postulates that unit 9 might have functioned as an outlet for selling cooked food. She also
notes that the space was in a state of great disrepair at the time of the eruption. 157 This
observation, as well as the Allison’s recorded loose finds, leads me to believe that unit 9
155 Benefiel 2011; Benefiel 2010. 156 Shops and workshops tend to be exterior rooms that “pressed against the sides” of houses (Maiuri 1960, 188). 157 Allison 2006, 357.
59
once functioned as either a workshop or a food outlet, but was out of its regular use at the
time of the eruption, and had been temporarily repurposed for miscellaneous activities.
As was mentioned in Chapter 3, we can easily imagine the numerical graffiti
being connected to the activities that were done in the space; perhaps an owner or
employee of the shop wrote this graffito for the purpose of taking note of a transaction or
taking inventory of the goods being bought or sold. Nevertheless, although this graffito is
clearly related to the probable commercial function of the space, it does not provide any
more specificity to its exact function than do the material finds.
Casa degli Amanti (I.X.10-11)
The Casa degli Amanti is located on the south-west corner of the insula. The
graffiti in this house appear on the outer walls, the vestibule, the peristyle, and
unidentified interior locations. Four programmata appear on the exterior walls of this
house, all advertising candidates for aedile. The remains of a stone bench are visible to
the right of the entranceway. Three instances of graffiti are recorded in the vestibule. One
is textual, a commemorative note that the master of this house received musicians into his
home. The other two are figural, two drawings depicting birds. One of these figural
graffiti is identified by Huntley as a child’s graffito.158 I will discuss the presence and
significance of children’s graffiti in the Insula of the Menander in the next chapter.
There are five instances of graffiti in the peristyle of the Casa degli Amanti.
Cooley describes CIL 4.8405 as a commemorative statement of a cavalry man of the 10th
158 Huntley 2011, 74.
60
praetorian cohort.159 Three mythological/astrological names, Venus, Ursa, and Hermes,
are inscribed outside of rooms 10, 11, and 12, respectively, which make up the back wall
of the peristyle. Della Corte says that these were the names given to these three rooms.160
Both this interpretation, and even the reading of the words themselves, is debatable.
On the south wall adjacent to room 13, inscribed on a fresco depicting a bird, is
the well-known graffiti dialogue, which concerns the nature of love, between an optimist
and a pessimist.
a amantes ut apes vitam mellitam exigunt
b velle (CIL 4. 8408 a,b)161
A Lovers, like bees, lead a honeyed life
B Would that it were
This graffiti dialogue, from which the house takes its common name, gives us a very
pleasing impression of the kind of philosophical conversations that supposedly occurred
as residents or visitors of the house ambled thoughtfully through the peristyle colonnade.
Strictly speaking, however, its very presence indicates that the peristyle was an open,
public space that was encountered by several people, who presumably were reading the
graffiti on the walls and contributing their own.
159 Cooley 2004, 177. 160 Della Corte 1925, 302. 161 Varone ignores the third line, CIL 4.8408c, which is sometimes included in this dialogue (2001, 60).
61
Other graffiti found in the Casa degli Amanti include the single name Herodotus,
the name Metrodorus written as an artistic signature in the shape of a boat, and the
presumably insulting command
move te fellator (CIL 4. 8400)
Move it, cocksucker
We see a similar pattern of graffiti frequencies in the Casa degli Amanti: the
highest numbers of graffiti occurrences appear down the midline of the house: exterior
walls by the entrance, vestibule, and peristyle. There were no graffiti found in the atrium,
as was the case in the Casa del Menandro. We are able to make the same assumption in
the Casa degli Amanti as was made in the Casa del Menandro: because one had to cross
through the atrium in order to access the peristyle from the entrance, the atrium must
have been considered a “public” space as well.
Unit 12 (I.X.12 )
This one-room unit opens up to the south side of the insula. A doorway on the
back wall of the unit had been blocked off in antiquity, suggesting that this room was
once connected to the Casa del Menandro. At first glance this space appears to be a
workshop.162 Allison suggests that the room may have been used for spinning thread
during the final phase of occupancy.163 The findings include a two-block stone base
162 Elia 1934, 340. 163 Allison 2006, 366.
62
protruding from the west wall, an inscribed amphora, a small ceramic pot, a bronze lock
bolt, an iron door key, two nails, and pieces of equipment for spinning thread.
Only one graffito is found in this unit. Written in two lines, this fragmentary
graffito begins with a sentence that is difficult to decipher. The CIL suggests the
following reading:
ba]sium ami[co] prae[sta?]
[pu]bli Marcellae om[n…
vale Paris (CIL 4.7367)
The last line clearly reads as a farewell address, suggesting that the first sentence is some
kind of commemorative dedication or address to a friend, perhaps Marcella. The graffito
cannot be confidently connected with any theoretical function of the space.
Caupona 13 (I.X.13)
This unit, which features a masonry counter with imbedded dolia and a hearth, is
referred to by Della Corte as the Poppaeorum caupona, associating it with the Casa del
Menandro. There are no graffiti found in this unit. This is somewhat surprising because
based on the fixed finds, this space seemingly functioned as a bar or food outlet, and
therefore a public area. Compared to the caupona I.X.2, we would expect to see more
graffiti in this space, or on adjacent exterior walls. Furthermore, according to Allison, the
unit seemed to be functioning during the time of the eruption (items associated with food
63
preparation, as well as a door key, suggest a hasty departure).164 One possible explanation
for the lack of graffiti in this unit is its position in this insula. It is removed from the main
road, the Vicolo del Menandro (on which I.X.2 is located). This may have meant that the
caupona received fewer visitors, and therefore would have had a smaller potential
audience for graffiti.
House 18 (I.X.18)
This relatively small house can be accessed from the Vicolo di Paquius Proculus on the
north-east side of the insula. All the graffiti recorded for this house appear on the exterior
walls by the entrance, which is flanked with a stone bench on either side. There are six
programmata, two single names (one of which appears to be repeated from one of the
adjacent programmata), and three figural graffiti: a gladiator head, a four-legged animal,
and a palm frond. Allison reports that the loose finds in this house were mostly of a
utilitarian nature. She notes that the state of disrepair and the sparse number of luxury
goods suggest that the house was not occupied at the time of the eruption.165
Summary of Insula
164 Allison 2006, 367. 165 Allison 2006, 370.
64
The highest frequencies of graffiti in the houses of insula I.X occur on exterior
walls near entrances, vestibula, and peristyles. These areas define the midline of the
house, with each space falling on the axis drawn from the entrance to the back of the
house. We also find graffiti scattered throughout other areas of these houses, including
the clusters in I.X.8, room 3 and I.X.7, room 1. The frequencies of graffiti in the shops
and units that open up to the streets are varied. While several graffiti are found in shop
I.X.2 and unit I.X.5-6, only 1 graffito is found in unit I.X.9 and I.X.12, and none appear
in I.X.10 and I.X.13. I will explain the causes for the distribution and frequencies of the
graffiti in the Insula of the Menander and the implications of these results in the
following chapter.
65
Chapter 5: Graffiti and Defining Domestic Space
In this chapter I will address the two hypotheses put forth in Chapter 2. The first
was that the distribution and frequencies of graffiti should be correlated with the varying
degrees of public and private space in the Insula of the Menander. The second hypothesis
was that the categories and sub-categories of graffiti may indicate the use of the spaces in
which the graffiti were found. By connecting the graffiti data presented in Chapter 3 with
the analysis of the insula in Chapter 4, I am able to make the following conclusions with
regards to the two hypotheses.
As stated previously, the largest percentage of the graffiti recorded in insula I.X
appears on exterior walls. All the exterior walls of the insula, and any insula for that
matter, are open-faced toward public streets. These areas are inherently public; how, then,
can we account for the great disparity between the graffiti frequencies on some walls and
others? If we observe the different qualities of the houses that would cause one to seem
“more public” than the others, we find a correlation between the graffiti frequency and
these differences. One of these differences is the presence of benches outside entryways.
The placement of masonry benches beside the doorways of Pompeian households
is a common phenomenon that requires some explanation: these benches, which usually
measure about 0.4 meters in height, are found in many places across the city of Pompeii.
In his 2008 study, Hartnett found 100 benches in front of 69 properties.166 The original
assumption made about these benches was that they were constructed to provide seating
166 Hartnett 2008, 93.
66
for clients waiting to greet their patrons in the atrium during the daily salutatio ritual.167
The salutatio, a Roman social ritual inseparably tied to the domus, was the daily meeting
of a patronus (patron) and his clientes (clients) in the atrium of his townhouse. The
purpose of this meeting was to reaffirm the bond of clientela, the relationship between
the patron and client, which provided the client with protection and some degree of
monetary support, and the patron with an “electoral base and social prestige.”168 Because
a wealthy Roman patron would often have many clients, it is possible that, while one
client was meeting with the patron in the atrium, the others would be required to wait
outside; the outdoor benches would provide them with a comfortable place to wait.
Recently, the idea that the street-side benches of Pompeii were used only for the
salutatio is being reevaluated. Although there is literary evidence that benches were
constructed for the salutatio, they may have served other purposes as well.169 Allison
notes that street-side benches were also built outside modest homes, whose owners likely
did not have clients.170 Therefore, the seating must have been used by residents of the
house, or public passers-by. What would incentivize an owner of a small home to build
benches outside his or her home? Harnett suggests that a house owner would choose to
construct a bench outside his door not only to provide a resting place for the residents and
Following Huntley’s approach, I would like to argue for the possibility that
another graffito found in the Insula of the Menander was authored by a child. Langner
cites the following image of a gladiator in room 3 of I.X.8:183
Fig. 6. Graffito in I.X.8, rm 3. (Langner 2001, n. 820)
A young child may have drawn this image for several reasons: First, the use of
basic geometric shapes combined to form a larger figure is a known pattern of drawing in
early childhood. The feet of this gladiator are represented by two rough triangles, and the
torso and arms are formed from amorphous four-sided figures. The prominent head is
disproportionately large relative to the rest of the body, and the legs and arms protrude
directly from the sides. All these features tend to be present in children’s drawings;
183 Langner 2001.
74
children emphasize the head, not only because it is an important image in their social
development, but also because it serves as a focal point for their figures, balancing the
image. The individual hairs that stick straight out from the top of the head also point to a
young artist; children tend to avoid the cross-over of body parts in their drawings, and
Huntley says that children will draw hair “radiating outward” so that it does not overlap
the limbs. The image as a whole appears to depict a retiarius gladiator. Huntley has also
identified examples of gladiator graffiti drawn by children. Such finds are important
because they potentially indicate that children were present at gladiatorial games.184
It is important to note the presence of children’s graffiti in this insula; Huntley
finds the majority of children’s graffiti in domestic buildings, compared to other public
contexts.185 There is also a slightly higher probability that children’s graffiti will appear
in closed-off spaces with reduced visibility.186 However, the distribution of children’s
graffiti is not uniform. Baldwin, Moulden and Laurence find an association between
children’s graffiti and service quarters, whereas Huntley finds no children’s graffiti in
such areas.187 According to Huntley, children’s graffiti appears in nearly all types of
rooms across Pompeii, and there seems to be no designated spaces for children in Roman
homes.188 The same goes for the houses of the insula X; the two children’s graffiti
appear in a vestibule and a cubiculum. The only conclusion we can draw from these
graffiti is that children might have been present in these spaces.
184 Huntley 2011. 185 Huntley finds 40.9% of children’s graffiti in domestic areas (2011). 186 Huntley 2011, 81. 187 Baldwin, Moulden, and Laurence 2013; Huntley 2011. 188 Huntley 2011.
75
Of the total graffiti in insula X, the only graffito that directly mentions an activity
that could be associated with the function of the space is the word “fullo” in I.X.6.
Although we cannot be completely certain, this label in conjunction with the presence of
possible “wash basins” creates a plausible identification of this space as some kind of
fullery. Another graffito, located on the exterior wall of the adjacent Casa del Menandro,
mentions a fullery-slave named Amiantus, which also hints at the possibility of such
activity taking place in this area.
From the examples described above, it seems that the graffiti content alone cannot
give us definitive evidence for the way in which domestic space was used. Graffiti can,
however, be used in conjunction with other evidence, such as architectural and material
finds, to support theories of how the space functioned.
Conclusion
To summarize the results of my study, the distribution and frequencies of graffiti
in the Insula of the Menander accurately indicated the spectrum of public and private
space, acting as a map of where people spent the most time in the insula. Additionally,
the graffiti, when analyzed along with associated architectural and archaeological finds,
provided additional evidence for the use of space in certain cases.
The results of this case study are significant because they prove the usefulness of
studying ancient graffiti in context to better understand the conceptualization and use of
space in antiquity. When treated as casual inscriptions, graffiti provide us with interesting
glimpses into the every-day culture of the ancient world. When employing them as
76
artifacts, however, graffiti may be seen as material culture that has the capacity to yield a
huge range of results when analyzed in context.
The study of the graffiti of the Insula of the Menander can be taken further. By
continuing to approach the graffiti in reference to the space, we may learn more about
how the ancient occupants of this city block organized and used space outside and inside
their houses. In his forthcoming publication on the graffiti of the Insula of the Menander,
Henrik Mouritsen uses a similar approach of analyzing clusters of graffiti in their spatial
context.189 A closer look at certain groups of graffiti or certain areas of the insula would
be productive as well, such as the programmata on the exterior walls or the graffiti
clusters in the lararium of house 3 and in room 3 of house 8. The concept of approaching
ancient graffiti in context is relatively new, and we may expect an increase in case
studies, as well as more comprehensive projects on graffiti in the near future.
The capacity of ancient graffiti to be considered and studied as artifacts is
invaluable. They stand apart from other forms of material culture in their unique ability to
indicate not only the activities and social behaviors of people in antiquity, but also to
show us the memories and sentiments of individuals at a specific time and place in the
past. There is much to be gained from studying ancient graffiti in this new light, which
gives the people of antiquity not only a shape, but a voice.
189 Mouritsen, forthcoming. Baldwin, Moulden, and Lawrence briefly discuss this article (2013, 155).
77
78
Bibliography
Allison, Penelope M. The Insula of the Menander in Pompeii Vol Iii: The Finds, a
Contextual Study. Vol. 3. Oxford University Press, 2006. Allison, Penelope M. Pompeian Households: An Analysis of Material Culture. Los
Angeles: Cotsen Institute of Archaeology, University of California, Los Angeles, 2004.
Allison, Penelope. "Using the Material and Written Sources: Turn of the Millennium
Approaches to Roman Domestic Space." American Journal of Archaeology 105, no. 2 (April 2001): 181-208.
Baird, Jennifer, and Claire Taylor. Ancient Graffiti in Context. Taylor & Francis, 2011. Benefiel, Rebecca. "Amianth, a Ball-Game, and Making One's Mark CIL IV 1936 and
1936a." Zeitschrift Für Papyrologie Und Epigraphik 167 (2008): 193-200. Benefiel, Rebecca R. "Dialogues of Graffiti in the House of the Four Styles at Pompeii."
In Ancient Graffiti in Context, 20-48. New York: Routledge, 2011. Berry, Joanne. The Complete Pompeii. New York: Thames & Hudson, 2007. Boyce, George K. "Corpus of the Lararia of Pompeii." Memoirs of the American
Academy in Rome 14, no. Corpus of the Lararia of Pompeii (January 01, 1937): 5-112.
Breitenbach, Louise M. "Pompeian Wall-Scribblings." The School Review 14, no. 7
(September 1906): 529-34. Carter, Michael. "Gladiatorial Ranking and the "SC De Pretiis Gladiatorum Minuendis"
(CIL II 6278 = ILS 5163)." Phoenix 57, no. 1/2 (Spring 2003): 83-114. Clarke, John R. The Houses of Roman Italy, 100 B.C.-A.D. 250: Ritual, Space, and
Decoration. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991. Cooley, Alison, and M. G. L. Cooley. Pompeii: A Sourcebook. London: Routledge, 2004. Cooley, Alison. The Cambridge Manual of Latin Epigraphy. Cambridge [etc.: Cambridge
University Press, 2012. Della Corte, Matteo. Pompei: Iscrizioni Dell'isola X Della Regione I' Roma, 1929.
79
Della Corte, Matteo. Pompeji, the New Excavations (houses and Inhabitants). Valle Di Pompei: Tipografia Di Francesco Sicignano, 1925.
Frier, Bruce W., and Thomas A. J. McGinn. A Casebook on Roman Family Law. Oxford
[England: Oxford University Press, 2004. Hales, Shelley. The Roman House and Social Identity. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge
University Press, 2003. Hartnett, Jeremy. "Si Quis Hic Sederit: Streetside Benches and Urban Society in
Pompeii." American Journal of Archaeology 112, no. 1 (January 2008): 91-119. Huntley, Katherine V. "Identifying Children's Graffiti in Roman Campania: A
Developmental Psychology Approach." In Ancient Graffiti in Context, 49-68. New York: Routledge, 2011.
Keegan, Peter. "Blogging Rome: Graffiti as Speech-Act and Cultural Discourse." In
Ancient Graffiti in Context, 165-90. New York: Routledge, 2011. Keppie, L. J. F. Understanding Roman Inscriptions. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University
Press, 1991. Kruschwitz, Peter. "Attitudes Towards Wall Inscriptions in the Roman Empire."
Zeitschrift Für Papyrologie Und Epigraphik 174 (2010): 207-18. Langner, Martin. Antike Graffitizeichnungen: Motive, Gestaltung Und Bedeutung.
Wiesbaden: Ludwig Reichert, 2001. Laurence, Ray, and Andrew Wallace-Hadrill. Domestic Space in the Roman World:
Pompeii and beyond. Portsmouth, RI: JRA, 1997. Laurence, Ray. Roman Pompeii: Space and Society. London: Routledge, 1994. Laurence, Ray. "Writing in Public Space from Child to Adult: The Meaning of Graffiti."
In Written Space in the Latin West: 200 BC to AD 300, by Renata S. Garraffoni. New York: Bloomsbury, 2013.
Ling, Roger, and Lesley Ling. The Insula of the Menander at Pompeii. Vol. 2, The
Decorations. Vol. 2. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005. Ling, Roger, and Paul Arthur. The Insula of the Menander at Pompeii: Vol. 1, The
Mairs, Rachel. "Egyptian "Inscriptions" and Greek "Graffiti" at El Kanais in the Egyptian Eastern Desert." In Ancient Graffiti in Context, 153-64. New York: Routledge, 2011.
Mau, August. Pompeii: Its Life and Art. Translated by Francis Willey. Kelsey. New
York: Macmillan, 1902. Milnor, Kristina. Graffiti and the Literary Landscape in Roman Pompeii. Oxford, United
Kingdom: Oxford University Press, 2014. Moulden, Helen, and Ray Laurence. "Slaves and Children in a Roman Villa: Writing and
Space in the Villa San Marco at Stabiae." In Written Space in the Latin West: 200 BC to AD 300, by Eamonn Baldwin. New York: Bloomsbury, 2013.
Vergilius Maro, Publius, and A. S. Kline. 2012. Archiv von: Virgil - The Major Works
The Eclogues, The Georgics, The Aeneid. Saller, Richard. ""Familia, Domus", and the Roman Conception of the Family." Phoenix
38, no. 4 (1984): 336-55. Sears, Gareth, Peter Keegan, and Ray Laurence, eds. Written Space in the Latin West,
200 BC to AD 300. London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2013. Stocker, Terrance L., Edwin A. Cook, Linda W. Dutcher, and Stephen M. Hargrove.
"Social Analysis of Graffiti." The Journal of American Folklore 85, no. 338 (1972): 356-66.
Tanzer, Helen Henrietta. The Common People of Pompeii, a Study of the Graffiti.
Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1939. Taylor, Claire. "Graffiti and the Epigraphic Habit: Creating Communities and Writing
Alternate Histories in Classical Attica." In Ancient Graffiti in Context, 90-109. New York: Routledge, 2011.
Tsujimura, S. "Ruts in Pompeii: The Traffic System in the Roman City." Opuscula
Pompeiana, 1991, 2:58-86. Varone, Antonio. Erotica Pompeiana: Love Inscriptions on the Walls of Pompeii. Roma:
L'Erma Di Bretschneider, 2002. Vitruvius, Pollio, and M. H. Morgan. Vitruvius: The Ten Books on Architecture. New
York: Dover Publications, 1960.
81
Wallace-Hadrill, Andrew. Houses and Society in Pompeii and Herculaneum. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1994.
Wallace-Hadrill, Andrew. "Scratching the Surface: A Case Study of Domestic Graffiti at
Pompeii." L'Ecriture Dans La Maison Romaine, 2011. Zanker, Paul. Pompeii: Public and Private Life. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University
Press, 1998.
82
Table 1. Total graffiti in insula I.X by room type.
0 20 40 60 80 100 120 140
Ala
Triclinium (atrium)
Tablinum
Andrones
Triclinium (peristyle)
Oecus
Exedra
Latrina
Stabulum
Upper rooms
Atrium
Cubiculum (peristyle)
Culina
Second entrance
Stairway
Bath area
Cella OsFaria
Rooms opening to street (tabernae, workshops, etc.)
UnidenFfied locaFon in house interior
Fauces, VesFbulum
Cubiculum (Atrium)
Peristyle
exterior walls near entrances
83
Table 2. Graffiti location percentages, interior vs. exterior.
Table 3. Exterior graffiti by door number (see fig. 4 for plan of insula with this data).
Exterior 63%
Interior 37%
5
0
32
54
5
0 3 3
0 0 4
0 0 1 0 1 3
12
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18
Num
ber o
f Graffi-
Door Number
84
Room Type # of Occurrences
Fauces, Vestibulum 11 Rooms opening to street (tabernae, workshops, etc.) 7
Stairway 2
Cella Ostiaria 3
Atrium 1
Cubiculum (Atrium) 18
Ala 0
Triclinium (atrium) 0
Tablinum 0
Andrones 0
Peristyle 13
Triclinium (peristyle) 0
Oecus 0
Cubiculum (peristyle) 1
Exedra 0
Culina 1
Latrina 0
Stabulum 0
Second entrance 1
Bath area 0
Upper rooms 0
Unidentified location in house interior 5 Table 4. Interior graffiti by room type, in order from front to back of house.
85
Room Type (Interior) # of Occurrences
Cubiculum (Atrium) 18 Peristyle 13 Fauces, Vestibulum 11 Rooms opening to street (tabernae, workshops, etc.) 7 Unidentified location in house interior 5 Cella Ostiaria 3 Stairway 2 Atrium 1 Cubiculum (peristyle) 1 Culina 1 Second entrance 1 Ala 0 Triclinium (atrium) 0 Tablinum 0 Andrones 0 Triclinium (peristyle) 0 Oecus 0 Exedra 0 Latrina 0 Stabulum 0 Bath area 0 Upper rooms 0
Table 5. Interior graffiti by room type, by frequency.
86
Table 6. Total graffiti percentages by category.
1 2a 2b 3 4 5a 5b 6
X XXXV XIX XIIX XXV XIX XVI
XV XIX XXII XVI XIII XII
XIV XXV VIII XIII XIII
XIIX IIX XXII VIII XV
III
Table 7. Numerical Graffito I.X.9 (CIL 4.8391) Roman numerals.
Table 9. Frequency of total graffiti by sub-category, textual.
0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40
Date statements without further details
Alphabets
Gladiator inscripFons
Household noFces
Mythological names, Religious statements
ArFst signatures
CongratulaFons (and acclamaFons)
EroFc and love-‐related inscripFons
Insults and curses
Poetry, maxims, verses
Individual le^ers or word fragments
Indecipherable
CommemoraFve dedicaFons, statements of presence
GreeFngs or SalutaFons
Single names
Programmata, other noFces and informaFon
89
Table 10. Frequency of total graffiti by sub-category, figural.
0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9
Indefinable single figures
Mythological and religious images
Miscellaneous figures and scenes
Ships
Household objects
Human heads, faces, figures
EroFc images
Plants
Pa^erns (ornaments and symbols
Animals
Gladiators (sportsmen, circus performers, etc)
90
Textual Subcategory # graffiti
Single names 28 Greetings or Salutations 9 Erotic and love-‐related inscriptions 2 Commemorative dedications, statements of presence 6 Congratulations (and acclamations) 4 Insults and curses 0 Poetry, maxims, verses 3 Programmata, other notices and information 27 Gladiator inscriptions 1 Household notices 2 Date statements without further details 0 Mythological names 0 Artist signatures 2 Individual letters or word fragments 10 Alphabets 1 Indecipherable 8
Table 11. Textual graffiti by sub-category: exterior.
Textual Subcategory # graffiti Single names 4 Greetings or Salutations 5 Erotic and love-‐related inscriptions 1 Commemorative dedications, statements of presence 6 Congratulations (and acclamations) 0 Insults and curses 4 Poetry, maxims, verses 7 Programmata, other notices and information 11 Gladiator inscriptions 1 Household notices 0 Date statements without further details 1 Mythological names 3 Artist signatures 1 Individual letters or word fragments 2 Alphabets 1 Indecipherable 3
Table 12. Textual graffiti by sub-category: interior.
91
The following tables express the graffiti of each house or unit, listed by room type.
Location # Exterior walls near entrances 5
Table 13. I.X.1
Location # Exterior walls near entrances 32 Main Entrance 3 Shops opening to street 5
Table 14. I.X. 2-3
Location # Exterior walls near entrances 54 Main Entranceway 3 Small closed-‐off rooms off front hall 1 Main Garden area 14 Small closed-‐off room off garden 1 Room with cooking hearth 1 secondary Entrance 1 Bath area 2 Unidentified interior location 5
Table 15. I.X.4
Location # Exterior walls near entrances 5 Stairway 2 Shops opening to street 1
Table 16 I.X. 5-6
Location # Exterior walls near entrances 3 Room leading off entranceway 3
Table 17. I.X.7
Location #
92
Exterior walls near entrances 3 Small room off main hall 14 Main Hall 1
Table 18 I.X.8
Location # Exterior wall near entrances 4 Entrance 3 Main Garden area 5 Unidentified interior location 3
Table 19 I.X.10-11
Location # Exterior walls near entrances 12
Table 20. I.X.18
Units 9, 12, and 13 feature one graffito or less. See Appendix A.
Fig. 6. Graffito in I.X.8, rm 3. (Langner 2001, n. 820)
100
101
Appendix A
The database of the graffiti I recorded is included on the CD-Rom on page __. The following is a guide for reading the database, which is in the format of an Excel spreadsheet.
Column Letter
Description
A Number order of rows (for sorting purposes) B Citation (“DC#” indicates Della Corte’s citation system) C Door number D Graffito (as transliterated by the CIL and/or Della Corte, Langner) E Room type code (see Appendix B) F Graffiti category G Graffiti subcategory code (see Appendix B)
102
Appendix B
In Appendix A, I give each graffito a number indicating in which room type it was found, and a number defining its subcategory of textual or figural graffiti. The following tables indicate to which subcategory the numbers in the appendix correspond. The graffiti subcategories are adapted from Martin Langner.190 The room type labels are adapted from Penelope Allison.191
Textual Graffiti Subcategory Codes
Code # Subcategory
1 Single names
2 Greetings or Salutations
3 Erotic inscriptions with defamatory contents (and any statements related to love)
4 Commemorative dedications (including statements of presence)
5 Congratulations (and acclamations)
6 Insults and curses
7 Poetry, maxims, verses
8 Notices/items of information/announcements (including programmata)
9 Gladiator inscriptions
10 Household notices
11 Date statements without further details
12 Mythological names, religious statements
13 Artist signatures, word squares
14 Individual letters, incomplete words, words out of context
15 Alphabets
16 Indecipherable
190 Langner 2001. 191 Allison 2004.
103
Figural Graffiti Subcategory Codes
Code # Subcategory 1 Patterns (ornaments and symbols) 2 Human heads, faces, figures 3 Indefinable single figures 4 Gladiators (sportsmen, circus performers, etc.) 5 Mythological and religious images 6 Erotic images 7 Miscellaneous figures and scenes 8 Animals 9 Ships 10 Atmosphere (plants, buildings) 11 Other (household objects)
104
Room Type Codes
Code # Location and description Common Latin term
1 Main entranceway Fauces, Vestibula 2 Room leading off entranceway cella ostiaria 3 Front hall with central opening and pool Atrium 4 Small closed-‐off rooms off front hall cubiculum 5 Open-‐fronted area off side of front hall Ala 6 Large/medium room off front hall Triclinium
7 Open-‐sided room opposite main entrance leading to garden Tablinum
8 Long, narrow internal corridor Fauces, andrones 9 Main garden Peristyle, ambulatio 10 Large/medium room off garden, closed off Triclinium
11 Large/medium room off garden, open with window or view
oecus, exedra, triclinium
12 Small closed-‐off room off garden cubiculum 13 Small open-‐fronted area off garden exedra 14 Room with cooking hearth culina 15 Separate latrine room Latrina 16 Other rooms outside main areas cubiculum,stabulum 17 Stairway
18 Secondary entrance fauces, stabulum
19 Shop, rooms opening to street Taberna, Caupona, etc.