american-advocate-for-peace-183427886774.pdf

7/27/2019 american-advocate-for-peace-183427886774.pdf

1/17

World Affairs Institute

REMARKS ON THE POLITICAL CONDITION AND PROSPECTS OF EUROPESource: American Advocate of Peace (1834-1836), Vol. 1, No. 2 (SEPTEMBER, 1834), pp. 73-88Published by: World Affairs Institute

Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/27886774 .Accessed: 04/10/2013 02:16

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at .http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp

.JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of

content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms

of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

.

World Affairs Institute andHeldref Publications are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend

access toAmerican Advocate of Peace (1834-1836).

http://www.jstor.org

This content downloaded from 209.6.206.232 on Fri, 4 Oct 2013 02:16:08 AMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=waihttp://www.jstor.org/stable/27886774?origin=JSTOR-pdfhttp://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsphttp://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsphttp://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsphttp://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsphttp://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsphttp://www.jstor.org/stable/27886774?origin=JSTOR-pdfhttp://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=wai


2/17

1834.] The Political Condition ofEurope. 73

Article III.REMARKS ON THE POLITICAL CONDITION ANDPROSPECTS OF EUROPE.

BY THE EDITOR.It isnot our design to attempt a full view of the politicalrelations of the differentgovernments ofEurope ; nor toenterinto any discussion of some of the gre?t questions involved inthe prese?t condition of European affairs. Our design ismore limited and special. We wish to show what there, is inthe influences thathave been at work for the lastforty years,and in the presentpolitical and social aspects ofEurope, to jus

tify the hope, that that portion of the world is not destinedagain tobe the theatre of such general and bloody conflicts s itHas exhibited. . e wish at least to indicate the causes bywhich the policy ofEurope has been essentially modified ; andto appreciate the influenceswhich favor or retard theultimatetriumph of freedom nd of public order, and the final adoptionof a pacific international policy.The French revolution is rich in all manner of instructionto the ?thoughtfulobserver of human nature, and of theprogress of society. It is the true point of departure fromwhich*to estimate the progress, the present condition and futureprospects of Europe. No just and philosophical view of these subjects can be formed which does not,proceed upon a true apprehension of thatperiod, its causes and its effects. Every greatmovement of society and of government has been directly orindirectlyaffectedby it ; its influences are yet far from beingexhausted ; its lessons are far frombeing all gathered up.We have before,adverted* to the influence of the career of

Napoleon in creating ? reaction against the spirit ofwar andconquest. ~ This reactionwas feltboth by thepeople and by the

* Advocate of Peace, No. I. p. 8, 9. Also Address before theHartfordCounty Society, p. 22, 23.10

http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsphttp://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsphttp://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp


3/17

74 he Political Condition ofEurope. [Sept.governments ; and the declaration, of the Allied Sovereignsafter the fall ofNapoleon, was thepublic and solemn expressionof it. We intimated our opinion, that if those great powers,while solemnly declaring themselves against the principle ofconquest, and revolutionary propagano" ism, had at the sametime taken the rightground, and been just to the trueprincipleof rational freedom, the repose of Europe might have beensecured. Then was themoment for them tohave taken a positionbywhich they would have had with them the moralforceof Europe, and been able tomaintain peace among thenations, repose'and harmony between thepeople and theirgovernments. But theyfailed to do this,and left the elements ofdiscontent, resistance and futureconflict, to rankle beneath thesurface of that temporary reposewhich was due to exhaustion,to the general feeling of disgust at the perpetual convulsionsproduced by individual ambition, and finally .tothe triumph ofthe allied arms. It isnot at all difficult to explain the coursepursued by the Allied Powers. It was a time of moral reaction. Every such reaction contains an element of truth ; aridevery such reaction likewise goes too far. But we shall bebetterable toexplain our views ifwe go back a little.The French revolution, out of which sprung Napoleon andthe sources of his power, and thewars which followed,had, inits origin, along with whatever other concurrent causes andconditions theremay have been, an element of truth,with itsnecessary foundation in reason and human nature. It wasthe reaction of reason and the principi? of libertyagainst thespiritof despotism. But in the excess of thfereaction, the trueprinciple of rational'fre?domwas immediately falsified,carriedout to the absurd and fanatical doctrines of Jacobinism, andmixed up with other atrocious and anarchical elements,?thewhole destructive topublic order, toall the just ends of government and to all true liberty. Henc? followed, at home, thoserevolting scenes of anarchy and atrocity,under the temporaryascendancy and succession of turbulent ?nd brutal leaders, sotrulynamed the reign of terror ;while, abroad, the fanaticismof revolutionarypropagandism was seen forcing freedom upon



4/17

1834.] The Political Condition ofEurope. 75other nations at the point of the bayonet?the despotism ofliberty?a striking illustration of the old truth, that extremesmeet.

Against the doctrines and spiritof that period, so false anddangerous, itwas natural that the old governments of Europe,by interest and habit favorable to order, and to the establishedcondition of things, should revolt. When, subsequently, thecareer of Napoleon, the' child of the revolution, combinedagainst him all the sovereigns of Europe, nothing was morenatural than that strong reactioriagainst the spiritofwar andconquest?that public and solemn reprobation, pronounced mthe hour of their triumph, upon the boundless selfishness ofthatmilitary ambition bywhich Europe had forsomany yearsbeen convulsed. And nothing was more natural than thatthis hour should be crowded wjth recollections of theprecedingtwenty-five years ; that they should go back to the remotercauses of those stupendous convulsions by which every thingancient, and fixed, and sacred had been shaken or overthrown?-the principles of Jacobinism, democracy, and revolutionaryfanaticism. Itwas natural not only that the idea of revolution should be associated with every thing odious,with everything dangerous to thewelfare and repose of Europe, but thatLiberty itselfshould be a-word of fear and hatred. To renderitodious was theirwish and aim. They were unjust to therightfuldemands of thefree spirit. They made no distinctionbetween the false and anarchical doctrines of Jacobinism, andthe trueprinciple of freedom. Upon the latter they charged allthe atrocities and convulsions of the former. In theirfear andhatred, they overlooked every element of truth inwhat theyfeared and hated. The spirit and determination of despotismwas strengthened. They exaggerated the true principles oforder and legitimacy, toa false and unjust absolutism. Theysaw but one way topreserve the peace ofEurope?by restoringas faras possible the ancient order of things, and maintainingthat orderby force. The hour of theirtriumphoverNapoleon?the impersonation of the spirit of conquest and militaryglory?the disturber of thepeace of Europe, was, likewise, the



5/17

76 The Political Condition of Europe. [Sept.hour of their triumph over the child of the revolution?-thesubverter of thrones and dynasties,who, but for thedangerousdoctrines of liberty,would never have risenup to terrifyandhumble the far-descended kings "by the grace of God."Order and legitimacy were then to be established, as the onlyconservative principles ; the spirit of liberty and revolution?rendered as odious as4hey could possibly represent it,by refer-ing to itall the atrocities and miseries of the foregoing period,and without any discrimination of the true from the false, andwithout any concession to its just demands, was tobe repressedand kept down by the stronghand. Hence the doctrine firstbroached at theCongress ofLaybach, and afterwards solemnlyestablished at the congress ofVienna : " that everymonarch hasa right to interfere n the internal concerns of foreignsnations.'*Hence the rightof armed intervention,so called, {droitd'intervention arm?e)?the propagandist ofabsolutism. Hence, finally, the causes ofhatred, conflict nd war, between ^governmentsand the people, from that time to the present, and destined stillto disturb the peace of Europe formany years to come. If,now, while denouncing the spiritof Jacobinism, revolutionarypropagandism and conquest^ theyhad abstained fromassertingthe doctrines of absolutism and armed intervention, and hadin good faithmet the reasonable demands of thefree spirit,must we not believe theymight have guaranteed thepermanentpeace ofEurope, or at least made its condition quite differentfromwhat ithas been and is probably destined to be foran indefiniteperiod to come ? They would certainlyhave had withthem the opinions of all the just, themoderate and enlightened, in support of . rder and the principles of a wise and justexpediency, as the foundation of government and nationalwelfare, and in opposition to the false and dangerous doctrinesof a'theoretical equality and of unqualified democracy. Butby the false, impolitic and unjust position they assumed,they deprived themselves of all the best portion of themoralforce ofEurope, which theymight otherwise have had withthem in the work of repressing and putting down the falseand fanatical spirit and doctrines of Jacobinism, which is



6/17

1834.] The Political ConditionofEurope. 77indeed but another name foranarchy, forevery thing destructive to law, to order, and tonational well-being. But they lostthe golden opportunity. They did not wisely improve theirvictory. They did not turn topermanent advantage themoralreaction produced by the excesses and crimes/ of the. renchrevolution, and by the subsequent convulsions and calamitiestowhich theprofligate ambition ofNapoleon had subjected allEurope. By their injustice towards the spiritof true and reasonable freedom, by theirunjust exaggeration of the true principles of order and legitimacy, they left the elements of futureconflict,smouldering beneath the surface of a forced and artificial quiet ; elements which hav? since been perpetually breaking out in resistance, revolution and revolutionary attempts.While, however, we cannot but deplore that the Allied Sove

reigns should have perverted so favorable an opportunityofproclaiming together, both the doctrines of libertyand of publicorder, in their integrity nd mutual harmony, and thus securingthe pacification of Europe, we ought at the same time tobejust \tohuman nature and to history. Let us recognize thegood, which, under God, has actually been wrought out fromthose stupendous scenes of conflictand evil. Let us trust,too,that the human mind isnot destined forever to swing, like apendulum, fromone extreme of reaction to another. Itmustcertainly be admitted that through those scenes, the cause oftruth and of peace has gained progress. Wars of conquest,we may believe,will not in Europe be any more sanctioned.The integrity of existing states is permanently guaranteed.In regard to the internal conflictsbetween governments and thepeople, between the despotic and the free spirit,there are manygrounds of confidence in the ultimate triumph and peaceful establishment of the truth. The strugglewhich is going on inEurope is a conflictof principles. It is a war of ideas. It isan opposition between the spirit of despotism and of liberty,deep, bitter,and determined. On the part of despotism, it isan inextinguishable hostility to liberal principles, affectingnotonly themovements of government, but betrayed in all the re



7/17

78 he Political Condition of Europe. [Sept.lations of social life. Thus inFrance, the inquietude whichwas kept perpetually fermenting beneath the brilliant surfaceof French society, during the p?riod between th? restorationand the revolution of 1830, may justly be regarded as one ofthe remoter causes of that event, and of themeasures bywhichthe scenes of theThree Days were precipitated. Returning?romexile with theking, or gathering around him from theobscurity towhich former events had reduced them, came allthe representatives of a past age, the supporters of despotism,the lovers of the ancient order of things, the haters of revolution and of that odious libertybywhich they had sufferedsomany losses and humiliations. With little comprehension of,and no sympathy with, the changes that time and events hadwrought in thegreatmass of theFrench people, they:could notconceal theirarrogant exultation, nor enjoy with moderationwhat they felt as the triumph of legitimacy and aristocracy.This imprudent insolencewas deeply felt on the other part.xiThere was," says the Count de Sellon, in explaining theviews ofM. de Salvandi,* "an absence of security to theheirs of the revolution of 1789, who were disturbed with thevague fear of being dispossessed, ifn?t of theirmaterial possessions, yet of their respectability, their social position andconsideration. The}r saw with grief and indignation, certaintokens of contempt,which are easily betrayed byFrench vivacity. They were frozen by the expression : nobody, (hommede rein) applied

to those who had not illustriousbirth,an ex

pression immediately hawked about (colport?e) by those pestsof societywho delight only indiscord and evil. Napoleon, onthe contrary,had sought to substitute, in place of the chimerical equality of the revolution ?f 1789, the only reasonableequality to be desired in France, or inEurope at large, thehope, namely, held out to every body, of rising- by one1 ownmerit." With this latterprinciple, however, the only just prih

* In his recent work entitled Seize Mois. We have translated the passage fromM. de Sellon's Recueil de Lettres addressees aux Archives de laSoci?t? de la Paix: Collection of Letters addressed to theArchives of theGeneva Peace Society.



8/17

1834.] The Political Condition ofEurope. 79ciple.of aristocracy, as tha title to the distinctions and prizes ofsociety,and of government, the absolutists and favorers of theancien r?gime were as little satisfied,as with the chimericaland absurd doctrine of equality of 1789. And how fatallywanting in a just and wise policy,was the restoredBourbongovernment, the events of theThree Days demonstrated. The/French government, though with an insincere and vacillatingpolicy, inmany respects,on thepart of theking, isnow essentially liberal. The spiritof libertyhas secured,we may believe,its permanent triumph. Though the fermentation has notentirely subsided, the force,moral and physical, is on the sideof freedom. The contest in Spain and Portugal isnearly terminated in favor of liberal principles. The recent quadruplealliance of England, France, Spain and Portugal, places thesefourpowers togetheron the side of liberty. On the side. ofdespotism, the governments of Russia, Austria, and Prussia,are leagued together in the most determined hostility, to theprogress of liberal principles. If we look over Europe, weshall find the explanation of every thing that ismost interesting in itspolitical and social aspects, in thisdeep and pervadingstruggle between the principles of despotism and of liberty.The revolutionsof Poland and ?taly have been crushed by theoverwhelming force ofRussian and Austrian power ; but thePolish spirit isunconquerable ; and in Italy, as in Germany,the freespirit,though kept down by all the restraintsof Austrian despotism, isalive and struggling

unsubdued. Against thisspirit, thegreat powers of despotism are, united, with themostdetermined and desperate energy. "As long as I live," saystheEmperor ofRussia, " I will oppose a will of iron,to theprogress of liberal opinions. The present generation is lost,butwe must labor with zeal and earnestness, to improve thespiritof that to come. Itmay require a hundred years ? I amnot unreasonable, I give you a whole age, but you must work

without, relaxation."The contest then will go on. On thepart of despotism,every ..resourceill be exhausted in the effort o extinguish thespiritof liberty. But the spirit is inextinguishable. It is des



9/17

80 he Political Condition ofEurope. [Sept*tined toprevail. The contestmay be long and fierce ; but thetriumph of freedom is sure. We believe this,not only becauseit is the triumphof truthwhich we predict, but because clearly,the elements of victory are with the friends of liberty; theyhave with them the power? the moral and physical force of

Europe. The freeprinciple has gained strength ?rom the conflictsof former times ; ithas made a decided progress, whilethehold of despotism over thegeneral mind, through imaginationand habit, ifnot broken, is yet inmany ways greatly impaired. The idea and desire of liberty is extensively awakened, through all classes of th? great body of the people. Thespectacle of freegovernments isperpetually before them ;manyrights have already been gained, and in the most despoticgovernments, a moral forcehas been gradually springing up,the result ofmany causes, against which the influences ofdespotism will be unavailing. It deserves, moreover, specialconsideration, that the freeprinciple has become greatly purified. It is not now falsified by exaggeration and the fanaticand anarchical spiritand doctrines,which prevailed in connectionwith it, in the early period of the French revolution. It isfreed from those atrocious and dangerous elements. The disgusting alliance of libertywith Jacobinism and atheism,whichindeed rendered it destructive to social welfare, is broken,up.How much progress the truespiritof libertyhas made inpurifying itself ?romexaggeration and falsemixtures, may be seenin the French revolution of 1830. How entirely unlike thewild licentiousness of 1789 ! Itwas not the reign of anarchy,ofmob domination. It was controlled by watchwords,- thevery sound ofwhich in 1789, would have subjected the utterers to the guillotine, or to be torn in pieces by the frantic iuryof the fishwomen. Liberty and Law and Public Order,were thewatchwords perpetually reiterated by the leaders ofthe revolution of 1830, and kept distinctly before theminds ofthe people. Despotism is thus deprived of thegreat source ofitsmoral power, that which gave it its justest grounds and fairestpretexts forcrushing the spiritof libertyby force, the atrocitiesnamely, perpetrated under the sacred name of liberty. It



10/17

1834] The Political ConditionofEurope. 81cannot now, as formerly,succeed in rendering free principlesodious to the just and moderate, the lovers of law and order.It cannot point to the horrors of 1789 as the only, the legitimate and necessary fruitsof the free spirit. It cannot openthe shelteringarms of absolutism as the only refuge againstanarchy and violence. The inference in both cases will bedenied. The distinctionbetween libertyand anarchy will bereadily admitted ; it has been impressively taught by terriblelessons. The friends of freedom are ready toallow, thatwild,unbridled licentiousness, under the specious names of libertyand equality, is fraughtwith a thousand foldmore curses to thepeople, than themost irondespotism ; that freedom isno blessingwithout public order, virtue and religion. But they holdthat freedom does not necessarily imply the unbridled andlicentious domination of the ignorantmob, nor even a democracy ; that a freegovernment may be consistentwith the supremacy of law, which is far better than despotism ; that itmay be as consistentwith subordination and public order as adespotism, and with far less danger tohuman welfare. Thuspurified, the true principles of freedomwill enlist a continuallyincreasing forceof opinion among themoderate and enlightened. Itwillmove onward to its triumph,with a march whichdespotismmay indeed resist and retard,but can never defeat.In this conflictbetween despotism and liberty,Europe maybe destined forgenerations to come, tobe the theatre of violentand bloodywars. Itwould be presumptuous topredict on thissubject, with any tone of confidence. We have no doubt,indeed, that therewill be a fierce and determined struggle ;that therewill be violent internal agitation in the several countrieswhere despotism is predominant. Still, we cannot butbelieve that the issue is tobe determined by thegradual forceofopinion, rather than by arms. At leastwe cannot believe thatthis conflictwill involve such general, protracted,and bloodywars between different ations, as have been witnessed in pasttimes inEurope. In case of a conflict between any peopleand itsgovernment, the allied powers of despotism have manyreasons to be cautious in practically asserting the doctrine of11



11/17

82 he Political Conditionof urope. [Sept,armed intervention* For in spiteof them, theright of revolution has gained the footingof an established principle. Theyhave been compelled practically to acquiesce in it. It cannotbe put down. Four of the great powers of Europe are likewise now united on the side of liberal principles, and in defenceof the right of revolution. The doctrine of armed intervention is of as ready application by them as by the propagandistsof absolutism and anti-revolutionwho proclaimed it. .Englandand France, it is true, stood aloof during thePolish straggle ;the late minister, Gasimer Perrier, explicitly declared himselfagainst the doctrine of armed intervention. But this groundhas, since then, been abandoned. The attitude taken by thesepowersmust, we think, act as a restraintupon themovementsof the despotic sovereigns ; tend to diminish the likelihood ofgeneral Avars; limitverymuch their intervention in the internal concerns of other nations ; and, combined with many influences due to the general progress ofmankind, make theconflict between despotism and liberty, a conflictas betweenthe people and their respective governments ;which finally,,though not perhaps without violence and blood,will yetmainlybe decided by the prevalence of truth, thatmoral forceof enlightened opinion, beforewhich despotismmust yield and disappear, even as othermonstrous and exploded errors,that long^shackled thehuman mind, and retarded the progress ofhumannature.

Be thishowever, as itmay,one

thing is certain, that if thisconflictwere decided, therewould be no more ground inEurope forwars of principle. What, in fact,has been the causeof all thewars there, since the downfall ofNapoleon? Theyhave grown out of the opposition of the despotic and freespirit. This explains them all. But forthis,Europe wouldat thismoment be in a state of profound peace.?Still more,therefore,may we confidently expect that whenever this conflict shall be decided by the triumph of the principles of trueand reasonable freedom, purified fromall licentious mixtureand consequently securing public order and the internal repos?of nations,?then also, a peaceful international policy will



12/17

imi.) The Political Condition of Europe. 83prevail For therewill remain no grounds of differenceexcept such as grow out of the commercial relations of differentnations. Differences of this sort,even now, are almost entirelysettled by negotiation. Arbitration is sometimes resorted to ;and the feeling is very general that such differences are neverworth a roar, that to resort towar is the very poorest way for?ither party. Especially is this the case with an industriousand commercial people. These interests re, in a large view,always injuriously affectedbywar. The true element of theirprosperity is peace. The immense increase of the industriousand commercial interests is one of themain causes of thosevastchanges which have taken place in the political and social relations of Europe. Hence many of those improvements ininternational law, designed to secure those interestsagainst theinjurious effects, nd tomitigate thenecessary severitiesofwar.The changes wrought by the increase of industryand com

merce are all in favorof peace. These interestsall rejoice inprotection against the fluctuation and insecurityof a state ofwar.?The interests f the great body of the people ofEuropeare then averse towar. In proportion, therefore,as thegovernments become free,not onlywill the present great and chiefcause, we may say the only actual cause ofwar, the oppositionof despotism and liberty, e removed,butwe may confidentlyreckon on a continual extension and consolidation of a peaceful policy, as demanded by enlightened views of the true interests of all parties.Such are ourviews concerning the final terminationof triegreat struggle by which Europe is agitated; and such ourviews of itsconsequences in regard towar. How long beforethis desirable consummation will be realized, it isnot forus to;say. In themean time, there are some proofs at present of theprevalence of just, enlightened, and Christian views on thesubject ofwar, among the leading minds ofEurope, whichwe wish to present to our readers.?In a speech deliveredj?uugust5,1830? Lord Brougham thus expresses himself :u JBut y principles,?and I know notwhether they agree with



13/17

84he Political Condition ofEurope. [Sept.,yours,?they may be derided, theymay be unfashionable,but Ihope theyare spreading farandwide*?my principlesare containedin thewords which that great man [Lord Falkland] was used to*express in secret, and which I now express in public : *Peace,Peace, Peace.5 I abominate war as unchristian. I hold it thegreatest of human crimes. I deem it to include all others, violence,blood, rapine,fraud,every thingwhich can deformthecharacter,*alter the nature, and debase the name ofman. "

At theMansion House, February 18th, 1832, E ari. Greydelivered the following sentiment :?"He entertaineda sanguine,hemight say a perfecthope, thatthepeace ofEurope would be preserved. He fully agreed withthosewho thoughtthat the time had passed away, when we shouldbe induced to thinkthat any two nations could regard each otheras natural enemies.* He hoped that impolitic, unwise, and unchristianmaxim was givingway to thatenlightenedpolicywhich wouldsuggest tous notions that each was interested n theprosperityofthe other,and that theonly rivalrywhich ought to subsistbetweenthem, was an emulation in the arts, and an anxiety to surpass eachother in the improvement f every social institution."Upon this sentiment, theLondon Morning Chronicle makesthe following remarks :?"The time,we trust, is not far distant,when thebest securityfor thepreservationof peace, will be sought for in the convictioncarefully implantedin thedifferent ations of theEuropean commonwealth, that theyare all deeply interested n theprosperityofeach other ; and that, consequently, war must always be injurious,and never beneficial to them. When this conviction once becomes

general, itwill be found that thegreatest publicitywith regard toall affairs of an international character, is the best protection againstthemachinations of the barbarous governmentswhich still defaceEurope. Itwas a convictionof thiskind,which inducedone of theprofound and cautious philosophers of Europe to connect the possibilityofperpetualpeace with thegeneral existence of representativegovernments alone; because, were the conviction general, thatnations never can have an interest inwar, those who represent nations must act on such a conviction."To these extracts,we are happy toadd likewise the following

views, expressed by the latePrime Minister of France, Oasi* Compare this with Lord Nelson's frequent coarse and brutal expressions

ofmalignity and deadly hatred against theFrench, in regard towhom, heseemed to think himself absolved from all obligation of exercising the spirituniversally required by Christianity*



14/17

1834] The Political Conditionof urope. 85mer Perrier. They are part of a speech delivered in theChamber ofDeputies, March 7th, 1832.

In theactual state of civilization,none of these questions [ofcommercial or territorial interest] on which any two nations can bebrought intocollision, is sufficient npolicy to justify war betweenthem ; especially,when it is recollected, that inconsequence of thecomplications of every sort, created by this same civilization between the interests of different nations, there can be no partial warwhich does not run the risk of becoming almost immediatelyageneral war."In such a state of things,"he proceeds, "it is evident, thatwhat has already beenresorted o n the ctualprocesses ofdiplomacy,Conferences, are a necessity of civilization ; and one of its mosthonorable fruits, since their object is to consecrate the triumph ofreason over force. Is it not, in fact, much better for nations tounderstandeach otherbefore going towar, than tobegin by fighting,and end by explaining themselves?"

In this connection,we give also copies of lettersreceived bythe Count de Sellon, in acknowledgment of communicationsmade by him respecting theSociety, ofwhich he is the founder.They are not only gratifying as the declared dispositions of thedistinguished personages by whom they are written, on thesubject ofwar in general, but they indicate also the respectfulconsideration which the special exertions of thefriends of peacehave met with from some,who, by their position, have it indieir power greatly to accelerate theprogress of trueprinciples.The first is fromCasimer Perrier :?*

Cabinet of theMinister of the Interior.Paris, the5thApril, 1831." Sir,?I have received witfi sincere pleasure the Constitution ofthe Geneva Peace Society, which you have done me the honor toaddress tome. The honorable object at which it aims, under yourauspices, gives ita claim upon thegratitudeofnations. It iswithpleasure, Sir, I acknowledge to you, on this particular occasion, allthe interest that feel in itsprogress,and thankyou, personally,for thehigh regardwhich you have expressed forme.

* These letterswere originally published in theArchives de la Soci?t?' dela Paix, de Geneve ; we copy them, however, from the London Herald ofPeace. The originals are inFrench, as given on the next page.11*



15/17

86 The Political Conditionof urope. [Sepfc"Accept, Sir, theassurance ofmymost distinguishedconsideration.President of theCouncil, Minister, Secretary of State of the Interior.Casimer Perrier."The second is from theKing ofPrussia :?

Berlin, the 21thApril, 1831." Sir,?All your writings and all your undertakingsare inspiredby the love of mankind, and bear the impress of true religion.This character,which has for so long a time distinguishedyou,claims allmy esteem. The undertakingof which you inform s,should obtain the approbation and encouragement of all who feelan interest in the happiness ofman. It is,doubtless,difficult otriumphover the errors and passions which are opposed to thenoble design at which you aim ; but it is delightfulto reach after,and to labor for it,without intermission. Peace ismore than everthe duty of governments,as well as the interestof the people.Both have need of it,for it is the first onditionof thehappiness ofevery State." To maintain and to preserve it,without compromisingthe dignity nd the safetyof themonarchy withwhich Providencehas entrustedme, has been, and always shall be, the object of allmy wishes and my endeavors; and my thoughtsalways accordwith, in thisrespect, those which a holy policy, in harmonywithChristianity,makes you desire to realize." Receive the assurance ofmy consideration.Frederick William."

The next is fromthe Prince ofDenmark :?Copenhagan the21stMay, 1831."Monsieur Le Comte,?I have had thebenefitof receiving theConstitution f theGeneva Peace Society,which you have been

Cabinet du Minister de l'Int?rieur.Paris, le 5 Avril, 1831." Monsieur,?J'ai re?u avec un plaisir sincere le R?glement de la Soci?t?de la Paix, de Geneve, que vous irtavez fait l'honneur dem'adresser. Le buthonorable qu'elle s'est propos?, sous vos auspices, lui donne droit a la reconnaissance des nations. Je me plais, Monsieur, a vous t?moigner dans cettecirconstance tout l'int?r?t que je porte a ses progres, en vous remerciant personnellement de l'hommage que vous avez bien voulu me faire." Agr?ez, Monsieur, l'assurance de ma consid?ration tres-distingu?e.Le Pr?sident du Conseil, Ministre, Secretaire d'Etat de VInterieur.Casimir Perrier."

Berlin, le 27 Avril, 1831." Monsieur,?Tous vos ?crits et toutes vos enterprises vous sont inspir?spar l'amour de l'humanit?, et portent le sceau de la v?ritable religion. Cecaract?re qui vous distingue vous a depuis long-temps acquis toutemon estime.L'entreprise que vous annoncez doit obtenir l'approbation et les encouragemens de tous ceux qui s'int?ressent au bonheur des hommes. Il est sansdoute, difficile de triompher des erreurs et des passions qui s'opposent au



16/17

1834.] The Political Conditionof urope. 8kindly disposed to address tome, dated the 16thApril. I do fulljustice to the sentiments hich have engaged you,M. Le Comte, ,opromotetheestablishment f thissociety ; and I am very thankful oyou forhaving enabledme toappreciate its design and organization."Accept, M. Le Comte, the assurance ofmy most distinguishedconsideration. Christian Frederick."

These declared dispositions of leading statesmen and sovereigns ofEurope are certainly gratifying to the philanthropist,and to the Christian. If with these expressions we combinethe considerations beforeadverted to, the naturally pacific influence of the growing industrious and commercial interests ofChristendom,-?the increase of negotiation, and the instancesof arbitration between nations which have already been witnessed, there seems good reason tobelieve that,but for the conflictbetween despotism and liberty,the peace ofEurope wouldnot be disturbed ;?that a pacific policy might be consolidatedon a permanent basis. Is it toomuch to believe that somegeneral confederacy might be formed among the nations ofChristendom,?some method adopted of adjusting the differences thatmight arise between themwithout resort to arms ? Isit visionary to think that some extension and modification ofinternational law,might be effected, ome international tribunalnoble but que vous vous proposez ;mais il est beau d'y tendre, et d'y travailler, sans rel?che. La paix est plus que jamais dans les devoirs des gouvernemens comme dans les int?r?ts des peuples. Les uns et les autres en ontbesoin, car elle est la premiere condition du bonheur de tous les ?tats. Lamaintenir et la conserver, sans compromettre la dignit? et la s?ret? de lamonarchie que la Providence m'a confi?e, a ?t?, et sera toujours, l'objet detous mes v ux et de tous mes efforts, etmes pens?es recontreront toujoursa cet ?gard celles que la saine politique, d'accord avec le Christianisme, vousfait d?sirer de r?aliser." Receves l'assurance de ma consid?ration. Fr?d?ric-Guillaume."

Copenhague, ce Si Mai, 1831." Monsieur le Comte,?Jai eu l'avantage de recevoir leR?glement de laSoci?t? de la Paix de Geneve, que vous avez bien voulu m'adresser, en datedu 16 Avril. Je rends .parfaitement justice aux sentimene qui vous ont engag?, M. le Comte, a provoquer la cr?ation de cette Soci?t? ; et je vous suistres-reconnaiss?nt de m'avoir mis a m?me d'en appr?cier le but et l'organisasion." Agr?ez, M. le Comte, l'assurance de ma consid?ration tres distingu?e.Christian Frederic."



17/17

68 he Political ConditionofEurope. [Sept,established, which should supercede that brutal resort to force,which certainly isutterly incompetent to secure a just decision ?Let itbe borne inmind, that the elements of such a systemalready exist, in the policy of Christendom. They exist in theprocesses of arbitration, already more than once resorted towith success. They exist in those conferences, which havebecome almost a settled feature of European policy, which inthe language of Perrier, already quoted, " are a necessity ofcivilization." For ourselves, we cannot question that if thedeep and pervading cause of conflictwhich we have attemptedto explain, were removed, itwould not be difficultto direct theattention ofgovernments to thisgreat object. And even in thepresent state of things, we cannot but think that if our government were to instruct its ambassadors at foreign courts, toinvite the representatives of other governments to consider1 thepracticability of so extending international law as to embracesome system of conference and arbitration forthe settlementofdifferences,and the prevention ofwar, the proposal would berespectfullymet ; and an important step would be gained inthe formal bringing forward of the subject, even though thecauses before adverted to, should, for the present, prevent anydefinite result.

That the eyes of the nations and governments of Christendom will sooner or later be directed to this object, we have nodoubt. We are equally persuaded, that thenation which leadstheway in thisgrand triumph of reason and Christianity, overbrute passion and barbarism, will cover itselfwith a trueglory,that shall enlarge and brighten, down through all coming time,when the glory of thewarrior and conqueror, however " highlyesteemed among men" now, shall have faded entirely away,with all that is " abominable in the eyes of theLord."

american-advocate-for-peace-183427886774.pdf

Documents