FORMS OF BURIAL IN THE TERRITORY OF YUGOSLAVIA IN THE TIME OF
THE ROMAN EMPIRESummary from the book: Aleksandar Jovanovic,
"Rimske nekropole na teritoriji Jugoslavije" Centar za arholoska
istrazivanja Filozofskog fakulteta, Beograd 1984 (Cyrillic script)
This work discusses the graves from the cemeteries in the Roman
provinces in the territory of modern Yugoslavia. The period
surveyed is that from the beginning of the 1st century A.D. to the
middle of the 3rd century A.D. The main classification is made
according to the origin of the grave-form. Thus the basic division
is: Roman grave-forms; alien grave-forms of non-Roman origin; and
autochthonous grave-forms. Graves have been classified into these
groups on the basis of an analysis of the following elements:
manner of burial; grave-form; grave-goods; chronology;
distribution; origin; and ethno-cultural traits.The autochthonous
grave-forms are discussed within the framework of geographic and
ethnic wholes. This approach has necessitated the introduction and
definition of separate sepulchral units, called "horizons of
burial".Roman forms of burialThe Roman forms of burial represent an
intrusion in the territory of Yugoslavia as a result of
Romanization. The attribute "Roman" is, in fact, provisional, for
some grave-forms included here did not originate in Italy, but were
modifications of Greek models which reached the Yugoslav territory
in this modified form as a result of the expansion of the Roman
military and political power.The Roman forms of burial are: the
dolium, stone urns, brick-built cists, metal urns and mausolea. The
dominant Roman component in the hybrid combinations with
autochthonous forms of burial is represented by ash-chests, while
pottery urns can be considered only provisionally as a part of the
Roman sepulchral tradition, for the majority of the graves of this
type are of autochthonous origin.DoliumThe term dolium means burial
in an amphora or a part of an amphora. Numerous variants can be
distinguished within this general form, and the differences among
them are so great that the question arises whether it is
appropriate to apply the same name to all of them.The ideological
and funerary implications are not the same if a part of an amphora
is used as the receptacle for the remains of cremation, as a
protective cover for the remains of cremation and grave-goods, or
if the upper part of an amphora is used as a tube for libations and
as a marker of the location of the grave. What all these forms have
in common is the fact that a part of an amphora is used in the
structure of the grave. It is, however, used in a secondary sense,
as a material, not as a constant funerary factor. Consequently, the
term dolium is conventional rather than precise, and it is used as
such here.In addition to this general problem, which is partly a
problem of methodology, too, there is also the problem of the
adequate interpretation of the provenance of this grave-form in the
territory of Yugoslavia. The origin of this form of burial in
Pannonia, in some parts of Dalmatia and in Macedonia cannot be
explained in the same way. The graves of the dolium type are an
intrusion and are associated with the Romanized population on a
majority of sites in Pannonia (Emona, Poetovio, Stenjevac), in
Dalmatia (Salona, Iader, Apsporos, Krk, Hvar, etc) and Moesia
Superior. Graves of this type which were secondarily dug into the
mound at Vrelo Cetine are also Roman forms adopted by the native
inhabitants. Who had changed radically their burial rite (from
inhumation to cremation) and, in the absence of satisfactory local
forms in their own sepulchral tradition, took over the Roman
grave-form (dolium) without any modifications. The graves of the
dolium type in Macedonia (Stobi) should be considered as the
continuation of the earlier Greek funerary tradition in this
region, and not as a novel element introduced as a result of
Romanization.The accompanying material in the graves of the dolium
type is relatively scant and of a rather poor quality. This is an
important indicator of the social status of the persons buried in
them. The majority of the graves of the dolium type belong to the
poorest classes of the (primarily urban) population. The
grave-goods consist mostly of Roman provincial products (lamps,
pottery and glass vessels, coins); no material with autochthonous
features has been found.The graves of the dolium type found in the
territory of Yugoslavia belong to the period from the beginning of
the 1st century to the middle of the 2nd century A.D. The lower
chronological limit is determined by the finds of Augustan and
Tiberian coins in the graves in Emona, and the latest horizon of
the graves of this type is dated by the coins of Hadrian and
Antonius Pius.Graves of this type appear in the cemeteries of large
towns (Emona, Poetovio, Salona, Iader, Vegium, Senia, Apsoros,
etc.), in suburban settlements (Sv. Jakov, Sv. Juraj, Murter,
etc.), settlements along the main communication lines (Skarucna,
Velika Gorica, Stenjevac) and along the Limes (Boljetin) (cf. map.
30).The fact that the graves of the dolium type are located in the
zones of primary and intensive Romanization shows that they belong
to the Roman tradition. The Roman character of these graves is also
indicated by the type of the grave-goods placed in them, by some
elements of the burial rite (e.g. the separation of the remains of
the cremated body from the remains of the pyre), and by the fact
that this grave-form is without precedent in the autochthonous
funerary tradition in the territory of Yugoslavia.Graves - cists -
built of bricks and containing cremation burialsThis group of
graves consists of brick-built cists containing cremation burials.
Remains of cremation were usually laid directly into the cist,
which served as the receptacle. Graves of this type which contain a
glass or earthenware urn are less common. The cists are of a
standardized form: four bricks set on edge form the sides of the
cist, and two horizontal ones serve as the bottom-and the lid. The
absence of the covering brick in some cases is probably due to
damage or devastation of the grave.The published material from the
northern cemetery of Emona has provided the necessary elements for
a detailed study of this grave-form and for its full typological,
chronological and cultural analysis. The brick-built graves make,;
up about 40 % of the total number of the grave containing cremation
burials in the northern cemetery of Emona. The cemeteries of
Poetovio present a similar picture. This fact is important; for it
shows that these graves are more common in the cemeteries of urban
centres. In addition to the sites in Pannonia Superior (Emona,
Poetovio, Neviodunum, etc.), graves of this type are known from the
large urban centres in Dalmatia (Argyruntum, Salona, Iader, Senia,
etc.). Apart from the urban agglomerations, graves made of bricks
appear in settlements in the neighborhood of towns (Brstje,
Komanda, Medvode, Rudnik, etc.), along important communications
(Obrez, Stenjevac, Gameljne) and along the northern part of the
eastern Adriatic shore (Bakar, Novi Vinodolski, Sv. Jakov) (cf.
map. 31). Their distribution corresponds to the regions in which
Romanization changed radically the autochthonous tradition.The type
and character of the grave-goods found in brick-built cists also
corroborate the theory of the Roman provenance of this grave-form.
Graves made of bricks have produced coins, lamps, glass vessels,
terra sigillata, pottery with "thin walls". Jewelry is rare, while
weapons do not occur at all. The grave-goods consist of the
material common in the early imperial tombs throughout the Empire,
and finds of an autochthonous character have not been
discovered.The burial rite associated with this form of the grave
is not fully documented. It has been established that the deceased
were cremated on the ustrinum and that the remains of cremation
were placed into the cist. But it is not clear whether the remains
of the cremated body were carefully separated from the pyre (and,
perhaps, ritually washed) before being placed into the grave, or
whether the remains of the pyre were also buried with the cremated
body. We suppose that the remains of the cremated body ere
separated, although this is merely an assumption based on the Roman
character of this grave-form.The chronology of brick-built
cremation graves can be determined on the basis of the cemeteries
in Emona and Poetovio. The earliest graves date from the beginning
of the 1st century A.D. and the upper chronological limit is marked
by the graves in which coins of Marcus Aurelius have been found.
After this period there are no reliable finds of graves of this
type, so that the time of the Marcomannis wars represents the
terminus ante quem for this grave-form, at least in Pannonia
Superior.Graves with a box-like structure made of bricks are not
known in the prehistoric funerary tradition in the territory of
Yugoslavia. Their similarity to the graves in the form of a box
made of stone slabs is merely formal and does not justify their
typological and genetic association. Graves built of bricks are in
intrusion in the territory of Yugoslavia, which should be directly
associated with Italy, where it may be considered as a
continuation, with local modifications, of some Hellenistic
traditions.The distribution of brick-built graves, their character
and accompanying material, as well as the manner of burial
associated with them show that this grave-form was used by the
Romanized immigrants or by the Romanized members of the native
population. This seems to be true of the entire territory of
Yugoslavia except the province of Macedonia. The graves of this
type from Stobi, Demir Kapija, Debriste may be considered as a
continuation of the earlier Greek funerary tradition , such as are
evidenced at Trebeniste and Beranci.A variant close in form but
different in origin may be also included into the group of
brick-built graves in the form of a cist. This variant consists of
graves constructed of several courses of bricks laid horizontalla.
They are box-like structures of considerable size (about 1,5-2 x
0,7-1 m) containing remains of the pyre. Such graves have been
reported from Topusko, Demir Kapija and Brestovik and have been
dated into the 2nd century or the beginning of the 3rd century A.D.
Elements of two sepulchral principles are merged in the graves of
this type: the form and the dimensions of the grave are the same as
in the case of graves containing inhumation burials (it seems that
the arrangement of the grave-goods and of the remains of cremation
in the burial pit follows that of skeleton graves), while the basic
burial rite is cremation. This sepulchral hybrid, consisting of
elements of the old and new funerary traditions, may be associated
with the Romanized population in urban and suburban
settlements.Stone UrnsStone urns have been found on a number of
sites in the Provinces of Dalmatia and, sporadically, in Pannonia
Superior. No finds of this type have been reported from the
Yugoslav parts of the provinces of Noricum, Pannonia Inferior and
Moesia Superior. A local modification of the Italic model was in
use in Macedonia (cf.. map 32).The material which has been
published makes it possible to obtain a reliable idea of this form
of burial, of its cultural traits and of its chronology. This form
of graves also makes it possible for us to trace the process of
Romanization. It is remarkable that there exist considerable
differences within this group, although they display some common
features resulting from the common origin of all the graves of this
type. In the case of the earlier graves with stone urns, which
belong to the 1st century A.D. and are for the most part located in
the cemeteries of large towns or along the Adriatic, the remains of
the cremated body were carefully separated from the pyre and placed
first into a glass or earthenware receptacle (olla cineraria) and
then into the stone urn. The graves of this type found in the
inland parts of Dalmatia and in Pannonia Superior are later - they
belong to the 2nd and 3rd centuries A.D. - and show no clear
evidence of the separation of the remains of the cremated body form
the remains of the structure of the pyre. In a majority of cases
charred bones mixed with soot and ashes were placed directly into
the stone urn, without a glass or earthenware receptacle. This
difference is not merely formal, not can it be ascribed to
chronology only. It reflects different attitudes to burial. Urn
burials from the zone along the shore and from the cemeteries of
large towns dating from the 1st century A.D. have a more
conspicuous Roman component, manifested in the procedure of the
separation of the remains of the cremated body from the pyre. The
later graves from the inland and peripheral regions belong to the
Romanized population in which the degree of Romanization was not so
great as to modify radically that autochthonous sepulchral
traditions. The Roman grave-form was adopted, but the principle of
the separation of the cremated body was not.Stone urns were
commonly laid into simple burial pits dug into the soil or rock.
Usually the burials were individual. In a few cases (Vis, Split,
Vid, Trogir) stone urns were placed in family tombs (ossuaria). The
ossuaries probably represent a continuation of the earlier funerary
tradition of burying a number of individuals in family tombs. This
tradition is clearly evidenced in Dalmatia - on Vis, for
example.Stone urns can be divided according to their form into
cylindrical and tetrahedral urns. These forms are basically of
related origin. The tetrahedral urns - especially their roof-like
lid - imitate the form of a house or a mausoleum. Such urns are
common in the western provinces of the Empire, so that the examples
found in the territory of Yugoslavia are probably associated with
immigrants from these regions. The cylindrical stone urns seem to
imitate the form of a tumulus in which the cylindrical part is
elongated so that it can house the glass olla. This part is
otherwise considerably shorter in typical tumuli. The
calotte-shaped lid of these urns resembles the calotte of a
tumulus. If this reconstruction is valid, stone urns of both types
were based on the same model. In both cases, the model is a
building with sacral elements: a mausoleum (tetrahedral urns) or a
tumulus (cylindrical urns).The grave-goods found in stone urns
consist mainly of lamps, glass and earthenware vessels, coins and
jewelry. Weapons and pottery bearing autochthonous traits have not
been found. This corroborates the idea suggested earlier that this
grave-form is Roman and that it was grafted on to the native
tradition as a result of Romanization. The grave-goods, and
particularly the coins, make it possible to establish a
comparatively precise chronology of the graves with stone urns. The
earliest graves are dated by Julio-Claudian coins. These graves
have been discovered in the cemeteries of large towns (Iader,
Salona, Argyruntum, Emona, etc.), on the islands and along the
eastern shore of the Adriatic. Epigraphic monuments on which the
family names of Julius and Claudius appear are also common in this
region. The stone urns found in the inland parts of the province of
Dalmatia contained coins from the end of the 1st century to the end
of the 3rd century A.D. (from Domitianus to Aurelianus). This
chronological difference is a clear indicator of the way in which
Romanization spread from the Adriatic coast towards the inland
regions.Stone urns of other forms also appear sporadically in the
territory of Yugoslavia. An urn in the form of the base of a pillar
has been discovered at Karlobag (Vegium) and urns in the form of
large beakers have been found in Ljubljana (Emona) and Nis
(Naissus). Urns in the form of a pillar base have been found in the
western provinces of the Empire, so that a certain influence from
these regions may be assumed. Urns in the form of beakers found in
the territory of Yugoslavia are extremely simplified versions of
the fine Italian models of alabaster or marble, which are
themselves modifications of the products of the "neo-Attic"
industry from the end of the republican period in Italy. A special
variety is represented by a cylindrical urn with a lid in the form
of a pine cone decorated with wreaths and bucrania, which was found
at Resava near Kavadarci. This urn is very similar in form,
tectonics and decoration to Italic models. However, this urn cannot
be considered an importation; it is rather a local product with a
decorative pattern taken over from ash-chests and grave stelai
found in the region of Sandanski (southern Bulgaria).Metal
UrnsMetal urns are very rare in the territory of Yugoslavia.
Isolated finds have been reported from Karlobag (Vegium), Stari
Grad (Argyruntum), Kostolac (Viminacium) and Skopje (Scupu). The
examples from Viminacium are made of lead; they are cylindrical in
form and have a lid with a circular opening in the centre for the
tube down which libations were poured. Cylindrical urns made of
lead have been reported from several sites in the western provinces
of the Empire. They date from the 1st and 2nd centuries A.D. The
urn from Vegium is made of bronze plaques; one of them bears in
inscription dated, on the basis of epigraphic evidence, into the
1st century AD.The silver "urn" from Taskovic near Nis, which is
well known in archaeological literature, has not been taken into
account here because it probably served a different purpose and was
used as a jewelry box.Graves with Earthenware UrnsA methodological
difficulty precludes the application of the "principle of form" in
making a classification of the graves with urns from the Roman
imperial period and in interpreting their ethnical and cultural
traits. Many graves with earthenware urns have the same formal
features and could be therefore considered as belonging to the same
funerary horizon and as manifestations of the same evolutionary
process. The actual situation is, however, quite different and
manifestations of very varied processes may often assume the same
form. The ethnical and cultural features of the graves with
earthenware urns from the horizons of burial of the Iapodes and
Oseriates, for example, are different from those found in the
graves of the same type from the Stenjevac horizon, or from the
Dacian horizon of burial in Moesia Superior, or again from the
graves with urns from Pannonia Superior. Several smaller groups
with approximately the same origin can be distinguished within
these horizons of burial. The graves with earthenware urns from
northern Bosnia (the horizons of burial of the Iapodes, the
Oseriates and the Meseies) represent a continuation of the earlier,
autochthonous tradition which had an unbroken line of development
in this area since the establishment of the "urnfield" culture. The
graves with urns from the Stenjevac horizon, which are not
numerous, represent a continuation of the La Tene tradition in
Pannonia and show that the beginnings of the Roman domination did
not cause a major break in funerary practice. Graves with urns,
comparable to those in Dacia, have been reported from several
cities in Moesia Superior (Paracin, Viminacium, Velesnica). These
graves belonged to the Dacian population which was transferred from
its old homeland to Moesia Superior in the 1st century AD.As
opposed to these graves in which the autochthonous and non-Roman
component predominates, there are graves with urns which should be
viewed in the context of Roman grave-forms. These are mainly the
graves in the Dalmatian littoral, in the north-western part of
Pannonia Superior, in Moesia Superior and in Macedonia. In the
province of Dalmatia graves with earthenware urns represent the
main form in northern Dalmatia, central Dalmatia and in the
horizons of burial of the Docleates and the Pirustes. Here, graves
with urns should be viewed as a direct manifestation of the process
of Romanization. In the period before the Roman occupation the
basic form of burial in this area was the skeleton grave, flat or
under a tumulus. Alter the coming of the Romans, the burial
practice changed and cremation became the dominant rite. In the
absence of an adequate grave-form in its own local tradition
(cremation had not been practised here to any considerable extent
in the proto-historic period), the native population of the
Dalmatian littoral adopted Roman forms (earthenware urns and, more
rarely, the dolium or boxes built of bricks). The urns themselves
were often fashioned in the traditional autochthonous style, but
the basic sepulchral meaning of the grave-form was not
autochthonous.Graves with earthenware urns also appear in large
town and suburban settlements of Pannonia Superior. These graves
are a Roman interpolation in this area, for there had been no urn
burial in the earlier funerary practice. The graves with urns from
Emona, Poetovio, Praetorium Laobicorum represent Roman forms
associated with immigrants or with the Romanized local population.
This also applies to the graves with earthenware urns from Moesia
Superior (not those from the Dacian funerary tradition) and
Macedonia. Some graves with urns from Moesia Superior (for example,
those at Adrovac) reflect a revival of earlier sepulchral tradition
(perhaps Karaburma or Donja Toponica); however, this cannot be
established, for we know very little of the funerary practices in
this area.Stone Ash-ChestsStone ash-chests are in fact a Roman
grave-form. However, the basic Roman model was modified in so many
ways in the teritory of Yugoslavia that it is not always easy to
recognize the common sepulchral basis under the multiplicity of
local forms. The bane model was combined with elements of the
earlier sepulchral traditions and, consequently, there are
considerable differences between the stone ash-chests from Dalmatia
and Moesia Superior, the cinerary boxes of the "Poetovio" type, the
"Iapodes urns", and the stone the stone boxes with small legs from
Macedonia.A number of ash-chests from Dalmatia may be considered a
combination of the stone urn and the gravestone. Both these
elements are alien to the autochthonous tradition. However,
Illyrian names with the Illyrian anthroponymic formula appear on
the majority of ash-chests, especially those from the inland parts
of the province of Dalmatia. The preference given to this
grave-form by the native population cannot be explained by
Romanization only. Part of the explanation may be that some formal
elements of this type of the grave were not completely unknown to
the native population. It has been suggested that there is a link
between the stone ash-chests from the Roman epoch and the cists
made of stone slabs used in this territory in the prehistoric
period. The formal similarity of these two types of graves may have
been the reason why the native population adopted the Roman form
(the ash-chest).The hypothesis that an earlier grave-form was
revived, in a modified form, as a result of Romanization, is
supported by the chronology of the graves of this type. The
earliest ash-chests are from the big towns on the Adriatic coast
(Salona, Narona, Aenona -1st century A.D.), while the examples from
the inland parts of the province are later (end of the 1st century
- 3rd century A.D.) and date from the time when influences from the
Romanized littoral reached the continental parts of Dalmatia.Stone
ash-chests of the "Poetovio" type represent a secondary Roman form.
According to E. Diez, they derive from the funerary arae from the
territory of Noricum and Pannonia, while the opinion of the present
author is that they represent reduced variants of the sepulchral
monuments of the "Sempeter" type. In any case, the form is derived
from a Roman model. These ash-chests date from the 2nd and 3rd
centuries A.D.The non-decorated stone ash-chests from Pannonia,
Noricum Moesia Superior are of Roman origin. This is shown by their
distribution the type and character of the grave-goods and the
funerary rite.The "Iapodes urns", which represent the most thorough
modification of the Roman model, also belong to the group of stone
ash-chests. The lower chronology of these objects, proposed by D.
Sergejevski, I. Cremosnik and D. Srejovic, has been adopted
here.The stone ash-chests from Macedonia are of a somewhat
different structure. They also seem to be culturally and
genetically different. This form of the grave is a combination of
stone receptacle and a stela and originated in the region round
Kavadarci. The primary influences probably came from Stobi. The
anthroponymic content of the inscriptions shows that the graves
held Greeks or Grecized natives. The form of these ash-chests,
especially their short legs, suggests that the origin of these
graves should be sought in the Hellenistic East, where sarcophagi
with legs are common.MausoleaFew mausolea from the territory of
Yugoslavia belong to the Romanized population. The tombs built
above ground of the area maceria cincta type which have been
reported from Salona and Komini (Municipium S...) are close
imitations of the models from the Aquilean culture area. Somewhat
reduced replicas of Aquilean funerary structures with a similar
spatial organization and a consistent application of the principle
in fronte ... in agro ... have been found in Iader, Argyruntum and
Kolovrat. Some elements of Aquilean origin are noticeable in the
mausoleum in Emona, especially in the fence of the funerary space
proper. However, the idea of a pillar surmounted by the statue of
the deceased probably originated under influences emanating from
Rome.The Liburnian cippi, in which the spatial arrangement of the
mausoleum is greatly reduced, but the tectonic structure is very
similar, represent very radical simplifications of the Aquilean
models.The graves-mausolea from Sempeter (Celea) are a combination
of the Aquilean structural scheme and the Norican-Pannonian
decorative conception and sculptural style.The mausoleum at Donja
Pecka, which has been only partly explored, is based on a somewhat
different conception. It probably belonged to the mausolea of the
"naiskos" type which are based on certain Hellenistic traditions.
The mausoleum can be reconstructed on the basis of the
representations of a mausoleum on the gables of the lids of the
ash-chests from Livanjsko Polje. The primary impulse probably came
from the Hellenized Adriatic coast, where grave stelai similar in
decoration and function were common.The tomb-mausoleum of Pomponia
Vera from Salona is similar in form to the models from the earlier
Italic sepulchral tradition The ossuaries marked with specific
cone-shaped cippi from Boka Kotorska and Budva have, in the opinion
of D. Rendic-Miocevic, direct genetic, ethnic and cultural links
with the monuments of similar structure from the neighborhood of
Dyrrachium. The majority of these monuments have been dated on the
basis of epigraphic evidence into the 2nd century and the beginning
of the 3rd century A.D.Non-Roman alien forms of burialSome alien
grave-forms which do not come from Italy but from other cultures,
also appear in the territory of Yugoslavia. This group includes the
graves of the Latobici horizon, graves in the form of wells,
cylindrical alburial pits with several skeleton burials, Dacian
forms of burial in Moesia Superior and Thracian graves under
barrows in Macedonia and Moesia Superior.The graves from the
Latobici horizon have been reported from a number of cities in
Dolenjsko (map 5). They have a specific spatial organization of the
grave, with an interior division into two unequal sections of
different funerary functions and contents. Their grave-goods are of
a special kind, the most striking and important being the urns in
the form of a house. The origin of the individual elements of the
Latobici funerary structure should be sought in the Rhine valley
(the spatial division of the grave, the form of the grave) and in
the sub-Alpine region (urns in the form of a house Hercynia silva).
The forms of the graves belonging to the Latobici horizon were also
influenced by the forms of burial in the adjacent territories of
Noricum and Pannonia. The graves of the Latobici horizon are not an
autochthonous development derived from the native sepulchral
tradition. They represent an intrusive form brought to Pannonia
Superior by the Celtic tribe of Latobici, who settled in this
region at the end of the 1st century B.C. or early in the 1st
century A.D. The earliest graves from this horizon belong to the
early 1st century A.D. and the latest ones date from as late as the
beginning of the 4th century. A number of variants within this
funerary horizon has been distinguished, but they are all based on
the same sepulchral principle.Graves in the form of wells have been
discovered in the cemeteries of large towns in Pannonia and Moesia
Superior (Sirmium, Singidunum, Viminacium, and, probably, Siscia).
It is a very specific form (cylindric alburial pits, sometimes more
than 10 metres deep) without precedent in the earlier sepulchral
tradition in the territory of Yugoslavia. This form is an
"importation", most likely from Gaul, where such graves are most
common. Their appearance in the territory of Yugoslavia should be
probably associated with immigrants from that region, who lived in
large towns. The examples from Yugoslavia mark the easternmost
boundary of the distribution of this type of graves. The
grave-goods suggest a partly Romanized population (lams, glass,
coins, luxury pottery). Some graves from Sirmium and Viminacium,
however, contained coarse native earthenware and weapons. About ten
human skulls were found in a grave of this type from Viminacium,
and a human skeleton irregularly buried, as if it had been
sacrificed on the grave, was found above another grave of this
type. These elements are common in Celtic sepulchral practice.
Traces of such conceptions are found among the Scordisci as well.
Graves in the form of wells found in the territory of Yugoslavia
belong, to the 1st and 2nd centuries A.D (the latest examples at
Viminacium are dated by the coins of Marcus Aurelius).A "collective
tomb" with skeleton burials from the beginning of the 1st century
AD. was discovered at Gomolava. Five (?) skeleton burials were laid
into a shallow, cylindrical pit. This does not seem to be a grave
in the proper sense. It is probably a sacrificial pit into which
human victims were placed after they had been ritually sacrificed,
Such burial pits with several sacrificed bodies from the late La
Tne period are known from several sites in West and Central Europe,
where they are directly associated with the Celtic religious
tradition, and from Dacia, where they are related to the Dacian
religion (for example, Orlea). The finds from Gomolava contain
elements from the Celtic (the Scordisci) and the Dacian ethnical
and cultural spheres. It would be, therefore, unsafe to attempt a
closer definition of the culture traits of this interesting
funerary structure.Several grave-forms with a dominant Dacian
component have been discovered in Moesia Superior. These forms were
either associated directly with the Dacian sepulchral tradition
(graves with urns) or reached Moesia Superior after they had been
modified ("Daciazed") in the Dacian territories (graves in the form
of a tub, "graves-stoves"). The graves with urns, which are usually
made in the prehistoric technique characteristic of the Dacian late
La Tne, contain a small quantity of the remains from the pyre as an
expression of the idea of pars pro toto, which is otherwise present
in the Dacian sepulchral tradition. Such graves have been found at
Paracin, Viminacium, Velesnica and on numerous sites in Rumania
(cf. map 25). Graves in the form of a tub or a sack are a
manifestation of the same sepulchral idea, but they have no
receptacle. This grave-form has no direct precedents in the Dacian
funerary tradition and probably originated as a modification of
Celtic models. In the territory of Yugoslavia such graves have been
reported from Boljetin and Hajducka Vodenica (cf. map 26) and are
dated into the 1st century and the beginning of the 2nd century
A.D. "Graves-stoves" contain skeleton burials. In the territory of
Moesia Superior only on grave of this type has been found (at
Manastir near Dobra).Such graves probably represent belated example
of catacombs with inhumation burials from the northern shore of the
Black Sea. The occurrence of Dacia: grave-forms in the territory of
Moesia Superior can be explained historically, for a considerable
portion of the Dacian population was transferred from the left to
the right bank of the Danube in the 1st century AD.Several graves
under mounds which are associated with the Thracian sepulchral
tradition have been discovered in the territory of Moesia Superior
and Macedonia (cf mp. 21-24, 29). These graves should not be
considered as examples of an alien form, for there is cultural
continuity with the Thracian diaspora in this marginal
territory.Autochthonous grave- formsAutochthonous grave-forms are
those funerary forms which derive from the earlier sepulchral
traditions and whose basic funerary elements are in direct line of
descent from the earlier forms. Such sepulchral and cultural
continuity implies the same ethnic character of a specific area.
Such conditions obtained only in regions where a very stable
sepulchral tradition existed in the pre-Roman period and where
Romanization was not so intense as to transform radically the local
culture.Graves based on earlier, autochthonous traditions are very
numerous in the territory of Yugoslavia. In a majority of cases the
continuity is immediately apparent, for the basic and frequently
even formal funerary traits did not change much in the course of
the slow evolutionary process. In such circumstances, genetic
connections can be established and stages of the sepulchral process
can be reconstructed even if some link in the evolutionary chain is
missing. In some cases, however, the later replica may depart so
much from its genetic model that the autochthonous character of a
grave-form may be established only in an indirect way. In such
cases it is necessary to separate the elements of the sepulchral
structure and to analyze individually the sepulchral constants (the
manner of burial, the attitude to the remains of the cremated body,
the relationship between the location of the pyre and the grave,
the position of the remains of cremation in the burial pit, the
type and character of the grave-goods) and the ephemeral elements
(the form of the grave). Links with the earlier tradition must be
evidenced in the sepulchral constants.A considerable number of
graves of autochthonous origin contain Roman elements and thus
provide evidence for an analyzes of the character and degree of
Romanization in the territory of Yugoslavia. Intense Romanization
which transformed the local culture took place only in the large
towns, along important communications and at the major strategic
points on the limes. In the other areas prehistoric traditions
continued to develop. The clearest indicator of this continuity of
culture are the burial customs and the grave-forms.Autochthonous
Grave-Forms in Noricum and PannoniaThe autochthonous burial
horizons in the Yugoslav parts of Noricum and Pannonia Superior
are: the Norican-Pannonian barrows; the post-Mokronog horizon; the
cemeteries of the "Stenjevac" type; and the cemeteries in the zone
between the post-Mokronog horizon and the horizon with the
Norican-Pannonian barrows.Burial under Norican-Pannonian barrows
represents the dominant form of burial in Noricum and the
north-western parts of Pannonia Superior in the Roman period (map
1). The basic features of this grave-form are: cremation on the
ustrinum (usually outside the boundaries of the barrow); the
placement of the remains of the pyre - without the separation of
the remains of the cremated body - into burial pits (usually
without a receptacle); and the heaping of a small barrow over the
burial pit. The differences in the forms of graves are a result of
the social differentiation of the population, not of different
sepulchral conceptions. The type and character of the grave-goods
stress the importance of the autochthonous component in this
grave-form. The pottery is usually closely associated with the
prehistoric eastern Alpine ware (pots with "broom-shaped" designs,
three-legged bowls, etc.), there are parts of the Norican-Pannonian
costume, while lamps, coins, glass objects and luxury ware are very
rare. In the Norican-Pannonian barrows from the Roman period we see
a survival of the Hallstatt traditions, but not as a "revival" of
these forms in the conditions after the Celtic occupation, for the
Celts did not have organizational means for such a suppression of
autochthonous sepulchral traditions. It is apparent rather in a
continuity which is more conspicuous in settlements than in
cemeteries, although the cemeteries, too, display elements of
unbroken development. The burials under Norican-Pannonian barrows
from the Early Iron Age and from the Roman period are almost
identical in their sepulchral forms, which is a fact that can be
explained only by direct continuity. This continuity is a
consequence of the fact that the ethnic situation in this territory
did not change over a long period of time. Secondary cultural
impulses during the Celtic domination which had a greater impact in
the river valleys than in the hilly districts, where
Norican-Pannonian barrows are located, did not seriously affect the
sepulchral ideas of the Noricans, who were probably the bearers of
the burial under Norican-Pannonian barrows.The post-Mokronog
horizon of burial comprises a number of graves discovered on
several sites in the western part of Pannonia Superior (map 2). The
common features of the graves belonging to this horizon are that
the body was cremated on the ustrinum, that the remains of the pyre
were not separated from the remains of the body and were placed
into the burial pit without an urn. The graves were flat, and the
burial pits were of a simple circular or rectangular form and
without any features of the "grave architecture". The accompanying
material was scant. The commonest grave-goods were earthenware
vessels, usually local products, and parts of the Norican-Pannonian
costume (fibulae A 236, A 238, A 67 and parts of a
Norican-Pannonian belt). There are no material indications of
Romanization, such as lamps, coins, glass, fine pottery or terra
sigillata. It was only in Emona, where the process of Romanization
had different stages and took a more organized form, that such
finds were discovered among the grave-goods.All the basic elements
of the post-Mokronog horizon of burial show that it is an
autochthonous horizon very little affected by the process of
Romanization. Traits of the earlier, pre-Roman sepulchral tradition
are clearly recognizable in these graves. In fact, the earlier and
the later graves are almost identical, the only conspicuous
difference being that the graves of the post-Mokronog horizon did
not contain arms. This difference is probably due to the
"pacification" of the native population under the Roman occupation.
The graves of the post-Mokronog horizon represent a continuation of
the sepulchral traditions of the Mokronog culture. This continuity
is best seen in the cemeteries which contain graves from both
horizons of burial (Novo Mesto, Dobova, Mihovo, Dresinja Vas,
Formin, etc.). The bearers of the Mokronog culture horizon are the
Celts (the Taurisci), and the sepulchral continuity seems to
indicate that the burials in the post-Mokronog horizon also belong
to the Taurisci. The graves of the post-Mokronog type are datable
into the period from the beginning of the 1st century to the middle
of the 2nd century A.D., when Romanization ousted out the earlier
autochthonous tradition in this part of Pannonia Superior.In the
zone of the merging of the influences of the post-Mokronog horizon
and the horizon with the Norican-Pannonian barrows there appear
specific, hybrid forms of graves with elements of both funerary
horizons (map 3). The elements of the post-Mokronog horizon are the
form of burial pit. the way in which the remains of the pyre were
placed into the burial pit, and the fact that the graves are flat.
The influence of the Norican-Pannonian barrows is evidenced in the
"grave architecture" (the walls of the burial pit are lined with
stones laid without mortar) and in the accompanying material (the
pottery with the features typical of the eastern Alpine centres).
This hybrid form of the graves is a result of a mixture of elements
from two ethnic and cultural spheres (the Noricans and the
Taurisci). In view of this, it seems quite likely that Pliny refers
to this area in his remark "quondam Taurisci appelat, nunc
Norici".Graves of a simple form, included into the horizon of
cemeteries of the "Stenjevac" type, are common in many parts of
Pannonia Superior and Pannonia Inferior. The greatest number of the
graves of this type has been explored on the type-site Stenjevac.
The graves usually have a circular, epipsoid or rectangular burial
pit filled with the remains of the pyre. A small proportion only
(15-20%) contained urns. The accompanying material consists mostly
of the pottery of local provenance, while glass and terra sigillata
are very rare. The manner of burial, the attitude to the cremated
remains, the form of the burial pit, the type and character of the
grave-goods indicate that this grave-form is autochthonous. It
seems likely that the graves from the cemeteries of the "Stenjevac"
type represent a continuation of the La Tne sepulchral tradition in
this region. In the late La Tne (Lt. C-D) biritualism was no longer
practised and cremation became the basic form of burial. The body
was cremated on the ustrinum and the remains were then transferred
directly to the burial pit or the urn. As regards their basic
funerary features, the graves belonging to the late La Tne period
in Pannonia and those from the cemeteries of the Stenjevac type
from the Roman times are similar and may be considered as
manifestations of similar sepulchral ideas. The difference in the
accompanying material (the presence of weapons in the graves from
the late c period and their absence from the graves of the
Stenjevac horizon) is of minor importance and is a result of
partial Romanization. The unity of the sepulchral idea on which the
graves of this type from the late La Tne and the Roman periods were
based is also shown by the fact that they have been found in the
same cemeteries (Sotin, Gardos and others). This continuity was not
greatly affected by the Roman occupation. The ethnic picture did
not radically change: the predominant elements of the population
were the Celtic tribes and the earlier, native, Pannonian
population. The ethnic continuity in this area was accompanied by
the continuity of the sepulchral idea. The Hungarian part of the
province of Pannonia (Vasas, Sserzegtomaj, Gyor-Nadorvaros, etc.)
presents a similar picture.The graves in the cemeteries of the
Stenjevac type are basically very similar to those belonging to the
post-Mokronog horizon. The similarity results from the fact that
these graves belonged mainly to the Celtic ethnic element. The main
difference is in the fact that the graves of the Stenjevac horizon
have a more conspicuous Pannonian component (e.g. graves with
urns.) The accompanying material is also different (elements of
Norican-Pannonian costume are very rare in the cemeteries of the
Stenjevac type). The boundary between these two horizons is
represented by Mons Claudius (Medvednica- Ivancica), which is also
mentioned in classical sources as a boundary between the Taurisci
and the other Celtic populations in Pannonia.The Bosnian part of
the Sava valley, in which graves of the so-called Oseriates horizon
of burial have been discovered, also belongs, organizationally, to
the province of Pannonia. The graves belonging to this horizon are,
however, very similar to some sepulchral forms found in the
province of Dalmatia and will be discussed in that context.Graves
of the Mala Kopasnica - Sase ( and II type are common in Pannonia,
and particularly in Pannonia Inferior (Sirmium, Mursa, Beska,
Kunovec, Breg). It is not possible to say at present whether these
graves were a result of influences coming from the south-east (from
Moesia) for whether they were an integral part of a broader
cultural sphere (the Morava valley, the lower Danubian valley,
southern Pannonia), in which similar evolutionary processes of
autochthonous character let to the emergence of similar forms.
Without giving a definitive answer to this question, we should like
to point out the chronological precedence of the graves of this
form in Moesia because this fact may be of help in determining the
direction in which influences spread.Autochthonous Grave-Forms in
Moesia SuperiorA very small number of graves which belong to the
Roman funerary conception has been found in Moesia Superior, (the
number of such graves does not exceed 5 % of the total). The Roman
grave-forms have been discovered only in large urban centres
(Viminacium, Scupi, Naissus, Singidunum) and along the Limes
(Boljetin, Karatas). However, even in the cemeteries of major towns
(Scupi, Viminacium, Naissus) these graves represent a minor form. A
analysis of the number of autochthonous and Roman graves in the
cemeteries of Moesia Superior shows that the intensity of
Romanization was not very great in this territory. This conclusion
is corroborated by the inscriptions, in which native names
predominate, and by the epichoric basis of the majority of cults
evidenced in the territory of Moesia Superior.The autochthonous
grave-forms m Moesia Superior are represented by the graves of the
Mala Kopasnica) Sase I, II and III type and by individual graves
found under mounds in eastern Serbia. It is possible that some
graves with urns (e.g. Androvac) should be also included into this
group. They have not been fully published yet, but they seem to be
based on the earlier La Tne funerary tradition rather than on the
usual Roman funerary patterns.The graves of the Mala Kopasnica -
Sase I and II type have been reported from a number of sites in
Moesia Superior, Dalmatia, Pannonia, Dacia and Macedonia (cf. map.
19). The graves belonging to Variant I have a large rectangular
burial pit filled with the remains of the pyre; the sides of the
burial pit are burnt because of the purification of the burial
area. The graves belonging to Variant II represent a more complex
form of Variant I. Here the burial pit is dug within a larger pit,
so that a tomb a etage was formed. The sides of the upper and lower
pit were burnt. The body was cremated on the ustrinum (ustrina have
been found at Viminacium, Kosmaj and Intercisa) and a large
quantity of the remains of the pyre was placed directly into the
burial pit, without an urn. We suppose that these graves derivate
from the graves a etage known from the northern coast of the Black
Sea and the lower Danubian valley in prehistory, although those
graves held inhumation burials. Influences emanating from that area
also led to the appearance of the graves a etage of the bustum type
under mounds in the territory of Thrace; hence the similarity
between the Yugoslav and the Thracian examples should be considered
as a matter of converging, not analogous phenomena. The graves of
the Mala Kopasnica - Sase I and II type belong to the period from
the beginning of the 1st to the beginning of the 4th century A.D.
The earliest graves of this type have been discovered in the
territory of Yugoslavia (Scupi, Stobi), which may mean that this
was the original area of this form. Ethnically, these graves should
be probably associated with the Dacian-Misian-Dardanian cultural
sphere.The graves of the Mala Kopasnica - Sase III type are similar
in form to the graves of the Mala Kopanica - Sase I type, but their
sides are not burnt. The body was cremated on the ustrinum, and the
remains of the pyre were placed, without the separation of the
remains of the body. into an ellipsoid burial pit. Such graves have
been reported from several sites in the Morava valley, in the
Skopje basin and in Kosovo (map 20), and they are datable into the
period from the end of the 1st century to the beginning of the 4th
century AD. Their distribution shows that they should be probably
associated with the Dardanian population. Graves of this type
derive from the graves of a similar sepulchral constitution from
the pre-Roman period found in this area (the latest horizon of
graves at Romaja, Karagac, Krsevica, Tupu,nica).Of the graves under
mounds, those at Moravac show certain specific features, while the
others-belong to the Thracian ethno-cultural sphere (cf. map
21-24). The form of the grave in the central part of the mound at
Moravac has no direct analogies in the eastern part of the Balkan
Peninsula, where burial under mounds represents the basic
sepulchral form.The earthenware material from these mounds shows
some similarities with the products of the late Dacian La Tne, but
the evidence that is available does not warrant an association of
the grave under the mound at Moravac with the burials under tumuli
in Dacia.Autochthonous Grave-Forms in MacedoniaThe autochthonous
grave-forms in Macedonia are represented by the graves of the
Beranci-Stobi type found in the middle Vardar valley and in
Pelagonia, and by the graves under mounds from eastern
Macedonia.The graves of the Beranci-Stobi type (map 27) represent,
as regards their basic funerary elements (cremation on the
ustrinum), a direct continuation of the earlier sepulchral
tradition in this area. The body as cremated on the ustrinum and
the remains of the pyre were placed, without the separation of the
remains of the body, into a circular or rectangular burial pit
surrounded or lined with small stones. Such graves appear towards
the end of the Archaic period and remain the basic form in the
classical and Hellenistic periods. Sacral continuity of the
grave-forms and locations of cemeteries can be noticed on some
sites (Demir Kapija, Beranci). This continuity is a reflection of
the ethnic continuity in this area. The ethnic picture as not
radically altered; the Paeonians (the Pelagones should be viewed
within this ethno-cultural context) represent the dominant ethnic
category which did not change to any greater extent in the vagaries
of their military and political power. It is interesting to note
that the graves of the Beranci-Stobi type have points of similarity
with those of the Mala Kopasnica - Sase III type in Moesia
Superior. This fact may also have interesting historical
implications.Several tumuli from the Roman period have been
reported from eastern Macedonia (cf. map 29). These mounds may be
ultimately associated with the Thracian population, although they
display certain specific features. Thus the "princely" grave under
mound from Tarinci has no direct formal analogies with the graves
in the Thracian cultural sphere. The elements which this grave has
in common with the Thracian tumuli are: burial on the spot of
cremation (bustum), the mound, the type and character of the
grave-goods (chariot, candelabrum, weapons, applique ornaments made
of gold.) The chief difference is in the spatial organization of
the grave. The grave at Tarinci has two zones (on a horizontal
plane) with a different sepulchral content. This is a reflection of
the earlier sacral tradition in this region, attested by the flat
graves at Karaorman dating from the late Archaic period. This
marging of the elements of the Thracian and autochthonous
sepulchral traditions may be a result either of the direct presence
of the Thracians or, more probably, of the "Thracization" of the
autochthonous population.The sepulchral tradition in the
neighborhood of lake Ohrid (which did not belong to the province of
Macedonia, but to Epirus) is somewhat different. Here, the dominant
rite in the classical and Hellenistic periods is inhumation, either
under mounds or in flat graves. The bearers of this form of burial
were the members of the Illyrian tribe of the Dassaretae. With the
beginnings of the Roman occupation of this area the burial rite
changed and native population adopted other forms of graves - not
the Roman ones, but those from the neighboring Pelagonia, which may
be interpreted as an expression of resistance to the
conquerors.Autochthonous Grave-Forms in DalmatiaThe interpretation
of the autochthonous grave-forms in the province of Dalmatia
presents complex problems and requires a special methodological
approach. In the case of the autochthonous forms of graves in the
other provinces it is possible to establish a direct (or partly
modified) link with the earlier sepulchral traditions both in the
form of the grave and in the manner of burial. In the province of
Dalmatia, however, there is no apparent continuity. The only
exceptions are the "sub-Illyrian" horizons of burial (the Iapodes,
Meseises, Oseriates and partly Daesidiates), which show continuity
with the graves from the prehistoric period.The horizons of burial
located in the primary Illyrian territory (central and northern
Dalmatia, the territory of the Docleates and the Piristal) present
a different picture. Here the basic traits of the earlier
sepulchral tradition were suppressed and only its secondary
manifestations can be recognized. Inhumation was the basic rite in
this Illyrian territory before the Roman domination. With the
beginning of the Roman occupation cremation superseded inhumation
as the dominant rite. Since the native population did. not have
cremation graves in its own tradition., id adopted the Roman
grave-forms or, occasionally, forms from the adjacent regions in
which cremation had been known before the Roman domination. It is
therefore erroneous to ascribe the Roman forms of graves,
especially those in the interior of the province, to immigrants or
to a highly Romanized population. These graves belong mostly to the
native population, and the degree of its Romanization may be
assessed on the basis of secondary funerary elements (the character
of the grave-goods, the type of cremated remains, the location of
the graves, details of the funerary cult, etc.). The graves from
the horizons of northern Dalmatia and of the Docleates are nearer
to the Roman sepulchral idea, while those from the horizons of
central Dalmatia and of the Pirustal have closer links with the
autochthonous tradition.The horizon of burial of the Pirustae
comprises the graves discovered in the supposed territory of the
Pirustae. The cemeteries explored in this region are those at
Komini (Municipium S ....), Kolovrat and Radoinja (map 10). The
cemeteries at Komini and Kolovrat contained a number of grave-forms
which can be divided, according to their basic features, into two
groups: graves without urns (with or without burnt walls) and
graves with a receptacle (urns made of pottery or stone, and
ash-chests). It is supposed that these two groups of graves belong
to two different ethnic and cultural categories of the
population.In the period before the Roman conquests, the native
population used the inhumation rite and buried their dead under
mounds. This is inferred from the analogies with the sphere of the
Glasinac culture. With the beginnings of the Roman occupation, the
burial rite changed and cremation became the dominant form of
burial. The native population which had not known cremation in its
funerary tradition, adopted the forms of graves from the
neighboring regions. It is very likely that the models came from
the east (the territory of the Dardanians), where the basic form
are the graves of the Mala Kopasnica - Sase type. The simple burial
pits filled with the remains of the pyre or the burial pits with
burnt sides (i.e. the graves of the Mala Kopasnica - Sase I and III
type) at Komini and Kolovrat are probably a result of the adoption
of the grave-forms from the adjacent regions and their
incorporation into the local sepulchral tradition. The graves with
earthenware or stone urns and with ash-chests are probably
associated with the immigrants from central Dalmatia (from the
hinterland of Salona), who were settled there in an organized way
at the beginning of the 2nd century A.D.Several funerary elements
indicate that the origin of the graves with earthenware or stone
receptacles should be sought in the region of central Dalmatia.
They are: the form of the graves, the type of the receptacles, the
type and character of the grave-goods, the structure of family
burial units (a reduced area maceria cincta of the Aquilein type),
the insertion of the graves into earlier mounds (Radoinja), and,
partly, the type of grave-stones. Evidence of the presence of
immigrants from central Dalmatia has also been found in epigraphic
monuments and in the rites (e.g. the cult of Silvanus).The
occurrence of the graves of the Mala Kopasnica - Sase type in Dacia
may be partly accounted for by the migration of the Pirustae to
this territory in the time of Traianus.Similarly, the graves
belonging to the horizon of burial of the Docleates do not have
direct links with the graves of the pre-Roman period in the
territory settled by the Docleates. The graves from the pre-Roman
period discovered in this territory contained inhumation burials
(Momisic, Medun, Tuzi). Skeleton graves have also been reported
from the neighboring territory of the Labeates (Gostolj). With the
Roman occupation the burial rite changed. Cremation became the
basic form of burial, and the Docleates adopted alien grave-forms
because cremation was not known in their sepulchral tradition. In
the cemeteries of classical Doclea there are graves without urns
(Mala Kopasnica - Sase I, II and III), which represent forms taken
over from the Dardanian territory through the mediation of the
Pirustae, and graves with earthenware, stone and glass urns, and
the dolium, which were adopted directly from the Roman funerary
practice The type and character of the grave-goods (lamps, glass,
coins) show that the inhabitants of Doclea were highly Romanized.
The central Dalmatian horizon of burial presents a similar picture,
the only difference being that here the autochthonous traits are
slightly more pronounced (map 9). In the are a between the rivers
Cetina and Neretva the dominant burial rite in the Early and Late
Iron Ages was inhumation (usually under mounds). The latest graves
of this type are those at Posusje, which date from the first years
AD. The Roman occupation led to a radical change in the burial rite
and cremation completely ousted out inhumation.In the new
circumstances, the native population used the Roman forms of graves
(urns, ash-chests, the dolium), for it had no precedent in its own
tradition-nor in the tradition of the adjacent regions whose
inhabitants had also use the inhumation rite in the pre-Roman
period. The graves of the central Dalmatian horizon of burial
retained, however, some elements of the earlier tradition. Some
graves contained weapons and objects of adornment (fibulae of the
simplified Aucissa type, lunula-shaped earrings with pendentives)
while an earthenware receptacle made in the prehistoric tradition
was used as the urn. The graves were usually secondarily dug into
prehistoric mounds, which is probably an expression of the idea of
the continuity of the sacred site. In the other hand, the
grave-goods common in Roman graves are rarely found in these graves
(lamps, coins, glass, luxury pottery). The graves of the central
Dalmatian horizon of burial probably belonged to the Dalmatae, the
Daorsae and other minor Illyrian populations which inhabited the
territory between the rivers Cetina and Neretva.The graves of the
northern Dalmatian (Liburnian) horizon of burial show the highest
degree of Romanization. The earlier sepulchral tradition is
completely superseded here and its traces cannot be perceived. This
situation is rather surprising in view of the conservative attitude
of the Liburnians. The forms of burial of the Liburnians had not
essentially changed throughout the Early and Late Iron Ages. They
buried their dead under mounds or in flat graves using the
inhumation rite. Even the burial in a contracted position - an
archaism which is a clear testimony of the conservative attitude of
the Liburnian population - persisted for a long time. These graves
nasally contained jewelry, while pottery was rare. The coming of
the Romans caused a complete break with autochthonous sacral and
cultural tradition. With the introduction of cremation, the
Liburnians adopted the Roman grave-forms, burial rites and the type
of the accompanying material. Some traces of the earlier tradition
can be noticed in the appearance and fabric of the earthenware urns
and in the fibulae (later variants of the fibulae of the Podgradje
type). Weapons occur sporadically in the graves in the area round
the Krka river (Velika Mrdakovica, Dragisic); this is a result of
the influence from the adjacent territory of the Dalmatae. Even the
Liburnian cippi, local products of this area, do not display
autochthonous elements although they may be partly considered as a
projection of the idea of the unity of the house-mound-gravestone.
It may be supposed that the Liburnian cippi represent a cheaper
local substitute for the high quality Aquileian tomb monuments and
mausolea, with which they have some points of similarity as regards
the tectonic structure and the arrangement of the individual
elements of the "architecture". Graves with earthenware and stone
urns, boxes built of bricks and the dolia (map 8) have been found
on a number of sites in the Liburnian territory. They are datable
into the 1st and 2nd centuries A.D. The high degree of Romanization
of the Liburnians is a reflection of the specific position of this
region in the administrative organization of the province of
Dalmatia and of its fiscal and judicial links with Italy.In the
interior of the province of Dalmatia it is possible o distinguish
several horizons of burial in which the autochthonous sepulchral
basis is in evidence: the burial horizons of the Iapodes and the
Oseriates, which belong partly to the province of Pannonia as well,
the burial horizon of the Mesoi, the burial horizon of the
Deasidiates, and the post-Glasinac burial horizon.The burial
horizon of the Iapodes comprises the cemeteries from the territory
inhabited by the Iapodes in the pre-Roman and Roman periods (map
12). The basic funerary features of the graves belonging to this
horizon are directly related to the earlier sepulchral tradition.
This continuity is seen in the manner of burial (cremation on the
ustrinum), in the relation between the grave and the pyre, the
attitude to the remains of cremation (the remains of the body were
not separated from the remains of the pyre), the form of the grave
and the type of the grave-goods. In Phases V and Via of the culture
of the Iapodes (according to Z. Maric's periodization), which
precede immediately the Roman conquest of this territory, the most
common grave-form is the one containing an earthenware urn with the
remains of the pyre. This grave-form appears also in the earlier
periods of the culture of the Iapodes (as early as Phase I), but it
becomes common only in Phase V. The same form and the same
sepulchral content are found in the Roman period, too. Neither does
the accompanying material change. The most common finds are pottery
vessels, jewelry and weapons, while elements typical of the Roman
graves of the early imperial times - are scarce. Even the graves
with stone urns (Jezerine, Ribic) contain material marked by
non-Roman, autochthonous features (weapons and fibulae of the late
La Tne type). The urns of the Iapodes also belong to this horizon
of burial. They represent a combination of the native epichoric
tradition and an alien morphological conception.The burial horizon
of the Oseriates, the greater part of which belongs to the province
of Pannonia, and the burial horizon of the Mezoi are not clearly
defined ethnically and culturally, for only a few graves belonging
to them have been found. This can be partly made up by a
reconstruction of the elements provided by the earlier sepulchral
tradition in this territory (e.g. the cemeteries at Sanski Most and
Carakovo). We suppose that there was cultural continuity,
manifested in the sepulchral sphere as well, in this region from
the Early Iron Age (the time of- the emergence of the "urn-field"
culture) to the Roman period. The incorporation of this territory
into the Roman provinces of Pannonia and Dalmatia did not cause a
radical change in the basic funerary conception (the cemeteries at
Donji Laminci, Puticevo, Mosunj, etc.). Cremation continued as the
basic rite, and the forms of the graves (earthenware urns) and the
accompanying material have points of similarity with the earlier
funerary elements in this region. Material reflecting the process
of Romanization is completely absent from the graves of the Roman
period. The chronological framework of the graves belonging to this
horizon cannot be established with precision: they appear at the
beginning of the 1st century A.D. and are found until the middle of
the 3rd century A.D., when the process of Romanization was
completed in these regions.The graves from the pre-Roman period in
the territory inhabited by the Daesidiates have not been
sufficiently explored and are therefore difficult to interpret.
Several graves from the Roman period have been discovered in the
cemeteries at Breza, Stup and perhaps Janjici. They contained
remains of the pyre placed into small burial pits without a
receptacle and grave-goods consisting predominantly of arms and
jewelry (there was no pottery). A certain sepulchral continuity,
which can be traced in the cemetery at Breza, shows that in the
pre-Roman period, too, the dominating form of the grave was a
shallow pit filled with the remains of the pyre and that the
grave-goods consisted of weapons and jewelry. This grave-form is
unusual in this region and its origin cannot be established. It id
both similar to and different from the graves belonging to the
Pannonian and strictly Illyrian cultural sphere. The use of the
cremation rite is probably a result of the influences emanating
from Pannonia, but the character of the grave-goods is slightly
different, and the graves are without urns. On the other hand, the
character and kind of the grave-goods (especially the absence of
pottery) seem to point to the sphere of the Glasinac culture,
although the manner of burial is quite different. This specific
character of the graves belonging to the burial horizon of the
Daesidiates may be explained by the fact that the Daesidiates
inhabited the territory between the Illyrian Glasinac area and the
region in which the Pannonian sepulchral tradition had taken root.
The adoption of individual elements from different ethnic and
cultural spheres resulted in the emergence of a hybrid form which
persisted into the Roman imperial times (the latest graves date
from the 2nd century A.D.). It is interesting that classical
sources, too, refer to the Daesidiates both as an Illyrian and a
Pannonian population.The "post-Glasinac" horizon of burial consists
of several skeleton graves dug into the prehistoric mounds on the
Glasinac plateau. The continuity with the earlier graves from
Glasinac is manifested in the burial rite (inhumation is the
dominant rite, especially in the latest phase of the Glasinac
culture), in the type of the grave-goods (jewelry, arms; no
pottery), and in he use of earlier sepulchral cores as burial
sites. The absence of inhumation burials from the Late Iron Age at
Glasinac makes it difficult to trace the ethnic and cultural
continuity (a possible link may be the skeleton burials under
tumuli from the neighboring Krajcinovici, which belong to the 2nd
and 1st centuries B.C.). It is to be supposed that even in the Late
Iron Age there were inhumation burials on Glasinac which marked the
cultural and ethnic continuity. The influence of Romanization in
this geographically isolated area with a strong local tradition was
very weak and did not affect the basic cultural (and sepulchral)
traits. Hence the Glasinac plateau was the only region in which
inhumation remained the dominant rite in the early imperial times.
In this conservative community even the members of a higher
economic and social status were not Romanized. A grave from
Ustikolina, which belongs to the 2nd century A.D. contained rich
grave-goods, but no evidence of Romanization, such as lamps, coins,
glass or pottery.Inhumation and Chronological Relationship between
Cremation and InhumationBefore a thorough study of the graves
containing skeleton burials in the territory of Yugoslavia in the
early imperial times can be made, it is necessary to establish two
basic elements: the origin of this form of burial and the lower
chronological limit of its appearance.Two hypothesis may be
advanced in an attempt o trace the origin of inhumation in the
territory of Yugoslavia in the early imperial times: a) that this
rite represents a continuation of the earlier sepulchral
traditions; and b) that inhumation burials represent an intrusive
trait associated with immigrants. The influence of the earlier,
autochthonous tradition may be assumed only in the case of the
inhumation graves that are located in the regions in which this
form of burial was the dominant one in the pre-Roman period, too.
Inhumation was the dominant rite in the Illyrian territory proper
(the littoral and its immediate hinterland) and it was used in
combination with cremation (biritualism) by the Celtic populations
in Pannonia and in the Danubian valley, especially in the earlier
phases of their presence in this territory.With the beginning of
the Roman occupation the inhumation rite ceased to be used in this
territory. The suppression of the earlier sepulchral tradition as
an expression of ethnic identity was complete. In the new
circumstances, when cremation was the only rite, the native
population adopted Roman forms of graves (the Liburnians, Dalmatae,
Daorsi, etc.) or those from the neighbouring regions in which
cremation had been practiced in the pre-Roman period (the Pirustae,
partly the Docleates). It is interesting that the Illyrian
population of Dalmatia, settled outside its original territory, in
regions where inhumation was the dominant rite, continued to foster
its earlier sepulchral tradition (e.g. the cemetery of Akko near
Jericho).The persistence of the of the inhumation rite as an
expression of direct continuity of the earlier tradition, has been
noted in the post-Glasinac horizon of burial only. This continuity
is a consequence of the conservative attitude of the native
population and of the geographic isolation of this territory, which
was distant from the major lines of communication and therefore
outside the sphere of intensive Romanization.Inhumation was the
dominant rite also among the Celtic populations in Pannonia in the
earlier phases of their presence in that region (from the end of
the 4th century B.C. to the beginning of the 2nd century B.C.). In
the late La Tne, however, the influence of the native Pannonian
population, which practised cremation, ousted out inhumation, and
cremation became the dominant rite. Sporadic skeleton graves from
the late La Tne have been reported from Jezerine, Donja Dolina, and
Bare near Prijedor. No inhumation graves dating from the early
imperial period, indicative of a Celtic renaissance, have been
found in the territory of Yugoslavia. It is only in a grave holding
a skeleton burial and a chariot from the neighborhood of Ludberg
(map 7) that we can recognize - on the basis of analogies from the
finds in the Hungarian part of Pannonia - a belated manifestation
of the earlier Celtic funerary tradition. This grave, and a similar
one from Petrovina, is dated into the 2nd century A.D.The preceding
discussion suggests that the native tradition had very little
influence on the appearance of inhumation graves in the early
imperial period in the territory of Yugoslavia. The skeleton graves
of this period were an alien form associated with immigrants from
the Orient. This conclusion is supported by the location and
distribution of these graves, the time of their greatest use (which
is contemporaneous with the appearance of Oriental cults and
intensive settlement of immigrants from the Orient in the Balkan
provinces), the results of the anthropological analyses of the
osteological material from some sites (Viminacium), and the
character of the accompanying material.Inhumation burials from the
early imperial period have been reported from the cemeteries of
large towns (Emona, Salona, Iader, Senia, Viminacium, Sirmium,
Scupi, Naissus, etc.), where the ethnic structure of the population
was heterogeneous and where there is also epigraphic evidence of
the presence of east Mediterranean elements.The earliest inhumation
graves have been found in the northern cemetery of Emona, where
some graves are dated by Tiberian and Claudian coins. The majority
of inhumation graves from the other sites belong to the end of the
1st or the beginning of the 2nd century AD. Some of the grave from
the early imperial period cannot be dated with precision. It seems,
however, that the earlier graves of this type are poor and that
they should be attributed to a low social and economic class of the
population (probably slaves), while the graves from the end of the
1st century and from the 2nd century A.D. are richer and probably
belong to the craftsman and merchant classes of the urban
population.The anthropological analyses of the material from the
cemetery in Viminacium have shown that the skeleton burials from
the end of the 1st and the beginning of the 2nd century A.D. belong
to the Anadolian and eastern Mediterranean anthropological
types.Some inhumation burials from the end of the 1st and from the
2nd centuries from Viminacium Scupi, Naissus, etc. contained
material of eastern Mediterranean provenance (glazed vessels, lamps
with the representations of Atis from Asia Minor, instruments of
the cult of Cybele on a disc, lamps with the representations of
Serapis and Isis, glass of eastern origin, jewelry made of jade,
earrings made in imitation of the models from Syria and Asia Minor,
the "Leuchtturme", etc.).Consequently, the inhumation graves from
the early imperial period should be attributed to immigrants from
the Orient who began to settle in large towns in the 1st century
and came in larger numbers in the 2nd century and at the beginning
of the 3rd century A.D., as a result of the economic policy of the
Antonian and Severian emperors.The inhumation graves from the 2nd
century A.D. in Dacia (Apulum, Romula) and in the Hungarian part of
the province of Pannonia (e.g. Intercisa) have the same ethnical
and cultural traits.All the general interpretations of the problem
of inhumation in the early imperial period assume, in varying
degrees, the presence of an Oriental sepulchral component. The
views concerning this problem can be classed into three basic
groups:- that inhumation is a result of intensive contacts and
mutual influences between the eastern Mediterranean and Italy;-
that inhumation is a result of the merging of eastern sepulchral
traditions and of a renaissance of the earlier Italian funerary
forms, particularly manifested in the decoration and form of stone
sarcophagi found in Rome at the end of the 1st and in the first
half of the 2nd century A.D.: and- that inhumation is a consequence
of the Christian diaspora.Although apparently different, these this
have some basic elements in common: they all postulate influences
from the East and their merging with the native sepulchral
tradition, and they treat the chronology of these phenomena in the
same way.In connection with this, it is necessary to discuss the
problem of the chronological relationship between cremation and
inhumation and to determine the time when cremation superseded
inhumation/This problem ., has been frequently discussed in
archaeological literature, but no definite solution has been
offered because the individual provinces of the Empire had
different combinations of the native and Oriental elements and
different attitudes to their earlier sepulchral traditions. The
middle of the 2nd century A.D. has been often suggested as the
period when both burial rites were in equal use, but this theory
does not hold good for the majority of the European provinces of
the Empire. Inhumation was the predominant rite in Gaul, Raetia,
Dacia, Thrace, Moesia Inferior, etc., as late as the first decades
or even the middle of the 3rd century AD. The provinces in the
territory of Yugoslavia offer a similar picture. In Pannonia
Superior, intensive use of cremation can be traced up to the time
of A. Severus, and sporadic cremation burials appear as late as the
first half of the 4th century A.D. Inhumation becomes the dominant
rite only about the middle of the 3rd century AD. It seems that too
much emphasis has been laid on the break caused by the Marcomanni
wars. It is usually considered that after these wars inhumation was
almost the only rite practised in Pannonia Superior, although
cremation still dominated at the end of the 2nd century A.D.In
Dalmatia, the number of explored cemeteries in which the transition
from cremation to inhumation can be studied within a clearly
defined chronological framework is very small. In fact, we can rely
solely on the results of the explorations of the cemeteries of
Doclea. The transition from cremation to inhumation in this
cemetery took place in the fourth decade of the 3rd century A.D.,
which is the period to which the latest cremation graves belong and
in which inhumation graves began to predominate. However, cremation
was still practised to a considerable extent even after this period
in Dalmatia. There are cremation graves from the second half of the
3rd century A.D., and even from as late as the beginning of the 4th
century A.D. (Rogatica, Radoinja, Kolovrat). The earliest
inhumation graves in the Yugoslav part of the province of Pannonia
Inferior belong to the end of the 1st century (Sirmium), but they
become common only in the 3rd century A.D. Unfortunately, this
material has not been published, so that we cannot define more
precisely the period in which cremation was superseded by
inhumation. It is interesting to note that even in major urban
centres cremation was practiced as late as the beginning of the 4th
century A.D. (the latest graves in Sirmium are dated by the coins
of Constantius II and Iulianus). A few cremation graves from the
beginning of the 4th century have been reported from the Hungarian
part of Pannonia Inferior (Intercisa, Aquincum).In Moesia Superior
there is evidence of cremation in major urban centers (Viminacium,
Scupi, Singidunum) until the fifth decade of the 3rd century A.D.
(the latest coins are those of A. Severus in Viminacium and Scupi,
and of Philippus I in Singidunum). In a few cemeteries (Mala
Kopasnica, Kamnik near Skopje, Glavnik), however, cremation graves
are dated by the coins of Constantinus I and Licinius. Inhumation
becomes the dominant rite in the middle of the 3rd century A.D.In
the province of Macedonia cremation is sporadically practised until
the middle of the 4th century A.D. (Stobi, coin of Constantius II;
Pesterica, coin of Julianus). By the fourth decade of the 3rd
century, however, inhumation had become the dominant rite (period
IV, according to A. B. Wezolowski's periodization of the graves at
Stobi; children's skeleton burials from the earlier period are an
exceptional phenomenon and should be accounted for the by Roman
custom not to cremate children - Pliny. NH, VII, 15).Generally
speaking, the transition from cremation to inhumation in the
territory of Yugoslavia took place in the fourth decade of the 3rd
century AD. This process .was not abrupt, but gradual and lasted
for generations. The cremation rite persisted for a long time after
that date, not only as "an exception confirming the rule". The
appearance of cremation graves at the end of the 3rd and in the
first half of the 4th century AD. cannot be considered as an
expression of the resistance of the pagan population to
Christianity, but as a logical consequence of the continuous
evolution of a sepulchral idea which survived in the circumstances
of religious toleration.The change in the burial rite in the
territory of Yugoslavia was partly caused by the impact of the
eastern Mediterranean sacral tradition (the manner of burial, the
Oriental cults, the Christian religion), and partly by the social
leveling of the population of the provinces after the Constitutio
Antoniana. This act virtually abolished the principle of the
spiritual supremacy of Italy, and particularly of Rome, so that new
ideas, more acceptable to the native population, began to gain
ground.// Project Rastko / Archaeology //[ Search | Map | Contact |
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