American Educational Policy in the Philippines and the British Policy in Malaya, 1898-1935

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American Educational Policy in the Philippines and the British Policy in Malaya, 1898-1935Author(s): Eng Kiat Koh

Source: Comparative Education Review, Vol. 9, No. 2 (Jun., 1965), pp. 139-146Published by: The University of Chicago Press on behalf of the Comparative and International EducationSocietyStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1186029 .

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AMERICAN EDUCATIONAL POLICY IN THEPHILIPPINES AND THE BRITISH POLICYIN MALAYA, 1898-1935ENG KIAT KOH

The period under review begins with theAmerican conquest of the Philippinesandends in the year when the Islands weregranted Commonwealthstatus. British rulein Malaya, however, dates from 1786 andby 1935 the country was still very muchunder British control politically and eco-nomically.In this articlean attemptwill be made toshow the interrelationshipsetweenpolitical,economic and educationalpoliciesandprac-tices in these two countries during thatperiod.Brief Historical Retrospect

The Philippines which had been underSpanish rule for more than three hundredyears came formally under American con-trol by the Treaty of Paris in December,1898. Following a short period of militaryrule civil governmentwas introduced n thePhilippines on July 4, 1901, with W. H.Taft as its first governor.Democratic elec-tions at municipal level had already beenintroduced on January 21, 1901. In theyearsfollowingtherewas a steadilywideningfranchise accompanied by increasing Fili-pino participation n the governmentof thecountry culminating,in 1935, in Congres-sional approvalof a U.S. modeled constitu-tion giving the Philippinesfull internal self-government.British influenceover Malaya followed amore protracted path. It began when theSultanof Kedah ceded PenangIsland to theEast India Company in 1786. The firstMalay sultans sought and obtained Britishprotectionin 1874, and by 1914 the wholeof Malayawas under Britishcontrol.BritishMalayawas a rathernebulouscon-stitutionalconcept. It consisted of (a) theCrown Colony of the Straits Settlements1and (b) nine Malay states each having

treatyrelationswith the BritishGovernment.Of the nine states, four2 constituted,since1896, a federation known as the FederatedMalay States. The rest were known collec-tively as the UnfederatedMalayStates.3Thetreatiesconcludedwith the sultanseach pro-vided for British protection and assistancein the administration f these states.The Crown Colony was headed by aGovernor4who had final authorityin ad-ministration,egislationand finance.

Colonial Aims and Policies and MeasuresTaken to Achieve Them

The Philippines. The American govern-ment's attitude to the Philippineswas ex-pressed by President McKinley when, heannouncedto Congressin 1899, "ThePhil-ippines are not ours to exploit, but to de-velop, to civilize and to train in the scienceof self government."5The main steps takenby American officials in the Philippinestoachieve these aims may be summarizedasfollows:

1. The developmentof the economic re-sourcesof the Islands and that of freetradebetween hetwo countries.2. The establishment f an agrarian emoc-racy basedon a middleclass societyofpeasantproprietors.3. The removalof deepseatedFilipinoprej-udiceagainstmanual abor.

American policies were largely based onthe convictionthat Americanpolitical,eco-nomic and social institutionswerecapableofsolving Filipinoproblems.Hence the Ameri-can form of territorialgovernmentand acivil servicebased on merit became modelsfor institutional construction. English be-came the official language and the onlymedium of instructionin all public educa-tional institutions.ComparativeEducation Review 139

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American economic policy aimed at in-creasing the Islands' productivity to helpfinance programsof social and political re-construction there. Economic development,however, was to be largely in the hands ofthe Filipinos themselves.The economy thatwas later developedwas that of productionfor exportstimulatedby a progressivedevel-opmentof free trade betweenthe two coun-tries.To preventthe racial factor from compli-cating the Islands'problemsof politicalandsocial reconstruction he United StatesCon-gress extended the Chinese ExclusionLaw6to the Philippines n 1902. The Public LandsAct, also of 1902, regulatingand restrictingthe sale and purchaseof public land aimedboth at preventing foreign control of thePhilippineeconomy as well as the perpetua-tion of caciquism.7Politicalindependence, twas hoped, would be accompaniedby eco-nomic independence. As a corollary, theGovernment encouraged the peasants topurchasefarminglands as a means of pro-ducinga middleclass of peasantproprietors.8Malaya. Fundamentallythe British con-cept of trusteeshipappearedsimilar to thatof the Americans. Lord Lugard has ex-plained the task of trusteeship as the ad-vancement of subjectpeoples and the devel-opmentof resourcesnot only for the mutualbenefit of the trustee and his ward but ofmankindas well.9To achieve these aims in Malaya theBritishgave firstpriorityto economic devel-opment. In the FederatedMalay Stateseco-nomic development, based on productionfor export, was accomplished by foreigncapital,labor and enterprise.Largenumbersof unskilled Indian, and Chinese laborerswere practically imported into the countryfor the developmentof communicationsandof the rubber and tin industries. Thesepractices,while they succeededin accelerat-ing the pace of economic development inMalaya, so transformed its demographicand linguistic patterns that the indigenousrace soon became numericallysmaller thanthe two immigrantraces combined.'0It wasnot until the economic depression of thenineteen-thirtieshat the Government egis-

lated to regulate the quality and flow ofimmigrants into Malaya."1There was norestriction on the alienation of lands forcapitalistic enterprises provided lands forthe cultivation of foodstuffs, particularlyrice, were not affected.12

In the Straits Settlementsfree trade firstintroduced in 1819 became the key to aneconomic policy aimed at building an en-trep6ttrade in each of the two ocean ports,Singaporeand Penang.Politicallyand administrativelyhere weredifferences between the Straits Settlementsand the MalayStates,and amongthe MalayStates themselves.In the former direct rulewas practiced throughoutthe period underreview, a Select Committee of the StraitsSettlement Legislative Council concludingin 1921 that it would be premature o intro-duce "suffrageof an untrainedand unreadyelectorate" nto the Colony.13In the MalayStates ndirectruleappearedto have been practicedin the UnfederatedMalay States only, while in the FederatedMalay States "indirect rule was little morethan a fagade."'14However, when theserulers complainedabout their loss of rightssteps were taken to assimilatetheirpositionto those of the rulers in the UnfederatedMalay States. On the other hand, owingto the growing numerical and economicstrengthof the two immigrantraces and thegrowthof the Chinesenationalistmovementin Malaya,followingthe Chinese Revolutionof 1911, British officialsfelt compelled, inview of its protectiveobligations owards heMalays, to adviseagainstintroducingpopu-lar government n the MalayStates.'5Indirect rule in the Federated MalayStates was expressedpartly by attemptstotrain the Malay aristocracyfor administra-tive posts. With this aim in mind, the Gov-ernment started, in 1905, a British publicschool type residential school for them.'6This was followed in 1910 by the institutionof the Federated Malay States Malay Ad-ministrativeService which was junior toand separatefrom the exclusivelyEuropeanMalayanCivil Service.A StraitsSettlementsCivil Service was instituted in 1930 but itwas made open to all locally born British

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subjects with diploma or degree qualifica-tions.By and large the problems in Malayaseem more complex than those in the Phil-ippines. British policy in Malaya had toreconcile the wishes and aspirations ofvarious elements in the body politic. Therewere complexities inherent in the multi-racial characterof the populationwith theirdifferent cultural backgrounds and theirdifferentloyalties. There was complexityinthe constitutionalset-upinherent in its pre-Britishhistoryand made more so duringtheprocess of British rule, hence making thetask of the British administration an ex-

tremelydifficultone politically.Implications of Colonial Policies onEducationalPolicies and Practices

The Philippines."Education for democ-racy" dominatedAmerican educationalpol-icy and practice n the Philippines.Basedonthe principle of equality of educationalopportunitythe PhilippineGovernmentin-troducedthe common school throughout heIslands, convinced that the education pro-vided by it would not unfit the Filipino formanualeffortbut ratherenlightenhim as toa more civilized ife.7 It also establishedandconsistently pursued the principle, in theface of opposition from the "gente illus-trada" and recurring financial crises, thatwhile the Government's first duty was touniversalprimaryeducation,secondaryandhigher education could only have subordi-nate claims to publicfunds.Again,havingdecidedthatEnglishshouldbe the only medium of instruction in thepublic schools the Governmentpursueditsdecision with remarkableconsistency oftenin the face of oppositionfrom leading Fili-pinos and Americans.s8All private schools, both sectarian andnon-sectarian,were given financialsupportby the Government as a measure of en-couragement.Ultimatelythese schools wereto be brought into line with the publicschools particularlyin the use of Englishas the medium of instruction.The policy of encouraging Filipinos toown and cultivatetheir land and the exclu-

sion of Chinesefrom the Islandshad certainimplications or educationaldevelopment nthe Philippines.The schools were to trainand encourage Filipinos to participate inagricultureand improve farming methods.Those who showed an aptitudefor or in-terest in it would receive training at sec-ondary level to prepare for homesteadingin hitherto untouched lands in the archi-pelago.The exclusion of the Chinese served toremove any further complications to thelanguage problem in the schools. It alsoremoveda potentialsourceof skilledartisansfor the Islands. Hence the Filipinoswouldhave to learn the trades themselves. In aneffort, therefore, to overcome his inheritedcontempt for physical labor every Filipinoboy in the primaryand intermediategradeswas taughtsome form of manualworkwhilethe girls received training in the domesticarts.'9Secondaryschool courseswere diver-sified to include practical, industrial andagricultural raining.Rapid Filipinizationof the civil service,however, created a large demand for aca-demic instruction at the expense of thesecourses.20A contributoryfactor was pres-sure from Filipinopoliticalleadersfor moreacademic instruction.21On the other handstandardsof English teaching fell becauseFilipinos were not yet adequatelypreparedto take over the work of superannuatedAmerican teachers. Renewed attempts toencourage vocational and industrialeduca-tion by the settingup of a Divisionof Voca-tional Educationin the Boardof Educationin 1927 and of an Economic SurveyCom-mittee producedlittle progressin the threeyears that followed.22Malaya.23Britisheducationpolicyby com-parisonwas ratherambivalent n character.The Governmentprovidedthe Malayswithcompulsory free Primary education in theMalaymediumaimedat making"thefarmera better farmer and the fishermana betterfisherman han his father."24The Governmentdid not feel obliged atfirstto give educationto ChineseandIndianchildren in their own languagesor dialectsas they feared that to do so would merely

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strengthenthe barriersof race and encour-age the growth of foreign loyalties amongthem.25They were, however, free to estab-lish their own vernacular chools.Early this century, however, a change inofficialattitudetowardsnon-Malay vernac-ular education became manifest. In 1902 itwas decidedat a conferenceof British Resi-dents to providefacilities for Tamil vernac-ular education as a means of encouragingIndian estate laborers to stay on in theirjobs in Malaya.26Hence what was at firstconsideredpolitically and socially undesir-able was now encouraged for economicreasons.Government nterest n Chineseeducation

was motivated argelyby politicalconsidera-tions. The introductionof Kuo Yu as themediumof instruction n Chineseschools inMalayafollowingthe ChineseRevolutionof1911, combinedwith the NationalistChineseGovernment's nterest in Malayan Chineseschools, awakenedGovernmentsuspicionofthe fact that these schools were being usedfor political propagandaagainstthe BritishGovernment.To meet this threat the StraitsSettlementsGovernmentpassed the Regis-tration of Schools Ordinancein 1920 de-manding the registrationof all private andaided schools and their staff and managingcommittees.27This was followed in 1923by the decision to give small grants in aidto Chinese schools to encouragethe educa-tion of Chinese children in their own dia-lects,28and in 1924 by the appointmentofan Assistant Director of (Chinese) Educa-tion and a Chinese Inspectorof Schools. Aproposalwas also made to start a Govern-ment ChineseNormal School.Another aspect of educationalpolicy inMalayawas the continuedprovisionof Eng-lish schools29by the Government and bymissionarybodies aided by relatively gen-erous financialgrants.These were both pri-mary and secondary schools open to allchildren on payment of a fee. All Malayboys who successfullycompletedfour yearsof Malay vernaculareducation before theage of eleven were assistedin variouswaysto profitfrom an Englisheducationthatwasmadefree to them.

In insisting on Malay children having apreliminaryeducation in the vernacularbe-fore entering English schools, the Govern-ment was guided by a desire to avoid theunhappy experience of India where educa-tion was based on Western literary tradi-tions.30On the other hand, it was felt byofficialsthat a preliminaryschooling in thevernacular and adapted to native needswould help preserve native customs andtraditions.It was arguedtoo, that a masteryof the mother tongue provided a soundfoundation to furthereducation in a foreignlanguage.31The history of English education in thefollowingyearswas, however,markedby itsascendancyover vernaculareducation.Thiswas largelydue to three factors:

(a) the adoptionof Englishas the officiallanguageof the StraitsSettlements ndtheFederatedMalayStates.(b) thechoiceof English s theonlymediumof instructionat secondaryand postsecondary evels deservingof supportout of public unds,and(c) the growingdemand in the first twodecadesof thiscentury or Englishedu-catedsubordinatelerks n the adminis-trativeandcommercialervices.English education was largely academic.An economy which depended largely onunskilled labor apparentlyhad no need forvocational and technical education. It wasnot until the depressionsof the early nine-teen-twenties and 'thirties that official at-

tempts were made to provide post-primarytrade and agriculturaleducation in bothEnglish and Malay. Stringent budgetingatthis time restricted he expansionof Englishschools. All financialaid to Chineseschoolsother than those already receiving it wasdiscontinued.A proposal was made by theGovernor Sir Cecil Clementi to use theMalay languageto bring the races togetherbut it was abandoned n the face of strongopposition.32A few interestingcontrasts n educationalpolicy and practicebetweenthe two appearevident. The American aim of equality forall Filipinos contrastedwith the tendencytowards discriminationon the part of the

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Britishin Malayaon the basis of race, andto some extent on class, resultingtherefromin some segregationof pupilson these lines.The desire to give special attention to thechildren of the Malay aristocracy was afeature of Britishpolicy which accordswithindirect rule, but which found no parallelin the Americansystem.Another differencebetween the two is inthe language policy. The Americans choseEnglish to be the sole languageof instruc-tion in the public schools convinced that itcould unite the numerous Filipino groupsand of its cultural and utilitarian uperiorityover any of the Filipino dialects. To theBritish,educationin the mothertongue wasa necessarypreliminaryto instructionin aforeignlanguage.Whilethey were consistentin applyingthis policy towards the Malaysthey were not so with the othervernaculars.The Government's mbivalentpolicytowardsthe non-Malay vernacularswas influencedby economic and political considerations.Again, its desire to give educationto theMalay aristocracy of an English publicschool type seemed out of step with thedeclarationof a Britishofficial,"Wedo nottry to make Malays, Chinese and Indiansinto good Europeans, but into good Ma-layans."'33t did not, however, make stren-uous efforts to introduce a system thatwould encouragethe plural communitiestolook uponthemselvesas a single community.The abortive proposal by Clementi in theearly 'thirties o use the Malaylanguageforthis purpose reflected in effect a desire toachieve it at a minimumcost.

General Assessment of AchievementsThe Philippines.34 The Philippines publicschool system was largely a primaryschoolsystem. About 80 per cent of all pupils inthe schoolswere in the firstfour gradesand15 per cent in the next three. Hence about95 per cent of all children enrolled in thepublic schools were accommodated in theelementaryschools.Of the total population of children ofschoolage7 to 17, 36.94 percentwere in thepublicschools.Literacyrateshad risenfrom5 per cent of the populationof ten yearsand

over in 1903 to 49.2 per cent in 1918.Literacyfor the women rose from 10.7 percent in 1903 to 43.2 per cent in 1939.35Thelarge percentageof overagedpupils and offailuresamong primary chool childrenwerepoor features of the system. A reason forthis was the extreme poverty of parentswhich compelledthem to send childrenat alate age to school and to take them outearly.36Few could affordsecondaryeduca-tion for their children. Furthermore,over-crowdedclassesdue to teachershortageandto recurringfinancialcrises were prevalent.In spite of the diversificationof coursesin the secondaryschools 62.28 per cent ofthe total enrollment in them attended theacademic courses and reflected partly theprevailingbias for white collar occupationsand partly a lack of integrationbetweencoursesofferedin these schools and relevantjobs available.To sum up therefore, while the Ameri-cans made considerable progress in theirattemptsto provide free primaryeducationto all children t was achievedat the expenseof post-primaryeducationand of qualityineducation. There was a lack of integrationbetween educational planning on the onehand and economic, social and politicalplanning on the other. Hence there washeavy wastageat all levels of education.On more fundamental issues Americanpolicies seemed to meet with little success.There continued to be large landed estateswhich Kuriharasuggestedwas "thegreatestsingle cause of agrarian roublein the Phil-ippines."37The retail trades were still inthe hands of the Chinese while the largerindustrieswere in the handsof the Japanese,Americans and Spaniards.38Politically aone-party"democracy"prevailed.Economi-cally they were so tied to the Americanmarketthat "economicdependenceoperatesagainstpoliticalindependence."39Malaya.40 Ninety-two per cent of thetotal enrollment of all Government andAided Schools in 1935 were in the Primaryschools. Therewas little, if any, articulationamong the four languagestreamsexceptinga small flow of pupils from Malay schoolsinto Englishschools. Therewere a few Chi-

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nese secondaryschools enrolling altogetherabout2500 pupilsin 1935.In the Tamil VernacularSchools wastagerates41were very high due to poverty, in-stabilityandlackof official nterest n them.42The relatively high percentage (56.3 percent)43OfthoseattendingMalayschoolsandtheir lower wastage rates were due to theoperationof compulsoryschool regulationsaffectingMalay boys. Job opportunities orschool leaversin all thesestreamswerepoor.English education was provided at alllevels. Chinese pupils made up 61.0244percent of the combined enrollmentof PrimaryandSecondaryEnglishSchoolsin 1935. Theproportions for Indian and Malay pupilswere 17.64 per cent and 10.04 per centrespectively. The large percentage for theChinese was due partlyto a coincidenceintheir urbandistributionand that of Englishschools. By contrastthe Malayswere largelyruralpeople.45In the English schools, particularlytheSecondarySchools and post secondaryinsti-tutions46Malay pupils seemed generallyun-able to compete successfullywith the otherraces academically.This was attributed o:(a) theirpoverty,malnutritionnd ll health,(b) emotionaland psychological ifficultiesin thehome,and(c) the stress on a rural education n thevernaculareaving hemunpreparedndhandicappedor an Englisheducationwith a western iterarybias.47As for vocational education, the seventrade schools founded between 1926 and

1935, despite optimistic comments abouttheirvalue, could not makeheadwayagainstthe monopoly by Chinese trade guilds ofcertain trades like carpentryand tailoring.Those instructed n these trades found diffi-culty in gettinginto these trades.The trade,agricultural,and technical schools narrowlypreparedtheir students for employmentinthe government ervicesor in western enter-prisesratherthan for local forms of agricul-ture and industry.48

To sum up, by 1935 Malayawas a rela-tively peaceful and wealthycountry.Decen-tralizationof powers in favor of the Malay

rulersin the FederatedMalayStatesdid notaffect Britishcontrolof finance,defense,andforeign affairs in Malaya. British planting,mining and trading interests controlledthecountry's major productive wealth. TheChinesecontrolledthe retailanddistributivetrades, managed the milling industriesandparticipated n small scale productionof tinand rubber.49The Malays continuedto belargely poor peasantshardly profitingfromthe country'sprosperity.By and large the attempt to preserveMalay customs and ways of life seems in-compatiblewith the introductionof Westerninstitutionswhich tendedto relegatethemtoa minor position in the economic and pro-fessional ife of the country.Therewas little,if any, political life in Malaya, but in thesteadily changing racial structurewere allthe qualities of a problemof considerablemagnitude.

ConclusionIt is evidentfrom this studythat from anyset of policiesflowpolitical,economic,socialand educationalconsequences. n the Philip-pines we had an example of the conse-

quences,especiallyon education,of a policywhich gave political development priorityover economic development.In Malayawesaw the complexresultsof a colonialpolicywhich stressed not merely economic devel-opmentbut economicdevelopmentwith for-eign capital, labor and enterprisewithoutgiving equal stress to political and educa-tional development.They both illustratethemany sidednessof problemsof developmentin any territoryand the need for intelligentand careful planningif a balanceddevelop-mentof it is to result.

REFERENCES1Consisting f the islandsof Penang(withProvinceWellesleyon the mainlandoppositeit), Singapore, ndMalacca,on the southwestcoastof Malaya.2ThesewerePerak,Selangor,NegriSembilanandPahang.3ThesewerePerlis,Kedah,Kelantan,Treng-ganuandJohore.4He was styled High Commissioner of the

Malay States since federation.5Cited by Maj. Gen. L. Wood (Chairman)and Hon. W. Cameron Forbes, Report of Spe-144 June 1965

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cial Mission of the PhilippineIslands,Washing-ton, Govt. PrintingOffice, 1921, p. 15.6For a full discussion of this law and on theChinese in the Philippinessee: (1) J. R. Hay-den, The Philippines Islands, A Study in Na-tional Development, New York, MacMillan,1942, pp. 691-712, and (2) V. Purcell, TheChinese in Southeast Asia, R.I.I.A., OxfordUniversityPress, 1951, pp. 620-641."7hat is, the feudal relationshipbetween theminority well-to-do Spanish educated Filipinoelite and the peasantmasses.8 For a discussion of Americanland policy inthe Islands see C. B. Elliott, The Philippinestothe End of CommissionGovernment,Indianap-olis, Bobbs-MerrillCo. 1917, p. 50 ff.9F. Lugard.Dual Mandate in British Tropi-cal Africa, London, Blackwood, 4th Edition,1929, p. 606.10 C. A. Vlieland, BritishMalaya-Report onthe 1931 Census, Waterlow and Sons, Ltd.,1931; Table 13, p. 131, Table 15, p. 133."11alled "Aliens Immigration Bill," it wasintroduced in Straits Settlements in 1932 andin the Federated Malay States in 1934.12These were regulated by the Malay Reser-vations Enactment of 1913, revised in 1933 tocover certain loopholes, which moneylendersand traders were reported to have taken ad-vantage of in acquiring Malay lands.13Straits Settlements Council Paper No. 5,February, 1921-"Report of the Select Com-mittee appointed to consider whether anychanges and what changes are desirable in theConstitution of the Legislative Council of theStraits Settlements,"pp. 128-138.14L. A. Mills, British Rule in Eastern Asia,Oxford University Press, 1942, p. 52.15See for instance the following: (a) SirHugh Clifford'sspeech to the Federal Legisla-tive Council in 1927 quoted in R. Emerson,Malaysia, A Study in Direct and Indirect Rule,New York, MacMillan, 1937. (b) Sir SamuelWilson, Report on a Visit to Malaya, 1932, Cd.4276, 1933, p. 12. (c) W. G. A. OrmsbyGore,Report on a Visit to Malaya, Ceylon and Java,1928, Cd. 3235.16Straits Settlements (Native States) Des-patches, 1904, Vol. 5 containsinterestingofficialcorrespondenceon this project.17 See: (a) Annual Report of the Secretaryof the Secretary of Public Instruction 1903,Exhibit A, in U.S. Philippine Commission Re-ports, 1900-1903;(b) W. H. Taft, Secretary of War, SpecialReport on the PhilippineIslands, 1908 p. 26 inSenate Documents (60th Congress, 1st Session)Vol. 7, No. 200, Washington, Govt. PrintingOffice, 1908.18 J. Scott McKormick, "The Language Prob-lem in the Philippines," n Education in PacificCountries,I.P.R. Conference,Honolulu, Vol. 2,1936. (Unpublished papers).

J. R. Hayden, op. cit., p. 622.19J. R. Hayden, op. cit. p. 519.20See Chapter on 'Developmentof the Cur-riculum' in Fifty Years of Educationfor Free-dom, 1901-1951, Manila. UNESCO: PhilippineEducational Foundation, 1953.21 P. Monroe, "Methodsof Colonial Admin-

istration,"paper read at the eighth meeting ofthe Instituteof PacificRelations,May 27, 1931,p. 34.22 "A General Report on Vocational Educa-tion in the Philippine Islands," unpublishedpapers cited by J. R. Hayden. op. cit. pp. 521-522.23This discussion is confined to the StraitsSettlements and Federated Malay States whichsince 1906 had a unified administration.Eachof the Unfederated Malay States had its owneducation department.24Annual Report of the Chief Secretary,F.M.S. 1920, in Reportson the FederatedMalayStates, 1920, p. 12.

25 Board of Education, 1905, Vol. 14, Pt. 3,p. 11.26Annual Report of the British Resident,Perak, 1902, in Reports on the F.M.S. 1902,Cd. 1819, p. 35. According to C. A. Vlieland(op. cit., p. 9) the average stay of the Indianestate laborer in Malaya was less than threeyears.27 Annual Report of the Acting Director ofEducation, StraitsSettlements,1920.28 Annual Report of the Director of Educa-tion, StraitsSettlements,1923.29That is, schools where the medium of in-struction is English.

30 R. J. Wilkinson, "The Education of Asi-atics" in Board of Education,vol. 8, 1902, Cd.835, p. 685.Annual Report of the Resident General,F.M.S., 1897, in Reports of the FederatedMalay States, 1897, Cd. 9108, p. 5.31Annual Report of the Director of Educa-tion, FederatedMalayStates, 1919, p. 11.32 "EducationalPolicy" in StraitsSettlementsCouncil Paper No. 93, 1932, pp. C523-C524.Straits Settlements Sessional Papers, September,1932, February, 1934.33 A. Kier, "Native and Western Elements inthe Educational Systemsof British Malaya,"inEducation in Pacific Countries,vol. 2, p. 1.34 All the percentagesgiven are from Tablessuppliedby J. S. McKormick n a seminarpaperon "Education n the Philippines" n Educationin Pacific Countries, vol. 1, 1936 (Unpub-lished).35Paz Policarpio-Mendez,(Dean, College ofEducation, Centro Escolar Univ.) "FilipinoWomen and the Progressof the Nation,"Memo.submitted (through the Philippine Council ofthe I.P.R.) to the Asian Relations Conference,March-April, 1947, Indian Council of WorldAffairs,New Delhi, 1947, p. 2.

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36See: H. Lava, "Levels of Living in theLlocos Region," International Research Seriesof the PhilippineCouncil, StudyNo. 1, 1938.7K. Kurihara, Labour in the PhilippineEconomy, New York, Stanford Univ. Press,1945,p. 21.38 J. R. Hayden, op. cit.9 Jose Ma Espino, "The American TariffPolicy in the Phillippines,"1933, p. 11.40Figures given are compiled from SeparateAnnual Reports of the Director of EducationStraits Settlementsand Federated Malay States,1935.41 Of 14,413 pupils in these schools in 1935,57.2% were in the first year, and 17.25%,11.85%, 8.4%, 4.3% and 1.0% in the second,third, fourth, fifth and sixth years respectively.42 Office of the Economic Advisor to theGovernment of India, Indians in MalayanEconomy, Government of India Press, New

Delhi, 1950.4383.3% for boys and 29.4% for girls of allMalay childrenbetween6 and 12.44Note, however, of 94,425 Chinese childrenattending school in S.S./F.M.S. in 1935, 65%

were in Chinese Vernacular Schools and 35%in English schools.45C. A. Vlieland, op. cit. p. 48. In 193172.4% of urbanpopulationin the StraitsSettle-ments and 62.9% in the Federated MalayStates, were Chinese; the corresponding figuresfor the Malays were 11.8% and 21.5%.46Medical College (1905), Technical School(1906), RafflesCollege (Arts and Science 1928)and AgriculturalCollege (1931).47See for instance: (a) Federation of Ma-laya, Report of the Committee on Malay Edu-cation (ChairmanL. Barnes) K. L. Govt. Press,1951, pp. 8-16. (b) G. E. D. Lewis, A Com-parative Study of the Intelligence and Educa-bility of Malays and Chinese in Malay and itsSignificance in Relation to Educational Policywith special reference to the political future ofthe Malays, Unpub. Ph.D. thesis, Univ. ofLond. Inst. of Educ., 1949, Ch. 7.48Report of the Commission on Higher Edu-cation in Malaya, London, H.M.S.O. 1939, Co-lonial No. 173.49 V. Purcell,The Chinesein Malaya,R.I.I.A.,Oxford University Press, 1948.

U.N. delegates and, I am sure, most foreigners who are in thiscountry for a short time also enjoy organized entertainment of thesort which does not depend too heavily on their knowledge of Englishor of the United States. In general it is better to take them to concertsor musicals rather than to plays. Most of them enjoy events which arepeculiar to this country, such as county fairs or Fourth of July pa-rades. Africans and Latin Americans love to dance-either at homeor at the newest discotheque.

While organization is good over short periods of time, it shouldnot be insistent and burdensome. Dread is the weekend so orderedlike a military campaign that the only uncertainty is whether theguest or the hostess will be the first to surrender to exhaustion. Theforeign visitor is a delicate creature, for he is under the strain ofhaving to sight-see in one way or another every waking minute of hisday. He may want to read inscriptions on monuments or walk throughan automobile factory, but then again, he may not.MARIETTAREE, "The Art of Welcoming Visitors from Abroad,"House and Garden, November, 1964, p. 243.

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