Amir Khusrau and His Mathnawis
Prof Chander Shekhar
Dept of Persian, Delhi University
[email protected]
Amir Khusrau and His Mathnawis
Masnawi is a only genre in Persian poetics which is as free or
unwired as the subjects of Human thoughts. Every couplet of it can
be bounded only in its ending rhymes but the subject has no
boundary and it is that in every period and for every subject it
became a spokesperson and scooped to it highest level always. One
may select only few poets, in fact sometime only one like Hafiz for
Ghazal but one is confined to name Firdausi, Nizami and Rumi as
well as Amir Khusrau as the great masnawi writers for the subjects
they preferred masnawi.
The word, Mathnawi is derived from Masna or sana i.e. (literal
translation) two. Two indicates two halves (hemstitches) of each
rhymed couplet. Its gensis may be traced from the very early period
of Persian which may have on the pattern of Rajz of Arabic poetry
which was usually for battle drummers.
In the Indo-Persian poetry in the realm of masnawi, various
subjects like mysticism, ethics and morals and the subjects
associated with socio-cultural and historical studies etc. have
been largely composed as it is a form of no-ending boundary.
Historical annals of Early Delhi Sultanate mention that Lahore
court, from the time of Later Ghaznavid rulers, especially Saifud
Daulah Mehmood and his brother Alaud Daulah Masaud, was nourished
and patronized as a centre of literary and cultural activities.
After them, Sultan Sherzad bin Sultan Masaud became the ruler of
Lahore as the Naibus- Saltanat in 493 AH/1099-1100 AD. works of
Abul Faraj Runi and Masaud Saad Salman provide a vivid description
of the court culture in their eulogistic and narrative poems i.e.
Qasaid and mathanwi. A masnavi comprising of 389 verses the last
stated poet highlights the courtly environment and presence of men
of minstrel, their performances inside the court and their routine
life too as well as the nobility and himself too in the court of
Sultan Sherzad. The whole masnawi is a picture of the court of the
said Sultan. One may find that the said genre used for various
subjects.
Our great poet Amir Khusrau (1251-52AD-1325AD) who is known as
pioneer of Indian Persian school entitled as Tuti-e Hind for his
exponent and versatility in various forms of prose and poetry has
left behind a good amount of masnawis dealing with different
subjects each showing his erudite knowledge on various subjects as
well as his way to present observation on newly seen objects and
material. It is like an ocean with deep waters full of variety of
pearls. It leaves some time mesmerized how he had acquired such
vast knowledge of variegated subjects.
The masnawis of amir khusrau are generally divided into two
major sections: Masnawis of Historical and cultural vistas &
Khamsa -e-Khusrau in imitation to Nizami's one.
All these are in independent form except Miftahul-Futuh which is
originally a part of Ghurratul Kamal but exist also independently.
Apart from these, there are small masnawis in the Diwans too. Some
of these masnawis have never seen the light of the day as one is
farasnama which is an independent work lying in the ms section of
sulaiymania library, Istanbul. It was first introduced by Prob
Abidi.
These masnawis though began to be composed for a certain
specific subject, but content subjects show Khusrau often tow away
his main theme to the other aspects diverting the whole attention
especially to the subject of his favorite topic i.e. my India is a
great land.
The amalgamation of the subjects can be seen in the both kind of
masnawis.
One may find some indicators in Masaud Saad but the innovation,
created by Khusrau can be synthesized into two perspectives:
highlighting Indian culture and Indianness of Khusrau and new
literary subjects as fresh subjects to highlight in his poetry
which were still virgin in those days in Delhi as it was more a
Darul- Harb though declared by Khusrau as Darul -Aman ( see Qiranus
Sadain).
No man has a better eye for what was germane to or repugnant
from his own thought since he had the flashes of insight. Khusrau
has always been generous in his self-appraisal of the poems to
unfurl the discrepancies of anatomical structure. He elaborately
elucidated his own merits and demerits, one may find in the ending
part of each masnawi. In fact, these self analysis provides a clue
to construct the chronological structure of poetic criticism in
Indo-Persian literature which further flourished during the time of
Muhgals. Though it is also a fact that poetic egoistic approach
Khusrau rarely allowed him to yield down, rather he sharply
lamented his contemporaries for their criticism on his work
(except) the experienced critics who evaluated and corrected his
drafts of masnawis. He acclaimed his superiority amongst the
contemporary men of letters and called others inferior.
One should look beyond the composition to understand the same.
As a courtier holding position of Nadim, he had travelled a lot
with royal forces, even acted as warrior and during his travels
visited various cities in the different parts of then India, the
parts and cities which had and still have different culture,
languages and morphological styles as per the requirement, may be
historically or the weather wise. The colorful ambience existing in
his masnawis is his mastery over the subjects he acquired with the
passage of time out of his own genius and unending passion for
knowing more unhinderingly. This particular enlargement may be
analyzed with other perspectives also. The poet was criticized for
his innovation of a new style in mathnawi for incorporating the
united subjects. Even the modern critics opined that Khusrau could
gain more fame through his conventional outlines. But Khusraus own
narration divulges resistant acceptance of the pointed out
discrepancies of his innovation. Thereafter he employed the same
anatomy in Nuh-Sipihr after a gap of almost two decades. But this
time he had fully asserted himself and didnt allow his skill to be
called promiscuous. Moreover, he also disallowed any check on his
freedom of thought. His description of the court activities
includes the meetings of literati groups held in the presence of
the king himself. In Nuh sipihrs preamble he states that at noon
the Sultan presided over an assembly of the men of letters in his
private chamber. The description of Khusrau reveals that the Sultan
used to attend the literary meetings and participated actively.
Apart from the critical synthesis of the merits of contemporary
poetical works, they also emphasized on the requisite harmony and
symmetry between the metre employed and the subject. The poet also
elaborates the increasing trend of ghazal-writing in compare to
other genres of Persian poetry. Among the appreciated poets, the
ghazals of Sadi and the poetry of Senai were also guiding source
for Khusrau as one may found in some cases and his own acceptance
quoted by many in such comparative studies. It may also be noticed
through such literary inspiration and discussions on the merits of
poetics and poets that there was a continuous inflow of Persian
works from other countries specially from Iran. Khusrau also speaks
of such transactions in his work, Ijaz-e-Khusravi. According to
him, it was being done by certain merchants. It is the same trend
which continues in the centuries to follow. One may see the same
kind of transaction in the case of Naziri Nishapuri. However,
during the court literati discussion, it is pointed out that there
is no man of letters who would bring out a worthwhile work. It was
resolved that one of them should be entrusted with this task. The
Sultan too lauds the suggestion and offered a handsome remuneration
to compose the events of his reign. He emphasised on the quality of
work and demanded that it should be at par with the work of
Khaqani, Unsari and even Firdausi. To encourage the poets, he
declares that the amount of the reward will be the highest ever
given till that time. Interestingly, the masnawi Nuh Sipihr is
always quoted as a source of for indological studies or the
characteristics of Hindostan enumerated by Khusrau. Apart from the
important passionate information focusing style in the said
chapter, widely quoted by various Khusrau-shenasan or khusrau
lovers in the various monographs or books, the other chapters of
Nuh Sipihr has some vital theoretical information on statecraft of
politics too which khusrau hinted briefly in other works. His
increasing experience with the royal polity and regular observation
on the state policies of different monarchs had strengthen his
perception about monarchy. If in Qiranus Sadain, he is repeating
the words of Qaiqubad that monarchy is obtained and preserved on
the mighty sword not on the bases of inheritance claim. This was
the rebuttal of the said sultan to his father Bughra khan. But in
this masnawi he spoke at length entitling the story of chogan stick
and Ball. He advices the sultan to lay sustainable state policy.
One may compare the same with the counsels of Sadi to the
kings.
For his many other innovations in the anatomical structure or
the desired reforms in the society and religion, he should not be
called a rebel but a reformer. He was well aware of his limitation
knowing when his own Pir could be prosecuted in the Alai court how
he could escape especially when he himself is a courtier. He was
very cautious. And he was very cautious that is he did not become
wrath of the succeeding sultans from Balban to Muhammad
Tughlaq.
Astrological science and the Jahandari in medieval period, or
perhaps even today, has a great bearing in Persian poetry. Amir
khusrau had mastery on this subject. One may find that his patrons,
the kings, enthroned only after getting a right time as per the
astrologically fit and suitability of the stationed stars as per
their horoscope. One may find the Muharat or an auspicious time
table composed on various occasions like enthronement of almost
every king, marriage ceremonies like marriage of Khizr Khan with
the daughter of Alp Khan in his masnawi Duwal Rani wa Khizr Khan or
in Nuh Sipihr for Sultan Qutbuddin Mubark Shah and for Muhammad
Tughalq in Tughalq nama. Though, it is quite difficult to trifle
out the exact location on the chart but not imposible rather
knowledge enhancing. When Hardy or Habib cast aspersions on the
factual statements in Khusraus works, one may also ask how many
texts of historical annals provides this kind of astrological
tables which can also be a testimony to the accurate timing of many
historical data.
Historically masnawi Qiranus Sdain was the beginning as an
independent work related to slave dynasty and for the succeeding
house i.e. Khaljis , Miftah-ul-Futuh figures as the imponderable
source material to weave the checkered history of the mentioned
period. These works, along with the others, reveal the
Socio-Politico and economic aspects prevailed in the society of the
Delhi Sultanate. In his narration, the poet keeps aloof the
palatable information of socio-historic significance from the
amalgamation into the poetic riddles and descriptions. But on some
instance, he may be noticed avoiding discretely the mention of some
events like the assassination of Sultan Jalalud-din Tughlaq.
Sometimes he presented the events in the poetic riddles too as the
fate of Duwal Rani. Since these description could hamper his
interests in that period of topsy-turvy. But he registered his deep
concern on the instability even on the defeat of Khusrau Khan whom
he exorted bitterly in Tughlaq Namah. He says in sympathy;
73
His mathnawis are the ample profiles to unfurl the statecraft
and the political thoughts of Delhi Sultanate. These works reveal
the concept of kingship in its realistic form. Sultan Kaiqubad and
Sultan Mubarak Shah Khaljis utterance implicated their decent to
yield before the right of inheritance;
74
75
The poet is usually found apprising the kings of their eminent
and prime duties towards the state and subjects. In his opinion the
raison de tre for kingship was maintenance of peace and
dispensation of justice76. The racial discrimination has been the
universal phenomenon. This aspect may be gleaned into the upsurges
of Malik Chajju and Ghazi Malik (Sultan Ghiyathud-din Tughlaq) as
described by the poet. A profile of the different segments may also
be completed through shifting the details provided by the poet. The
analysis of the mentioned aspect reveals he pattern of obedience
and affiliation of the governing class changed from dynasty to
dynasty depending on political situation and the personal
preference of a ruler and rarely the fear of central authority can
be gauged77.
Hardy criticized Khusrau on several bases and described him a
sign of Muslim phraseology and melodrama, who never looked beyond
the Islamic revelation for an explanation of the meaning of
life(Historians of Medieval India). But these comments should not
be perceived in the background of present circumstances. Moreover,
Khusrau was the only matchless poet of his time who highlighted the
virtues of the rituals and traditions of Hindus. It is quite
obvious that the poet cut across the stream under the sway of
religion, an imponderable element of human nature, and lamented the
same religion whom he eulogized through his expression of deep
personal convictions in the former works. Secondly, for some
reasons it may be wrong to apply a parameter of historiography on
the works of Amir Khusrau since his avowed mtier in life was
poetry. He wished to arouse the sense of verbal subtlety titillated
and elicit the appreciation for his literary skills and
artifices.
But the most important fact is that poet never claimed to be a
historian. Regarding the relation of description of detail
pertaining to historical matter or the then current events in
masnawis, there have been various opinions about the relativity and
the authenticity. First, it is not correct to say that Amir Khusrau
was the innovator poet who used the recent events of historical
importance and the court activities in the genre of masnawis (Sunil
Sharma says: One of the literary innovations credited to the
Indo-Persian poet, Amir Khusraw Dihlavi (d. 1325), is his use of
recent historical events and his own contemporaries, instead of
stories and legendary characters from the past, as the subjects of
epic and romantic masnavis. Amir Khusraw and the Genre of
Historical Narratives in Verse). Everone is well aware that even
much before amir Khusrau poets have highlighted the current events
in their poetic works, including masnawis and qasidas. Secondly, as
a courtier, not as a court poet, as this kind of title was never
showered upon him. Had he facilitated like that he would not have
advised his son to opt this profession. Moreover, he accumulated
the significant information at the instances of different royal
personages, and composed the masnawis to attain popularity amongst
the men of letters only. It is writers and poets of later period
who highlighted his works as piece of history. But it is also true
that on number of occasion he emphatically stated that his own eye
witness are these accounts not on the basis of hearsay. This proves
to the authenticated vivid description by him. With in the
structure of almost every masnawi, especially the masnawis entitled
by the scholars of repute as the historical masnawis, on number of
occasion one may find the sprinkling of ghazals or short stories
and these indicate that poet always penned these as pieces of
literature only. He even admitted that he always loved to compose
ghazal79. The poet mentioned that ghazal is the popular form of
Persian poetry in his period. As per his own statement in Nuh
sipihr (p. 286) his ghazals had become popular in his own time and
singers used to sing his ghazals. But, the epilogue of Nuh Sipihr,
like the epilogue of other masnawis, where he criticized the other
poets whose number had grown like self-growth of mashroom in post
rainy season or like the wild grass and their literary outputs are
also of no value. khusrau also tells the swelling number of
singers, the naghma sera. He did not highlight the eminent poets of
mathnawi and other genres but of the famous ghazal writers of his
time. Though, along with this description, he described also his
own accomplishments in other genres as well as in the ghazal.
Perhaps, on the basis of these inner evidences along with the study
of his ghazals, Prof. Ansari suggested;
81
Khusrau, probably, incorporated the ghazals in his masnawis to
pacify his throbbing heart for his passion for ghazal apart from
the aim of innovation.
Amir Khusrau and Indian Languages: His assimilation of Hindvi
words and phrases led linguists to augur his works to crave the
evaluation, development and the history of the said language. But
analysis requires some cautions as he some time uses nomenclature
for different purposes.
It is interested to mention that following the Persian poets,
Hindwi poets also coined a Hindwi term to create same kind of
spectrum in their poetry naming Sabha Vinod. There are number of
poetical collections under this heading in the poetry of the said
language. In the city palace museum, Jaipur, I came across many
such sources which are ensembled with this genre. Even, the
catalogue of the mss of Persian and rajasthani mixed language has
poetry in this genre from Shahjahans period rarely mentioned by our
scholars working especially in the Hindi Departments. It may also
be reported, though may be out of context, that there were Persian
speaking poets (means whose mother tongue was Persian and arrived
from Persian speaking areas) they learnt various vernacular
languages and composed poetry in the same or bilingually. For
instance ( quote from the cataglogue). According to him Hindwi was
the language of common folk:
According to Abul Fazl, till that time, there were two types of
Bituckchi at the tax office at the local level. One was writing the
records in Hindwi and other was in Persian. This reflect, how
Hindwi was strong to be used for administrative purpose. Some
administrative lexicons of 16th c like Ajay Chand nama, edited by
prof Nazir Ahmed, and Miftahul Fuzla which is not yet edited
published provide the equivalents of both. It was perhaps the same
system which was in vogue in Iran till 11th -12th c where twin
language system of Pahlavi & Dari Farsi was in currency.
But one should be care full in reading Amir Khusraus employing
the term Hindwi. He has used it for Sanskrit too. Comparison
between Arabic & Sanskrit:
In NS for Arabic also says:
But again in DK says:
Interestingly, he also says that even every Brahman is also not
erudite scholar of this language. Amongst the languages he
enumerates, Mabari is for Tamil as the Mabar is on the Tamil
speaking area not malyalam as stated by some scholars. Gauri is a
dialect of Lakhnauti area, North Bengal, closer to Present day
Malda boardering with Bangladesh.
Amir Khusraus masnawis, alongwith other works, can be used as a
data base for linguistic map of 12th -13th c India.
Court culture: Every masnawi provides various shades of Razmiya,
Bazmiya and Sufiya aspects and in the first one of court
etiquettes, tradition and customs followed in the various courts of
different monarchs and even varying too. Balbans court had the
following of Sasanids. According to Tarikh-e-Firoz Shahi, he was
vary selective in appointing to people in various departments. He
did his best to appoint people having blood relationship with pure
Iranian blood. From Qiranus Saadain to Tughlaq Nama, we find
colorful description from the seating arrangements to various ways
of activities of men of minstrels in the court. The courts of
Princes and elite nobles had also culture similar to the central
court and even a comptetion between these late too exist. We know
that Prince Qaan, the martyred crown prince of Balban, had eloped
away Khusrau from Malik Chajju, the first patron of our poet. The
description of the court of the said prince reveals the literary
and musical assesmblies which used to be held and the duo amir
Khusrau and Hasaj sijzi, according to prof Iqtedar Hussain siddiqui
had close family relation ship too had impeccable role in literary
discussions and even Sadi, if it is to be believed, advised the
said prince to nurture the talent of Khusrau rather inviting him to
the said court, and in the musical assemblies, the dominant role of
Turmati Khatun and Muhammad Murghak, the Chang nawaz, even made the
musician of Nihawand and Khurasan to tremble on listening the
mesmerizing mode of musical tone on just the touch of the string,
as picturised by the poet in Aijaz-e-Khusravi. Khusraus description
of court culture is like the different musical modes which begins
with the slow space and then getting momentum in the open sky with
quite soothing but effective style.
In Nuh Sipihr, he begins this aspects in a very embellishing
words in the fourth sipihr calling it an abode of Sun. The said
section is dedicated to the birth of Prince Muhammad, son of the
Sultan, and details of the prediction about his future and the
other royal customs which took place on a birth of royal prince.
The poet discloses that he also incorporated these verses or
subjects which he composed prior to this masnawi. In fact, he
composed chapters of compliments on the birth of his daughters and
son in the masnawis of Khamsa and Ashiqa. The same themes have been
restructured in this sipihr.
On the birth of the prince on 2nd Rabiul-Awwal 718 A.H.
(1319)280 various royal customs were followed as per the
convention. Huge amounts of wealth was distributed amongst poor and
the prisoners were released to mark the royal feast. The musical
instruments rocked the city. The poet also gives a detail account
of the position of the pious stars on this happy occasion. The
nobles and other high ranking personages presented their tributes
and the cheerful compliments. In their compliments, they called the
newly born prince Imam Mehdi, soul of God the crown of the kings
etc. They also enumerate his victorious future expeditions and
conquests of far stretched boundaries. The Sipihr concludes with a
lengthy Saqi Namah of conviviality and inexporable gaiety of the
court.
On this occasion, the season of spring was marked by the
festival of Nau-rauz. The vivacious description of the gardens at
the eve of Nau-rauz is worth beholden. The poet has employed a
conventional description of the colourful flowers in his
kaleidoscopic view presents the floras of central Asian cities
famous for these. The poet also mentions the mellifluous sounds of
the different birds after the description of the floras. Both
Indian and Iranian birds appear in this description. The poet again
illustrates the dialogue among the birds acclaiming the superiority
on the different grounds. But every other one points some
discrepancies in the self admiring bird. When the peacock laid down
his claim for superiority, the partridge objects on the ugly
looking legs as mentioned hereunder; (383p)
It was the self assessment too.
Music and the royal courts: In the next part, the royal feast
takes place in the royal palace, while the castle was decorated
with erecting of various domes. The masons displayed their artistic
skill to build these domes. The Sultan was generous in getting
these domes built beautifully. After the construction work, the
painters performed their duty in an exquisite manner. In the
renovated castle, a convivial party was arranged. The beautiful
damsels, wearing attractive dresses, were bewitching people with
their captivating coquettishness. The connoisseurs and their
accompanists, both from Hindustan and Iran, were performing their
modulations and arouse a dormant feeling among the listeners. The
poet also highlights the fact that Indian dancing girls were
reciting the songs in Hindwi. This reflect again that despite
emerging Persinate culture and shift in court language, the
languages masses to which these dancing girls belong were Hindwi
speakers and they were continuing the same in their performance at
the royal courts. Credit also goes to the imperial establishment
who were patronizing the language of Darul Harb without any
hesitation. The same aspect one can gleam into the music as the two
different and variating schools of music were getting converged
into one later on known as Hindustani music and credit also goes
for rich innovations by our great poet. The emanating sound of the
harp and drum had made the people listless with ecstasy while the
dancing girls had mesmerized people with their swaying actions
elicit the applause;
282
He specifically mentions dancing girls from Devgir whom he calls
loliyan-e Devgir wrapped in kattane devgiri- presents charming
dance presentation. It is obvious that these men and women of
minstrels would have been brought recently after the revived
victory over the said areas as we donot find reference to Loliyan-e
Devgir prior to the masnawi Duwal Rani wa Khizr Khan thought the
place was raided first time in 1291.
One may found that he states that the dancers, decked in dresses
of beautiful designs made of exclusive clothes wearing a variety of
jewellary, reciting the songs in their language, not in
persian.
According to some dance musicologist, these were the situations
when the assimilation of PersoTurkik-Arabo- and classical music
took place not only in the realm of vocal or instrumental but dance
too. It can be also observed from the third section of Ghunniyatul
Munnia which is an adaptation of Sangit Ratnakar of Sarang Dev who
was a master musician of Devgiri Yadavas period migrated from
Kashmir. Khusrau was a master musician beyond doubt.
Music in the court assemblies is always highlighted by Khusrau.
If his Ghazals or Ghazal like verses are the source for his
passionate divulgence of his thoughts and observations, music is
wide path for him to move on in the mesmerism world of his own
creations. The creativity gets embolden when his own ghazals are
taken up for singing by the men of ministrels both on the
instruments and vocalization. The festivities continued in the
third Sipihr to mark the happy birth of the prince. Since the
sipihr represents convivial parties of music and festivity. The
poet also highlighted his acquaintance with the music of Hindustan
and Asia and presented an outline structure of vocal and
instrumental music of his time with their anatomical details and
other characteristics.
In fact, Music and Amir Khusrau is a aspect which needs a
separate paper. Just to mention, the masnawis are the sources for
the study of the forms and structural detail of musical
instruments, the styles of playing upon, the ways to repair the
same as explained in masnawi Qiranus Sadain, the renowned musicians
of Khusraus time, both vocal and instrumental. He also vividly
depicts the style of dancers of various regions.. The poet also
enumerates vivaciously the different items of cosmetics. These were
also highlighted in the study of Hasht-Bihisht and Duwal Rani wa
Khizr Khan where the poet used the word solah shringar. Along with
the above mentioned details, the poet also portrays the royal court
where the Sultan was accepting the salutations and tributes of the
nobles and commanders. They were standing in a circle at their
appropriate places while the king was on his throne, guarded by
elite soldiers. On this occasion some nobles were honored with
royal insignias and other fabulous gifts.
Buildings & Architecture and Khusraus Masnawis:In the
masnawis of Amir Khusrau, the detail on building structures,
including the new constructions of various kinds of building,
especially forts, palaces, mosques and gardens may be noted. The
minute detail of these building creates a panoramic view acting as
a guide for a Delhi Darshan from Qutub complex to Kilo Kheri and
back to Siri Fort area The description begins from Qiranus Sadain
where he highlights the glory of the Old Delhi. In fact the
splandour of the Mughal empires creation Shahnjahanaabd has
diminished the dignity of Old Delhi of Sultanate period. Historical
sources calls the Delhi of Khusrau as old Delhi. Khusraus masnawis
are the sources to illustrate the lost dignity of Delhi, existing
since pre-Islamic period of Hindustan and the Muslim kings
continued their citadel at the same place which is known as Delhi
of Rai Pithora. The Turkish Sultans renovated the city from time to
time. The poet calls it the paradise of Eden and prays for its
survival. He hopes that it will be saved from the cruel hands of
upsurges used to happen in world.
Regarding Masjid-e-Jama of Qutub compex, popularly known as
Masjid-e-Qubbat ul-Islam, the description provided by the poet
divulges that the recitation of Khutba and the tickling of Tasbih
echoes in the dome of the mosque and engulfs the environment of
piety. He speaks high of its architecture which reflects the
touches of newly introduced styles of architecture. The inner side
of the mosque and its exterior own attraction. There is a guard
post on the main entrance. Because of the shortage of water in the
hilly area of the city looks like partially covered i.e. due to the
bushes like trees. According to the poet, this hauz which has wide
plinth area enduring tall columns, studded with precious stones
provide a sense of freedom in the edifice. The adjacent Minaret
(Qutb Minar), built by Sultan Aibek and completed in the time of
Sultan Iltutmish is the token of Victory and the Mazinah eke out
the praise. The golden canopy of the minaret shines on the
appearance of Sunrays.
Qiranus Sadain informs that among the buildings of Qutb complex,
Hauz-e-Shamsi represented multifacet of the then society. But he on
the other occasion also states that the bottom of the hill provides
sweet water to the residents and for the them in Old Delhi, this
hauz was built by Sultan Iltutmishs. On its concrete bottom, the
sand particles can be gleaned. It reveals that the drinking water
of this hauz was not contaminated with any filth.17 The source of
water for the hauz was the river Yamuna and its small canals which
poured water in this hauz. The precincts of this hauz were also
used as a place of recreation and a shelter of respite from the
scorching heat. The architecture and culture of the Delhi during
the early Sultanate period can be gleamed into the description of
different building in this work. The work reveals the expansion of
citadel, from its confined Mehrauli area towards North-West Delhi
gradually. Khusrau divulged not only the architecture but also the
material used in these buildings. For example, he tells that though
bricks and lime plaster was used in the construction of newly
constructed palace of Sultan Kaiqubad, but the arduous rubbing on
the lime plaster brought out the implausible shining and gave a
better look than the white marble. The dexterous illustration also
evulgates that the mentioned buildings were the centre of social
and convivial gatherings.
Hauz Khass area erected in the later period. One can also trace
the historicity of the mentioned buildings or the structures of the
buildings perished away with the passage of time but the remaining
authentic works of Amir Khusrau throws light as the light and sound
program regaling the characteristics of once the mighty and
majestic grandeur of these. From Delhi to Devgir and from Warangal
to Chittor, the description is available in these narrative poems.
In the masnawi Nuh Sipihr, he speaks about the consecration of
large congregational mosque at the Dar-ul-Khilafat i.e. Delhi.
Since the Sultan had to leave for Devgir, this mosque was
consecrated in a very short time. The Sultan offered his Friday
prayer in this nearly constructed congregational mosque and the
Khutba was also read in his presence. He was delighted to see its
completion before his departure and proves the famous proverb too:
padshah-e-nau mi aiyed masjid-e-nau mi sazad, one who becomes the
king, he too makes a new mosque, when the same king reached Devgir,
there too consecrated a mosque and a fort during his stay237.
Sultan Qutbud-din Mubarak Shah also named Devgir as Qutbabad as
described in a Qasida available in Nihayatul Kamal.
Khusrau as a poet of masses: In the afore said voyage, on his
way back to the capital, he rested for a month at Ellora
(Maharashtra). Sometimes the poet divulges the feelings of the
army.
238
Such revelations of sentiments of the common men drew the poet
close to the society. Moreover, these couplets confirm the presence
of the poet in the Sultans paraphernalia as well. The same kind of
description is available the royal army began its retreat for Delhi
with all the revelry and merrymaking activities highlighted by the
poet in the said masnawi. The conviviality continued upto Tilpet,
same place of royal encampment. It will be interested to note that
this is place which is later on in the period of Aurangzeb became
the part of the jagir of Bakhatwar Khan, the renowned Khawja sera
noble who built Serai Khawja as the part of the grand buildings
which scattered over till Surjkund. But today these are fell apart
and have become two habitats. Serai Khawja Bakhtawar Khan is known
only as Serai Khawja (adjacent to the present day toll tax barier
on Delhi Faridabad road and Bakhtawar pur has become Bakhtawar
Nagar near Suraj Kund.
However, on arrival of the Sultan in the capital, it was
decorated with all grandeur to welcome and felicitate him. The
walls of the city were adorned, according to Khusrau, with shining
golden clothes. A huge crowd of the subjects turned upto have
darshan of their king on his entry.
The elegant presentation of different descriptionse is the
salient fature of Masnawi writing. Khusrau always depicts the
descriptions of various events in its most eloquent and lively
style. The Sultan arrived in the capital, surrounded by the
paraphernalia of nobles, the sound of different musical instruments
even surprised Venus, the goddess of music. The soldiers mounted on
the horses bearing swords, are moving ahead of the Sultan:
And he goes on regailing the grand event.241
The poet again provides detail on the construction work carried
out on the mosque referred earlier. The detail, provided in the
masnawi, reveals that the work was not completed and on the retreat
of the sultan it was taken up again. He states that after few days,
the Sultan consecrated a minaret of the newly constructed mosque,
situated between the fort and castle. This minaret was built of
Sang-e-Khara the flint stone used in majority of the Sultanate
period buildings. 242. The stone was polished and it glittered more
than the black stone of the holy Kaba. Since it was given such
gloaming shine, the pearls, gems, gold and silver were not studded
in it for more adornment. Moreover, had these inlayed, then it
would have become the paradise of shaded and a heaven for thieves.
The stones, mud and bricks were laid down so neatly that the patch
work was not visible in the construction of the minaret. Apart from
the detail on the construction of Mosque, Khusrau also speaks about
Hazar Sutun palace. The royal palace, Qaser-e-Hazar-Sutun was also
renovated after the retreat. The extended beauty elicited the
appreciation for Delhi form other cities. Simultaneously it also
became a matter of envy for the other cities specially Baghdad,
Egypt, Khita, Khurasan, Tirmiz and Khurasan. Amongst the mentioned
cities, first two mentioned would have laid down their claim being
the seat of Caliphs of Abbasid Dynasty. Remaining were known for
their beauty and culture. But Khusrau repudiated every claim and
maintained that Delhi is the only suitable place for the august
cathedral seat.245 one may notice that Samarqand is not referred as
it had not gain the popularity for its majestic building till the
time of Amir Khusrau.
Continuing the same kind of detail, the poet briefly indicates
about the completion of Hisn-e-Nau (the new fort). The construction
work of this fort was begun by Sultan Alaud-din. When Sultan
Qutbud-din Mubarak Shah ascended the throne, the incomplete work of
the fort was concluded. Interestingly, Khusrau also provides
information on the various products available in the market. In
regard of cosmatics, which he referes as the items of Solah
Shringar, in the course of his counsels to his own daughter, Afifa,
though he cautions her to desist from visiting market and to apply
cosmetics but he names all those items of cosmetics which are even
today remains the same. On one hand one can assume the quality of
the products available in Khusraus time and second the rich markets
of Delhi in that period too.
It is not only forts or palaces, during the royal encampments,
temporary structures were erected of lofty and imperial designs.
Though in the later period, Abul Fazal provides a beautiful
description of the department of tent makers and also provides
distinctive features of the tents belonging to the royal house and
nobles. In a recently edited work of mine, Miratul-Istelah of Anand
Ram Mukhlis, the detail on the colorful tents is also described.
Amir Khusrau provides a vivid description of the tents erected
during the royal encampments. Sultan Qutubud-din Mubarak Shah
Khalji, in whose time Nuh Sipihr was composed, moves on the
military expedition for Warangal and Devgir. The masnawis may not
be equated with preponderance of the works of Firdausi and Nizami,
but stand for its immaculate significance. They not only elicit the
appreciation and reverence, but crave the indulgence of the
scholars. Hence, their importance cannot be denied82. These are the
repositories of the literary and cultural assets. Number of critics
called the Khamsa of Khusrau as the best imitation of Nizamis
quintet. But the end does not descend at this conclusion.
Khmasa: Many salient features also ensue from the Khamsa of
Khusrau. The poets initiation to continue to emulate the ways of
masnawi writing accomplished by Nizami. Nizami completed his
quintet in 597 A.H. (1197 A.D.) while for a good long gap of
hundred years none could dare to compose a remarkable masnawi on
the lines of Nizami. Khusrau wrote after his model and his efforts
encouraged at least seventy poets to show their skills in this task
including the noted poets like Jami, Hatifi, Maktabi Shirazi,
Faizi, Hakim Ateshi and many others etc. In other words, Khusrau
who exposed his mastery through lyrical poems also revived the
convention of masnawi writing after Nizami.
Khusraus Khamsa should not be merely studied as an initiated
work. It bears the significant information about the multifacets of
the poets own life57, the customs and environment of Indian life
and social formations. Dr. Tahir observed the Khamsa from a
different and unconventional approach in his brief article58. His
study provides aspects of communist ideology in the contents of
Khamsas.
Poetical works or any written document can provide the inner and
outer vision of its writer and his observations about the society
he is living in. The period of Alaud-din Khalji, in spite of its
political stability, was a time of upheaval. The eulogies,
addressed to the Sultan, reveal the oppression of the subjects.
Though the poet lived in the royal palace, his soul was always with
the people. He urged the Sultan to share sorrow of the people and
take care of them and did not approve exclusive attention of the
Sultan towards the elites. The increasing lust wealth and power
many innovations of Amir Khusrau worth praise52. In fact, Khusrau
had realized his shortcomings in the previous masnawis. The lack of
source material was not a hindrance in this poem. Thus, he
displayed his full creative genius in it.
The conventional evils of feudal society and the detrimental
consequences of social inequality are also well visible in this
work54.
Though the deaths of the mother and bother bereaved Khusrau
during the composition of Majnun-wa-Laila55. But he did not allow
pause due to the sad happenings. He endeavoured to create many
innovations through the creation of various perceptions, and
illustrated his qualitative inborn gifts of imagery in the episodes
unattended by Nizami. But the repetition of ethical themes, on the
guidelines of epistles of Plato and Ghizali could not equate him
with originality and naturalness of Nizami. Shibli too opined about
its pitfalls56.
Hasht Bihisht, the fifth and the last mathnawi of the Khamsa was
produced with much labour in a span of two years time. It was
perhaps the longest period, Khusrau devoted to a mathnawi. He did
not want, it seemed, to leave the last work as an impression of
dejection. He originated his own plot on the source material of
Indian soil, and Haft Paiker provided him such liberty. He moved
ahead from the plot of his model and extended it according to his
choice.
It is quite obvious that the poems of Khusrau could not
supercede Nizamis work for one reason or the other. A comparative
evaluation of his and Nizamis work, and khusrau admitted himself
that he could not be at par with him since the latter was skilled
devoted his whole life in the art of masnawi. Unlike him, Nizami
remained tension-free. Even then, one would hardly be able to make
any distinction between both the works.
47
Dr. Wahid Mirza found this mathnawi as the finest poem of the
Khamsa and Khusrau has proved himself to be as great a student of
the psychology of love and emotion as any eight episodes instead of
seven. His skill, ability and talent in various spheres,
particularly music and magic are evinced in this work. Moreover, it
was scrutinized by his friend and critic Ali and later on by
Maulana Shihab apart from other poems of the Khamsa. The poet
himself remarked about his pains and efforts to bring out the best
work;
48
Amongst the modern critics, Dr. Muhammad Habib says: The Hasht
Bihisth, in which Khusrau allowed himself to incorporate a number
of Indian stories, is the best of his romances49. Shibli described
that Khusrau attained his maturity in poetic skill through this
poem and the episodes were narrated with all its objects and
parts50. According to Syed Sulaiman Ashraf no mathnawi can be
equated with this poem in Persian poetry51. Dr. Mahjoob, in his
comparative study of Haft Paiker and Hasht Bihisht found among the
plebeians, when the fornicators and imposters were in dominance
Khusrau illustrates such deterioration of the society in the
following couplets:
59
The inner evidences of the masnawis reveal that he could not
keep himself aloof of lasciviousness. He also did not appreciate
that art of poetry which was adopted as a means of earning the
money. He asked his sons to avoid this profession, and called
poetic task a work of idles. He admonished himself for such
task:
Persian60
In spite of his firm belief in Sufic life, a life he wished to
live, the attraction and charm of materialistic world trapped him.
The family life forced him to continue to compose the couplets to
provide his wards a livelihood:
61
Though he denounced a poetry written for lascivious purposes and
needs, but at the same time he never suggested to denounce the
world and adopt a life of seclusion and solitude bereft of domestic
responsibilities62. Moreover, he wanted a man to act according to
the need of the time and environment, as has been mentioned in
Aina-e-Sikandari:
63
A number of such couplets show that the poet always insisted to
act according to the time, and this aspect of his life made him a
man of success. Even if his inner conscience did not allow him for
certain actions, he acted due to the circumstances. In other words,
he was a great diplomat of his time. He was well aware of his
hypocritical way of life, and exposed himself in the couplets
mentioned hereunder:
64
There is ample scope of further study about the life of the poet
as reflected in these mathnawis.
Apart from it, there are illustrations of social formations of
the society, where evils were narrated in ethical narrations. A
beautiful description of the womans status in the time of Khusrau
is portrayed in the twentieth maqala of Matlaul-Anwar. Though at
present voices of anguish may be heard against the custom of Sati
but Khusrau, though being a Muslim, appreciated such a custom65. He
chalked out a plan for girls in his mathnawi Matla-ul-Anwar and
Hasht Bihisht addressing his daughters. Though his suggested
precautionary steps may create a hue and cry among the women of
modern period, particularly those inclined towards western way of
life. But His mathnawis are the dramatized poetical descriptions
and the poets own hypothesis can be gleamed into this kaleidoscopic
description. He monitors on each these would have been adopted in
the then society. He always supported females and lamented those
who disliked the birth of a female. A detailed description has been
already elucidated in the study of Hasht Bihisht. Interestingly
with the influence of the peer group, he also appreciates idol
worship and fire worship of Hindus:
66
The fame and popularity of Khusraus Khamsa may be observed and
evaluated from a number of commentaries, written on them. Amongst
these, Sharah-e-Matlaul-Anwar67, Qissa-e-Behram Gaur68 are worth
mention.
In short, the Khamsa is not a mere imitation. Its stories depict
the cultural heritage of India. The presentation of the poet is
surcharged with new influences flowing from Central Asia. Khusrau
incorporated the indigenous cultural trend to the taste of people
with whom he lived. The mathnawis were a means to express his
feelings and emotions along with creative skill. For him the Khamsa
of Nizami was a source of inspiration in the true meaning of
imitation, which may be put very well in the words of Dryden. Those
great men whom we propose to ourselves as patterns of our
imitation, serve as a torch, which is lifted up before us, to
illumine our passage and often elevate our thoughts as high as the
conception we have of our authors genius.
X It is believed that the poets are by no means the best
equipped to appreciate the poetry of others since they cannot
realize the problem of others, but Khusraus self-appreciation leapt
into the exaggeration to some extent. However, the poet explicated
the narration and description simultaneously in his masnawis with
the varied aims of entertainment, preaching and palatable reporting
of the events, happened in his time, at the instance of his
patrons. But he kept visible the identity of each element of
anatomical structure along with the ontology of the subjects
mentioned. His masnawis Qiranus-Sadain, Duwal Rani-wa-Khizr Khan
and Nuh-Sipihr undoubtedly may be synthesized in this parameter.
However, the identical subjects can always be pointed out in these
narrations but will be found in blissful elucidation. The subjects,
especially his love for Indian culture, portrayed in Qiranus
Sadain, apart from the theme subject i.e. meeting and happy
reconciliation of duo father and son , has the beginning of the
same, and again it reemerges in Duwal Rani wa Khizr Khan beginning
with the Hindostani language i.e. Hindwi and Sanskrit, textiles,
fruits, people and when he reaches to the third chapter of
Nuh-Sipihr, he turns the subject in a full fledged awesome
glittering visual portrait and pronouncing proudly himself to be a
turke hindustani. It was not only masnawis but his other works like
Dibachae Ghurratul kamal or certain small masnawis and qataat of
this diwan ( I have copy of Diwan e Ghurratul Kamal edited by late
prof Dastgir which is unfortunately Nihayatul Kamals qasaid or
prose work like Khazainul Futuh too depict then Hindostan.
It is also interesting to mention that amongst the works of this
great poet, masnawis remained always source of attraction for the
men of letters and well as the governance as we can observe it from
the number of manuscripts made of these. Not only in India or the
south asia but away in West and Ottoman empires royal house
libraries, the manuscripts of the masnawis were sent as the gifts.
The catalogue prepared by Filtz Cagman and Zeren Tanindi of the
illustrated manuscripts of Topakapi Palace Museum Library, Istanbul
provide the travel of the manuscripts of Amir Khusrau to the said
library. Some of these manuscripts were introduced in 1975 by Zoe
Ansari too but not all and all with all detail. Prof. Khaliq Ahamd
Nizami also mentioned a few especially of Duwal Rani wa Khizr khan
in his edition (though he has just appended the introduction and
the previously published text has been reproduced in the facsimile
form). Even the libraries of many European countries are decorated
with the mss of Amir Khusraus works especially masnawis as the
contents became the source of illustrations.
In 1917, the project undertaken by Aligarh to produce Amir
Khusraus works and after that a very miniscule no of works are
produced especially the texts. Many secondary sources may have come
up or Khusrau may have been discussed in different forms pertaining
to its own contents but the need is to reproduce what khusrau had
said himself. It is suggested when Agha Khan foundation has taken
this initiative to revive Amir Khusrua both his lasting earthly
abode area, his music and his sayings in the form of his works, it
is humbly suggested in the name of this great poet an institute be
set up not any more society or Anujman as it may be usurped by the
so called Khusrau experts as has been in the past and the same
should take up multi disciplinary approach to the works of Khusrau
and the priority should be to publish the well research authentic
works of this great poet. Thanks
"A Muslim Pilgrim Learns a Lesson in Piety from a Brahman",
Folio from a Khamsa (Quintet) of Amir Khusrau DihlaviAmir Khusrau
Dihlavi (12531325)
Calligrapher:
Muhammad Husain Kashmiri (active ca. 15601611)
Artist:
Painting by Basawan (Indian, active ca. 15561600)
Object Name:
Folio from an illustrated manuscript
Reign:
Akbar (15561605)
Date:
159798
Geography:
India
Medium:
Image: Ink, opaque watercolor, and gold on paper Margins: Gold
on dyed paper
Dimensions:
H. 9 7/8 in. (25.1 cm) W. 6 1/4 in. (15.9 cm)
Classification:
Codices
Credit Line:
Gift of Alexander Smith Cochran, 1913
Accession Number:
13.228.29
This artwork is not on display
The Khamsa (Quintet) of the Indian poet Amir Khusrau Dihlavi
localizes its model, the Khamsa of Nizami, by rooting several of
the stories in an Indian idiom. Likewise, the illustrations made
for Akbars (r. 15561605) copy are set in typically Indian
landscapes. Here, a Muslim pilgrim to Mecca meets a Brahman who
travels to a Hindu temple by inching his way in a series of
prostrations. Impressed by this religious zeal, the Muslim removes
his own shoes and continues on his way barefoot
Inscription: Inscribed in Persian in nastaliq script: [He] said
his heart is lost to his idol, my heart took a step on his path
Signature in Persian in nastaliq script at bottom left-hand corner
of frame: Work of Basawan