Adolescent Idolization of Pop Singers: Causes, Expressions, and Reliance

Journal of Youth and Adolescence, Vol. 25, No. 5, 1996

Adolescent Idolization of Pop Singers: Causes, Expressions, and Reliance

A m i r a m Raviv, t Danie l Bar-Tal, 2 M o n a Raviv, 3 and Asaf Ben-Horin 4 Received July 10, 1995; accepted October 8, 1995

The study examines the phenomenon of adolescents' idolization of pop singers. Male and female adolescents from three age groups (ages 10-11, 13-14, and 16-17) were compared with regard to the intensity of idolization, its behavioral manifestations, causes for selecting the idol, and reliance for knowledge on the idol. The results of self-reports indicated that the phenomenon of idolization, expressed especially in worshipping and modeling, is strongest in the youngest age group and decreases in intensity with age. Also, it was found that girls idolize singers more than boys. The youngest age group, especially girls, rely on singers with regard to knowledge concerning personal matters. These findings were explained within the frameworks of gender differences, adolescence characteristics, and youth culture development.

This paper was prepared while the first and the third authors were on sabbatical at the Department of Psychology, Maryland University, College Park, Maryland.

1Associate Professor, Department of Psychology, Tel Aviv University, Tel Aviv 69978, Israel. Received Ph.D. in clinical psychology from the Hebrew University, 1974. Research interests include school psychology, social cognition, and media psychology.

2professor, School of Education, Tel Aviv University, Tel Aviv, Israel. Received Ph.D. in Social Psychology from the University of Pittsburgh, 1974. Research interests include political psychology, social psychology, and social development.

3Senior Teacher, Statistics Department, Tel Aviv University, Tel Aviv, Israel. Received Ph.D. in statistics from the Hebrew University, 1976. Research interests concern applied statistics and nonparametric statistics.

4Research Assistant, Department of Psychology, Tel Aviv University, Tel Aviv, Israel. Received MA in clinical child psychology, Department of Psychology, Tel Aviv University.

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0047-2891/96/1000-0631509.50/0 �9 1996 Plenum Publishing Corporation

632 Raviv et al.

INTRODUCTION

The phenomenon of idolization is especially characteristic of early adolescence. The objects of idolization come from various domains of life such as sport, entertainment, music, politics, and religion. Thus, sport champions, movie actors/actresses, television personalities, pop stars, and political or religious leaders can all become idolized figures.

In most westernized youth cultures, the idolized figures come from sport, entertainment, and music. These domains and the celebrities who excel in them receive wide exposure in the mass media and are further accessible via films, television, video, sports events, and concerts. We also know that children from a very early age are exposed to these media and events, and are able not only to relate to them, but also cognize and enjoy them (Fine et al., 1990; Schultze et al., 1991). The present study focuses on the idolization of music stars by adolescents, and examines the reported causes for choosing an idolized object, the expressions of idolization, and the reliance on idolized singers.

It is proposed that idolization of pop singers, in excess of the consumption of music and collection of basic information about it, which also reflect a normal appreciation of music, is based mostly on two important components: worship and modeling. Worship refers to an unusually intense admiration and reverence of an idol. This can be expressed in such behaviors as actively collecting information and artifacts related to the idol or trying to meet him/her personally. Modeling refers to the desire to be like an idol, which may involve imitation of the idolized figures by, for example, copying their dress, hairstyle, speech, activities, and any other social behavioral patterns. Thus, in general, idolization can take different forms, and its expressions depend on culture, age, gender, and environmental con- ditions.

An analysis of adolescents' idolization has to be framed within the characteristics of the particular age period. On the one hand, adolescents are still shaping their individual identity and, on the other, they become members of a peer group that exerts significant influence on their lives. Thus, while they eagerly differentiate themselves from adults, strueturing their own youth culture, they also follow their peers strictly so as not to differ from that alternative culture (Brown, 1990; Sebald, 1984; Schultze et al., 1991).

During early adolescence, the peer group plays a special role in influ- encing the individual. Since adolescents are in a transitional stage from family system to society at large, and have a marginal status in adult society during this period, they seek the guidance and support of their peers. They are dependent on their peer group and conform to its values, attitudes,

Idolization of Pop Singers 633

and patterns of behaviors that are typical of youth culture. In this culture idols emerge and ways of idolization are set. In fact, idolization is often a required element of the youth culture, and this behavior is promoted, sup- ported, and rewarded by peer groups. Denisoff (1986) suggested that the basis of idolization is fantasy. He argues that adolescents have a need to believe in idols who by definition cannot realize their wishes and dreams. In this way they do not have to put their fantasies to the test, as the celebrities are unavailable, and this saves the adolescents from disillusion. Sebald (1984) specified conceptually the following six sources of adolescents' idolization: (1) Romanticism, which involves projection of one's own unrealistic dreams and desires on to a person whose fame and success appear the fulfillment of these wishes and fantasies; (2) sex and fetishism refers to substitution and sublimation of sexual tension by means of a fetish--a tangible whole o r part of an idol; (3) ecstasy, which allows an expression of extreme emotional behaviors; (4) fascination with the bizarre and the absurd which fulfills teenagers' need for excitement and thrill; (5) identification, which expresses the image to which adolescents aspire; and (6) heroes as "messengers" function to provide teenagers with a value ori- entation.

Idolization of pop stars has unique characteristics for adolescents. First, the mere activity of listening to this music is age segregated and therefore sometimes outside the realm of parental control. In this way it provides a basis for self-expression, the construction of self-identity, the achievement of independence, and intimacy. Indeed, some of adolescents' most pressing questions find an answer through listening to pop music. It has been es- tablished that the music itself that adolescents revere often plays important functions (Fine et al., 1990; Schultze et al., 1991). It appeals to salient adolescent concerns, from sexual relations through alternative cultural values to rebellion and autonomy. The lyrics, rhythms, and harmonies provide stimuli that youth draw upon in learning sex roles, composing their sexual identities, shaping their values, and establishing their independence (Coo- per, 1991; Denisoff and John, 1983; Frith, 1983; Sebald, 1984).

Schultze et al. (1991), who analyzed popular youth culture, pointed out the specific function rock and roll music plays. They suggested that "Rock provides some measure of stability and comfort in the midst of family problems, peer pressure, school tensions, and the like . . . helps teens cope with life's struggles and connects young people who may feel alone in their problems with peers in similar predicaments. Rock furnishes emotional support and creates an atmosphere of confidence and normalcy. Rock can even bestow social status insofar as consumption of its commodi- t i e s - the style inside one's wardrobe, or how many tapes and CDs one has--bestows a measure of distinction" (p. 154). Obviously, these functions

634 Raviv et al.

are not exclusive to rock and roll music, but are shared by other types of music that adolescents like. In general, music should be seen more than as mere lyrics, rhythm, and melody, but rather as a symbolic interaction. It provides adolescents with a framework of beliefs, expressive symbols, and values through which they (and adults too, of course) define their worlds, express their feelings, make judgments, and decide on courses of action.

It is not entirely clear what goes into the making of an idol. It could be mainly the music that is admired, or the songs' lyrics that have an appeal, or even an attractive singer's appearance and special behaviors that turn him or her into an idol. It is also possible that it is not one characteristic but a combination of them that influence adolescents. In this regard, there are findings that showed that for children aged 10-13, lyrics are a less important factor for liking a specific singer than is the music. Rather, the sound or "beat" of the music was an important reason for liking a particular singer (Christensen et al., 1985; Leming, 1987; Prinsky and Rosenbaum, 1987).

Behavioral expressions of idolization can be seen as a series of rituals that involve such activities as listening to music in groups, collecting records, cassettes, and/or CDs, or joining fan clubs. The climax of these rituals usually is participation in a concert, often along with thousands of peers, in which the idol can be seen performing in real life. This can be viewed as a type of "sacred ceremony" that involves certain ritualistic behaviors such as dancing, swaying, lighting candles, screaming, and even fainting.

Idolization of pop stars is an age- and gender-related phenomenon. Roe (1983), who studied Swedish adolescents' (ages 11, 13, and 15) music preferences, detected that with age, as peer influence increases, there is greater involvement with pop music. He also found that girls are more pre- occupied with pop music than boys. Other studies have shown that boys tend to attend concerts more than girls, and express their identification with singers publicly and out loud. In contrast, girls tend to consume music discretely, privately, and passively (Frith, 1983; Fine et al., 1990).

Of special importance, when considering idolization, is what adolescents themselves have to say about their reliance on idols. The present study uses the concept of epistemic authority in examining the extent and scope of adolescents' reliance on the idolized singers'. This concept was introduced as an integral part of Kruglanski's (1980, 1989) lay epistemic theory, which describe knowledge acquisition. Epistemic authority was de- fined as a source of information that exerts definitive influence on a person's knowledge. Individuals consider information from epistemic authorities as true and valid, and use it as a basis for constructing their social reality.


The concept of epistemic authority offers a unique focus on subjective beliefs regarding the information source. A source can become an epistemic authority to the extent that individuals believe it/he/she possesses the characteristics that turn it/him/her into such an authority. Individuals may rely on epistemic authority in general or only in specific knowledge domains. Research has shown that children and adolescents vary in their selection of epistemic authorities as a function of age and domain (Bar-Tal et al., 1991; Raviv, Bar-Tal, Raviv, and Houminer, 1990; Raviv, Bar-Tal, Raviv, and Peleg, 1990).

It is reasonable to assume that idolized pop singers serve as epistemic authorities for adolescents. Current research in psychology, sociology, and communication has consistently shown that adolescents rely on popular celebrities from the fields of entertainment, music, film, and television for information about everything ranging from preferred dress- style to desired values (Brown and Hendee, 1989; Pratkanis and Aronson, 1992). As they come to be a model of imitation, idolized singers' references to various topics and walks of life are very likely to serve as true knowledge for adolescents.

The present study is exploratory in nature. It intends to investigate in depth the phenomenon of adolescent idolization, from the perspective of adolescents, as a function of their age and gender. The study examines Israeli boys and girls from three age groups: 10-11-years-old, 13-14-years-old, and 16-17-years-old. (We assumed that idolization is most pronounced between age 10 and 17.) The study has three main objectives: First, to elucidate adolescents' explanations for their choice of a particular singer as an idol; second, to delineate the behavioral expressions of their idolization; and finally to investigate the domains in which adolescents rely on idolized pop singers and the extent of their reliance.

METHOD

Subjects

Two hundred and seventy children and adolescents participated in the study. Eighty-eight of these (41 males and 47 females) were 5th graders (10-11-years-old), eighty-six (38 males and 48 females) were 8th graders (13-14-years-old), and ninety-six (39 males and 57 females) were 11th graders (16-17-years-old). Three eighth-grade (out of six) and three 11th-grade (out of six) classes were drawn randomly from two suburban comprehensive schools in middle and lower middle class neighborhoods.

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The youngest group of subjects was made up by a random selection of three classes (out of seven) from three elementary schools in the same area.

Instrument

The questionnaire administered to the school classes consisted of four parts:

1. The Idolized Singers. In the first part, each subject was asked to report in order of importance the names of three popsingers (male or female) they idolized most. In subsequent parts of the questionnaire, subjects were asked to relate only to the singer of their first choice.

2. Expression of Idolization. This part intended to measure the various behavioral manifestations of idolization. It included twenty items, each describing a particular idolization behavior. Subjects were asked to indicate the extent to which they engage in the behaviors presented in Table I. The scales ranged from I do not do this at all (1) to I do this a great deal (5). The five options were phrased differently, according to the context of the behavior.

3. Causes for Idolization. In this part fifteen causes for the idolization of the chosen singer were included. The subjects were asked to indicate on a 5-point scale the extent to which each of the fifteen causes was important to their choice of the singer. The scale ranged from Cause not important at all (1) to ~ry important cause (5). The causes were listed in Table I.

4. Reliance on Idols. Ten items were included to measure subjects' perception of pop idols as an epistemic authority in various life contexts. The questions were phrased as follows: "Suppose you could consult the singer about the following topics. Please, note the extent to which you would rely on the singer. Indicate (1) if you would not rely on the singer at all, and (5) if you would rely on the singer very much." The respondents were asked to evaluate nine knowledge domains presented in Table I. This part was based on an instrument constructed by Raviv, Bar-Tal, Raviv, and Peleg (1990), who studied perception of epistemic authorities among children and adadolescents.

The items for the second and third parts are based on a two-stage pilot study. First, personal unstructured interviews of sixty adolescents were performed, including twenty-five fans of singers approached via fan clubs


Table L Items of Expression of Idolization, Causes for Idolization, and Reliance on Idols, Arranged by the Factors Obtained for Each Part

Expression of idolization I. Singer's Imitation

(3) Adoption of singer's style of dressing (4) Adoption of singer's hair style (5) Adoption of singer's opinions (6) Adoption of singer's mode of speech (7) Adoption of singer's behavior (19) Attempts to resemble the singer

II. Worship (1) Hanging singer's posters (11) Buying souvenirs related to the singer (12) Buying printed material related to the singer (13) Searching for information about the singer in magazines and newspapers (14) Getting in touch with othr fans of the singer (15) Collecting personal details about the singer

IlI. Knowledge and Consumerism (2) A number of singer's records and cassettes purchased (8) Listening to singer's music (9) Attending singer's performances (10) Watching the singer on TV or VCR (16) Getting to know the melodies of the singer's songs (17) Getting to know the lyrics of the singer's songs

Causes for idolization I. Singer's Features

(4) Singer's voice (5) Singer's stage presentation (6) Singer's overall appearance (7) Singer's mode of dressing

II. Singer's Evaluation (9) Subject's knowledge of the singer's biography (10) Friends' influence (12) Singer's personality (13) Singer's reputation among youth (14) Singer's uniqueness compared to other singers (15) Singer's uniqueness compared to other people

III. Singer's Ways of Expression (1) Singer's lyrics (2) Singer's melodies (3) Singer's opinions (8) Singer's resemblance to the respondent

Reliance on singer I. Personal Matters

(3) Pastime (4) Future planning (5) Physical appearance (6) Social relations (8) Personal feelings (10) General reliance

II. Overall Knowledge and Values (1) School studies (2) Politics (7) Values (9) Science

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(found through youth magazines). In open-ended questions the respondents were mainly asked about causes and expressions of idolization. From these interviews the items for causes and expressions of pop star idolization were obtained, and on this basis, a structured questionnaire was constructed and then administered in small groups to fifty adolescents aged 10-17. Items that were found to be unclear were excluded. The remaining items made up the study's final idolization questionnaire.

RESULTS

Factor Analyses

For each of the last three parts of the idolization questionnaire, a factor analysis was computed, using the principal components with oblique rotation. Analysis of the Expression of Idolization yielded three factors (accounting for 61.8% of the variance) as shown in Table I: Imitation of singer, comprising 6 items with Cronbach's a = .887; Worship, comprising 6 items, et = .929; Knowledge and Consumerism, comprising 6 items, ct = .863. Two items (18: subject's self rating as a fan of the singer; 20: subject's pre- diction of future idolization's duration) were excluded since they lowered the reliability of the scale. Analysis of the Causes for Idolization yielded the following three factors (accounting for 49.3% of the variance): Singer's Features, comprising four items with Cronbach's ot = .754; Singer's Evalu- ation, comprising six items with ct = .752; Singer's Ways of Expression, comprising four items with ot = .488. One item (11: buying souvenirs related to the singer) was excluded because it lowered the reliability of the scale. Two factors were found for the Reliance questionnaire (accounting for 58.0% of the variance): Personal Matters, comprising 6 items, with (x = .916; Overall Knowledge and Values, comprising 4 items, ct = .750. The mean of itetns' scores was calculated for each factor. These means and corresponding standard deviations are presented in Table II.

Selection of Pop Singer's Gender

First, we will consider the relation between gender of the respondents and gender of the first chosen pop singer as related to age. We conducted an analysis under the loglinear model (Bishop et aL, 1975) for the 2 x 3 x 2 contingency table of gender by age by singer's gender. The best pre- diction contained all three main effects, together with the two-way interactions of gender by singer's gender and age by singer's gender, and also


Table H. Means and Standard Deviations of Reliance on Singers, Causes of Idolization, and Expression of Idolization by Age and Gender

Age Group

5th Grade 8th Grade 11th Grade Total

M SD M SD M SD M

Expression of idolization

1. Singer's Imitation Boys 2.00 1.12 1.41 .54 1.21 .23 1.55 Girls 2.11 .98 1.67 .77 1.13 .26 1.60 Total 2.06 1.56 1.16 1.58

2. Worship Boys 2.89 1.07 2.18 .99 1.74 .56 2.28 Girls 3.73 .88 2.58 1.03 1.68 .58 2.60 Total 3.34 2.40 1.70 2.46

3. Knowledge and Consumerism

Boys 3.66 .92 3.18 .94 3.47 .79 3.44 Girls 4.20 .67 3.71 .90 3.58 .79 3.81 Total 3.98 3.48 3.53 3.65

Causes for idolization 1. Singer's Features

Boys 3.83 .77 3.39 .81 3.10 .86 3.44 Girls 4.07 .78 3.79 .86 3.69 .83 3.84 Total 3.96 3.61 3.45 3.67

2. Singer's Evaluation Boys 3.26 .83 2.73 .69 2.46 .76 2.83 Girls 3.17 .78 3.07 .80 2.34 .72 2.83 Total 3.22 2.92 2.39 2.83

3. Singer's Ways of Expression

Boys 3.17 .88 3.21 .55 3.01 .65 3.13 Girls 3.35 .79 3.29 .59 3.24 .68 3.29 Total 3.26 3.26 3.15 3.22

Reliance on singer 1. Personal Matters

Boys 2.76 1.04 2.37 1.03 2.18 1.04 2.45 Girls 3.32 .86 2.88 1.03 2.12 .97 2.72 Total 3.05 2.65 2.15 2.60

2. Overall Knowledge and Values

Boys 1.99 .87 1.75 .73 1.76 .67 1.84 Girls 1.94 1.00 1.72 .78 1.86 .82 1.84 Total 1.96 1.73 1.87 1.84

the three-way interaction of all variables. Therefore, it is evident that boys and girls of different ages vary in their selection of an idol in terms of gender. The results for singer's gender by age for both genders were significant: ;(2(2) = 6.39, p < .05, for boys; and ;(2(2) = 47.25, p < .01, for

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girls. In both groups, the percentage of choosing a male singer increased with age, but girls showed greater differences between age groups than boys (58.5%, 78.9%, and 81.6% o f the boys' three age groups compared to 14.9%, 47.9%, and 82.5% of the girls' three age groups respectively chose a male singer). Comparisons of gender differences within each age group showed a great difference within the youngest group (Z211] = 18.28, p < .01), in which boys chose a male singer more than girls. In the 8th grade there was also a significant difference (;~2[1] = 8.64, p < .01) in the same direction. In the l l th grade there are no gender differences--most of the boys and girls chose a male singer rather than a female one.

Analysis of Idolization Expressions

In Table II the means and standard deviations of the three subscales' scores of idolization expressions for the three age groups and the two genders are presented. A 2 x 3 x 3 analysis of variance (ANOVA) was conducted, in which the three Expression scores were used as repeated measures and the age and gender were used as grouping factors. Repeated measures analysis was used, since we are interested in comparisons between Expression subscales (i.e., factors) and also in interactions between subscales and grouping factors. All the post hoc comparisons between the three independent age groups were performed by the method of Scheff6 (a = .05), while the comparisons between subscales (which are not independent) were done by paired t tests, using the method of Bonferroni (c~ =. 05). The results are shown in Table III. The significant three-way interaction indicates that the interaction of age by gender is different for the three Expression subscales. Therefore, we conducted an age by gender ANOVA for each of the three scores separately. For Imitating the Singer, only a main effect for age group was found (F[2,264] = 35.43, p < .01). Post hoc comparisons showed a significant decrease in these scores with age. For Worship, all three effects were significant: Age group main effect (F[2,264] = 84.22, p < .01), gender main effect (F[1,264] = 13.31, p < .01), and age by gender interaction [F(2,264] = 6.20, p < .01). Post hoc comparisons between age groups within genders resulted in the following: The boys of the 5th grade have higher scores than those of the 8th and l l th grades, while for girls the three mean scores differ significantly from each other: Fifth-grade girls have higher scores than 8th-grade girls, who in turn score higher than the llth-grade girls. Gender differences are due to higher scores of the girls as compared to the boys within the 5th grade, but no significant differences between the genders were found within the two older groups. For Knowledge and Consumerism, only main effects for

Idolization of Pop Singers

Table HI. Results of Repeated Measures ANOVA of Reliance on Singers, Causes of Idolization, and Expression of Idolization by Age and Gender

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Source df F

Expressions of Idolization Age 2,264 48.29 b Gender 1,264 12.839 A • G 2,264 3.76 a

Expression 2,528 882.92 b E x A 4,528 26.95 b E x G 2,528 6.29 b E x A x O 4,528 2.69 a

Causes for Idolization Age 2,264 17.56 b Gender 1,264 8.50 b A • G 2,264 .48

Cause 2, 528 11 i. 96 b C x A 4,528 7.65 b C x G 2,528 6.35 b C • A • G 4,528 2.30

Reliance on Singer Age 2,261 9.50 b Gender 1,261 2.93 A x G 2,261 .58

Reliance 1,261 204.57 b R • A 2,261 17.54 b R • G 1,261 9.39 b R x A x G 2,261 5.15 b

p < .05. < .01.

age group (F[2,264] = 9.09, p < .01) and for gender (F[1,264] = 14.08, p < .01) were found. The 5th-grade respondents were found to have higher scores than the 8th- and 11th-grade respondents , and girls have higher scores than boys.

Post hoc comparisons between the three Expression factors show that within each of the six age by gender groups (boys and girls of the three age groups) the factors ' scores are significantly different. The highest score appears for the Knowledge and Consumerism factor, then for the Worship factor, and the lowest score is given to the Imitating Singer factor.

Intensity of Idolization

I tem 18 (the subject's self rating as a fan of the singer) of the Expres- sion o f Idolization quest ionnaire was excluded f rom the Expression factors,

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since it did not contribute to any of the three factors obtained. Since this item can be seen as reflecting self-identification of the subject's intensity of idolization, we conducted a separate ANOVA for it. The results revealed a main effect for age (F[2,263] = 41.22, p < .01), a main effect for gender (F[1,263] = 16.37, p < .01), and a significant age by gender interaction (F[2,263] = 4.07, p < .01). The comparisons of age groups within each gender show that 5th-grade boys have higher scores than those of the 8th and l l t h grades, while for girls the three mean scores differ significantly from each other. That is, the scores in the 5th-grade girls are higher than the scores of the 8th-grade girls, which in turn are higher than those of the l l th-grade girls. Gender differences are due to higher scores of the girls as compared to the boys in the 5th and 8th grades, but no significant differences between genders were found in the l l th-grade group.

Analyses of the Causes for Idolization

Repeated measures analyses were conducted also on the Causes for idolization factors scores. The repeated measures ANOVA results (three subscales of causes as a repeated factor, age by gender as grouping factors) are shown in Table III, while the means and standard deviations of the Causes factors scores are shown in Table II. The three-way interaction and the age by gender interaction are not significant; thus we conducted one- way ANOVAs for each of the Causes factors comparing the two genders and the three age groups separately. The results showed that girls indicate more than boys the Singer's Features as a cause for idolization (F[1,268] = 14.57, p < .01), whereas the other two factors do not show significant difference between genders. Age group comparisons show that mean scores of Singer's Features are different for the three age groups (F[2,267] = 8.61, p < .01), where the 5th-grade subjects emphasize this cause more than the 8th- and 11th-grade subjects (using the method of Scheff6 for multiple com- parisotJs). Singer's Evaluation mean scores are also different for the three age groups (F[2,264] = 27.77, p < .01). Post hoc comparisons between age groups showed that these differences were all significant, indicating that the mean scores decrease with age (see Table I). No significant age differences were found for the Singer's Ways of Expression scores.

Comparisons of cause subscales for each age group and for each of the genders showed that the two older groups gave the highest scores to the Singer's Features, then to the Singer's Ways of Expression, with the lowest scores going to the Singer's Evaluation. This finding was the same for boys and girls. For the 5th grade, the scores for Singer's Evaluation did not significantly differ from the scores for Singer's Ways of Expres-


sion, but those two scores were lower than the scores for Singer's Fea- tures.

Analyses of the Reliance Factors

In Table II the means and standard deviations of the Reliance scores for the three age groups and the two genders are presented. The ANOVA results are shown in Table III. It shows a general main effect for Reliance, indicating that the subjects rely more on the singers in Personal Matters than in domains of Overall Knowledge. A paired t test was conducted for each of the three age groups for the two genders. In all the groups, except the older girls, the reliance in Personal Matters was significantly higher than the reliance in Overall Knowledge. The three-way interaction indicates that the interaction of age by gender is different for the two Reliance scores. Therefore, a 3 x 2 ANOVA (age by gender) was conducted on the Reliance scores for each of the two reliance factors separately. For Personal Matters all three effects were significant with p < .01: For the main effect of Age, F(2,261) = 19.53; for the main effect of gender, F(1,261) = 6.62; for the age by gender interaction, F(2,261) = 2.84. The post hoc differences between age groups within genders showed the following: in the case of boys, 5th graders gave higher scores than l l th graders; for girls, 5th and 8th graders gave higher scores than l l th graders. Furthermore, gender differences were found showing that within the two younger groups girls gave higher scores than boys. For the Overall Knowledge and Values factor, there were no significant effects.

DISCUSSION

The present study attempted to illuminate the phenomenon of idolization, which is especially characteristic of the period of adolescence. The study focused on the idolization of pop singers, but some of its findings can be extended to figures in other domains such as sport champions or movie stars.

It has been suggested that adolescents' preoccupation with pop music is rooted in their attempt to distinguish themselves from their family and in their wish to join the alternative social system of their peer group (Che- seboro et al., 1985; Frith, 1983; Prinsky and Rosenbaum, 1987). The music that adolescents like and adore is often different from the music their parents listen to and this enables them to establish their own uniqueness and identity, something that is not easy to achieve through other domains such

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as sports or entertainment. Adolescents have a tendency to like music that adults rarely listen to (Lewis, 1992); this music is part of youth culture (Deihl et al., 1983; Gans, 1974; Wober, 1984). Listening to their own music with friends, and especially attending concerts with a crowd of similarly aged youngsters, builds a feeling of belonging. In addition, the fact that they all buy records, cassettes, or CDs of their music, talk about it, collect information, etc., contributes also to the construction of adolescents' separate and unique identity (Brown and Hendee, 1989).

Of special importance in youth culture music are those singers and/or bands who are seen to represent symbols. They become alternative figures of identification in the youth culture, and become the objects of idolization, worship, and imitation. The study of adolescents' idolization of pop singers, thus, is not only a study of youth culture, but also of the psychological processes characteristic of adolescence.

In general, the results of the self-reports showed that idolization changes with age and is dependent on gender. First, it was found that idolization of singers decreases with age, and second, it is more prevalent among girls than among boys. Also, the results showed that while both male and female adolescents aged 16-17 idolize male singers (over 80%), at the earlier age, there are some differences. At age 10-11, girls tend overwhelm- ingly (about 85%) to idolize female singers and boys have a slight preference for male singers (about 58%), whereas at age 13-14, about half of the responding girls and about 75% of the responding boys idolize male singers.

The results presented in Table II show that respondents, in general, tend less to imitate the admired singers than to worship them or to consume their music and collect information about them. The latter behaviors, considered as normal appreciation of music, were found to be high even among the oldest age group. These findings indicate that the extreme way of idolization as reflected in imitation is not a widespread phenomenon even among the 5th graders. But the youngest age group (10-11-years-old), especially the girls, tends to worship the idolized pop singers to a large extent.

The most striking finding of the study is that idolization is strongest in early adolescence, among 10-11-year-old boys and girls, and then gradually decreases. This finding cannot unequivocally tell us whether early adolescence is the peak period of idolization. We suspect that during late childhood and early adolescence, the phenomenon of pop star idols reaches its maximum intensity. In this period, boys and girls begin separation from their parents and start to join the youth culture, forming their own peer group. This is the beginning of the maturing process during which adolescents establish their self-identity and independence. At this time, they look


for other identification figures than their parents. The media, especially television, video, radio and youth magazines, provide them with alternative objects of admiration, among them pop singers. Through these channels they are not only exposed to melodies and lyrics, but also to information that serves as a basis for idolization. In the early stages of idolization boys and girls imitate the behaviors of older youngsters. In later stages idolization not only reflects a group imitation phenomenon, but also serves important psychological functions, as presented earlier.

The influence of the peer group begins during childhood, as children begin their school years, and strengthens over time. Peer groups construct themselves around their own interests, values, and goals as distinct from those of adults. It is also possible that preoccupation with singers begins early as part of a peer group interest and later turns into idolization. The media actually perpetuates the idolization process by presenting singers as celebrities, following closely every detail of their lives, and informing adolescents about the feelings and thoughts of their peers (Bennett and Ferrell, 1987). The latter information is of special importance since children and adolescents tend to conform to the values and norms of their peer group (see Leming, 1987).

With age, adolescents decrease their interest in pop singers and the idolization phenomenon gradually disappears. By age 16-17, idolization is rare: during this period of late adolescence, young adults more or less suc- cessfully shape their identity, achieve autonomy, and change their interests and aims. The focus is on short-term goals--success at matriculation exams (a key for future college studies) or army service, and long-term goals-- planning their future. Although they do listen to music and go to concerts, older adolescents stop worshipping pop singers. This decrease in idolization can also be attributed to a reduction in susceptibility that characterizes later adolescence (Berndt, 1979; Brown, 1990): Adolescents of 16-18 years of age become less dependent on their peer group and conform less to youth culture norms.

Two additional explanations may account for the found age differences in idolization. First, the youngest age group in the study, being still in the concrete thinking phase, will develop more concrete expressions of idolization, i.e., through worshipping and modeling, reflected in such behaviors as hanging singers' posters, buying printed materials, or collecting information about the idolized singers. Second, during early adolescence, music plays an important function in the formation of relations between boys and girls. Dancing provides a normative opportunity for heterosexual physical contact (Roe, 1983). With age, however, music, as a facilitator for heterosexual contact, is less needed. Older adolescents use a wide spectrum of opportunities for heterosexual contact. They consume music in a more

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adult way--by listening, without resorting to symbolic expressions of idolization.

The detected gender differences in patterns of idolization can be explained in developmental terms. Developmental research points out that children and preadolescents identify with the parent of the same-gender and tend to imitate his/her behavior and appearance (Bronstein, 1988; Stan- gor and Ruble, 1987). Girls, more than boys, tend to conform to the same gender parent and only during adolescence do they become less dependent and experience a second individuation process (Blos, 1979) in which they gradually move away from the parent figure and join society. For girls, this movement is more complicated than for boys, because it includes regressive Oedipal components. Girls' gradual distancing from their mother is accom- panied by a decrease in idolization of female singers. Their shift from female to male pop singers expresses this tendency. Boys have different needs in the process of separating from their parents--fulfillment of sexual arousal and search for friends (Blos, 1979). In their case, identification with the father increases with age. It is thus not surprising that boys strengthen their idolization of male singers. Another possible explanation of this difference is the source of idolization. Frith (1983) pointed out that boys pre- fer to identify with male singers who use aggressive and sexual expressions, while adolescent girls identify with male singers to fulfill their fantasies about ideal love relations with the idol. Thus, boys identify with male singers, throughout their adolescent years, while girls with maturation change their idols and rely more on male singers.

Also, girls were found in the present study to idolize singers more than boys. This result is not surprising in view of the findings indicating that (a) girls are more susceptible to group pressure than boys (Brown, 1990; Landsbaum and Willis, 1971); (b) boys tend to focus idolization on sport champions, which corresponds to male role stereotyping (Bryson, 1987; Colman, 1961; Greendorfer and Lewko, 1978); and (c) worshipping and modeling is more in line with girls' than boys' sex roles (Maccoby, 1980).

The question of why adolescents choose a particular idol was investi- gated in the present study by asking the respondents to evaluate fifteen causes. The results showed that adolescents considered singer's features (i.e., appearance, voice, way of dressing) as the most important cause for idolization. At the same time, and in line with other research, lyrics and melodies were found less important causes for idolization (Leming, 1987; Prinsky and Rosenbaum, 1987). This finding corresponds with observations that adolescents pay special attention to appearance (Harter, 1990), and express deep interest in the body, physical attractiveness, and clothing (Lan- glois, 1981). Appearance is an important factor in adolescents' shaping of


their self-identity. In their selection of clothing, hairstyle, or speech adolescents express their difference from adults or children and similarity with their own peers (Hatter, 1989). Adolescents develop their different appearance in part by imitating idols, such as pop singers.

Girls were found to put more emphasis on singers' features than boys. This result corresponds to findings indicating that females are more sensi- tive to appearance than males (Simmons and Blyth, 1987). This difference manifests itself from early on and strengthens with age. It is based on tra- ditional sex roles, according to which females are supposed to pay particular attention to their appearance, which is considered a special resource in relations with males (Bar-Tal and Saxe, 1976).

Our results showed that the most prevalent expressions of idolization, for boys and girls, are consumption and collection of knowledge. This involves such behaviors as purchasing singer's records and cassettes, listening to singer's songs, attending singer's concerts, watching the singer's perform- ance on TV or VCR, and learning melodies and lyrics of singer's songs. Less frequent behaviors, reflecting more direct worship, include hanging singer's posters, buying souvenirs and printed materials related to the idol, searching for information about him/her in magazines and newspapers, forming contact with other fans, and studying the idol's personal details. Finally, idolization can also involve imitative behaviors, but it appears to a lesser extent.

These findings show that idolizing behavior is based on consumption and knowledge of the singer's music, which is characteristic too of adults' interest in music. Worship and imitation are less frequent, but are of special significance in idolization, turning it into unique phenomenon. They especially characterize idolizing preadolescents.

Of special interest is pop singers' influence on adolescents. In the present study, this was examined by asking the respondents about their reliance on an idolized singer with regard to different issues. This approach focused on the perception of singers as epistemic authorities on whom adolescents rely in forming their knowledge, considering information coming from them as true and valid. The results showed that reliance on singers, appears especially in the younger age group of 10-11-years-old--significantly more among girls, and specifically with regard to personal matters (pastime, future planning, physical appearance, social relations, and personal feelings). These findings are in line with the results of other studies, which show that adolescents rely on different epistemic authorities (Bar-Tal et al., 1991; Raviv, Bar-Tal, Raviv, and Peleg, 1990). With age, they differentiate more among information sources, relying on different epistemic authorities according to knowledge domains. The results show that the idolized singer is an important figure and adolescents rely on him/her in various personal

648 Raviv et aL

matters. Through lyrics, songs, appearance, interviews, and statements, the singer provides information that adolescents trust (Bar-Tal et al., 1991). They do, however, differentiate among various domains of knowledge and certain areas are clearly beyond the influence of the singer.

In sum, there are indications that idolization is an important phenomenon in adolescence. It is an integral part of adolescents' life, and is functional in the process of their development. Surprisingly, relatively little attention has been directed to the empirical study of this phenomenon. Future study of adolescent idolization should include two perspectives. The psychological perspective can illuminate the course of development and the individual needs that guide behavior. In addition, the social or sociological perspective provides a framework for understanding adolescent behavior in terms of the peer group and youth culture. The idolization phenomenon does not only reflect individual behavior, but is related to group processes within a particular age period. Finally, on a more specific level, future studies should go beyond self-reports demonstrating the scope of idolization, and examine at depth with different methods changes with age and gender differences with their antecedents.

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Adolescent Idolization of Pop Singers: Causes, Expressions, and Reliance

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