"An early copy of a Christian Arabic Pentateuch: Ms Sinai Arabic 2 and its affinity to the peshitta"

Graeco-Latina et Orientalia

Studia in honorem Angeli Urbani heptagenarii

Edited by

Samir Khalil Samir & Juan Pedro Monferrer-Sala

CNERU – CEDRAC __________________________________

Oriens Academic

CNERU – CEDRAC

Series Syro-Arabica 2

Chief Editors

Samir Khalil Samir • Juan Pedro Monferrer-Sala

Advisory Board

Sebastian Brock • Rifaat Ebied • Sidney H. Griffith Herman Teule • Dorothea Weltecke

Graeco-Latina et Orientalia

Studia in honorem Angeli Urbani heptagenarii

Edited by

Samir Khalil Samir & Juan Pedro Monferrer-Sala

Graeco-Latina et Orientalia : Studia in honorem Angeli Urbani heptagenarii. Edited by Samir Khalil Samir & Juan Pedro Monferrer-Sala. – Cordoba : CNERU (Cordoba Near Eastern Research Unit) – Beirut : CEDRAC (Centre de Documentation et de Recherches Arabes Chrétiennes) – Oriens Academic, 2013

(Series Syro-Arabica ; vol. 2)

ISBN : 978-84-695-8428-6 Edit: Oriens Academic – CNERU – CEDRAC

Cordoba Near Eastern Research Unit CEDRAC Facultad de Filosofía y Letras Universidad de Córdoba

Université Saint-Joseph B.P. 16-6778 – Achrafieh

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http://www.uco.es/cneru [email protected]

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from the Publisher

Printed in Spain

CONTENTS

Preface ............................................................................................ xi

Bibliography Professor Ángel Urbán ...................................................... xiii ARGÁRATE, Pablo

A Survey of Different Liturgical Sources on the notion of “People of God” ....................................................................................................... 1

BASSAL, Ibrahim

An early copy of a Christian Arabic Pentateuch: Ms Sinai Arabic 2

and its affinity to the Peshīṭta .................................................................... 13

BONHOME, Lourdes

An Arabic fragmentary epistle to the Galatians preserved in El Escorial Cod. Ar. 1625 .............................................................................. 35

BROCK, Sebastian P.

The position of Job in Syriac biblical manuscripts: The survival of an ancient tradition ..................................................................................... 49

CHRISTIDES, Vassilios

What went wrong in the long distance Roman naval power in the Red Sea and in the Indian Ocean in the late third century AD ........................ 63

CORRIENTE, Federico

The names of the gems in the ephod as reflected in the Leiden Glossary and their reflexes in the Islamic mystical tradition ....................................... 87

DI LUCCIO, Pino

Pane, acqua e vestiti. Nella Bibbia ebraica, nella letteratura rabbinica e nel vangelo di Giovanni ....................................................................... 101

EBIED, Rifaat

The Syriac Version of the Treatise on the Origin and History of the Thirty Pieces of Silver which Judas received from the Jews ......................... 123

viii

FERNÁNDEZ ARDANAZ, Santiago

La teología política bajo los Severos: hacia una nueva fundamentación de la oicoumene en el Imperio romano .................................................... 133

GONZÁLEZ CASADO, Pilar

Cristo, segundo Adán: la expresión en árabe de un tema de la literatura cristiana antigua ...................................................................... 147

GRYPEOU, Emmanouela

Ephraem Graecus, ʻSermo In Adventum Domini᾽: A Contribution to the Study of the Transmission of Apocalyptic Motifs in Greek, Latin and Syriac Traditions in Late Antiquity .................................................... 165

KIRAZ, George A.

Textual Sources and Editorial Policies of the Antioch Bible ........................... 183

MARCOS ALDÓN, Manuel

Notes sur les types d’écritures dans les marges des texts, à propos du Ms. 259-263 BNM ................................................................................ 191

MARTÍNEZ DELGADO, José

Cracks, the Almond, the Grasshopper and Desire: the ailments of old age (Ecclesiastes 12:5) in the exegesis of Andalusi Hebrew philologists (10th -11th c.) ....................................................................... 205

MONFERRER-SALA, Juan Pedro

Kērýssō and its Arabic renditions in a bilingual Gospel of Luke (BnF ‘Supl. grec 911’, 1043 CE) .................................................................... 221

ÖNDER, Josef

Metropolit Julius Yeshu Çiçek (1942-2005): „Meine Kirche, Dich

liebe ich!‟ Autobiographisches Gedicht: Text und Auslegung ...................... 237

PAZZINI, Massimo

Gli Olivi del Getsemani ultimi «testimoni viventi» della Passione ................ 253

PIERRI, Rosario

Codex B e Nestle-Aland a confronto. Il Vangelo di Matteo ......................... 261

ix

RIUS-CAMPS, Josep

Lucas-Beza silencia o soslaya cualquier referencia a la Parusía y al Juicio Final .......................................................................................... 277

SAMIR, Samir Khalil

Une adaptation arabe musulmane en prose rimée des evangiles (IXe s.) ......... 295

SIDARUS, Adel

Place et rôle de l᾽Antiquité gréco-romaine dans la littérature copto-arabe .................................................................................................. 327

SWANSON, Mark. N.

The ‘Urban Ministry’ of Anbā Ruways .................................................... 359

TEULE, Herman G.B.

Ignatius Anṭūn Samḥīrī, a 19th Century Syrian-Catholic Patriarch, and his Journey to the Low Countries ...................................................... 371

TORALLAS TOVAR, Sofía

El orfebre del insulto: Filón y la lengua griega de Alejandría ....................... 383

VOLLANDT, Ronny

Che portono al ritorno quì una Bibbia Arabica integra: A history of the Biblia Sacra Arabica (1671-73) .......................................................... 401

WILDE, Clare

Q 33:35: Echoes of the Bnāt Qyāmā’s jihād fī sabīl allāh? ............................. 419

YOUSSEF, Youhanna Nessim

A Doxology of Saint Mark al-Anṭūnī ....................................................... 433

x

Professor Ángel Urbán Fernández

An early copy of a Christian Arabic Pentateuch Ms Sinai Arabic 2 and its affinity to the Peshīṭta

Ibrahim Bassal The Academic Arab College, Haifa & Beit-Berl College

1. Preliminary remarks The translations of the Christian Arabic Bible exists either in fragments from the 9th century or in complete compositions or complete units of the Bible from the 10th century. They were written from various sources: Syriac-Aramaic, Greek and Latin, Coptic, and Hebrew. Actually, it is impossible to talk about one single source of Arabic sources. Many translations were made from the Syriac source - the Peshīṭta, Another was made from the Syro-Hexapla, (a Syriac translation that is based on Greek), and from Latin (Vulgate). In Egypt, some translations were made from Coptic and new editions that were based on Hebrew1. Most of the materials of the Arabic Bible translations are still in manuscripts. Part of them has been revealed, few have been edited, and part has not yet received any treatment. These translations have not been investigated satisfactorily, and everything that has been written about them is limited to partial studies in the field of linguistics and little in the translation technique.2 In order to exhaust the

1 G. Graf (Geschichte der christlichen arabischen Literatur, Città del Vaticano, 1944, I, pp. 85-195)

reviewed the translations of the Bible and the New Testament in Christian Arabic and divided them according to denominations, communities and periods. J.F Rhode (The Arabic Bible Versions of the Pentateuch in the Church of Egypt, Leipzig, 1921, pp. 11-26) gathers Christian Arabic texts that were translated in Egypt. See also Meira Polliack, The Karaite Tradition of Arabic Bible Translation. A Linguistic and Exegetical Study of Karaite Translations of the Pentateuch from the Tenth and Eleventh Century CE, Leiden, 1997, pp. 3-9. For a historical and linguistic inquiry of the Bible translations and the New Testament, and the opinions of the researchers regarding the antiquity of the translations accompanied by linguistic examples and translation technique, see I. Bassal, Arabic Bible Translations. A Historical and Linguistic Inquiries (forthcoming).

2 G. Graf (Der Sprachgebrauch der Ältesten Christlich-Arabischen Literatur. Ein Beitrag Zur Geschichte Des Vulgär-Arabisch, Leipzig, 1905) dealt with the linguistic details in Christian manuscripts which divert from standard Arabic and introduced a list of unique words of this kind. P. Kahle (Die arabischen Bibelübersetzungen, Leipzig, 1904) published a text and a glossary. In the introduction, he dealt with the Arabic translations of the Bible, Arabic-Jewish translations, and the Arabic translation of the Samaritans. See also J. Blau, Grammar of Christian Arabic based on South Palestinian texts from the first millennium, Louvain,

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investigation of these translations, it is necessary to map them according to the language provenance - from which they were translated, to the community and congregation they belong to, to the area, and to the period, in addition to the translator’s proficiency and skill in coping with transferring one version of language to the target language.

A major part of the ancient Arabic translations were made through the Peshīṭta - the Syriac translation of the Bible. A large amount of MSs that were translated from the Syriac source exists in the collections of the European libraries. The Arabic MSs have not been fully studied and they belong in their majority to the middle Arabic stratum. Many questions are raised regarding these MSs: from which Peshīṭta MS were they written? What is their relation to the original provenance of the Peshīṭta? What is the translator’s loyalty to the version of the Peshīṭta?

This study sheds light on MS Sinai Arabic 2, which is nearly a complete text of the Bible that was translated from the Peshīṭta. The manuscript has survived in its entirety but there are flawed verses in every book. It includes an additional leaf at the beginning opens with a lengthy acquisition note, written on folio 1b that contains the name of the author of this note Ṣalamūn al-Ṭūrī, who served as Bishop of Saint Catherine’s Monastery. The note is written in a careless, negligent, and unelegant way.3 It was purchased in Damascus and contributed to St. Catherine Monastery, but its translator and the place of its translation are unknown. The Manuscript has a colophon at the folio number 246b notes its date 328 AH (939-940 CE).

The Arabic text of the manuscript shows features of antiquity demonstrated by its orthography, grammar, and vocabulary. It can be assumed that it is an

(1966-67. B. Knutsson (Studies in the Text and Language of Three Syriac-Arabic Versions of the Book of Judicum with Special Reference to the Middle Arabic Elements, Leiden, 1974) reviewed manuscripts of judges and gave examples of the language from several chapters of the Book of Judges. P. A. Bengtsson, Translation techniques in two Syro-Arabic Arabic versions of Ruth. Stockholm: Almqvist &Wiksell, 2003. For comparison between Christian translations and Jewish-Arab translations of the first prophets, see I. Bassal, Characteristics of the Language of Early Prophet's Translation in Judeo-Arabic and in Christian Arabic from the 14th Century. Common and Distinguished (M. A Thesis), University of Haifa, 1997; R. Vollandt, Christian-Arabic translations of the Pentateuch from the 9th to the 13th centuries: a comparative study of manuscripts and translation technique (A thesis submitted for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy, St John's College, University Cambridge 2011).

3 A. S. Atiya (Arabic manuscripts of Mount Sinai. A hand-list of the Arabic manuscripts and scrolls microfilmed at the library of the Monastery of St. Catherine, Mount Sinai, Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1970, p. 23) brought a short note about this additional comment at the manuscript. I brought the full text in my dissertation: I. Bassal, Hebrew and Aramaic elements in the Vernacular Christian Arabic in Israel and in the Written Christian Arabic in the Holy Land, Syria and Lebanon, (PhD Dissertation), Haifa University, 2004, p. 18 [in Hebrew]; R. Vollandt, Christian–Arabic translations of the Pentateuch from the 9th to the 13th centuries, pp. 110-111.

An early copy of a Christian Arabic Pentateuch

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oriental MS from the Syrian and Iraqi area. Recently, there have been assumptions whether it was the MS that was known to the Arab interpreters, such as Ibn Qutayba (828-889 CE) and al-Ṭabarī (829-923 CE), or not, or whether it was the MS that was written by Ḥunayn Ibn Isḥāq (809-877 CE) or one of his versions?4 I will try to give answers to these questions in the critical edition of the MS that is about to be published in the near future.

2. Review of Literature on the Peshīṭta The Peshīṭta is a Syriac Aramaic translation that was written in Syriac characters that differ from the transcripts of the Aramaic translations (by Onkelos, Jonathan and Neofiti) and is referred to the 2nd century A.D. Its importance and publishing stem from the fact that it is the only version that has survived in its complete form out of the other Syriac translations. This translation is common among the different Syriac churches: the Western: Jacobite, Maronite and Melkite Church, and Eastern the Nestorian Church.5

Most probably the Peshīṭta was translated between the 2nd c. and the beginning of the 3rd c. According to the witness of the Church Fathers it was documented in the middle of the 4th c.6 The manuscripts of parts of the Peshīṭta which have survived are from the 5th century AD.7 There are some manuscripts that include the Bible in its entirety, and belong to the 17th c., thanks to the invention of printing, which made it easy to bring the whole Codex to printing. Brock mentioned several ancient Syriac manuscripts that include the Bible.8

A number of researchers have dealt with the differences of text between the manuscripts of the Peshīṭta. Few monographs, which dealt with these differ-ences, have been written on few books of the Peshīṭta.9 Some studies have also

4 M. Lindgren & R. Vollandt, ‘An Early Copy of the Pentateuch and the Book of Daniel in

Arabic (MS Sinai-Arabic 2): Preliminary Observations on Codicology, Text Types, and Translation Technique’, Intellectual History of the Islamicate World 1 (2013) pp. 49-50; R. Steiner, A Biblical Translation in the Making: the Evolution and Impact of Saadia Gaon's Tafsīr, Cambridge: Harvard university Press, 2010, pp, 52-75.

5 S. Brock, The Bible in the Syriac Tradition, Piscataway, N. J.: Gorgias Press 2006, p. 17. 6 S. Brock, The Bible in the Syriac Tradition, p. 41. 7 S. Brock, The Bible in the Syriac Tradition, p. 42. See also a list of ancient manuscripts in p. 44.

For a list of manuscripts and the place of their copying and their sources, see pp. 123-124. 8 S. Brock (The Bible in the Syriac Tradition, pp. 107-108) gave a list of dates on which

translations into Syriac-Aramaic were made; on pp. 123-124 he gave a list of earlier manuscripts to the Peshīṭta.

9 P. B. Dirksen & M. J. Mulder (eds), The Peshīṭta. Its Early Text and History: papers read at the Peshīṭta Symposium held at Leiden 30-31 August, Leiden: Brill, 1985; B. Dirksen, ‘Old and Young,

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been written on few books that deal with the craft and translation techniques of the Peshīṭta.10 In these studies, deviations and changes from the Masoretic version have been recognized. It is worthwhile mentioning Maori's book that pointed out the connection of the Peshīṭta version to Judaism sources.11 As we have mentioned above, the Peshīṭta has several versions manuscripts. The question that arises is: On which ancient Syriac is MS Sinai 2 based? And what is its linkage to the Peshīṭta? We can assume that the MS Sinai Arabic 2 is based on an ancient version of the Peshīṭta, which was accepted as Textus Receptus in the Church, as the source of MS Sinai Arabic 2. Hence, the connection of MS Sinai 2 is related to the Syriac, which contains the same deviations, changes, omissions and additions of the Peshīṭta text from the Hebrew MT.

3. Characteristics of MS Sinai Arabic 2 The language of this MS is Middle Arabic with strong tendency to Classical Arabic. This is reflected in the use of case and vocabulary that tend to imitate the language of ancient classical poetry, the language of the Qurˀān, and classical Arabic. However, the language includes certain deviations from standard Arabic, which is reflected in the syntax and the vernacular components of the language, in addition to its adherence to the Syriac vorlage.12 The MS was copied from Syriac and its relation to the Peshīṭta appears in several aspects: (1) The interpretations that characterize the Peshīṭta are found in the MS; (2) Additions and deductions; (3) The names of people and places; (4) The influence of grammatical aspects; (5) Borrowing of Syriac words.13

In this article, I will focus on the following characteristics that are connected to the translation technique that reflect strong linkage with the Peshīṭta text:

(A) Adherence of the MS to the translation method of the Peshīṭta. (B) The affinity of MS Sinai Arabic 2 to one of the MSs of the Peshīṭta. (C) Additions to the Hebrew source.

in the Text Tradition of the Old testament Peshīṭta’, Vetus Testamentum 35 (1985), pp. 468-484.

10 P. B. Dirksen & A. Van Der KOOJ (Ed.), The Peshīṭta as a Translation: papers read at the II Peshīṭta Symposium held at Leiden 19-21 August, Leiden: Brill 1993.

11 Y. Maori, The Peshīṭta Version of the Pentateuch and Early Jewish Exegesis, Jerusalem: Hebrew University, Magness press, 1995).

12 For a detailed discussion of these topics and examples, see I. Bassal, An Early Copy of the Arabic Pentateuch (Ms Sin Ar. 2) (forthcoming).

13 I. Bassal, ‘Syriac-Aramaic words in an early Christian Arabic copy of the Pentateuch (Ms Sin. Ar. 2)’, Collectanea Christiana Orientalia 10 (2013), pp. 17-36.

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(A) Affinity of the MS to the translation method of the Peshīṭta MS Sinai Arabic 2 reflects profound textual affinities to the Peshīṭta. That is revealed in the affinity of the Arabic text to the text type found in manuscripts of the basic textus receptus of the Peshīṭta.

MS Sinai Arabic 2 followed the Peshīṭta and this is prominent in its translation of some passages from the Bible, which the Peshīṭta understood in a different way from the MT and from the other Aramaic translations or of the LXX. This difference exists in MS Sinai 2, which we are dealing with. Here are some examples that clarify our argument. 1. The Peshīṭta translated the name את in Gen. 4:7 by the verb 14 ש

ܩܒܠܬ. MS Sinai 2 followed this translation and is rendered by the Arabic verb تقبلت (accepted). Onkelos and Neofiti translated it as עובדך (‘deeds’). Saadiah translated it by the verb: קבלת (‘accepted’), and the Aleppo Sharḥ of the Torah15 translated it by the noun אפעאלך (‘deeds’).

את, תיטיב-אם הלוא , שאם תיטיב לא ו

ܩܒܠܬ܂ ܬܫܦܪ ܐܢ ܗܐ ܬܫܦܪ ܘܐܠ ܐ

منك تقبلت ان احسنت

نوان مل حتس 2. The combination פט ܥܝܢ ܕܝܢܐ in Gen. 14:7 was translated in the Peshīṭta as עין מש

and MS Sinai 2 adopted this translation and transliterated to: عني دينا.

בו ט עין-אל ויבאו ויש פ מש

ܕܝܢܐ ܥܝܢܠ ܘܐܬܘ ܘܗܦܟܘ

عني دينافرجعوا اىل

3. The Peshīṭta translates the word בד ,and thus ܩܢܝܢܐ in Gen. 31:1 by the word הכMS Sinai 2 followed and translated the word by املال (‘money’). Saadiah translated . (’this glory‘ ( هذا اجملد :and Protestants translated it as ,(’richness‘) אליסאר

אבינו ה ל ש ל את ע בד-כ הכ הזה

ܠܟܗ ܩܢܝܢܐ ܗܐܢ ܩܢܐ ܕܐܒܘܢ ܘܡܢ

لكه املالالبينا اقتىن هذا

4. The combination מותימו-על רך ב תד in Deut. 33:29 was translated in the Peshīṭta in a metaphorical way as ܥܠ ܩܕܠܗܘܢ ܬܕܪܘܟ. MS Sinai 2 translated it as وتطا رقاهبم,

14 For a discussion of the various interpretations of the word, see S. Brock, The Bible in the

Syriac Tradition, p. 24. 15 The Aleppo Sharḥ of the Torah. The Translation of the Torah to the Judeo-Arabic of the Jews of

Aleppo with the “Keter Yerushalayim” based on the Aleppo Codex, by Yitzhak Avishur, Tel-Aviv: World Center for Aleppo Jews Traditional Culturer, 2006.

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(‘tread on their necks’). Onkelos gives על פרקי צווארי מלכיהון תדרוך (‘You will tread on the joints of their kings’ necks’), the same translation in MS Sinai 10: وتطأ رقاهبم . Saadiah translated it as ואנת תטא עלא קמאקמהם (‘and you will tread on their masters’).

ה על את רך -ו מותימו תד ב

وتطا رقاهبم ܬܕܪܘܟ ܩܕܠܗܘܢ ܥܠ ܘܐܢܬ

5. The dual word שבועיים in Lev. 12:5 is translated in the Peshīṭta into two words due to the disappearance of the dual form in Aramaic in an earlier ,ܐܪܒܬܥܣܪ ܝܘܡܝܢperiod. MS Sinai 2 followed it and translated the phrase as اربعه عرش يوم (‘fourteen days’).

אם ה-ו קב אה תלד נ מ ט ובעים ש

ܬܐܠܕ܂ ܢܩܒܬܐ ܘܐܢ ܐܪܒܬܥܣܪ ܛܡ ܐܐ ܬܗܘܐ ܝܘܡܝܢ܂

وان ودلت انثا فلتكن

اربعه عرش يومطامث 6. In Gen. 2:2 the Peshīṭta rendered ‘sixth day’ instead of ‘seventh day’, and MS Sinai 2 followed this rendering. This is a diversion from the MT and the Aramaic translations: Onkelos translated it as שביעאה.

כל ביעי ביום אלהים וי , השתו לאכ מ

ܒܝܘܡ ܐ ܐܠܗܐ ܘܫܠܡ ܫܬܝܬܝܐ

فامكل هللا السادسيف اليوم

اعامهل 7. The verb דו גד ܬܬܥܪܕܘܢ in Deut. 14:1 is translated by the verb תת in the Peshīṭta and in Arabic by the compound verb phrase in the present tense: تكونوا وحشني.

דו לא גד לא תת שימו-ו תה ח ר מת עיניכם בין ק ל

ܘܠ ܐ ܬܬܥܪܕܘܢ ܠ ܐ ܒܝܬ ܩܘܕܚܬܐ ܬܥܒܕܘܢ

ܡܝܬܐ ܥܠ ܥܝܢܝܟܘܢ܂

وال تكونوا وحشنيفال

ختدشون ما بني اعينمك عىل

امليت

8. The word מנחה in Lev. 23:16 translated in the Peshīṭta as ܣܡܝܕܐ and MS Sinai 2 followed and adopted the translation السميذ (‘semolina; fine flour’).16 Onkelos translated it as א ת ח and Saadiah like ,מנ .(قرابان =) קרבאנא

ש ה חד ח תם מנ רב הק ה ו

ליהוה ܚܕܬܐ ܡܢ ܣܡܝܕܐ ܘܩܪܒܘ ܠܡܪܝܐ

احلديث السميذ مث قربوا من

هلل

16

J. P. Monferrer-Sala, ‘¿Un préstamo griego en arameo? Una nota en torno a semîda’ / semīda

< semídalis’, Helmantica LVI (2005), pp. 33-44.

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9. The Peshīṭta translated the word צים in Num. 24:24 as ܢܐܠܓܝܘ . MS Sinai 2 did the same and rendered it as اجلنود (‘the soldiers’). Onkelos translated it as (‘troops’) ן סיע אלדראמין Saadiah gives al-Darāmīn. Derenbourg noted in the footnote 4 that .וseems to be a borrowed foreign word (Dromon > דרומון), which is mentioned in the interpretation of Rashbam as ‘big ship’.

צים מיד כתים ܐܪܥܐ ܡܢ ܢܦܩܢ ܘܠܓܝܘܢܐ ו

ܕܟܬܝܐ ارض حااتن خيرج اجلنود

10. The combination רים את ܒܐܘܪܚܐ :Num. 21:1 is translated by the Peshīṭta דרך ה

ܘܫܐܕܓܫ . MS Sinai 2, MS Sinai 10, and Paris 14 followed the Peshīṭta and translated it as نٮواس ي طريق اجل (‘the road of spies’). Onkelos translated it as אורח Thus, the translation of manuscripts .(’the road of trade in wine and oil‘) מאלליאthat depended on the Peshīṭta is different from Arabic translations. Saadiah transliterated it as טריק אתרים.

א וכי אל ב ר דרך יש

רים את ה ܐܝܣܪܝܠ ܘܐܬܐ/ܕܐܬܐ

ܕܓܫܘܫܐ ܒܐܘܪܚܐان بين ارسايل قد اتوا يف

اجلواس يٮنطريق

11. The Peshīṭta translated the combination עגלת צב in Num. 7:3 as ܓܠܢܥ ܢܢܡܬܩ ܟܕ and MS Sinai 2 followed it and rendered as معتدالت عجالت (‘ready cows’). Onkelos translated ין חפ .(’six covered wagons‘) שית עגלן מ

נם-את ויביאו ב ר ני ק לפ

הוה לת-שש י ב עג צ ܩܕܡ ܩܘܪܒܢܝܗܘܢ ܘܐܝܬܝܘ

ܡܬܩܢܢ ܟܕ ܥܓܠܢ ܫܬ ܡܪܝܐ܂جاوا بقرابيهنم قدام هللا س ته

جعالت معتدالت

12. The combination למלך in Lev. 18:21 is translated by the Peshīṭta as ܢܘܟܪܝܬܐ.

MS Sinai 2 followed it and rendered يف غريبه (‘as a foreigner’). This translation is

similar to the interpretation of Rabbi Ishmael in the Talmud (Meg. 25a). Onkelos translated it as מולך, and Saadiah like ל (’the idol‘) לאלצנם

עך העביר תתן-לא ומזר ל

למלך ܬܪܡ ܐ ܠ ܐ ܙܪܥܟ ܘܡܢ

ܢܘܟܪܝܬܐ ܠܡܒܛܢܘ يف غريبهوال تلقي زرعك

13. The Peshīṭta translated להיםאל הא in Exod. 21:6 as ܐ܂ܕܝܢ ܠܘܬ and MS Sinai Arabic 2 adapted it as اىل احلمك (‘to the Rule’).

הגישו אדניו אל -ואלהים ה

اىل احلمكفليايت به س يده ܕܝܢܐ ܠܘܬ ܡܪܗ ܢܩܪܒܝܘܗܝ

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14. The word עברי in Exod. 21:2 was translated in the Peshīṭta as ܝܗܘܕܝܐ and MS

Sinai 2 rendered it as عبد هيودي (‘a Jewish slave’).

נה ריכי תק עבד עב

هيودي اذا اشرتيت عبد ܝܗܘܕܝܐ ܥܒܕܐ ܬܙܒܢ ܟܕ

15. Peshīṭta understood the meaning of the word מקדם in Gen. 2:8 as קדום, and the Peshīṭta translated it as an adverb: from‘) مند قدمي MS Sinai 2 gives . ܩܕܝܡ ܡܢancient times’). Onkelos translated it asמלקדמין, while Saadiah and the Protestants translated it as يف عدن رشقا /يف عدن رشقية (‘in East Eden’).

הוה ויטע -גן, אלהים יעדן מקדם--ב

ܦܪܕܝܣܐ ܠܐܗܐ ܡܪܝܐ ܘܢܨܒ ܩܕܝܡ ܡܢ ܒܥܕܢ

ونصب هللا ربنا الفردوس ىف

مند قدميعدن

16. The verb ותלה in Gen. 47-13, which means ‘to be tired’, translated in the Peshīṭta as ܘܚܪܒܬ (‘destructed’), but this is different from all the other Aramaic translations. MS Sinai 2 renders وخربت, Onkelos אשתלהי, and Neofiti אשתלהון (‘be wearied’), but Saadiah gives כל (‘tired’).

לחם ל אין ו כ ארץ-ב -כי ה

בד ב כ ע ר אד ה ותלה מרי ארץ םמצ

ܒܟܠܗ ܠܝܬ ܘܥܒܘܪܐ ܟܦܢܐ ܕܥܫܢ ܡܛܠ ܐܪܥܐ܂

ܐܪܥܐ ܟܠܗ ܘܚܪܒܬ ܛܒ܂ ܕܡܨܪܝܢ

ومل يكن طعام يف ارض مرص من

ارض وخربتاجل ان اجلوع اش تد

مرص

17. The Peshīṭta translated the verb נתתי (‛give’) in Gen. 35:12 as ܝܡܬܝ, which means ‘swear’. The Arabic translation is حلفت (‘swear’), which is different from all the other translations. Onkelos reads בית ה .אעטיתה and Saadiah (’give‘) י

את ארץ-ו נתתי אשר ה

ם ה ר אב ק ל ח יצ ול ܠ ܐܒܪܗܡ ܕܝܡܝܬ ܘܐܪܥܐ

ܘܠ ܐܝܣܚܩالبرهمي حلفتوالارض اليت

والحسق 18. The combination עשירי בט ה in Lev. 27:32 is rendered in the Peshīṭta like הש .عصا الراعي MS Sinai 2 follows the Peshīṭta with .(’shepherd’s rod‘) ܚܘܛܪܐ ܕܪܥܝܐOnkelos reads חוטרא עשיראה (‘tenth rod’) and Neofiti gives שרביטה עשיריה. Saadiah, on his hand, translated אלעצא פאלעאשר, and the Aleppo Sharḥ rendered the construction as )אלקאציב אלעאשר ’tenth stick’).

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Zippor17 notes that the word ܕܪܥܝܐ܂ is an additional interpretation of the word בט .which has certain basis in Hebrew sources (cf. Ezechiel 34:12): Mish ,השBekhorot 16:2. Rashi gathers the following explanation:

“Under the rod - when he brought them out in tens, one after the other, he painted the tenth in red colour so that it will be known as ‘tenth’ as a sacrifice for God); he did this to lambs and calves every year. 'it will be a sacrifice to God' – to sacrifice on the altar its blood and parts, and the meat will be eaten by its owners, as it was not counted with the other priesthood gifts, and we did not find that its meat will be given to the priests”.

תחת יעבר-אשר כל

בט עשירי הש יה ה -יה ליהוה קדש

ܚܘܛܪܐ ܬܚܝܬ ܕܥܒܪ ܟܠ ܩܘܕܫܐ ܢܗܘܐ ܂ܕܪܥܝܐ ܠܡܪܝܐ

عصا الراعيولك يش جيوز حتت

يكون طهر هلل

19. The Peshīṭta explained the word אדרת in Gen. 25:25 by the Syriac word ܬܐܥܙܩ , (‘rings’). MS Sinai 2 gives خواتمي with the same meaning, but this rendering differs from other Arabic translations: Saadiah translated ככסא מן שער (‘a cloth of hair’), and MS Sinai 10 rendered رجل ازب كثري الشعر (‘a haired person’). The translation is followed by an interpretation. The Protestant edition is: فروة شعر (‘a frock’).

אדרת כלו ר כ או שע ר ויקמו ו ש עש

ܘܩܪܐ ܕܣܥܪܐ܂ ܥܙܩܬܐ ܘܠܟܗ ܥܣܘ ܫܡܗ

من شعر يدعى خواتميواكن جدله

امسه عاسو

20. The Peshīṭta translated the combination שך היבל ܕܫܬܩܬ in Exod. 19:13 as במ ,(’the trumpet became silent‘) سكت القرن MS Sinai 2 follos the Peshīṭta with .ܩܪܢܐ܂while Onkelos translated it as במיגד שופרא (‘Shofar Blowing’). Saadiah gives צרב The .فرغت الاصوات والبوقات MS Sinai 10 translated it as .(’plug trumpet‘) באלבוק Protestants translated it as عند صوت البوق (‘at the sound of the trumpet’).

יה לא שך יח היבל במ

ה ר יעלו המ ה ב ܫܪܐ ܩܪܢܐ܂ ܕܫܬܩܬ ܘܡ ܐ

ܠܛܘܪܐ ܩܠܡܣ ܠܟܘܢ

سكت القرنوال تس تحيونه فاذا

فقد حل لمك ان ترقون اجلبل

21. The Peshīṭta translated the word תתי ܕܢܝܦܘܩ as (Lev. 19:3) שב (‘laws’). MS Sinai 2 translated it as واحفظوا سنين (‘keep my laws’). Onkelos reads יומי שביא. Propaganda translation, MS Sinai 10, Saadiah and Protestant translation translate the term in the following way: وحتفظون س بويت ; ו סבותי'אחפצו.

17 M. Zipor, The Peshīṭta Version of Leviticus, Jerusalem: Simor Ltd., 2003, pp. 238-239.

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את תתי-ו מרו שב אני תשהוה אלהיכם י

ܕܐܢܐ ܡܛܠ ܂ܩܕܢܝܦܘ ܘܛܪܘ ܐܠܗܟܘܢ ܡܪܝܐ ܐܢܐ

من اجل اين اان سنينواحفظوا

هللا ربمك

22. The Peshīṭta translated the word שפני in Deut. 33:19 as ܠܦܐܘܐ (‘ships’) in Syriac. The term exists in Aramaic as א פ Saadiah ,(’ships‘) السفن MS Sinai 2 translated .אלinterpreted זוהאודפאין אלרמל יכנ (‘hide treasures in the sand’), and the Protestants translated it as وذخائر مطمورة يف الرمل (‘treasures hidden in sand’).

פ יינקו ימים שפע כי ניושמוני חול ט

ܕܝܡܡ ܐ ܕܫܦܥܐ ܡܛܠ ܘܐܠܦܐ ܢܐܢܩܘܢ܂ ܒܚܠ ܐ ܕܛܡܝܪܢ

من اجل اهنم يغرزون مس يل

املطموره ىف الرمل والسفنالبحور

23. At certain occurrences (cf. Exod. 9:31) the Peshīṭta translated the nouns ו אביבעל MS Sinai 2 did the same. On the other .(’bent‛) ܟܦܬ and (’strike‛) ܡܚܝ by verbs גבhand, Onkelos translated by the nouns אביבין גבעולין.

ה ת הפש ה ו ער הש הנ ו ת כה כי ער אביב הש

ה ת הפש על ו גב

ܐܒܕܘ܂ ܘܣܥܪܐ ܘܟܬܢܐ ܟܢܐ܂ ܡܚܝ ܕܣܥܪܐ ܡܛܠ

ܟܦܬ ܘܟܬܢܐ

وهكل الكتان والشعري من اجل ان

احننارضب والكتان الشعري

24. At various occurrences, the Peshīṭta translated the singular word as a plural one. For example, in Exod. 13:8. the verb הג ת ו ד is a singular verb in the future, and it is translated as a plural verb in the future ܘܬܚܘܘܢ MS Sinai 2 follows the Peshīṭta with وحتدثون (‘and you will speak’) as a plural future. Onkelos translated it as a singular future verb ותחוי לברך (‘tell your son’), like in Saadiah ואכבר אבנך (‘tell your son’).

ך בנ ת ל הגד ܠܒܢܝܟܘܢ ܘܬܚܘܘܢ ביום ההוא ו

ܗܘ ܒܝܘܡ ܐ بنيمك يف ذكل اليوم وحتدثون

25. The Peshīṭta translated the verb שים into a verb in present (Exod. 13:18) חמtense: ܘܡܙܝܢܝܢ. MS Sinai 2 translated it into a homograph noun, but with a different meaning of the Arabic word In the Propaganda edition it is .(’decoration‘) زينه translated as .(’armed‘) متسلحني

שים לו וחמ ני ע אל-ב ר יש

ים מארץ ר מצ

ܗܘܘ ܣܠܩܘ ܘܡܙܝܢܝܢ ܡܢ ܐܝܣܪܝܠ ܒܢܝ/ܕܒܝܬ

ܕܡܨܪܝܢ ܐܪܥܐ

من ارض بزينه خفرج بين ارسايل

مرص

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26. In Gen. 26:12 the Peshīṭta translated the word רים ע with the meaning of ש‘barley’ as ܐܕܣܥܪ . MS Sinai 2 followed this translation and gave الشعري. This addition exists also in the LXX.18

א צ נה וימ מאה ההוא בשרים ע ש

ܗܝ ܒܫܢܬܐ ܘܐܫܟܚ ܕܣܥܪܐ ܡ ܐܐ

اذ الشعريفااته للواحد مايه من

اكهل وبركه هللا

27. The Peshīṭta translated the combination ן ܢܚܠ ܐ ܒܝܪܐ in Deut. 21:4 as נחל איתand MS Sinai 2 followed and translated it وادى بور (‘fallow valley’). Onkelos translated it as This translation is unique and differs from MT, and thus . נחל ביירMS Sinai 2, which depended on the Peshīṭta, differs too from other Arabic translations. On his hand, Saadiah gives ואדי צעב (‘hard valley’), the Propaganda edition (1671) reads وادي عرس وحمجر (‘harsh and stony valley’). The Protestants translated .(’valley flows all the year‘) واد دامئ الس يالن

הורדו ני ו עיר זק ההוא ה

ה-את ל עג ן נחל-אל ה אית ܣܒܐ ܘܢܝܬܘܢܗ /ܘܢܚܬܘܢܗ

ܠܥܓܠܬܐ ܗܝ ܕܩܪܝܬܐ ܒܝܪܐ ܠܢܚܠ ܐ

روادى بو مث ينطلقون هبا اىل

28. There are various translations of the verb לו in Deut. 20:6. Saadiah חלtranslated it as לה'יבתד (‘give generously’). MS Sinai 10 reads جيتين (‘to collect’), the Propaganda edition (1671) offers جيعهل للعامة (‘available to the public’). The Protestant translation renders يبتكره (‘offer early’). MS Sinai 2 follows the Peshīṭta rendering ܥܨܪ as يعرص (‘squeezed’), which differs from other Arabic translations.

איש-ומי כרם נטע-אשר הלא לו ו חל

ܥܨܪ ܘܐܠ ܟܪܡܐ ܕܢܨܒ ܓܒܪܐ ܘܡܢܘ ܡܢܗ

يعرصاميا رجل غرس كرم ومل

منه

29. The word טף in its most occurrences in Deut. 1:29 (cf. Num. 20:14) was translated in the Peshīṭta into the word ܪܬܐ MS Sinai 2 .(’burden, children‘) ܝܩadopted the Peshīṭta and translated to the Arabic word أ ثقال which is a calque in Arabic.19 This translation of the word יקרתא into the Arabic word أ ثقال is documented in the glossary of Bar Ali (9th c.).20 Either al-Ḥārith b. Sinān used the same word in Ms Sinai Arabic 10.

18 Y. Maori, The Peshīṭta Version of the Pentateuch, pp. 49, 83. 19 In Arabic this word does not mean ‘children’. The word is documented in the Qurʼān

meaning ‘loads’ (al-naḥl 16:7). 20 Bar Ali, Syrisch-Arabische Glossen, ed. G. Hoffmann, Kiel, 1874, I, p. 172, entry: 4507. In Arabic

there is no explicit meaning for this word as ‘little children’. The meaning is ‘heavy loads’. It is mentioned in the Qur’ān with a literal and metaphorical meaning.

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לבז אמרתם אשר וטפכם

יהיה

ܪܬܘܢ ܪܬܟܘܢ ܕܐܡ ܘܝܩ ܠܒܙܬܐ ܬܗܘܐ

ادلى قلمت اثقالمك وتكون

للغنميه Deu. 20:14

ה ܐ טףרק הנשים ו ܠܚܘܕ ܢܫ ܪܬܐ : ܒ واالثقالغمن نساها وادلواب وا ܘܝܩ 30. The Peshīṭta translated the verb ותתעלף in Gen. 38:14 (‘be covered’), into the verb ܘܐܨܛܒܬܬ (‘be adorned’).21 It is worthwhile noting that this translation of the

verb differs from other Aramaic translations, e.g Onkelos translated נת אתק(‘improved’). Neofiti translated it into ואתעטפת (‘to be covered’). MS Sinai 2

followed the Peshīṭta with وتزينت (‘to be adorned’).

סר די ות ה בג נות מ אל

ליה כס מע עיף ות בצףו על תת

ܡܢܗ܂ ܐܪܡܠܘܬܗ ܠܒܘܫܝ ܘܐܥܒܪܬ ܐܨܛܒܬܬܘ ܒܐܪܕܝܕܐ ܘܐܬܟܣܬܝ

فوضعت ثياب اميهتا وتغطت

وتزينتجبلباب

(B) The affinity of MS Sinai 2 to one of the manuscripts of the Peshīṭta

It is known that there are several different manuscripts of the Peshīṭta that have specific difference. MS Sinai 2 followed a specific version, which is slightly different from the others in its text. Here are some sample verses that confirm the fact that MS Sinai 2 followed a specific text of the Peshīṭta: 1. The word ܕܡܕܒܚܐ is attested in one MS of the Peshīṭta version (Num. 5:17), but the word ܕܡܫܟܢܐ is exhibited in another manuscript. MS Sinai 2 followed and adhered to the first version that uses the word ܡܕܒܚܐ and translated to املذحب.

קדשים מים הכהן ולקח העפר-ומן חרש-בכלי המשכן בקרקע יהיה אשר

ܒܡܐܐܢ ܩܕܝܫܐ ܡܝܐ ܟܗܐܢ ܘܢܣܒ ܕܐܬܝ ܥܦܪܐ ܘܡܢ ܕܦܚܪܐ܂ ܕܡܫܟܢܐ/ܕܡܕܒܚܐ ܠܘܗܝܒܫܦܘ

فليحمل ما طهر يف اان خفار من

املذحبتراب ذكر

2. The Arabic text depended on a manuscript that has the word ܕܡܫܟܢܐ in Exod. 32:26, which is translated as قبه الزمن (‘the tent of the meeting’). The same ocurred in the edition of the Aramaic Patriarchate of Antiochia, and it is based on the

21 Ch. Heller (Peshīṭta in Hebrew Characters with Elucidatory Notes, Gen. and Exod, Berlin, 1927-

1929, p. מח, n. 5) noted that the Peshīṭta translated it with the meaning of ‘to be adorned’.

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Manuscript of Cambridge University Library (Ms Oo.1. 1, 2), and on the edition of Leiden (12 al, Leiden ed.).22

ܒܬܪܥܐ ܡܘܫܐ ܠܗ ܘܩܡ המחנה בשער משה ויעמד ܕܡܫܪܬܝܐ/ܕܡܫܟܢܐ

قبه الزمنفقام موىس يف ابب

3. The word בשדה in Gen. 4:8 was translated in the Peshīṭta version as ܦܩܥܬܐ. MS Sinai Arabic 2 translated it as البقعه. Brock stated that the answer to the question regarding this translation is related to what was mentioned in Ezechiel regarding the Garden of Eden, where it is described as mountain, and when Cain quarreled with his brother Abel, he took him to a low area (pqa‘ta, ‛valley’).23 In the edition of the American missionary, it was translated as ܕܫܬ, which means ‘desert’, and even in the new versions of the Peshīṭta.24

; אחיו הבל-אל, קין ויאמר

שדהב בהיותם ויהי

ܠܗܒܝܠ ܩܐܝܢ ܘܐܡܪ ܠܦܩܥܬܐ ܢܪܕܐ ܐܚܘܗܝ܂

البقعهفقال قاين اخيه نمتشا ىف

4. There is a difference in the translation of the word אש in the manuscripts of בthe Peshīṭta in Num 31:23. Some of them read ܠܟܘܪܐ, wnereas other give ܒܟܘܪܐ, and a third group offers ܒܢܘܪܐ. The MS Sinai 2 followed the first group and

gathers اىل الكور.

ל ר-כ ב אש יבא-אשר ד באש תעבירו ב

ܠܕܥܐ ܡܕܡ ܘܠܟ ܒܢܘܪܐ/ܒܟܘܪܐ/ܠܟܘܪܐ

الكور ولك يش يدخل اىل

فادخلوه اىل النار

22 S. Brock, The Bible in the Syriac Tradition, pp. 42-43: Manuscript 2,1, and Ms Oo. 1. 1

Cambridge, University Library. He noted that this Ms is written in an elegant Syriac ancient writing (estrangelo) from the 12th century. The manuscript was written in north Mesopotamia and moved to India in the 18th century. It was printed and some copies were moved to Kerala in 1823. After that, this edition was published by ‘The Company of the Holy Books’ in 1979. In pp. 131-132, Brock states that the edition of 1979 that ‘The Company of the Holy Books’ published depends on the Mosul edition 1887-91. The two editions of Mosul and Urmia were adapted for the needs of both the Syriac Orthodox Church and the Maronite Church.

23 S. Brock, The Bible in the Syriac Tradition, pp. 24-25. 24 The Syriac Bible-Old Testament and the New Testament, Mission Babylon, pub. 1893.

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(C) Additions to the Masoretic Text

Inside the text of the Peshīṭta, there are additions on the MT. These additions are attributed to causes and motives that the translator faced, and served his intention in his coping with the Hebrew text. The translator generally tries to convey the written things in a clear way, and therefore he adds things in order to make the text clearer, even if he diverts from literal translation. Here, the translator becomes an interpreter.25

The desire to clarify and interpret the Hebrew text appears at places where the Peshīṭta adds or changes details in the Hebrew text, which were not clarified in the source text. In fact, the Peshīṭta changed or added things so that the information would be more explicit in the context, or would sound more logical, or in order to prevent contradiction between the written things. For example, there are textual additions in the Peshīṭta to the Hebrew source. For the sake of order and detailing, I will divide these additions into categories: (a) Addition of a Noun

1. The Peshīṭta added the word ܒܕܝܢܐ in Exod. 23:8 (cf. Deut. 16:19), and the same

occured in MS Sinai Arabic 2: يف القضا.

עור השחד כי חים י פק

רי ויסלף .צדיקים דב ܡܥܘܪ ܕܫܘܚܕܐ ܡܛܠ

ܒܕܝܢܐ܂ ܕܚܟܝܡ ܐ ܥܝܢܝܗܘܢ ܕܙܟܝܐ܂ ܡܠܝܗܘܢ ܘܡܗܦܟ

من اجل اهنا تعمي ابصار

م وتتدفع الك يف القضااحلكام

. الابرار

Deut. 16:19

עור השחד כי עיני ימים רי ויסלף חכ דב צדיקם

ܡܥܘܪ ܕܫܘܚܕܐ ܡܛܠ ܂ܒܕܝܢܐ ܕܚܟܝܡ ܐ ܥܝܢܝܗܘܢ

ܕܙܟܝܐ ܡܠܝܗܘܢ ܘܡܗܦܟ

فان الرشوه تعمى قلوب

وال ترد يف القضااحلكام

الكم احملقود

2. In Gen. 45:17 the word ܥܒܘܪܐ was added, though it does not exist in the Hebrew text. Maori noted that the addition of the word ܥܒܘܪܐ is a required objective completion, which an external reader would feel that it is missing. He pointed out that it is missing in MS 5b1 and stated that it exists in the translation

25 Y. Maori, The Peshīṭta Version of the Pentateuch, p. 61.

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of LXX.26 MS Sinai 2 followed the Peshīṭta and translated the word into Arabic as .(’food‘) طعاما

כם-את וטענו עיר בכו ה באו-ול צ נען אר כ

ܒܥܝܪܟܘܢ ܛܥܢܘ/ܐܛܥܢܘ ܐܘܒܠܘ ܘܙܠܘ ܥܒܘܪܐ܂ ܕܟܢܥܢ ܠ ܐܪܥܐ

واذهبوا طعامااوقروا ذوابمك

اىل ارض كنعان

3. The proper noun of the mountain חורב in Exod. 4:27 was added later in (ܚܘܪܝܒ <)

the Peshīṭta.

שהו ג הר ויפ אל ב היםה לו-וישק

ܒܛܘܪܗ ܒܗ ܘܦܓܥ ܘܢܫܩܗ ܒܚܘܪܝܒ ܕܐܠܗܐ

فانطلق فلقيه يف جبل هللا يف

فلقيه حوريب

4. The Peshīṭta added the name ܐܚܘܟ in Num. 1:3, addition that is exhibited by MS Sinai Arabic 2.

אהרן ה ו את

ܐܚܘܟ ܘܐܗܪܘܢ ܐܢܬ

هرون بقوهتم واخوك انت

5. The Peshīṭta, like other Aramaic translations (Onkelos and Jonathan)27 added

the word ܡܠܦܢܐ in Exod. 18:19, a reading preserved in MS Sinai Arabic 2: معلام

(‘teacher’).

ך אלהים ויהי עמה היה ם את ע ל

ܗܘܝ ܥܡܟ܂ ܐܠܗܐ ܘܢܗܘܐ ܠܥܡ ܐ ܡܠܦܢܐ ܐܢܬ

ولكن الان امسع ايل فامرك

ويكون هللا معك تكون انت

للشعب معلام 6. The Peshīṭta added the word ܐܕܢܫ (‘women’) in Exod. 38:8, preserved in MS

Sinai Arabic 2: النسا (‘women’).

הכיור את ויעש

חשת את נ כנו וחשת א נ מר תב

את הצב

ܘܟܢܐ ܕܢܚܫܐ܂ ܠܩܢܐ ܘܥܒܕ ܡܚܙܝܐ ܒܝܬ ܕܢܚܫܐ܂ ܕܝܠܗ

ܢܫܐܕ

وصنع خمضب من حناس

النساينظرن

26 Y. Maori, The Peshīṭta Version of the Pentateuch, p. 62. This shows that Ms. Sinai 2 depended

on manuscript in which the word ܥܒܘܪܐ was mentioned. 27 Ch. Heller, Peshīṭta in Hebrew Characters, p. צה, n. 21.

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(b) Addition of a Verb The addition of a verb in the text of the Peshīṭta is intended to interpret and clarify the transparency of the text. 1. The Peshīṭta added the verb ܘܕܚܠܘ in Gen. 50:15, addition included in MS Sinai

Arabic 2: خفش يوا (‘they feared’, ‘were worried’).

או -כי יוסף-אחי ויר

אביהם מת ܕܡܬܝ ܕܝܘܣܦ ܐܚܘܗܝ ܚܙܘ

ܘܕܚܠܘ܂ ܐܒܘܗܘܢ

ومن بعد ما مات ابوه راوا

اخوته ان اابمه قد مات

خفش يوا

2. The Peshīṭta added the verb ܚܦܪܘ in Gen. 21:25, also preserved in MS Sinai Arabic 2: احتفره (‘dig’).

הוכח ם ו ה ר -את אב

אדות-על אבימלך אר אשר המים בלו די גז אבימלך עב

ܥܠ ܐܠܒܝܡܠܟ ܐܒܪܗܡ ܘܐܟܣ ܚܦܪܘܕ ܕܡܝܐ܂ ܕܒܪܐ ܨܒܘܬܐ

ܘܫܩܠܘܗ ܕܐܒܪܗܡ ܥܒܕܘܗܝ ܕܐܒܝܡܠܟ ܥܒܕܘܗܝ

عاتب ابرهمي اليب مليك يف و

احتفره سبب بري من ما اكن

عبيد ابرهمي وانزتعوه عبيد

ايب مليك منه

3. The Peshīṭta gave the verb אה ת :in Gen. 24:21 in double interpretation מש

ומתבונן/ משקה (> ܘܡܬܒܩܐܗܘܐܡܫܩܐ , ‘water and watch’). MS Sinai arabic 2 did the same. Chaim Heller noticed this addition.28 Maori also noted in detail on this addition in the Peshīṭta and the other interpretations29. Saadiah translated: ואלרגל

... מסתסק להא .30

איש ה אה ו ת ה מש לדעת מחריש ל

ליח הוה ההצ כו י דר לא-אם

ܗܘܐ‍ ܡܫܩܐ ܘܓܒܪܐ ܘܡܟܪ ܒܗ܂ ܘܡܬܒܩܐ ܡܪܝܐ ܐܨܠܚ ܐܢ ܠܡܕܥ ܐܠ ܐܘ ܐܘܪܚܗ

فهيا يسقي ويتفرسجفعل الرجل

وجعل ينظر هل اصلح هللا طريقه

ام ال

28 Ch. Heller, Peshīṭta in Hebrew Characters, p. כח, n. 4. 29 Y. Maori, The Peshīṭta Version of the Pentateuch, pp. 117-118, with interpretations of this

verb. 30 Saadia Gaon, Oeuvres completes de R. Saadia ben Iosef al-Fayyoumi. Edited by J. Derenbourg, 5

vols, Paris: E. Leroux, 1893-99, p. 55, n. 3.

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(c) Addition of Adverbs

In some cases, there is addition of an adverb, whose purpose is to make the text clearer.

1. The Peshīṭta added ܡܢ ܬܡܢ in Gen. 24:38 rendered in MS Sinai Arabic 2 as من مثه.

ת קח ל ה ו ני אש לב

ܬܡܢ ܡܢ ܠܒܪܝ ܐܢܬܬܐ ܘܣܒ

مثه منفامكل البين امراه

2. The Peshīṭta added the word ܩܕܡܝ in Gen. 18:20, also preserved in and MS Sinai

Arabic 2: قدايم.

הוה ויאמר זעקת, ידם ה ס -כי ועמר

ה ב ם; ר את חט כי--וה ד ב אד, כ מ

ܕܣܕܘܡ ܥܓܬܐ ܡܪܝܐ܂ ܘܐܡܪ ܣܓܬܝ ܩܕܡܝ ܥܠܬ ܘܕܥܡܘܪܐ

وقال ان دعا سدم وعامورا قد

قدايم صعد

(d) Addition of Adjectives

1. We can also find in the Peshīṭta additions of adjectives, whose purpose is to clarify the subject. For example, in Gen. 48:10 the Peshīṭta added the word ܫܦܝܪ. MS Sinai 2 translated it as حس نا. Maori noted that the word ܫܦܝܪ is missing in MS 5b1 and compared it to the interpretation of Rabbi Abraham Ibn Ezra.31

עיני אל ו ר דו יש ב כ יוכל לא מזקן

אות לר

ܝܩܪ ܕܐܝܣܪܝܠ ܘܥܝܢܘܗܝ ܘܠ ܐ ܣܝܒܘܬܐ܂ ܡܢ

ܫܦܝܪ ܕܢܚܙܐ ܗܘܐ ܡܫܟܚ

واكنت عيين ارسايل قد ثقلتا

من الكرب فمل يكن يس تطع

حس نا ن ينظرا

2. The Peshīṭta added the word 32ܩܪܝܪܐ in Exod. 16:23, adapted in MS Sinai Arabic

2 followed ابردا (‘cold’).

את לו-אשר ו בש ת

את בשלו ל ו עד -כ ףהכם הניחו מר ל מש תל

ܐܢܬܘܢ ܕܡܒܫܠܝܢ ܘܡܕܡ ܛܪܘ ܕܝܬܪ ܘܡܕܡ ܒܫܠܘ܂ ܠܨܦܪܐ ܩܪܝܪܐ ܠܟܘܢ

وما طبخمت فاطبخوا وما

31 Y. Maori, The Peshīṭta Version of the Pentateuch 1995, pp. 62-63. 32 According to the interpretations of adding the word, see Y. Maori, The Peshīṭta Version of the

Pentateuch 1995, pp. 47-48.

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הבקר-עד

اىل الغد ابردافضل احفظوه

3. The Peshīṭta added the word ܪܡ ܐ in Exod. 25:25 preserved in MS Sinai Arabic

2 as مرتفعه (‘high’).

שית ע גרת לו ו מס

ביב טפח ס ܕܬܗܘܐ ܣܦܬܐ ܠܗ ܘܥܒܕ ܪܡ ܐ

مرتفعهواجعل لها شفه

(e) Additions of Articles

1. The translator adds a negative article that helps to understand the text, e.g. the Peshīṭta added the negative article in Gen. 41:54 and MS Sinai Arabic 2 ܠ ܐtranslated it using a negative equivalent.

מצרים ארץ-ובכל ו

לחם היה

ܗܘܐ ܐܠ ܕܡܨܪܝܢ ܐܪܥܐ ܘܒܠܟܗ ܠܚܡܐ

خزب يف ارض فمل يكون

مرص

2. In Deut. 17:9, when the priests and companions are mentioned, the Peshīṭta adds the conjunction ‘and’ or the choice connector ‘or’, e.g:

הכהנים-אל ובאת

השפט-ואל הלוים

ܟܗܢܐ ܠܘܬ ܘܬܐܙܠ ܐܘ ܠܘܝܐ܂ ܠܘܬ ܐܘ/ܘܠܘܬ

ܕܝܢܐ ܠܘܬ

اللوانيني والقاىض و احلرب فاتوا

3. Sometimes, like in Deut. 18:1, the Peshīṭta adds what is missing in the MT in order to make the text understandable.

לכהנים יהיה-לא

לוי שבט-כל הלוים

ܠܟܗܢܐ ܬܗܘܐ ܠ ܐ ܦܠܓܘܬܐ ܘܠܠܘܝܐ

للوانني ووال يكون للحرب

قسمه

(f) Addition of Further Components

1. The Peshīṭta added the word ܝܗܘܢܬܪ in Gen. 2:24, also included in MS Sinai Arabic 2.

, איש-יעזב, כן-על

; אמו-ואת, אביו-את

ܓܒܪܐ ܢܫܒܘܩ ܗܢܐ ܡܛܠ ܘܢܩܦ ܘܠ ܐܡܗ ܠ ܐܒܘܗܝ

من اجل دكل يرتك الرجل

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והיו, באשתו ודבק

אחד לבשר

ܘܢܗܘܘܢ ܠ ܐܢܬܬܗ܂ ܒܣܪ ܚܕ ܬܪܝܗܘܢ

ابوه وامه وجيامع امراته

جسام الكهامويكوانن

واحدا

(g) Addition of Combinations of Words

1. Addition of a verb followed by a pronoun: ܐܢܐ ܒܥܐ was added in Gen. 19:18.

MS Sinai 2 includes it with a change of the word order: اىن ارغب (‘I desire’).

אלהם לוט ויאמר

אדני נא-אל

ܐܐܢ ܒܥܐ ܠܘܛ ܠܗܘܢ ܘܐܡܪ ܡܪܝ ܡܢܟܘܢ

اليكام اي اىن ارغبوقال هلام لوط

س يدى

2. The Peshīṭta added the construction ܕܠ ܐ ܒܙܒܢܗ in Lev. 10:1, which is followed

by MS Sinai arabic 2: يف غري حيهنا (‘not in its time’).

ריבו ני ויק הוה לפ י

ה אש לא אשר זרם צוה את

ܢܘܪܐ ܡܪܝܐ ܩܕܡ ܘܩܪܒܘ ܕܠ ܐ ܒܙܒܢܗ ܕܠ ܐ ܢܘܟܪܝܬܐ

ܐܢܘܢ ܦܩܕ

يف فقدموا قدام هللا انر غريبه

ايمرمه بذكل ومل غري حيهنا

3. The Peshīṭta added the pair ܡܢ ܬܡܢ in Gen. 24:38, also present in MS Sinai

Arabic 2 من مثه (‘thence’).

אבי-בית-אל לא-אם

אל תלך תי-ו פח משת קח ל ה ו ני אש לב

ܐܒܝ ܠܒܬܝ ܠܟ ܙܠ ܐܐܠ ܠܒܪܝ ܐܢܬܬܐ ܘܣܒ ܘܠܫܪܒܬܝ܂

ܬܡܢ ܡܢ\

ولكن انطلق اىل بيت ايب

وقبيليت فامكل البين امراه

من مثه

(h) Interpretive Addition We find in the Peshīṭta additions whose purpose is to clarify and interpret the passages. Maori noted that this tradition of interpretation is common to all the Aramaic translations. 1. For example, the Peshīṭta gave after the combination נח נת פע פ the צexplanation ܕܟܣܝܐ ܠܓܝܢ in Gen. 41:45, which MS Sinai 2 followed literally. Even

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Josephus 2,6,1 brought this explanation in his Antiquities. Hieronymus also stated in his interpretation of Exodus that the meaning of the word is revealing the hidden.33 Saadiah also reads מוצח אלכפאיא (< موضح اخلفااي, ‘clarify the hidden’). In the Protestant edition, the name صفنات فعنح was copied without an interpretive addition:

א ר עה ויק -שם פרנת יוסף פ נח צ פע

ܕܝܘܣܦ ܫܡܗ ܦܪܥܘܢ ܘܩܪܐ ܠܗ ܠܓܝܢ ܕܟܣܝܐ ܨܦܢܬܦܥܢܚ

ودعا امس يوسف صفيه فعنا

املطلع اخلفيات

2. The Peshīṭta added the name ܣܥܝܪ in Gen. 36:6, like in MS Sinai Arabic 2.

את ל ו ינו-כ אשר קנכש ארץ ר נען ב כני ארץ-אל וילך מפ

אחיו יעקב

ܕܩܢܐ ܩܢܝܢܗ ܘܠܟܗ ܒܥܝܪܗ܂ ܘܠܟܗ ܐܠܪܥܐ ܘܐܙܠ ܕܟܢܥܢ܂ ܒܐܪܥܐ ܐܚܘܗܝ ܝܥܩܘܒ ܩܕܡ ܡܢ ܕܣܥܝܪ

ولك ماشيته يف ارض كنعان

من ساعريوانطلق اىل ارض

قدام يعقوب اخيه

3. In Deut. 6:18 the Peshīṭta added an epithet according to the theoforic formula

of the divine name.

שית ע ר ו הטוב היש ועיני הוה ב י

ܡܪܝܐ ܩܕܡ ܘܬܪܝܨ ܕܫܦܝܪ ܘܥܒܕ ܠܐܗܟ

خري ربكله الـوامعل قدام

وصدق

Summary In view of the examination of the linkage of MS Sinai 2 to the text of the Peshīṭta, we discover that MS Sinai 2 was copied from the Peshīṭta and depended on one of its earlier texts.

This is reflected in the verses that include specific words that exist in a specific text of the Peshīṭta that, apparently, served as a textus receptus; in the investigation of MS Sinai 2 to the translation method of the Peshīṭta of specific words and combinations that are different from the text of the MT; and by additions on the text of the MT. The Peshīṭta added interpretive additions, and MS Sinai 2 imitated the Peshīṭta by adding nouns, verbs, adjectives, adverbs, and additional components.

According to this, it is possible to sum up and argue that MS Sinai 2 is extr-emely loyal to the source text of the Peshīṭta, which gives it a special uniqueness

33 Y. Maori, The Peshīṭta Version of the Pentateuch 1995, pp. 129-130.

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in comparison with other Arabic translations that were mentioned in different places in the study.

In my opinion, this mapping of the investigation of the linkage of the MS Sinai 2 to the Peshīṭta contributes to the understanding of the translation craft of the Manuscript and its affinity to a specific text, and even its comparison to other methods of translation within the genre of the Bible translations in the Middle Ages.