Acculturation and Adjustment among Immigrant Adolescents in Norway: Focus on Belonging and Performing in School

UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA

Santa Barbara

Acculturation and Adjustment among Immigrant Adolescents in Norway:

Focus on Belonging and Performing in School

A Dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the

requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy

in Education

by

Margrete R. Hartman

Committee in charge:

Professor Richard Duran, Chair

Professor Jenny Cook-Gumperz

Professor Jason Raley

December 2009

The dissertation of Margrete Regine Hartman is approved.

_____________________________________________

Jenny Cook-Gumperz

_____________________________________________

Jason Raley

_____________________________________________

Richard Duran, Committee Chair

December 2009

iii



Copyright © 2009

by

Margrete Regine Hartman

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DEDICATION

This dissertation is dedicated to:

My husband John, and my girls - Elizabeth, Sarah, and Victoria.

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to say thank you to all of the important and valuable people in my

life who have been a tremendous help during this long journey of finishing my

dissertation. First, I would like to thank my husband, John, for his support and love.

Thank you for believing in me, and for being my safe place of belonging. Without

you, I would never be where I am today! Also, my gratitude goes to my little girls,

who have been the essence of life for me through these years of graduate work. You

always bring me back to reality, and you are my most important future investments. I

would like to thank my parents for stirring in me the hunger for seeing and

experiencing other countries and cultures. Thank you also for your gifts of open-

mindedness and wisdom. One of many life lessons you have taught me, Mamma, is

compassion and empathy. And you, Pappa, your ability to look at the bright side of

life is something to strive for and live up to.

Thank you Helene and Øyvind for letting my little girls and I live with you during

the time of my research. You made time in the field doable, worthwhile and

meaningful. Thank you also for help with many practical things concerning my

research. Thank you, Sigrid and William, for your significant help with formatting

my paper. I know with the arrival of baby number four, this was not an easy task.

Sincere appreciation to my dissertation committee members, Richard Duran,

Jason Raley, and Jenny Cook-Gumperz, for agreeing to go through all the

‘extravaganzas’ needed in the process of completing this dissertation. Thank you for

your support and cooperation. Your knowledge and comprehension is admirable. I

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especially thank and acknowledge Richard Duran, my advisor, for ‘keeping the door

open’ for me and making everything possible. Thank you for guiding me into what I

did not consider achievable. In always showing me a kind and approachable attitude,

and being accessible when I needed some crucial guidance, you made reaching this

goal realistic.

I also want to especially thank Professor David Sam, who appeared like a “rabbit

out of a hat”. You have been a tremendous help in making literature accessible, which

has been invaluable. Thank you so much for your time and willingness to help when I

was feeling like “being on deep water”. Having access to you has been of great

support for me to be able to take this path of research.

There are also many friends and family whose support and encouragement made

this achievement possible. I especially thank Louise and Helmut for taking care of my

children and family when the pressure of study and other obligations was too much. I

cannot express my gratitude enough for all your help and kindness. You are

incredible! I also want to give thanks to all my family – for just being family – and

for making me feel richly blessed. Thank you to all my friends who I have met on my

journey around the world – and for those who are awaiting me at home. Thank you

for filling my soul with happiness. Lastly, I would like to acknowledge the amazing

presence of God; thank you for all your blessings and for being my Rock of

Salvation.

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VITA OF MARGRETE REGINE HARTMAN December 2009

EDUCATION Ph.D., Education, University of California, Santa Barbara, December 2009 (expected) M.A., Education, University of California, Santa Barbara, September 2002 Teaching Degree, German as a Foreign Language, University of Regensburg, Germany, October 1998 B.A., Education, Teachers’ College, Bodø, Norway, June 1996 TEACHING EXPERIENCE 1999-2000: Teacher, Gosen Lower Secondary School, Stavanger, Norway 1998-1999: Teacher, Hundvåg Elementary School, Stavanger, Norway !987-1998: Teaching German to immigrants, Regensburg Baptist Church, Germany 1996-1997: Teacher, Tverlandet Lower Secondary School, Bodø, Norway PUBLICATIONS Immigrants in Norway, Unpublished thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Master of Arts degree in Education, University of California, Santa Barbara, September 2002. AWARDS 2003: Humanities/Social Sciences Research Grant 2004-05: Helen & Philip Green Research Fellowship Award 2004-05: Fee Fellowship Awards 2005: General and Doctoral Candidacy Fee Fellowship Awards 2005-06: Block Grant Award 2005-06: General and Doctoral Candidacy Fee Fellowship Awards 2006-07: General and Doctoral Candidacy Fee Fellowship Awards FIELDS OF STUDY Major Field: Cultural Perspectives and Comparative Education

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ABSTRACT



by

Margrete Regine Hartman

This study examines how acculturation stress can affect the academic

achievement of immigrant students, focusing on the sense of belonging as a crucial

factor for adjustment and achievement in school. Research demonstrates that

acculturation stress potentially makes an impact on the individual’s adjustment and

well-being in the new country, in which it becomes crucial for the individual to

engage in various coping strategies to overcome the challenges. In this light, this

study focuses on young immigrant students within the compulsory school in Norway

and investigates the different ways they deal with the challenges of acculturation. The

study also looks at how acculturation stress can affect the academic achievement, and

focuses on the importance of the sense of belonging for adjustment and achievement

in school.

The research builds on recent work on immigrant adolescents and acculturation,

deriving from the field of cross-cultural psychology and educational anthropology,

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including critical pedagogy and cultural-historical activity theory. Qualitative

research methods are used in collecting and analyzing the data, as a personal

approach is taken in looking at the acculturation experiences of immigrant youth. The

findings are based mainly on qualitative interviews with 10 immigrant students at two

compulsory schools in Norway, including parents and teachers. Other qualitative

methods used are narrative analysis, ‘student mapping’, and document analysis.

The acculturation strategies immigrant adolescents employ to cope with

challenges due to acculturation, are also ways of rediscovering identity and finding a

sense of belonging. In examining demographic and contextual factors associated with

acculturation and adjustment, this research found that the acculturation attitudes of

school parents, as well as cultural differences, are factors closely related to young

immigrant’s acculturation pattern. This research emphasizes the relationship between

the acculturation attitude of the school and classmates and immigrant students’

adjustment and achievement in school, and highlights the importance of promoting a

successful acculturation and adjustment in order to improve academic achievement

for immigrant students.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

I. Introduction ............................................................................................................. 1

1.1 Overview of the Text .................................................................................... 6

1.2 The host country Norway .............................................................................. 7

1.2.1 Immigration Issues ............................................................................. 10

1.2.2 The Immigration Policy ..................................................................... 12

1.2.3 The Education Policy of the Compulsory School .............................. 15

1.2.4 Immigrant Education Policy .............................................................. 17

1.2.5 Attitudes towards Immigrants and Immigration ................................ 18

II. Literature review ................................................................................................ 22

2.1 Acculturation of Young Immigrant Individuals ......................................... 22

2.1.1 Acculturation Stress ........................................................................... 23

2.1.2 Coping Strategies ............................................................................... 27

2.1.3 Variation in Immigrants’ Acculturation Pattern ................................ 30

2.2 Acculturation and Identity .......................................................................... 36

2.2.1 Adjusting - Finding a Sense of Belonging ......................................... 39

2.3 Acculturation and School ............................................................................ 42

2.3.1 Acculturation stressors influencing the academic achievement ........ 45

2.3.2 The Role of the Sense of Belonging in School .................................. 52

2.3.3 Adjustment and achievement in School ............................................. 55

III. Methodology ....................................................................................................... 58

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3.1 The Research Setting ................................................................................. 60

3.1.1 The Schools of the Participants ........................................................ 62

3.2 The Participants in the Study ..................................................................... 64

3.3 Procedure ................................................................................................... 66

3.4 Methods...................................................................................................... 70

3.4.1 Qualitative Open-ended Interviews.................................................. 70

3.4.2 Observation ...................................................................................... 74

3.4.3 Field Notes ....................................................................................... 75

3.4.4 Student Mapping .............................................................................. 76

3.4.5 Document Analysis .......................................................................... 76

3.4.6 Narrative Analysis ............................................................................ 77

3.5. Analysis of the Immigrant Students’ Acculturation Process .................... 78

3.5.1 Acculturation strategies .................................................................... 79

3.5.2 Factors Associated with Variation in the Acculturation Pattern ...... 83

3.5.3 Acculturation and Identity................................................................ 83

3.5.4 Acculturation and Adjustment in School ......................................... 86

3.5.5 Narrative Portraits of the Immigrant Students ................................. 88

3.6 Overview of the Following Chapters ............................................................ 89

IV. Results: Immigrant Students and Acculturation ........................................... 91

4.1 The Immigrant Students’ Acculturation Pattern ........................................ 91

4.1.1 Students from the Mainstream School ............................................. 94

4.1.2 Students from the Multicultural School ......................................... 106

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4.1.3 Teacher Perspectives……………………………………… .... 119

4.1.4 Summary of Findings ............................................................... 121

4.2. Central Factors Associated with Variation in Immigrant Adolescents’

Acculturation Patterns .................................................................................... 126

4.2.1 Summary of Findings ..................................................................... 153

V. Results: The Sense of Belonging ...................................................................... 157

5.1 Finding a Sense of Belonging .................................................................. 158

5.1.1 Identity Developmental Tasks and Stages ...................................... 159

5.1.2 Identity and the Sense of Belonging at the Mainstream School ..... 160

5.1.3 Identity and Sense of Belonging at the Multicultural School ......... 182

5.1.4 Summary of Findings ...................................................................... 204

5.2 The role of ‘the Sense of Belonging’ in School ....................................... 207


5.3 The Association between Acculturation and Academic Achievement .... 224

5.3.1 Academic Achievement at the Mainstream School ........................ 225

5.3.2 Academic Achievement at the Multicultural School ...................... 229

5.3.3 Teachers’ Perspectives on the Students’ School Achievement ...... 236

5.3.4 Comparison of the Students’ Acculturation and Achievement ....... 238


VI. Achievement for All Students ......................................................................... 244

6.1 The Strategy of Integration – a Way to Success ...................................... 246

6.1.1 An Orientation towards Multiculturalism ....................................... 248

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6.1.2 Contact and Communication ........................................................... 250

6.1.3 Fostering and Nurturing the Sense of Belonging and Identity ....... 252

6.1.4 Nurturing and Developing the “Whole Man” ................................. 254

6.2 Recommendations for Further Research .................................................. 255

REFERENCES ........................................................................................................ 258

APPENDIX .............................................................................................................. 270

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LIST OF TABLES & FIGURES

Figure 1 Map of Norway.............................................................................................. 9

Table 1 A Visual of the Immigrant Experience ......................................................... 25

Figure 2 Acculturation strategies in ethnocultural groups and the larger society ... 28

Table 2 Data Analysis Chart ...................................................................................... 59

Table 3 Demographic Variables of the students from the Mainstream School ......... 65

Table 4 Demographic Variables of the students from the Multicultural School ....... 66

Table 5 Acculturation Patterns at the Mainstream School ......................................... 94

Table 6 Acculturation Patterns at the Multicultural School ..................................... 106

Figure 3 Example of a ‘Student Map’ ...................................................................... 165

Figure 4 Example of a ‘Students Map’ .................................................................... 196

Table 7 Acculturation and Achievement at the Mainstream School ....................... 240

Table 8 Acculturation and Achievement at the Multicultural School ..................... 241

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I. Introduction

Immigrants are typically confronted with numerous challenges upon arrival in a

foreign country. Many are coming from a background of war, civil strife, or economic

deprivation, carrying with them the dream of making a better life for themselves as

well as their children. The adjustment to a different culture, to include a new

environment, language, habits, attitudes and behavior, can be difficult. Research has

shown that the migration experience and the acculturation stress (Berry, 1992;) that

follow a settlement in a new country can deeply impact an individual’s self-

conceptualization and identity development (Akhtar, 1999; Berry, 1998;

Chryssochoou, 2004; Sam, 2000; Sam, 2006, Shemaria, 1993; Spencer and

Markstrom-Adams, 1990; Suarez-Orozco, 2001; Meaders, 1997) and it becomes

crucial for immigrants to engage in various coping strategies to defend against

potential damage to their sense of self and well being in the new country (Berry 1990,

1993, 1997, 2001, 2006; Gibson, 1988, 1991a, 1991b, 1998; Ogbu, 1983, 1991;

Shemaria, 1993). This research focuses on young immigrant students within the

compulsory school in Norway, investigating the different strategies they employ in

dealing with the challenges of living in a culture different from their culture of origin.

The topic of this research has developed through a reflection of the situation of

the immigrant experience, wondering how people are able to ‘pull up their roots’ and

settle down in an entirely different ‘world’. Some of the initial questions triggering

this study were such as; “How are they coping with a change so remarkable that it

may affect their self-identity?” and “How do they rediscover their ‘sense of the

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self’?”. The first hypothesis for this study is that in order for migrating individuals to

successfully adjust to the new environment, they have to find a way in making

themselves feel at home, or at least develop a ‘sense of belonging’ in the new society.

This study considers the search for belonging and home as the essence of the

acculturation strategies.

The acculturation strategies immigrants develop are revealed to be very different.

Some achieve a bicultural identity and are able to feel at home in both their own and

in the new majority culture. Some adapt completely to the new culture in the host

country and thus a change of cultural identity takes place. Others strengthen ties to

their ethnic identity by merging with people of the same cultural heritage. Some

immigrants do not feel they fit in with either of the two cultural groups and might

form a new cultural identity. Berry’s (1990, 1993, 1997, 2001, 2006) theories on

acculturation are used in analyzing the acculturation strategies young immigrants

employ in the process of finding a place of belonging in Norway. He identifies four

alternative acculturation strategies that are open to minorities in contact with a

majority group. One strategy is integration, which refers to the individual maintaining

his or her cultural integrity to some degree, while also participating as an integral part

of the larger social society. Another strategy, assimilation, involves an exchange of

the immigrant’s original cultural features, such as language and religion, for cultural

features of the majority. Separation refers to a strategy in which the individual values

the original minority culture only, and do not value any aspects of the majority

culture. With marginalization, the individual is unable to find a satisfactory identity

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in either the majority or the minority culture. The focus of this study is on the

individual-level of acculturation experiences, to include changes of identity, values,

attitudes, and behavior (Berry, 1990). This study does not analyze group-level

changes or long-term adaptation (Sam & Berry, 2006). Due to the complexity of

examining each of the numerous countries the participants originated from, this study

looks closely at the society of settlement only and does not include a comprehensive

examination of the societies of origin.

Theories and findings of Phinney et al. (1996, 2006) concerning acculturation

patterns of immigrant adolescents are utilized in examining the impact of

acculturation on immigrant individuals’ identity and adjustment. Considering the

dimensions of social and cultural factors contributing to variations in acculturation

patterns, a socio-cultural approach is utilized in regards to the concept of identity.

Attention is given to the immigrant student’s acculturation experiences with focus on

the perceptions of ‘self’ and ‘belonging’.

Another objective of this study is to determine what, if any, association exist

between acculturation strategies and achievement in school. The Norwegian school

system is built on the idea of a school that is creating equality and a common ground

for all citizens, rooting out the geographical, social, and economical differences. The

school is to create opportunities for everyone to obtain a higher education, regardless

of family background, gender, or place of residence (Norwegian Ministry of

Education and Research, 2006). However, there are great concerns about the low

level of academic achievement and attainment among immigrant students within the

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compulsory school in Norway (Opheim & Støren, 2001). The reason for these

problems has been sought, and international reports about immigrants’ school

performance give various conclusions to take into account. An issue that has not

received much attention is school achievement in association with the immigrant’s

acculturation and adjustment. The school has become an important arena for

intergroup contact and acculturation among immigrant children and adolescents.

Researchers argue that adjustment in school is a primary task and a highly important

outcome of the acculturation process for immigrant students (Phinney et al., 2001;

Vedder & Horenczyk, 2006), as a failed acculturation in school may result in poor

academic achievement and performance (Vedder & Horenczyk, 2006). This study

examines how acculturation stress can affect the academic achievement, focusing on

the importance of the sense of belonging for adjustment and achievement in school

among immigrant students.

Research reveals that the students’ sense of belonging in school can be a

significant predictor of academic resilience and achievement (Gibson et al., 2004;

Goodenow & Grady, 1993; Osterman, 2000). The findings show that “students

function better and participate more in school settings and situations where they feel

they belong. Conversely, in contexts where students experience feelings of rejection

or alienation, their participation and performance decline” (Gibson et al., 2004,

p.129). The second hypothesis for this study is that young immigrants, who maintain

their cultural identity as they become acculturated to the different culture of the host

society, will adjust more successfully than those who do not (Phinney, 1993).

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Integration was predicted to be the most accommodating acculturation strategy for

immigrant students to belong and perform successfully in school. This study intends

to describe the complex situation of young immigrants, arguing that a conception of

immigrant’s sense of belonging and the variation in their ways of coping with

acculturation stress, inform the understanding of their educational adjustment. While

earlier studies carried out on the acculturation processes of immigrant students have

used quantitative research methods, this study uses qualitative methods and takes a

personal approach in looking at the acculturation experiences of immigrant youth in

Norway.

The overall questions guiding the research are as following:

1. Which acculturation strategies do immigrant adolescents in Norway use in

order to adjust to everyday life (e.g. in school)?

- Which stress factors are associated with acculturation strategy preference?

2. How do young immigrants (re-) discover their ‘sense of self’ and find a ‘sense

of belonging’?

- Which role does the sense of belonging play in the process of acculturation and

adjustment for immigrant students in school?

3. Is there any association between the acculturation strategies of immigrant

students and their academic achievement?

- Which acculturation strategy is the most adaptive for belonging and

performing in school for immigrant students in Norway?

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In order to determine the answers to these questions, data from qualitative

interviews with ten immigrant students, their parents, and their teachers at two

compulsory schools in Bergen, Norway were analyzed. Other qualitative methods

used are observation, narrative analysis, ‘student mapping’, and document analysis.

The framework for the analysis draws from scholars within the field of cross-cultural

psychology and educational anthropology, , who have studied different aspects of

young immigrants’ lives. Approaches from critical pedagogy and cultural-historical

activity theory are also included.

This study is significant because it contributes to the comparative literature

relating to factors associated with the academic achievement of immigrant students.

The research is projected to be a guide for educators, administrators, and other

experts working with the issue of education and integration of immigrant youth in

Norway. It is highlighting the importance of promoting a successful acculturation and

adjustment of immigrant students, in order to improve their educational outcome.

1.1. Overview of the Text

This dissertation is divided into six chapters. Chapter 1 begins with an overview

of the research problem. The basic theoretical concepts, the study hypotheses, and the

research questions are also introduced. In addition, background information on the

host country, Norway, is provided to garner a better understanding of the place of

settlement for the participants in this study. Chapter 2 presents the conceptual

framework for this study, including theories and research on acculturation and

adaptation of young immigrants. This chapter is organized into three sections: The

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first section provides information on the immigrant experience, to include

acculturation stress, coping strategies, and factors associated with variation in the

acculturation pattern. The second section describes the impact of acculturation on

identity and discusses the topic in terms of confrontation and re-construction of

identity, and adjusting to find a sense of belonging. The third section examines the

acculturation stressors associated with the academic achievement of immigrant

students. This section also looks at the role of the sense of belonging in school.

Chapter 3 gives a detailed explanation of the research methods employed in

answering the research questions. Chapter 4 presents the findings on how immigrant

adolescents cope with acculturation stress and examines variations in the

acculturation patterns in association with the sociocultural context and demographic

factors. Chapter 5 presents findings with reference to the immigrant students’ sense of

belonging and its role played out in school. This chapter also discusses the association

between immigrant students’ acculturation strategies and their academic achievement.

Chapter 6 discusses findings on the strategy for promoting a successful adjustment

and achievement in school for immigrant students and the role of educational

intervention and responsibility. Recommendations for further research are also

included in this chapter.

1.2. The Host Country Norway

Norway is one of the countries located furthermost north in Europe, with the

northern part of the country located within the Arctic Circle. In size, Norway is the

6th largest country in Europe, with a population of only 4.8 million people (Statistics

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Norway, 2009). 74 percent of the total population lives in towns or built-up districts,

whereas about 500 000 live in the capital city, Oslo. The rest of the population is

scattered along a deeply indented coastline, on islands or alongside the many fjords

(Mortimore, Field & Pont, 2004). Norway also has an indigenous Sami population

who has an equal status with Norwegian in parts of Troms and Finnmark counties

(Mortimore, Field & Pont, 2004; Statistics, Norway, 2009; Norwegian Ministry of

Foreign Affairs, March, 2009).

The official name of the country is ‘The Kingdom of Norway’, as it has a

constitutional monarchy, with a parliamentary democracy (Statistics, Norway, 2009).

Although, Norway was not declared an independent constitutional monarchy until

1905, after being under Danish regime for four hundred years up till 1814, and then in

union with Sweden from 1816 to 1905 (Mortimore, Field & Pont, 2004). Norway was

occupied by Germany from 1940 to 1945. The occupation caused psychological

wounds in the society that took a long time to heal. These experiences of foreign

domination were of profound importance to national identities including language

identity (Westin, 2006). Norwegian is the official language, with two written and

spoken forms (Bokmål and Nynorsk), which are closely related to each other. In some

districts, Sámi is also an official language (Westin, 2006). Evangelical Lutheran

Christianity is the ‘state religion’, which much of the culture and traditions are rooted

in. Below is a map of Norway, showing the country’s position in comparison to the

various countries immigrants to Norway are coming from. It illustrates the ‘northern

route’ the immigrants are taking, and gives a picture of which distances they are

9

traveling - not only in kilometers, but also distances with reference to climate and

culture.

Figure 1. Map of Norway

In the nineteenth century, Norway occupied a position similar to some of the

developing countries. It was a country of emigration, and as late as 1930 the number

of persons leaving the country exceeded the number entering (Holter, 2000). During

the early twentieth century Norway developed a maritime industry around shipping

and fishing (Mortimore, Field & Pont, 2004). In 1960 Norway joined the European

Free Trade Association, following a referendum held in 1972 and in 1994

(Mortimore, Field & Pont, 2004). It was not until the discovery of North Sea oil in the

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1970s that Norway developed its full industrial potential with the oil industry and

associated benefits. Today Norway is a wealthy country with one of the highest gross

domestic products per capita in the world (Mortimore, Field & Pont, 2004; Statistics

Norway, 2009). It is also a country with a relatively high employment rate. The labor

force works in the main industries of: agriculture, fishing and farming (about 4

percent); industry - petrol, gas, food processing, ship building, pulp and paper, metals,

chemicals, timber, mining and textiles (about 22 percent); and services (about 74

percent) (Mortimore, Field & Pont, 2004). Norway is one of very few European

countries rejecting a membership in the European Union.

1.2.1. Immigration Issues

Norway has always been a country with a very homogenous society. Earlier

immigrants to Norway were mostly people from Sweden and Denmark with similar

culture, common linguistic elements, and the same color of skin as Norwegians.

Immigration to Norway did not assume major proportions until the middle of the

1970s (Statistics Norway, 2001), as the discovery of oil and natural gas in the North

Sea made it possible to build a strong welfare state and to welcome more immigrants

to the country.

The first flow of immigrants came as guest workers in the 1970s, originating

mainly from Pakistan, Turkey, and Morocco (Lie, 2002). Since then, when the

immigrant population counted for only 1.5 percent of the total population, an

increasing number of immigrants have entered the Norwegian society (Lie, 2002).

The number of immigrants residing in Norway varies with the government's

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immigration policy, labor market needs, and shifting global crises. Immigration

increased during and after the Balkan wars of the 1990s. Today the immigrant

population constitutes for 10.6 percent of Norway's population, of which about 83

percent are first generation immigrants and about 17 percent are second generation

immigrants (Statistics Norway, 2009). The immigrant population is represented in all

the Norwegian municipalities, with 26 percent living in Oslo. The immigrants

originate from 214 different countries, with half of the population representing Asia,

Africa and Latin America. The largest groups of non-Western minorities are from

Pakistan, Iraq, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Vietnam, Iran and Somalia (Statistics

Norway, 2009).

Almost 40 percent of the immigrants coming to Norway are young individuals

between 20-39 years of age. 20 percent of the immigrants have lived in Norway for

more than 20 years, and 40 percent have lived in Norway less than 5 years (Statistics

Norway, 2009). The immigrant groups that have lived in Norway the longest

originate from Vietnam, Pakistan, Morocco, USA, and Chile. Immigrants from

Poland and Latvia have the shortest stay, with over 85 per cent having resided in

Norway for less than five years. Other larger groups, in which many have stayed in

Norway for less than 5 years, originate from Germany, Russia and Thailand

(Statistics Norway, 2009).

The reasons for migration are varied, and the permission to stay in Norway is

granted because of family reunification, family establishment, labor, or study. Today,

about one third of immigrants to Norway come because of family reunion or family

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establishment, with the biggest groups originating from Thailand, Iraq, Poland,

Somalia and Pakistan (Statistics Norway, 2009). Labor immigration was the major

reason for immigration from non-Nordic countries to Norway in 2006, counting for

about 40 per cent (Thorud, 2007; Statistics Norway, 2007). One third of the labor

immigrants come from new EU member states, mainly from Poland. Of immigrants

arriving as refugees and asylum-seekers by the end of 2006 , one third was granted

residence (Thorud, 2007). The largest groups of refugees originate from Iraq, Somalia

and Russia (Thorud, 2007; Statistics Norway, 2009). About 10 percent of immigrants

are coming because of education (Thorud, 2007; Statistics Norway, 2009). There are

great differences between the genders regarding reasons for immigration. 30 percent

of the men immigrate as labor immigrants or refugees, while more than half of the

group of women immigrate to Norway due to family reasons (Thorud, 2007; Statistics

Norway, 2009).

1.2.2. The Immigration Policy

The most significant inter-governmental immigrant arrangement is the “Schengen

Agreement”, which is an agreement between several European countries on

immigrant policy, concerning border control and free movement of persons (Holter,

2000). The main components of the agreement are common rules at external borders

of the Schengen area; adjustment of conditions for border crossing and visa policy;

sanctions against air companies which carry people without proper documents;

criteria to determine which country should handle asylum applications; and exchange

of information on asylum seekers (Holter, 2000).

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The Immigration Act regulates the entry of foreign nationals into Norway and

their rights to residence and work (Holter, 2000). Four categories are admitted:

workers who have been offered employment; refugees and other humanitarian cases;

family relations; and students (Holter, 2000). While the former act (year 1998) gave

the government the power to determine many of the main principles to the

government through regulations, the current act (year 2007) includes many of the

more detailed regulations (Holter, 2000; Thorud, 2007). The Parliament decides more

of the detailed content of the regulations (Holter, 2000; Thorud, 2007). The New Act

contains a list of conditions for Norwegian nationality (citizenship). According to the

act, an applicant has the right to acquire Norwegian nationality if all the conditions

listed in the Act are fulfilled (Thorud, 2007), for example: “giving up his or her

present nationality to be able to acquire Norwegian nationality; have lived in Norway

for seven years to be able to acquire Norwegian nationality; documentation of

language skills in Norwegian; a child is automatically given the nationality of both

parents at birth”, etc. (Thorud, 2007, p.9).

Refugees and asylum seekers to Norway are either refugees resettled in co-

operation with UN High Commissioner for Refugees, or asylum seekers who have

been given leave to remain with refugee or humanitarian status (Holter, 2000). The

Directorate of Immigration processes the asylum applications in accordance with the

Immigration Act. Foreign nationals with refugee or humanitarian status have the right

to family reunification. They also have the right to take up gainful employment, and

on certain conditions they are granted temporary work permits until the application

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for asylum has been finally decided. An asylum seeker who does not meet the criteria

for refugee status may be granted subsidiary protection in the form of a residence

permit on humanitarian ground (The Directorate of Immigration, 2000).

By January 2007, there were 133, 000 immigrants and 60, 000 descendants who

had become naturalized Norwegians and were registered as residents in the country,

with almost 32 percent originating from Europe; 45 percent from Asia (including

Turkey); and more than 18 percent originating from Africa. Iraqis and Somalis

represented the largest groups of naturalized persons (Thorud, 2007).

The unemployment rate among immigrants is 5 percent, which is three times

higher than for the rest of the population in Norway (Thorud, 2007). There are

significant variations in unemployment rates among the immigrants, depending on

regions of origin (Thorud, 2007). Immigrants from Western European countries are at

about the same level as Norwegian nationals, whereas the number of unemployed

from Asian and African countries is higher. Research on the low employment rate

among immigrant groups in Norway find that this may be caused by mismatched

qualification; lack of Norwegian language skills; and discrimination (Holter, 2000).

“The clearly stated goal of the Norwegian government is that Norway should be

an inclusive society in the sense that all inhabitants, regardless of their background,

should have equal opportunities to contribute and participate actively in the

Norwegian society” (Thorud, 2007). The policies emphasize the importance of

immigrants’ participation in working life; knowledge of the Norwegian language and

culture; equality of opportunities for immigrants and their descendants; participation

15

in society at large; and gender equality. The objectives are to prevent lower social

participation and poorer living conditions among immigrants compared to the

population in general; to ensure that immigrants take part in the labor market and

society; and to ensure equal opportunities for immigrants and their descendants

(Thorud, 2007).

1.2.3. The Education Policy of the Compulsory School

Compulsory schooling in Norway has duration of ten years, and is free. Children

start school at six years of age, and the net enrollment is about 98 percent (Holter,

2000; Mortimore, Field & Pont, 2004; Statistics Norway, 2009). The compulsory

education is divided into three phases: lower primary (grades 1-4); upper primary

(grades 5-7) and lower secondary (grades 8-10). The educational policy is founded on

the principle of a unified and comprehensive school system that provides equal and

adapted education for all on the basis of one single national curriculum (Mortimore,

Field & Pont, 2004). All young people are to share a common framework of

knowledge, culture, and values (Holter, 2000; Mortimore, Field & Pont, 2004).

The Norwegian Parliament and the Government define the educational goals and

the budgetary framework for education. The highest public administrative agency for

educational matters is the Ministry of Education & Research, which is responsible for

implementing the national educational policy (Mortimore, Field & Pont, 2004). A

branch of the National Education Office represents the central government at the

regional level in each of the 19 counties of Norway. In cooperation with the National

Education Office, the municipalities and county authorities are delegated considerable

16

responsibility and decision-making authority to ensure appropriate schooling for the

students in conformity with all school regulations. The municipalities, schools, and

teachers are able to decide what learning materials to use and what teaching methods

to adopt, within the framework of statuses and national curricula. Each school has a

head teacher as well as various boards and committees (Mortimore, Field & Pont,

2004).

The “Knowledge Promotion” is the latest reform in the ten-year compulsory

school. The new reform is an ‘action plan’ to increase the academic level of the

students, as a reaction to the low scores the Norwegian schools displayed in

international studies, such as PISA 2006 and PIRLS 2006 (The Education Mirror,

2007; Skarheim, 2008). “The goal of the Knowledge Promotion is to help all pupils to

develop fundamental skills that will enable them to participate actively in our society

of knowledge. The Norwegian school system is inclusive; there must be room for all.

Everyone is to be given the same opportunities to develop their abilities. The

Knowledge Promotion, with its special emphasis on learning, is meant to help ensure

that all pupils receive a differentiated education” (Norwegian Ministry of Education

& Research, 2006).

Emphasis is also placed on the development of social and cultural competence, to

ensure an inclusive social fellowship in which diversity is acknowledged and

respected. Motivation to learn and good teaching strategies are goals are seen as

important factors for the students’ desire to learn, and focus is placed on competence

development for teachers, school counselors and managers in primary and secondary

17

education and training. The new curriculum, The Knowledge Promotion is developed

with emphasis on a multicultural perspective (Skarheim, 2008).

1.2.4. The Immigrant Education Policy

The new model for minority education, “Equal Education in Practice” is a

strategy for increased learning and greater participation for language minorities in

kindergartens and schools. The emphasis is on creating a multicultural, inclusive and

equal education, with the objective of better language instruction for children and

pupils from minority language backgrounds. Emphasis is also placed on good

collaboration between homes and schools, both for kindergarten children and pupils

in primary and secondary education. Another objective is combating racism,

discrimination and bullying. “Everyone should have the same rights, responsibilities

and opportunities, regardless of ethnic background, gender, religion, sexual

orientation or functional ability. Diversity makes Norway a richer society”

(Norwegian Ministry of Education & Research, 2007).

Primary and lower secondary school students with a mother tongue other than

Norwegian have the right to special teaching in Norwegian until they have the ability

to attend ordinary instruction. Special teaching in Norwegian is the primary tool for

students who cannot attend education taught in the Norwegian language. Mother

tongue teaching and bilingual subject teaching are secondary aids to Norwegian

teaching (UDI, 2009; Statistics Norway, 2006).

In order to meet the needs of minority students, special school programs and

models have been developed, such as Focus Schools; “Master Program in

18

Multicultural and International Education”, and the new model “Equal Education in

Practice”. The “Center for Competency Development in the Multicultural School”

(SEFS), in cooperation with the “Educational Board of Norway”, is working with

several schools throughout the country to improve the multicultural school. With the

focus on minority students, these schools are named “Focus Schools” and are

intended to function as models for the development of bilingual education. One of the

goals of the Focus School is to prevent the drop-out of especially minority students.

The Focus School has a multicultural perspective, influencing all the school’s

commissions; with different projects focused on issues such as school evaluation,

racism, bullying, as well as alcohol and drug abuse. Emphasis is also put on the

development of bilingual instruction for the minority students, in order to develop

language proficiency and the understanding of difficult terms. The students are

encouraged to communicate with the teachers about problems and difficulties

(Ministry of Education, 2009).

Through the new reform, with emphasis on promoted knowledge, programs have

been developed for teachers, specializing on working with immigrant students. One

example is a Master Program in ‘Multicultural and International Education’, which is

an advanced study program, which provides necessary competence for work in the

Norwegian multicultural schools (Ministry of Education, 2009).

1.2.5. Attitudes towards Immigrants and Immigration

The Norwegian immigrant policy is based on a pluralistic ideology, with its goals

of giving ethnic minorities the opportunity to maintain and develop their own culture,

19

while at the same time having to fulfill some requirements (Johannessen, 2001).

Hence, researchers claim Norway has a preferred strategy of assimilation rather than

integration (Blom, 2008; Johannessen, 2001; Statistics Norway, 2009; Westin, 2006).

Johannessen’s (2001) study on Norwegians’ attitudes towards immigrants to

Norway reveals assimilation as the most valued acculturation orientation, which

implies a wish for the newcomers to adapt to the Norwegian culture and to follow

Norwegian regulations and guidelines of conduct in everyday life (p.122). Her study

demonstrates that only 2 in 10 Norwegians believe that ethnic minorities should be

given assistance to preserve their customs and traditions. There is a negative attitude

toward the immigrants maintaining their own culture, but at the same time there are

given challenging requirements to earn standing as a Norwegian, such as: being born

in Norway; having Norwegian citizenship; speaking Norwegian; respecting

Norwegian laws and political institutions’ and feeling Norwegian (Johannessen,

2001). The researcher argues that the attitude of assimilation in Norway is the mind-

set that it is impossible for the people who do not share Norwegian customs and

traditions to become fully accepted as a Norwegian.

Research also finds that little or no contact with immigrants could lead to less

acceptance among the members of the dominant group (Blom, 2007; Johannessen

(2001). Johannessen (2001) explains that the attitude of assimilation in Norway

derives from the reduced contact between Norwegians and immigrants. The

phenomenon of immigration is both very recent and limited in Norway as

Norwegians do not have much experience in relating to immigrants. This researcher

20

states, “Norway is still a culturally homogeneous nation compared to other countries

– there exist clear mental boundaries between ‘us’ and ‘them’” (Johannessen, 2001, p.

154). She further explains, “immigration may present a threat to that homogeneity,

and a likely reaction to such a threat is to insist that immigrants should adapt

completely to the Norwegian society once they have entered, and that they should

strive to adapt Norwegian customs and traditions rather than maintaining their

original culture” (Johannessen, 2001, p. 154).

Johannessen (2001) also describes the intolerance in Norway toward immigration

as a cultural conflict, where the strong national identities of the dominant group,

together with background variables, play a big role (Johannessen, 2001). She found a

clear link between strong national identity and a negative attitude towards

immigration among Norwegians. Johannessen (2001) explains that a typical

membership identity in any modern nation state is likely to be positive based on the

need to make a mental distinction between “us “ and “ them” in order to create a

sense of belonging to one’s nation (p.154). Johannessen (2001) found that the

Norwegians with a very positive national identity are more likely to be hostile toward

immigration. She suggests that people in the lower strata of society feel more

threatened by immigrants than people higher up in society do, and that they thereby

display more skepticism towards immigrants (p.162).

Research from the Central Bureau of Statistics in Norway (2008) shows that the

attitudes towards immigrants and immigration in Norway have changed toward

greater tolerance and acceptance. The study shows for example, that “more people

21

than before agree that immigrants make an important contribution to working life,

fewer believe immigrants unjustly burden the social welfare system, and fewer take a

negative stance towards a son or a daughter wishing to marry an immigrant” (Blom,

2008; Statistics Norway, 2009). They explain the changing attitudes towards

immigrants and immigration is caused by factors such as: fluctuations in business

cycles; the number of refugees seeking residence permits in the country; to what

extent the official refugee policy appears humane and just in the eyes of the public;

and the image created by the refugees themselves as a result of their own conduct

(especially with regard to crime). The study also reveals that attitudes towards

immigration vary according to demographic and social factors such as education, age,

urbanization, geographic area, degree of contact with immigrants, political opinions,

and to some extent also by gender (Blom, 2008; Statistics Norway, 2009).

22

II. Literature Review

This study, concerning acculturation and adjustment patterns of immigrant

adolescents in Norway, is mainly derived from scholars within the field of cross-

cultural psychology and educational anthropology. This work features discussions on

different themes affecting the lives of young immigrants, to include: acculturation

stress and coping strategies (Berry 1990, 1992, 1997, 2001; Berry et al., 2006;

Gibson, 1991, 1988; Ogbu, 1974, 1983, 1991; Phinney, et al., 2006; Shemaria, 1993);

acculturation and identity (Akhtar, 1999; Chryssochoou, 2004; 1983; Davidson 1996;

Erikson, 1968; Kanno 2003; Liebkind, 2006; Meaders, 1997; Phinney 1989, 1993,

2001; Phinney et al., 2006; Shemaria, 1993; Spencer and Markstrom-Adams, 1990);

and acculturation and school in regards to belonging and academic performance

(Cummins, 1986, 1989, 2000; Gibson et al., 2004; Goodenow & Gravy, 1993;

Gonzales & Padilla, 1997; Hedegaard, 2002; Osterman, 2000; Peshkin, 1997;

Spindler, 1987; Suarez-Oroszco, 1995; Trueba, 1987; Delgado-Gaitan, 1990; Valdès,

1996). The subject matters of this research will also be discussed with approaches

from critical pedagogy (Cummins, 1989, 2000) and cultural-historical activity theory

(Hedegaard, 2004).

2.1. Acculturation of Young Immigrant Individuals

The acculturation process of immigrant adolescents in Norway is examined in

light of the theories from cross-cultural psychology on stress and coping (Berry 1990,

1992; Berry & Sam, 1997; Berry, 1998; Berry et al., 2006). The fundamental

23

acculturation question from the field of cross-cultural psychology, “How do people

born and raised in one society manage to live in another society that is culturally

different from the one they are used to?” (Sam & Berry, 2006, p.3), creates the

foundation for this theoretical framework.

Berry et al. (2006) define acculturation as “a process of cultural and psychological

change that results from the continuing contact between people of different cultural

backgrounds” (p.27). Research in this field has found that acculturation can be a

challenging process, during which the individual must find strategies to cope with the

situation (Berry and Sam, 2006). Berry’s (1990, 1993, 1997, 2001, 2006) theory on

immigrants and acculturation suggests that every individual in an intercultural contact

arena holds attitudes toward two fundamental aspects of acculturation: intercultural

contact and cultural maintenance. His theory emphasizes that acculturation can take

several paths, where orientation toward one culture is not bound to rejection of the

other. For example, adoption of the majority identity, culture, values or language,

does not necessarily mean rejection of one’s own ethnic identity, culture, values, or

language. Berry’s (1990, 1993, 1997, 2001, 2006) theories and acculturation model

are presented in more depth in section 2.1.2.

2.1.1. Acculturation Stress

Immigrants are typically confronted with multiple changes and challenges upon

arrival in a new country. Migrating individuals are sacrificing their positions as

members of the majority group, which generally includes feelings of normality and

acceptance, and in most cases, possession of power. Being part of a minority group

24

may lead to experiences of poverty, prejudice, discrimination, invisibility, and

estrangement. Economic and personal resources are often lost when immigrant leaves

their home country. Some migrating individuals relocate without family members and

consequently, surrender their secure social network, which is the main source of

emotional and social support. Positions and social rankings may also be lost, as

previous educational and employment background may not be valued or accepted in

the new country, leading to poor job opportunities. Loss of social competence,

history, and language can also make their situations in a new country difficult.

Adapting to immense differences in environment, culture, habits, attitudes and

behavior, and especially to a new and difficult language, are often formidable tasks.

The immigrants are challenged by new lifestyles and may feel out of place. The lack

of the sense of belonging may ultimately cause the sense of self to vanish. Erikson

(1968) calls this experience an “identity crisis” and Ogbu (1960) calls it a “culture

shock.” Berry (2006) terms this phenomenon “acculturative stress,” defining it as “a

stress reaction in response to life events that are rooted in the experience of

acculturation” (Berry, 2006, p.43). The individuals must adopt strategies to cope with

the complex situation and find a sense of belonging in their new environment.

The following table is created in order to illustrate the status of an individual prior

to migration in comparison to the challenges he or she confronts when entering the

host country. It visualizes the essence of this dissertation, which is, first, to discover

how immigrant adolescents are coping with changes (due to cultural differences, etc.)

25

so remarkable that it may affect their self-identities, and second, to explore how they

adjust and find a sense of belonging.

Table 1. A Visual of the Immigrant Experience

Berry (2006) argues, “the term ‘stress’ has a theoretical basis in studies of how

people deal with negative experiences by engaging in various coping strategies,

The individual in the home country

Part of the majority group: - Power - Visibility - Acceptance - Being part of “normality” - Belonging

Knowledge about: - The cultural capital - Social rules and expectations - Language - ‘Way of life’ - Institutional functions

Riches:

- A sense of belonging - The feeling of being home - A sense of Self - A shaped identity - The feeling of security - Maturity is naturally and

automatically developed - A fundamental understanding

of ‘how the world works’; you don’t have to think or analyze every step or move you take - you just ‘do it’!

- The ability to express yourself clearly with mind and body- and being understood.

- Everything is ‘in place’; You have found ‘your place in the universe’

The individual in the host country

Part of a minority group: - Prejudice - Discrimination - Segregation - Invisibility - Empowerment - Being a ‘stranger’ - Not fitting in

Challenged by (a) new -

- Culture - Language - ‘Way of life’ - Surroundings - Institutional functions

Possible losses:

- Family - Social network - Language - Culture - History - Sense of Belonging - Sense of Self

Identity Crisis

Coping Strategies Finding a sense of Belonging Finding a (new) sense of Self

26

leading eventually to some form of adaptation” (p.43). He considers the acculturation

process a “learning experience” if the immigrants are able to reasonably adapt to

change and to effectively deal with challenges (1990, 1993, 1997, 1998, 2001, 2006).

On the other hand, when the challenges are great, the immigrants can have difficulties

adjusting both to the social and the emotional context, which may have a negative

impact on the development of identity in the new country. Berry (2006) reasons that

all immigrants, despite their variations in methods of adapting and coping, “have the

potential and ability to deal effectively with stressors in their lives” (p.43). Section

2.1.3 explores different factors associated with immigrants’ acculturation patterns,

with focus on demography and socio-cultural contexts.

Berry (1990) distinguishes between the changes that an immigrant individual

experiences when surrounded by dissimilar cultures on the individual and on a group

levels. Examples of group-level changes include social, economic, and political

transformations, while identity-level changes encompass reevaluations of values,

character, behaviors, and outlooks (p.14). This research focuses only on the

individual-level of acculturation experiences and does not explore the group-level of

changes, nor does it investigate long-term adaptation. Berry (2006) argues that to gain

a complete picture of acculturation, a comprehensive examination of the social

contexts of origin and of the settlement are necessary (p.45). For the purpose of this

study, an examination is conducted only of the contextual factors of the society of

settlement, without a comprehensive examination of the societies of origin. Since the

27

participants originate from several different countries, an exploration of each one

would be too complex for the purposes of this study.

2.1.2. Coping Strategies

Research has proven that it becomes crucial for immigrants to develop coping

strategies to overcome the challenges associated with migration and acculturation

experiences (Berry 1990, 1993, 1997, 2001, 2006; Gibson, 1988, 1991a, 1991b, 1998;

Ogbu, 1983, 1991; Shemaria, 1993). Berry (1990, 1993, 1997, 2001, 2006) claims the

strategies develop from the acculturation attitudes each immigrant has in terms of

maintenance of their own culture and interaction with other cultural groups. Berry

(1993, 2001, 2006) identifies four acculturation strategies open to minorities in

contact with a majority group. Assimilation is a strategy in which the individuals do

not wish to maintain their cultural identities and therefore, seek contact with other

cultural groups. The strategy of integration is defined by the preference of immigrant

individuals to maintain their original culture, while subsequently generating contact

and interaction with other cultural groups. The separation strategy entails

preservation of their original culture and avoidance of interaction with other cultural

groups. The fourth strategy, marginalization, involves an avoidance of contact with

others, while also having no desire to sustain the characteristics of own culture.

Berry (1990, 1993, 2001, 2006) modified his first model, which illustrated the two

basic issues of acculturation strategies, by not limiting the model to the non-dominant

ethno-cultural groups. Berry’s (2001, 2006) new model, illustrated below, also

28

incorporates the acculturation strategies of the host society, as a depending factor for

the acculturation strategies and attitudes of the immigrant group and individual.

Figure 2. Acculturation strategies in ethnocultural groups and the larger society (Berry, 2006, p.35, Ch.3)

Berry (2006) concludes that immigrants are not always allowed complete freedom

of choice in selecting an acculturation method, due to the constraints often placed on

them by the dominant group. He explains that the variance of strategies among

individuals can be attributed to the differences in the acculturation attitudes of the

individuals or groups with whom they are interacting. Divergent viewpoints on the

issues illustrated in his model “intersect to define the four strategies of intercultural

relations” (p.35). The term ‘melting pot’ is used to define the dominant group’s

29

predilection for the assimilation strategy. Separation imposed by the dominant group

is referred to as ‘segregation’, while marginalization is a form of exclusion inflicted

by the majority group. The opposing viewpoint involves integration, in which the

society values and encourages cultural diversity, supporting the strategy of mutual

accommodation or multiculturalism.

The strategy of integration has proven to be the most successful, allowing for a

more effortless adjustment for immigrants with less stress and challenges

(Andriessen, 2006; Berry, 2005; Berry et al., 1992; Phinney, 1993; Phinney et al.,

2006; Sam & Berry, 1995). The strategy of marginalization is found to be the least

successful for adjustment, while assimilation and separation strategies are found to be

intermediate (Berry, 1990; Berry & Sam, 1997; Berry et al., 2006; Sam & Berry,

2006, Ch.4, p.51). Berry and Sam (1997) explains that when immigrants when choose

to employ assimilation or integration strategies they may experience greater levels of

acceptance in the dominant society, which often have a positive effect on the

adjustment. In contrast, when immigrant individuals utilize the separation/segregation

or marginalization strategies, “a ‘fit’ may not be achieved, and the acculturating

groups may settle into patterns of conflict, which can result in acculturative stress”

(Berry and Sam, 1997, p.299).

Also noted in previous research is the tendency of immigrants to employ different

strategies as they progress through various phases and challenges in the acculturation

process (Sam, 2006). Different issues or complications may persuade an individual to

change the acculturation strategy. In essence, “the strategies could be thought of as

30

phases, which an individual may pass through over and over, using several strategies

at any given time” (Sam, 2006, Ch.2., p. 19).

2.1.3. Variation in the Immigrants’ Acculturation Pattern

Previous research has identified variations in immigrant adolescents’ strategy

preferences and acculturation patterns, in association with varying factors (Berry et al.,

2006; Oppedal, 2002; Phinney et al., 2006a). For the purpose of this research, focus

has been placed on demographic and contextual variables associated with the

acculturation strategies and adjustments of immigrant adolescents. These variables

include: background and immigrant status, age, gender, length of residency,

socioeconomic background, and acculturation attitudes adopted by home, school and

the host country.

Background and Immigrant Status

Ogbu and Gibson (1991) make a distinction between ‘voluntary’ and

‘involuntary migrants’, as to immigrants who have left their home countries

voluntarily and those who were forced to migrate because of, for example,

catastrophic socio-political situations. They found a dominant pattern of voluntary

migrants being successful in adjusting to the new context in a foreign country,

whereas involuntary minorities were found to be less able to overcome the changes

and challenges of acculturation. Ogbu and Gibson (1991) attribute this pattern to the

immigrants’ cultural models influencing their survival attitudes and strategies for

success in the new settlement. They argue that voluntary immigrants view language

and cultural adjustment as essential for adaptation, and do not view these changes as

31

threatening to their own cultural identity. They often use a strategy of participation in

both the mainstream and the minority world. Involuntary immigrants, on the contrary,

often perceive their distinctiveness in school and society in terms of their unique

cultures and languages as symbols of identity which must be maintained. A cultural

frame of reference gives both a sense of collective or social identity and a sense of

self-worth (Ogbu & Gibson, 1991). The dilemma of this minority group is the belief

that they have to choose between adhering to the dominant group’s approach to

success or maintaining their minority cultural frame of reference and identity (Ogbu

& Gibson, 1991, p.27). The voluntary minorities occupy different social positions

within the host country, and maintain positive attitudes toward the host society and

institutions. Involuntary minorities believe they will never be accepted, regardless of

the amount of effort given to education or jobs. Ogbu and Gibson (1991) argue that

these blockades come from their historically subjugated positions within the new

country. Over time, the involuntary immigrants have come to the understanding, that

they don’t have the same opportunities as others in the host country.

Age and Stage of Development

Age at the time of migration also plays a decisive role in the adjustment process

in a new country (Akhtar, 1999). Research shows that when children migrate at an

early age, the acculturation process is generally smooth (Sam, 1995). The reasons for

this are not entirely clear. Perhaps full enculturation into their primary cultures have

not sufficiently advanced to require much culture shedding or to create any serious

culture conflict. Another theory is that personal flexibilities and abilities to adapt are

32

at their peak during these early years (Sam, 1995). In any case, it has been determined

that individuals who migrate at age twelve or older experience greatest acculturative

stress than younger individuals (Padilla & Duran, 1985; Padilla, 2002; Sam, 1995).

The explanation for this is that the conflicts associated with demands of parents and

peers are more significant during this period. Also, the normal challenges correlating

to the transition between childhood and adulthood are compounded by subsequently

experiencing cultural transitions (Sam, 1995).

Gender

The variance in acculturation patterns of immigrants can also be related to gender

(Berry et al., 2006). Females appear to be more at risk for adjustment problems than

males. Boys have proven to be more adept at adjusting psychologically, but to have

poorer socio-cultural adjustments. Girls in general display more symptoms of

depression and anxiety (Berry et al., 2006).

Language

Learning the native language is another critical facet for immigrant acculturation,

as it is considered one of the biggest challenges for adjustment and establishment of

sense of self (Meaders, 1997). Language is argued to be an essential instrument in the

interaction with other people and to be directly connected to self-identity (Meaders,

1997; Fishman, 1999). Individuals are able to express and articulate themselves

through interactions with others and they also gain a greater understanding of other

people. “Language as a means of expressing ourselves is vitally important in both

communicating and clarifying our identity in relationship to others. When the

33

established sense of self cannot be communicated, supported, and maintained through

complex verbal exchanges, it suffers in this vacuum” (Meaders, 1997, p.49).

Research has found that competence in the dominant language is important for

adjustment and social participation in a foreign country. “Knowledge of [the

dominant language] is essential if the immigrant child is to develop self-confidence in

his new relationships, to grow culturally in his new environment, to become part of

the community” (US Department of Education, 1971, p.58). The inability to speak the

language of the community in which one lives is the first step towards

misunderstanding and prejudice (US Department of Education, 1971).

Social Contact

Social relationships and contacts are found to have significant influence on

immigrant adolescents’ acculturation patterns, especially “adolescents who often

formulate their own views and beliefs on culture based on those of families, friends,

and other social contacts in their communities (Phinney et al., 2006, p.75).

Gibson et al. (2004) argue that peer relationships serve as sources of social and

emotional support, which can lead to successful adjustments on all arenas of the host

country, for example school. Social status, especially for immigrant children, is found

to have predictive value for their psychological adaptation and behavior. They found

that immigrant adolescents, who are accepted and included, tend to be well adjusted.

On the opposite, immigrants who experience rejection and neglect are found to have

increased risks of cognitive and emotional damage (Gibson et al., 2006). Social

contacts and strong relationships may give access to the socio-cultural capital of the

34

host society, “which may help to lighten their sense of estrangement and cultural

shock and improve their personal, social and academic adjustment” (Gibson et al.,

2004, p.131).

Cultural Differences

The magnitude of cultural differences between the host and the home countries is

another factor that can cause variation in immigrants’ acculturation pattern (Sam &

Berry, 2006). Research demonstrates that greater cultural differences often create

more difficult adjustments to new countries and cultures (Berry et al., 2006; Sam &

Berry, 2006). When there are fewer and less differences between the ethnic culture

and the national culture, the acculturation process is found to be more efficient

(Vedder & Horenczyk, 2006). The explanation is that when there are fewer

differences between ethnic culture and the culture of the host country, the immigrant

individuals are more able to utilize their skills, beliefs, and attitudes from the ethnic

culture in their new surroundings, and to better adapt to the new cultural norms. It

might be easier for the immigrants and their families to learn and understand more

about the foreign culture (Vedder & Horenczyk, 2006).

Prejudice and Discrimination

Many immigrant children come from backgrounds and cultures that vary greatly

from the customary lifestyle in the host country, and thus experience difficulties

becoming fully integrated into the new society. Prejudice and intolerance as a result

of cultural differences, are enormous challenges that many immigrants encounter, and

is found to be related to immigrants’ acculturation pattern. Phinney et al. (2006) state

35

that the attitudes immigrants develop towards the new society often are direct

reflections of the attitudes and behaviors manifested towards them. When immigrants

sense negative feelings from the host society, “they reciprocate with a negative

opinion and tend to prefer separation and marginalization in lieu of integration and

assimilation strategies” (Phinney et al., 2006, p.82).

Acculturation Attitude of the Dominant Group (e.g. Host Society, School)

Berry (1990, 1997, 2005, 2006) argues that the acculturation attitude of the host

society influences immigrant individuals’ acculturation preferences and attitudes.

Immigrant individuals are often not given full freedom of choice in their strategies for

acculturation, as their experience as an immigrant is largely impacted by the beliefs

and behaviors of the host society (Phinney et al., 2006, p.74). The acculturation

processes that immigrants adopt are dependent on various characteristics of the host

country, such as: general attitudes towards diversity, the composition and dynamics

of groups, and common attitudes and behaviors (Berry, 1990; Berry and Sam, 1997;

Chryssochoou, 2004).

Phinney et al. (2006) argue that the means by which the acculturation attitude of

the host country is reflected in for example, schools, occupies a central role in the

immigrants’ adaptation attitudes. They found that students who employ strategies of

assimilation at school are adjusting more successfully than those who use a strategy

of separation. This is explained to be a result of the school’s acculturation orientation,

which often is shown to lean more toward assimilation than other institutions and

social contexts (Phinney et al., 2006). Immigrants who employ the strategy of

36

assimilation are found to maintain a more positive rapport between their adjustment

pattern and the acculturation attitude of the educational setting (Phinney et al., 2006).

A society with a multicultural orientation, on the other hand, is found to be a

prerequisite for successful integration by minorities in allowing immigrants more

freedom of acculturation strategy preferences (Berry, 1990, 2006; Phinney et al.,

2006). Such a society maintains an open and agreeable attitude towards cultural

diversity and encourages people to be accepting of cultural diversity, integration, and

mutual accommodation (Berry, 1984, 1990; Phinney et al., 2006).

2.2. Acculturation and Identity

“Migrants – that is, men and women who by definition suddenly find themselves in another context, where their old [notion] of identity have become inoperative – must be able to fabricate new identities. ...It is not enough to move, to get a job, and then find a place to live, worship, and relax; most migrants also have to relearn who they are – both as individuals and as members of a new and different collective” (Brent O. Peterson, 1991, p.1-2).

Many studies on migration and acculturation have found that the challenges and

stresses that follow settlement in a new country often have a deep impact on the

identity development (Akhtar, 1999; Berry, 1998; Chryssochoou, 2004; Sam, 2000;

Sam, 2006, Shemaria, 1993; Spencer and Markstrom-Adams, 1990; Suarez-Orozco,

2001; Meaders, 1997). When young individuals have to live within two (or more)

different cultures and try to bridge the gap between the traditions, beliefs and duties

of their families and the quite different ways of thinking and behaving in relation to

the life they are experiencing in and out of school, they often go through a difficult

phase of identity search (Department of Education and Science, 1971).

37

It is taken a socio-cultural approach to the concept of identity, based on the notion

that “identity is a continuous process, aiming at the development and maintenance of

positive psychological distinctiveness, as well as a sense of continuity and social

belongingness” (Liebkind, 1999, p.278). This study intends to explore the complex

situations of young immigrants experiencing acculturation, which may affect their

identities. The main focus of this theoretical concept is the “sense of self” and “sense

of belonging”, guided by the theories of Phinney et al. (2001, 2006) on cultural

identity and Gibson et al. (2004) on the sense of belonging.

A successful acculturation depends on the individual’s success in coping with the

stressors of a new environment, which is ultimately based on the development of

identity and the sense of self (Shemaria, 1993; Sam, 2006; Sam & Oppedal, 2002).

Meaders (1997) demonstrates that immigrants might undergo a reorientation of

identity, due to the many challenges and changes following a migration. She explains

that the immigrants must become oriented in new and unusual situations, learning

new codes of behavior, new communication skills, and new cultural expectations.

This situation often become stressful and overwhelming for the immigrant. Meaders

(1997) argues the survival of identity is the first phase of coping with an experience

of migration.

Erikson (1968) claimed that the acquiring of identities is the most important

developmental task for adolescents. His “Epigenesis of Identity” model (1968)

describes the effect of identity processing on different stages of psychosocial

development, based on five organizing concepts: developmental stages,

38

developmental tasks, the psychosocial crisis, the main process for resolving the crisis,

and coping behaviors. The developmental tasks of each stage interrelate with a

psychosocial crisis, where the resolutions of previous crisis influence resolutions of

current and future crises. A person deals with the crisis occurring within a certain

stage with different psychological outcomes. A successfully resolved conflict builds a

positive quality into the person’s personality and further development can take place.

If the conflict persists or is unsatisfactorily resolved, the person’s sense of self can be

damaged because a negative quality is incorporated into it. The overall task of the

individual is to acquire a positive sense of self, or ego identity, as he/she moves from

one stage to the next (Erikson, 1968). The psychosocial crisis refers to a person’s

psychosocial efforts to adjust to the demands of the social environment. At each of

the developmental stages, the society in which one lives makes certain demands on

the individual. An individual near the end of a particular stage of development is

forced to resolve a conflict by adjusting himself to the demands of society and its

culture, managing to translate the social demands into personal terms. This process

produces a state of tension within the individual that must be reduced in order for the

person to proceed to the next stage. This state of tension is often called the

psychosocial “crisis of identity” (Erikson, 1968; Shemaria, 1993).

Spencer & Markstrom-Adams (1990) refer to Erickson’s (1959, 1968) model and

claims, among other researchers, that the establishment of identity is particularly

complicated for young immigrants (Sam, 2006; Spencer & Markstrom-Adams, 1990).

In addition to all the challenges individuals undergoing acculturation are exposed to,

39

immigrant children and adolescents may face added risks due to both their age and

development phase and to acculturation stress (Sam, 2006; Spencer & Markstrom-

Adams, 1990). Sam (2006) argues, “Adolescents fall within the developmental

transition between childhood and adulthood and key developmental processes of this

period include changes in biological, cognitive and psychosocial demands” (p.405).

2.2.1. Adjusting - Finding a Sense of Belonging

To understand the acculturation process among immigrant adolescents from

diverse ethno-cultural groups, Phinney et al. (2006) state the importance of looking at

the aspect of immigrants’ sense of self rather than only on their behavior and

attitudes. They define the concept of sense of self as “cultural identity”, where both

the ethnic and the national identities are included. “Cultural identity is the extent to

which immigrants identify with their ethnic group and with the larger society”

(Phinney et al., 2006). The cultural identity is viewed as an aspect of social identity,

involving a sense of belonging to one or more cultural groups and the feelings

associated with group membership. The social identities of immigrants can include

association with their own ethnic culture’s identity or with the dominant group’s

identity, although both identities will undoubtedly change over time and across

generations (Phinney et al., 2006). In reference to the ‘Social Identity Theory’ (Tajfel

& Turner, 1986), Phinney et al. (2006) note strong connections between group

identification and self-concept, with senses of well-being that is highly dependent on

solid identification with a group. “Simply being a member of a group provides

individuals with a sense of belonging that contributes to a positive self-concept”

40

(Phinney et al., 2006, p.77). They further state that individuals place value on finding

and preserving a positive social identity because it increases their self-esteem. “The

discovery of [cultural] identity, which includes a secure sense of one’s ethnicity and

resolution of conflicts about one’s group, is assumed to include positive feelings

about one’s group and to be a source of personal strength and positive self-

evaluation” (Phinney et al., 2001, p.501-502).

The relationship between ethnic and national identities is seen as very important

because of the implications it has for the acculturation process. Earlier research stated

that immigrants would have to identify either with their ethnic group or with the

national society, or vice versa. More resent research suggests that the two identities

may vary independently, and that it is possible to identify strongly with both cultures

and have a bicultural identity (Berry et al., 2006; Phinney et al., 2006). They further

state that ethnic and national identity can be thought of as two dimensions of group

identity that vary independently and they describe four possible outcomes of cultural

identity formation, which correspond with the four acculturation strategies suggested

by Berry (1990, 1997, 2001). An integrated identity involves high levels of both

ethnic and national identity, while a separated identity entails high ethnic and low

national identity. An assimilated identity involves low ethnic identity and high

national identity, with a marginalized identity defined by low levels of identification

with both socio-cultural groups (Phinney et al., 2001).

It has been determined that individuals who maintain their cultural identities as

they become acculturated to the distinctive culture of the host country are adjusting

41

more successfully than those who do not (Phinney, 1993; Phinney et al., 2001). “An

integrated identity, that is, the combination of strong ethnic and national identities,

promotes the healthiest psychological adaptation [the most successful adjustment],

whereas low scores on these two identities are related to poor adaptation/adjustment

(Phinney et al., 2001, p.502). Phinney (1993) characterizes individuals who have

achieved an ego identity as having “resolved uncertainties about their future direction

and made commitments that will guide future action” (p.13). These individuals have

self-esteem and pride in their ethnic identities. In addition, “individuals living within

two cultures may also feel comfortable incorporating both cultural identities. They

have found their sense of self and know where they belong” (Phinney, 1993, p.71).

Phinney et al. (2006) determine that the impact cultural identification has on

immigrant adolescents’ acculturation experiences “can best be understood in terms of

immigrants’ strategies and characteristics including the responses of the receiving

society and contextual factors” (p. 494). They argue that the basis of ethnic identity is

formed by the attitudes immigrants hold toward own culture and the culture of the

new society, together with perceptions of acceptance and official immigration

policies in the new society. For example, they found that when pluralism is

encouraged and the immigrants’ value maintenance of their own cultural identities,

the ethnic identity tends to be stronger. When the social contexts are supportive of

ethnic communities, the immigrants feel free to embrace their ethnic identity (p.494).

Under pressure of assimilation, immigrants have a tendency to employ a national

identity (Phinney et al., 2006). An attitude of hostility towards foreigners is found to

42

cause immigrants to diminish or even reject the characteristics of their own ethnic

identities. Other immigrants deal with hostility and negative behaviors by intensifying

their ethnic pride in an attempt to reinforce solidarity (p. 496). Phinney et al. (2006)

also found children’s cultural identities to be significantly influenced by their

interactions and communication with their families and their surroundings.

2.3. Acculturation and School

School adjustment is one of the primary socio-cultural and developmental tasks

for children and adolescents (Phinney et al., 2001; Vedder & Horenczyk, 2006). Low

academic achievement levels have been argued to be direct results of failed

acculturation at school (Vedder and Horenczyk, 2006), as minority adolescents are

found to vary greatly in their abilities to successfully adapt to the school setting

(p.421).

An overall look at immigrants students in the compulsory school in Norway

reveals lower grades, slower educational progression, and dropout rates of a much

higher degree than majority students (Opheim and Støren, 2001; Hægeland et al.,

2007). The educational achievement levels also differ tremendously within the

immigrant population (Statistics Norway, 2002; Opheim and Støren, 2001; Hægeland

et al., 2007). Students with non-Western immigrant backgrounds get significantly

lower grades than students with Norwegian backgrounds, though, second-generation

immigrants with non-Western backgrounds get better grades and stay in school longer

than first-generation immigrants (Opheim and Støren, 2001; Hægeland et al., 2007).

The educational outcomes among immigrant students also vary by country of origin

43

(Opheim and Støren, 2001). Students with an Islamic background have the poorest

academic outcome. Turkey accounts for the lowest number of people with advanced

educational backgrounds, and Switzerland accounts for the highest number. Western

Europe, North America and Oceania have the most people with an educational

background at the university level. Immigrants from Morocco make up the largest

group of people without any educational background (Opheim and Støren, 2001).

In addition, vast discrepancies are found between male and female immigrant

students. More men than women have an advanced level of educational background.

Still, in terms of immigrants, women have completed an education at the university

level, to a higher degree than men. The number of people without any educational

background is higher among immigrant women than men (Opheim and Støren, 2001;

Statistics Norway, 2002). While many immigrant students have parents with limited

education (Hægeland et al., 2007), there are only small differences in school

attainment between young immigrants and majority youth from the same social class

(Opheim and Støren, 2001; Statistics Norway, 2002; The Education Mirror 2006;

Hægeland et al., 2007).

The reasons for immigrants’ variation in school performance have been

examined, and international reports give various conclusions to take into account.

This section examines how acculturation stress affects the academic achievement of

immigrant adolescents. Socio-cultural explanations given for the academic failure

among immigrant students are taken into consideration. These explanations relate

closely to the issues associated with the stress of the acculturation process to include

44

immigrant status and acculturation patterns (Ogbu & Gibson, 1991), cultural

differences (Gibson, 1987; Ogbu, 1982; Ogbu & Gibson, 1991; Peshkin, 1997;

Spindler, 1982, 1987; Trueba, 1987; Valdés, 1996), prejudice and discrimination

(Rogstad, 2002), language barriers (Cornelius, 1995; Cummins and Swain, 1986;

Rumbaut, 1995; Skutnabb-Kangas, 1981, 1990), and attitudes toward schooling and

acculturation (Gibson, 1995; Spindler, 1987; Valdés, 1996; Suarez-Orozco, 1989).

Socioeconomic background (Gibson et al., 2004; Valdés, 1996) and social contacts

(Gibson, 1991; Gibson et al., 2004) are other factors explored.

This study intends to illustrate the complex situations of young immigrants and

argues that differences in academic performance among immigrant students are

reflections of their senses of belonging and the variations in their ways of coping with

acculturation stress. Emphasis is placed on the sense of belonging as a crucial factor

contributing to the success of young immigrants’ acculturations and achievements in

school (Gibson et al., 2004).

The most accommodating strategy for immigrants to succeed in school is also

presented in this section. Research demonstrates integration to be the most adaptive

acculturation strategy for immigrant students to gain acceptance and perform well in

school (Berry & Sam, 1997; Berry et al., 2006). Studies also show that young

immigrants, who maintain their cultural identities as they become acculturated to the

culture of the host society, adjust more successfully than those who do not (Phinney,

1993).

45

2.3.1. Acculturation Stressors Influencing the Academic Achievement

Background and Status of Immigration

Some explanations for the variations in school performance levels of immigrant

students are the different perceptions of status and the different acculturation patterns

of the immigrants (Ogbu and Gibson, 1991). Ogbu and Gibson (1991) argue that the

cultural models of the different minority groups influence their survival attitudes and

strategies for success. The group’s initial terms of incorporation into the host society

result in different outcomes for minority adolescents in the school setting. The

researchers made a distinction between voluntary migrants and forced migrants, with

the conclusion drawn that voluntary immigrants are better able to succeed

academically than forced immigrants Voluntary minorities occupy different social

positions within the host country and tend to maintain positive attitudes toward the

host society and institutions. They see the culture and language differences as barriers

to be overcome in order to achieve success and become adjusted. Adapting to the host

society is not viewed as threatening to their cultures, languages or identities. In

contrast, involuntary minorities are less able to overcome the challenges involved in

the acculturation process, and tend to experience more prolonged social adjustment

problems (p.22). They have negative attitudes toward the host society and institutions,

believing they will never be accepted, regardless of the amount of effort put in

education or jobs. “The dilemma of this minority group is the belief that they have to

choose between the dominant group’s approach to success and maintaining their

minority cultural frame of reference and identity” (Gibson and Ogbu, 1991, p.27).

46

Cultural Differences and Cultural Conflict

Another explanation for the poor academic outcome among immigrant students

refers to the cultural differences between the minority groups and the mainstream

institutions (Spindler, 1982, 1987; Gibson, 1987, 1998; Valdés, 1996; Trueba, 1987;

Ogbu, 1982; Peshkin, 1997). The cultural conflict theory assumes that educational

problems arise because of a conflict of cultural values found within the larger socio-

cultural, historical and political context of minority participation in mainstream social

institutions (Trueba, 1987). There is a conflict between the culture and language of

the school and that of the students (Valdés, 1996). The immigrant children are placed

in between two worlds with different rules and values, and the discontinuity between

these two worlds causes confusion and stress (Valdés, 1996).


Coming from unique backgrounds and cultures, most immigrant children are

faced with challenges becoming fully integrated. Many are subjected to prejudice,

discrimination and intolerance based on their cultural backgrounds. These encourage

the adolescents to form negative perceptions of the social life of school, which can

significantly affect academic achievement levels. Immigrant students are less likely to

participate in school activities and primarily socialize with other minority students

(Rogstad, 2002). Feelings of rejection from the majority group negatively influence

their enjoyment of a social life at school.

47

Language

International studies have found the most important limitation on the education of

immigrant children to be a lack of proficiency in the majority language (Cummins &

Swain, 1986; Cornelius, 1995; Rumbaut, 1995). Immigrant children are often forced

to begin school in a new country with little or no knowledge of the majority language

and thus require special support. Proficiency in the new language is also gained at

different rates, depending on age at time of arrival, parental social class of origin,

literacy in another language, family and community context, and other situational and

psycho-cultural characteristics (Rumbaut, 1995). Without an understanding of the

spoken and written language, it is impossible to participate fully in ordinary lessons

and to profit from what the school has to offer (Department of Education and Science,

1971). Students with low native language proficiency may also experience feelings of

marginalization because of lack of contact and acceptance by the majority students

and even teachers. This may result in the formation of socialization groups solely

comprised of other minority students (Gibson, et al., 2004, p.177).

Research also emphasizes that success in school and integration into the host

society are also dependant on immigrants being competent in the native language

(Skutnabb-Kangas 1981; Cummins, 1976; Department of Education and Science,

1971). It has been suggested that immigrant youth’s proficiency in the national

language is a better predictor of academic performance and social participation than

proficiency in the ethnic language (Driessen, 2000; Vedder & Virta, 2005). It is also

been found that immigrant students who are proficient in both their ethnic and the

48

national language report a higher sense of well-being and more positive social

adjustment scores than students who are less balanced in their bilingualism or who

lack proficiency in either language (Vedder & Virta, 2005).

Socioeconomic Background

Socio-economic explanations claim that inequalities in terms of socioeconomic

background and resources such as education, income, and social status, influence the

immigrant students’ school performances (Ogbu & Gibson, 1991; Skutnabb-Kangas,

1990; Trueba, 1987). Research indicates that immigrant children in Norway who have

parents with higher levels of education and considerable cultural capital and who

socialize with other people of the same age with similar backgrounds often adhere to

the same norm and value system. Part of this system encompasses a homogeneous

attitude toward getting a formal education. Research shows that the prerequisites and

motivation required to go far in the educational system are more likely to be

established among these young immigrant students than others (Nordli Hansen,

1999). Gibson et al., (2004) state that immigrant children of parents with higher

socio-economic backgrounds are afforded more opportunities to take advantage of the

relationships that can positively enhance their academic experiences (p.131).

Parent’s Attitude (towards Acculturation and Education)

Parental support toward education has proven to be a critical factor in immigrant

children’s academic successes (Gibson, 1995). Research show that if the parents do

not value education in the way of preparing their children for school or getting

49

involved in their education, the children will fail (Gibson, 1995; Suarez-Orozco,

1989).

Valdés (1996) argues that cultural differences in traditions and expectations of the

value of education result in that the homes and families of many immigrant children

are not preparing the children properly for entering school. Many immigrant parents

have minimal experience with the school system in the new country and do not know

what to expect or how to get information about their children’s education. Valdes

(1996) argue that many immigrant parents are leaving their children at disadvantage

by not exposing them to the culture of the majority. They have no knowledge or

expectations of the school’s functions and are failing in introducing their children to

the world outside the home.

Parental expectations and assumptions about value of schooling are demonstrated

to have more impact on the immigrant child’s decision to persist in school than either

the parent’s social class background or the child’s actual educational skill (Suarez-

Orozco, 1989). Further, parents’ expectations and aspirations are found to play a

bigger role in school persistence among young immigrants than socioeconomic status,

IQ or students’ actual performance in school (Gibson, 1995; Suarez-Orozco, 1989).

The School’s Attitude (toward Acculturation and Instruction)

The school’s attitude is most often a reflection of the host country’s acculturation

orientation, which is shown to have a major impact on the individuals’ acculturation

strategies and adaptation. The educational system is often blamed for only having the

intentions of recruitment and maintenance for the mainstream culture and society

50

(Spindler, 1987; Valdés, 1996). The schools often have little understanding of the

children’s backgrounds and lives at home and show little or no interest in bringing the

students’ knowledge and experiences from the home culture into the classroom

(Spindler, 1987; Valdés, 1996). This is argued to cause a gap between the students’

life at home and life in school, which can lead to alienation and marginalization,

which again is demonstrated to result in poor school performances (Spindler, 1987;

Valdés, 1996).

Social Contacts and Support

Social contacts and support are other factors demonstrated to be crucial in the

academic progress of immigrant students. Gibson et al., (2006) explain that children’s

social status among peers has predictive value for their psychological adaptations and

behaviors. Peer relationships serve as a source of social and emotional support, and as

a context for learning and practicing social, cognitive and language skills (Gibson et

al., 2006). The rejected and neglected children are emotionally and cognitively at risk,

whereas the popular children are generally resourceful and well adapted (Gibson et

al., 2006). Gibson et al. (2004) argue that an adolescent’s ability to gain acceptance

and respect in more than one cultural or social group are more engaged in and

dedicated to the learning process (Gandara, 1995; Gibson, 1998, Gibson et al., 2004,

p. 181).

Gibson et al. (2004) further argue that the academic failure among immigrant

students is caused by the disparity in opportunities afforded to them to communicate

and connect with those that can help them achieve academic success (p131). They

51

emphasize the formation of strong relationships as immigrant students’ entrance to

the majority society. Peers from the majority group may be sources of contact and

participation in the host society, “which may help to alleviate their senses of

estrangement and cultural shock and improve their personal, social and academic

adjustments” (Gibson et al., 2004. p.131). Further, close associations with peers that

are focused on the pursuit of a higher education is found to aide minorities in

developing behaviors and skills, which allow them to advance their educational

experiences (p.131). “The concept of social capital dictates that supportive peer or

adult relations lead students to the institutional resources and funds of knowledge that

students need in order to ‘decode the system’ and “participate in power” (Gibson et

al., 2004; p.131).

Support from teachers is also stated as a crucial factor in the academic

performance of immigrant students (Osterman, 2000; Goodenow & Grady, 1993).

Examinations of the importance of students’ sense of the belonging in school and in

the classroom, determine teacher support to have the most significant impact on

school motivation success and academic achievement (Osterman, 2000; Goodenow &

Grady, 1993).

Andriessen (2006) found that that immigrant students who are able to mobilize

social support and protect their self-worth within the family and community and at

the same time manage to engaging in cultural contact with the majority group and to

make themselves at home at school are the most successful (p.22).

52

2.3.2. The Role of the Sense of Belonging in School

Research points to a strong and positive link between students’ subjective sense of

belonging in school and both their participation and achievement levels (Gandara &

Gibson, 2004; Gibson et al., 2004; Goodenow & Grady, 1993; Osterman, 2000). It is

found that in school settings where students have a sense of belonging, they interact

and participate more. They also often have stronger motivational patterns, increased

dedication, and higher aspirations (Osterman, 2000). Likewise, when students

experience rejection, alienation or isolation they tend to have lower academic

involvement and performance (Gibson et al., 2004; Goodenow & Grady, 1993;

Osterman, 2000).

The concept of the sense of belonging is defined in these studies as the students’

feelings of acceptation, respect, inclusion, and support (Gibson et al., 2004). The

sense of belonging is also claimed to be a fundamental human motivation, linked to

important psychological processes; “Children who experience a sense of

belongingness/relatedness have a stronger supply of inner resources. They perceive

themselves to be more competent and autonomous and have higher levels of intrinsic

motivation. They have a stronger sense of identity, but are also willing to conform to

and adopt established norms and values. These inner resources in turn predict

engagement and performance” (Osterman, 2000, p.343). Osterman (2000) declares

the sense of belonging to have an impact on mental processes, patterns of emotion,

behaviors, and overall senses of health and well-being. She argues feelings of

belonging to be a crucial for a positive sense of self and for positive interaction with

53

other people; “The experience of belonging or relatedness is associated with more

positive attitudes toward self and others and these views are reflected in their

interactions with others. When students experience acceptance, and where the culture

values and encourages supportive interaction, they are more likely to be supportive of

others” (Osterman, 2000, p.334). She explains that feelings of inclusion and

acceptance create positive emotions such as happiness, satisfaction and contentment.

When students have a sense of belonging in school, it results in positive feelings and

positive attitudes towards peers, teachers and schoolwork. On the other hand,

experiences and feelings of exclusion and rejection create negative feelings of anger,

sadness and jealousy, and are associated with lower achievement levels, decreased

motivation, and behavioral problems (Osterman, 2000, p.243).

Goodenow and Grady (1992) confirm that the sense of belonging is an important

element of the social context in school; “the sense of [social group] membership

heavily influences student’s commitment to schooling and acceptance of educational

values…” (p.61). They describe student’s sense of belonging in school as “the extent

to which they feel personally accepted, respected, included, and supported by others –

especially teachers and other adults in the school social environment” (p.61).

Research find that students’ interest and enjoyment in school often are dependent

on feelings of acceptance by both peers and teachers (Gibson et al., 2004; Goodenow

and Grady, 1993). Gibson et al. (2004) argue that in order to promote academic

persistence and achievement in school “a sense of belonging must be complemented

with support and encouragement from adults and peers alike” (p.130). They

54

emphasize that positive connections both with peers and teachers, as well as with

parents and family, have positive impacts on the students’ well-being and academic

achievement in school. On the other hand, it is also found that students who fail to

form these connections with teachers or other educationally motivated students have a

higher tendency to drop out of school (Gibson et al., 2004, p.177).

Gibson et al. (2004) advice that schools promote a sense of belonging, and

subsequently, academic achievement among immigrant students by developing and

encouraging participation in opportunities for interactions between diverse cultures.

“By decreasing feelings of marginalization and increasing student acceptance of

diverse cultures, an environment that enhances academic achievement is created”

(p.181). Building a community within the school, and creating spaces of belonging,

which support the affirmation of ethnic identities and backgrounds creates “a school

where differences are both acknowledged and celebrated and where students routinely

interact and mix across social, cultural, and linguistic borders” (Gibson et al., 2004,

p.178). “Such a school environment fosters access to a variety of social groups,

cultural backgrounds, and academic skills, resulting in greater motivation for current

and future academic, social and economic success” (Gibson, 1998). Other factors

involved in promoting a sense of belonging and academic achievement among

immigrants students are connections between home, school, and community,

language proficiency, involvement in extracurricular activities and after school

programs, and homework assistance (Gibson et al., 2004).

55

2.3.3. Adjustment and Achievement in School

The acculturation strategies have been shown to have substantial relationships with

adjustments in the new society. The strategy of integration, which is the maintenance

of original cultures while also maintaining contact and interaction with other cultural

groups (Berry, 2005), is demonstrated to be the most adaptive and accommodating for

successful acculturation and adjustment in the new society (Andriessen, 2006; Berry,

2005; Berry et al., 1989; Phinney, 1993; Phinney et al., 2001; Phinney et al., 2006;

Berry & Sam, 1997).

Gibson (1998) argues that a strategy of participation in both the mainstream and

the minority world, which she labeled “acculturation without assimilation,” is a

crucial element in ensuring immigrant children are successful in school and adapting

in their new society. She found that immigrants, who remain strongly anchored in

their ethnic cultures and communities while also acquiring skills in the dominant

language and culture, generally do well in adjusting to the new society and culture.

Gibson (1998) believes the school plays an important role in the acculturation process

of the immigrant children, and emphasizes the need for developing “educational

policies and programs that encourage children to remain securely anchored in their

ethnic communities and cultures while pursuing a strategy of paced, selective

acculturation” (Gibson, 1998, p.13).

Hedegaard (2004) emphasizes the importance of integrating immigrant children

into the majority society, while at the same encouraging the maintenance of their own

culture. Through analysis of Turkish immigrant parents’ conceptions of their

56

children’s schooling, she found that a cultural conflict between home and school can

influence the learning and development of immigrant children (Hedegaard, 2004,

p.277). She emphasizes the relationship between societal meaning and personal

sense, and explains that “sense captures the personal and motivational aspects of

activity, but it can only be expressed through a shared meaning system. The cultural

traditions of home and school and their meanings systems are the public or shared

field of practice that a child enters into in these institutions” (Hedegaard, 2004,

p.282). Minority children can experience difficulties in applying what they learn in

school to their everyday lives, which may cause a conflict between the two meaning

systems. Hedegaard (2004) states that a child adjusts and achieves best when he or

she is able to move between the dual worlds of cultural reference, which is the

strategy of integration in action.

Furthermore, most studies exploring the role of the senses of belonging and

cultural identities in the educational adaptations of immigrants suggest an integrated

identity is conducive to better school performance (Phinney et al., 2001 Phinney et

al., 2006; Rumbaut, 1995). Even research conducted on language, ethnicity and

school performance levels, have found support for the model of integration. Vedder

and Virta, (2005) found that immigrants who are proficient in both their ethnic and

the national languages are more successful in adjusting and achieving in school than

students who lack proficiency in either language. The assumptions are that cultural

maintenance and a strong ethnic identity are essential for well-being and positive

adaptations in minority youth.

57

Andriessen’s (2006) found that the immigrants who are able to “match their

acculturation strategies with the prevailing context” (p.93), are the most successful in

school. She explains that immigrant students, who employ the acculturation strategy of

integration, by combining their preferences for cultural maintenance at home with

their preferences for culture adoption in school, are the most successful. She explains,

“Students who are highly involved with the ethnic culture and identity in co-ethnic

context are most likely to mobilize social support and protect their self-worth within

the family and community. At the same time, actively engaging in cultural contact

with the majority group and learning across ethnic boundaries, facilitates the

acquisition of knowledge and skills in multi-ethnic classrooms” (Andriessen, 2006,

p.22.).

58

III. Methodology

This study is an empirical study using qualitative methods to probe the research

questions raised about the acculturation process of immigrant adolescents in Norway.

The topic of this research has developed through a reflection on immigrants’

experiences, wondering how people are able to ‘pull up their roots’ and settle down in

an entirely different environment. Some of the initial questions triggering this study

were ‘How are they coping with a change so remarkable that it may affect their self-

identity?’ and ‘How do they rediscover their ‘sense of the self’?’

The objective of this study is to understand more about the acculturation

experiences and adjustment patterns of young immigrant students in Norway, with the

main goals being to investigate the students’ acculturation and adjustment processes,

and to consider associations between the students’ acculturation strategies and

academic achievements. The analyses and findings are based on qualitative

interviews of ten immigrant adolescents and their parents and teachers. School

administrators and other subject matter experts were also consulted. The method of

qualitative open-ended interviews was utilized in combination with narrative analysis,

observations, field notes, document analysis, and ‘student mapping’ of community

and school environment.

Following is a table illustrating a correlation between the research questions, the

methods used for the investigation, and the theoretical concept in which the

investigation is based upon.

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Table 2. Data Analysis Chart

Question Qualitative Method

Data sources Relevant Literature

1. Which acculturation strategies do young immigrants in Norway develop in order to feel at home and to adjust to everyday life? a. What factors are associated with acculturation strategy preferences?

Interviews

Observations

Document Analysis

Students, family members, teachers, other professionals involved with immigrants Schools, schoolyard, classrooms, community, homes, cafes, clubs, etc. Central Statistics Bureau; Media: newspaper articles, television etc.

Akhtar, 1999; Berry, 1990,1992, 1993,1997,1999, 2001, 2005; Berry & Sam, 1997; Chryssochoou, 2004; Meaders, 1997; Gibson, 1988,1991, 2004; Ogbu, 1983, 1991, 1998; Sam, 1995, 1998, 2000; Sam et al., 2006; Shemaria, 1993; Spencer and Markstrom-Adams, 1990; Suarez-Orozco, 1995, 2004

2. How do young immigrants (re-) discover their ‘sense of self’ and find a ‘sense of belonging’? a. Which role does the sense of belonging play in the process of acculturation and adjustment for immigrant students at school?

Interviews

Observations Document Analysis

Students, family members Teachers, other professionals working with immigrants

Schools, schoolyard, classrooms, community, homes, cafes, clubs, etc.

Media: newspaper articles, television etc.

Erikson, 1968; Spencer & Markstrom-Adams 1990; Bernal & Knight,1993; Gibson et al., 2004; Goodenow & Gravy, 1993; Gonzales & Padilla, 1997; Kanno 1998; Meaders 1997; Osterman, 2000; Phinney 1989; Phinney et al., 2006; Suarez-Orozco, 2001, 2004

3. Is there any association between the acculturation strategies of immigrant adolescents and their academic achievement? b. Which acculturation strategy is the most accommodating for belonging and performing in school?

Interviews

Observations

Document Analysis

Students, family members, teachers, other professionals involved with immigrants

The students at the schools; in the schoolyard; in the classrooms, The environment

University of Bergen; IMER; Media: newspaper articles, television etc.

Cummins, 1983, 1986, 2000; Gibson et al., 2004; Goodenow & Grady, 1993; Hedegaard, 2004; Suarez-Orozco, 2001, 2004; Osterman, 2000; Sam, 1991, 1994, 1995, 1998, 2000; Sam et al., 2006; Saito, 2002; Skutnabb-Kangas, 1990; Trueba, 1987; Valdes, 1996

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3.1. The Research Setting

The study was conducted in Bergen, which is the second largest city of Norway,

with a population of 245.000. Bergen is called ‘the capital of Western Norway’ and is

a leading region for all significant Norwegian exports industries (Website of Bergen

Kommune, 2009). The city was founded in 1070, and became a center for the fish

trade from Northern Norway to south of Europe around 1100 (Website of Bergen

Wikipedia, 2009). Towards the end of the 13th century, Bergen was one of the

Hanseatic League’s most important bureau cities (Website of Bergen Kommune,

2009). Throughout the 15th and 16th centuries, Bergen remained one of the largest

cities in Scandinavia and was Norway's biggest city until the 1830s, when the capital

city of Oslo became the largest. Bergen retained its monopoly of trade with Northern

Norway until 1789. The name Bergen originates from the old Norwegian form,

Bergvin (Website of Wikipedia, 2009). The first element is berg (n), which translates

to mountain. The last element is vin, which means a new settlement where there used

to be a pasture or meadow. The full meaning is 'the meadow among the mountains'

(Website of Wikipedia, 2009). Today Bergen is often called 'the city among the seven

mountains'. The mountains are a typical characteristic of the city, having an influence

on the people living there. Nature plays a big role in people’s daily life, which seems

to give the city a more stress-free character than other typical big cities (such as Oslo,

the capital city). For example, in the middle of rush hour traffic and city life, are also

people with backpacks strolling around, ready to take a walk on the mountaintop. The

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picture of the city is a mix of nature and national culture, mixed in with people and

diverse cultures from all corners of the world.

The majority of immigrants migrating to Norway choose to settle in Oslo, the

capital city. The largest cultural groups, such as the Vietnamese and Pakistanis, are

clustered together in different areas of the city, which is very unique in comparison

with the rest of the country. Bergen, however, gives a more accurate picture of

immigrants living in Norway, when looking at the country as a whole. The

immigrants living in Bergen are not congregated in their own groups in defined areas

of the city, but are instead more randomly dispersed throughout the city.

Currently, approximately 1.8 percent of Bergen’s population are immigrants

(Stølas, 2006; Olsen, 2006; Støren, 2005). They originate from 164 different

countries with the largest group (7.2 percent) migrating from Iraq, followed by

Vietnam (6 per cent) and Chile (6 percent) (Stølas, 2006; Olsen, 2006; Støren, 2005).

This research focuses only on first generation immigrants originating from non-

Western countries, which counts for 85 percent of the immigrants in Bergen. 20

percent of this group has resided in Norway for over 20 years, and 40 have lived here

for less than 6 years. Children between the ages of six and 15 account for 6.2 percent

of the immigrant population. 2.6 percent of the total immigrant population in Bergen

are refugees (Stølas, 2006; Olsen, 2006; Støren, 2005). The majority of immigrants

(54 percent) are laborers, with the majority employed in hotel, restaurant and the

hospitality industry. Immigrants from non-Western countries earn approximately

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$72,000 annually, which equals the income of 62 percent of the residents in Bergen

(Stølas, 2007).

The area of the city where the two schools represented in this research are

located has the biggest settlement of immigrants (11 percent). Immigrants living in

Bergen are not clustered together in groups in defined areas of the city, as they are in

Oslo, but are more randomly spread around the city. Consequently, there are not

many big concentrations of immigrant students from the same groups clustered

together at the local schools. Because of this, the initial idea of comparing two groups

of immigrants for the purpose of this study was not realistic. There were a maximum

of five immigrant students found in any one classroom, and most likely all of five

were from different countries.

3.1.1. The Schools of the Participants

The Mainstream School is one of the largest lower secondary schools (8th-10th

grade) in Bergen, with about four hundred students enrolled. Most of the students at

this school are Norwegians who reside in the neighborhood. Fifteen percent of the

students enrolled were non-Norwegian students at the time of the research. The

school building is a vast, modern, square block somewhat resembling an institution

with gray cement walls and asphalt outdoors. It is located in a middleclass

neighborhood embedded within a dominant, homogeneous culture of white

Norwegian families. Most of the students live in the neighborhood and walk to

school. The indoors of the three-story building are built in a way that the classrooms

are placed against the exterior walls, creating a very big center area in the middle,

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which serves as a gathering place for important meetings and special occasions. All

the students are very visible in and outside the school building. There are no small,

intimate areas for the students to hide or socialize in more private groups. The

classrooms are closed off during break time, and all the students gather outside. The

atmosphere of the school is somewhat overwhelming when all the students are

rushing from their classrooms and down the main stairs to go outside at break time or

at the end of the school day. The schoolyard looks very uninviting and bleak, with

only a few apparatus that allow for sport activities, such as basketball or football.

All new immigrant students are offered instruction in their native languages, as

the schools in Bergen work with the “Center for Second Language Development”.

However, there is a dilemma in finding qualified teachers for the instruction. Contact

with the students’ parents is maintained through the head teacher of each class. The

parents are also invited to engagements at the school, such as parent’s meetings,

seminars, Christmas celebrations, and other events. The school also has a “newcomer

class” which was created for immigrant students with minimal educational

background and special educational needs. This is the only special education class for

immigrants available in the whole city, and the school also cooperates with a Focus

School in the city (the Newcomer School). The focal point of this program is

Norwegian language instruction.

The Multicultural School is a combined elementary and lower secondary school

(1st-10th grade), also housing a day care center for pre-school aged children. Many

students spend their whole childhood and teenage years at this school. It is located in

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an area of the city where most of the immigrants have settled and 40 percent of the

students were non-Norwegian minority students at the time of the research. Most

students have a relatively short walking distance to school from their homes. The

school building was built in 1928 and looks very inviting with a red brick facade and

a nostalgic iron gate. The building is built around the playground, creating different

sections and many hallways for the children and students to circulate. The outdoor

area is asphalted and closed-in, and it has a few sport activity apparatus. Break times

for the students vary depending on classes and age groups, which reduces the chaos

of too many students sharing the playground at the same time. This allows the

students more space and quiet time during their breaks. The indoors are also very

personal in nature, with various long hallways and an extraordinary, nostalgic and

historic atmosphere.

The immigrants at the Multicultural School come from many different countries

and backgrounds. Since the immigrant population in Bergen is so highly diverse and

dispersed, there are no large groups from any one nationality. Most students live in

the neighborhood surrounding the school. The neighborhood is located in a lower

economic status area, with many subsidized apartment complexes for low-income

families. Because of the multicultural setting of the school, many Norwegian parents

send their children to other more mainstream schools.

3.2. Participants in the Study

The participants in this study were immigrant students, between the ages of 13

and 15. They were enrolled in 8th and 9th grade (and entered 9th and 10th grade at

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the start of a new school year in August) at two different compulsory schools in

Bergen, Norway. All the students were first generation immigrants, which is defined

as “individuals born in a foreign country of parents born in a foreign country”

(Statistics Norway, 2001). The students originated from the following non-Western

countries: Bosnia-Herzegovina, Ethiopia, Liberia, the Philippines, Kosovo, Sudan,

Turkey, and Ukraine. Most of them had lived in Norway more than two years. All the

names of participants are referred to by pseudonyms.

Table 3 Demographic Variables of Students from the Mainstream School Demographic variables

Vladimir Halas Monique Fathima Laura

Ethnic origin

Ukraine Ethiopia Liberia Turkey Albania

Gender

Male Male Female Female Female

Age

13 13 14 13 13

Family setting

Mother, younger sister

Father, older brother

Mother, father, 5 siblings

Mother, father, 2 younger siblings

Mother, 2 younger siblings

Length of residency

3 years 4 years 2 years 4 years 9 years

Educational background /occupation of father

Works at an oil platform in the North Sea

Works with relatives in a restaurant

High School No job

Elementary school. Works with friends in pizzeria.

No information

Educational background/ occupation of mother

Teacher Education. Looking for a job.

No information

High School. No job

Elementary school. No job

No information

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Table 4 Demographic Variables of Students from the Multicultural School Demographic variables

Patrick Zarai Milla Jana Marie

Ethnic origin Kosovo Sudan Bosnia Bosnia The Philippines

Gender Male Female Female Female Female Age 14 14 14 14 14 Family setting



Mother, father, older brother

Mother, father, older brother

Mother, stepfather, Sister, 2 younger siblings

Length of residency

2 ½ years

3 ½ years 11 years 11 years 3 years

Educational background /occupation of father

Nursing school (in Bergen). Works as a nurse

8 years of elementary school. Works as a maintenance

M.A. in theater and choreography.Works as a theater instructor

Engineering. Works as a road constructor

No information about education; Works as maintenance

Educational background /occupation of mother

Nursing school (in Bergen). Works as a nurse

No education

Engineering Works as an engineering instructor

Teacher? No information about education; Works at a fish factory

3.3. Procedure

Research preparations for this study began in November 2005 in Bergen, Norway.

Contact was made with a large selection of some of the biggest schools close to the

center of the city to ask permission to visit and conduct a research project on

immigrant students. The schools that were chosen are located in an area of Bergen

where the largest population of immigrants is to be found. The study was conducted

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during three different visits to Bergen in 2006, each lasting two to six weeks (4-18

February, 18 May-13 June, and 14-28 August). Beforehand, permission was obtained

from the Norwegian Data Inspectorate, the local authorities, and the school board.

Written consent, based on both oral and written information, was obtained from every

student and from the students’ parents. The one-on-one interviews with the students

were carried out during school hours, lasting approximately 45 minutes each. In

agreement with the teacher, the students were taken out of their regular class

instruction for the interview procedure.

The students’ families were also contacted and at least one parent of each child

was interviewed, with the exception of three parents. Two did not show up at the

agreed meeting point and the third parent was not available. Contact was made with

the parents via telephone, after obtaining a list of the students' phone numbers from

the teachers. When an agreement for an interview was made, parents were given the

option to choose the meeting point. Most of the parents, except two, chose to meet at

the child’s school, where a suitable room was provided for the occasion. Two of the

parents preferred to conduct the interview at home, which was a very enlightening

experience as this gave a glimpse into the home environment of the child. In addition,

the parents interviewed at home seemed to be more unguarded and revealing than

those interviewed at school. All the interviews were conducted in Norwegian,

because all of the students and at least one of the parents from each family are fluent

in Norwegian. However, one parent preferred to conduct the interview in English.

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Three of the parents were unable to meet in person, but agreed to conduct the

interview over the phone.

Other informants contacted were educators and subject matter experts in Norway

that specialized in the integration of immigrants within the Norwegian educational

system and society. These included professors at the University of Bergen, the

Headmaster of the Newcomer School in Bergen, and the leader of the Assembly of

Language Accommodation for Immigrants, who also has contributed to the new

school curriculum. These meetings were highly informative and valuable to the

research. Especially beneficial were the meetings with David Sam, a professor from

the Psychology Department at the University of Bergen. He was a very helpful and

valuable resource since he has been working with some of the same issues for a

longer period of time and has close connections with John Berry, Karmela Liebkind,

Jean Phinney and other scholars within the field of cross-cultural psychology. He

recommended some interesting articles and other references that have been very

useful in the data analysis process.

The interview with the headmaster of the Newcomer School was also very

important and interesting. He had a lot of insight into the immigrants' situations as

newcomers to the Norwegian school and society. He provided some interesting

revelations on immigrants' acculturation patterns and other related topics. These

informants enriched this project by adding knowledge about the daily life and

acculturation patterns of the individual students.

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The first research trip to Bergen lasted two weeks (4-18 February). The first

school visited was the Mainstream School. Together with the principal and the

advisor of the school, fieldwork began in two 8th grade classes (13-14 years old

students), where the immigrant students were more clustered together than in other

classes. Interviews were conducted with five students who were found to match the

requirements of the research agenda. The students originated from Ukraine, Ethiopia,

Liberia, Turkey, and Albania. All the interviews with the students were tape-

recorded. Attempts were made to conduct interviews with focus groups, but the

process worked much better with one student at a time, since the students opened

more up when they were alone and revealed more about themselves and their

experiences. Observations were also made of the students in the classrooms when

they were together with the whole class, in smaller groups, during sports-activities,

and during recess in the schoolyard. Field notes were taken during the time of

observation.

Four weeks were spent at the research site during the second research trip (18

May-13 June), in which the Multicultural School was the research site. The school

principal recommended conducting the study in the 9th grade class, since most of the

immigrant students were represented here. Six students that matched the requirements

of the research agenda agreed to participate in the study. The students were 14-15

years old and originated from Kosovo, Sudan, Bosnia-Herzegovina, and the

Philippines. Observations of the students were conducted in the same settings as those

conducted at the Mainstream School and field notes were taken during the time of

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observation. Informal conversations and observations were also conducted on the

street as the students walked to school. Most of the parent interviews were also

conducted during this trip, with the last two parents scheduled for the next research

trip.

The third research field trip lasted two weeks (14-28 August). The students had

just returned from two months of summer vacation and were beginning a new school

year in a higher grade. First, a visit was made to the Mainstream School and meetings

were held with the group of students (now 9th graders) participating in the study. A

focus group interview was conducted as a follow-up to the one-on-one interviews to

determine if there were any changes or visible developments in the students’ lives,

their school aspirations, or their future goals.

The majority of this research trip was spent with the students at the Multicultural

School (now 10th graders), where interviews were finished with all the participants

and the parents. In addition, an attempt to get a better sense of the students’ lives as

immigrants in Bergen was made by walking the streets with the students, riding the

same bus after school, and observing them at the supermarket and in the city. A

monthly meeting organized by the students at the Multicultural School called “The

Multicultural Café,” was also attended. This was an outreach to immigrant and

Norwegian families in the city with the goal of uniting the various cultures and

facilitating multicultural groups to socialize with each other.

3.4. Methods

3.4.1. Qualitative Open-ended Interviews

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The purpose of using qualitative interview as a method was to obtain information

for this research about the acculturation process of immigrant children and its

association with their educational performance and aspiration. The topics for the

interview questions were life history and background, the challenging situation of

being an immigrant youth, adjusting to the many changes, cultural identity and sense

of belonging, differences to the domestic society, language proficiency and usage,

social contacts, and perceived discrimination. The interview questions also tap in to

the student’s performance and sense of belonging in school, including their

educational and future aspiration.

All the questions in the interview protocol were produced with the intention of

providing information for these research topics. The method helped the researcher to

gather an understanding of the young immigrant’s daily world seen from their

perspective, and to learn about the individual’s opinions of different immigration

issues (Patton, 1990; Spradley, 1979).

All the regular guidelines concerning informed consent were followed, and the

students and their parents agreed to tape record the interview. To establish a good

rapport the guidelines for the interviewer were followed, suggested by Kvale (1996):

Being knowledgeable about the subject, having a structured plan for the interview

process, posing questions clearly and understandably, being gentle and sensitive to

my interviewee, being open to what she had to say, remembering what the informant

said to be able to recall and relate to earlier statements, interpreting what was said to

get a clear understanding (pp.148-149).

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Contact with the participants was initiated with ‘a standardized open-ended

interview’, where all interviewees were asked the same basic questions about their

life experiences. The ‘standardized open-ended’ approach was combined with a

‘general interviewing guide’ approach (Patton, 1990). The reason for this choice was

to start the interview with a conversational style, but still be sure to collect some

relevant information for the research. The ‘standardized open-ended’ approach was

used in the sense that the questions were carefully considered and arranged in

advance of the interview (Patton, 1990). Probing questions were used to clarify or to

request more detailed answers. The intention was to always follow the systematic

arranged set of questions, but to make sure that all the topics that require meaningful

responses were covered. In combining this method with the use of ‘a general

interview guide’ it allowed for more flexibility in probing and in determining when to

let the informant explore certain topics in greater depth (Patton, 1990, p.287). In this

way the interviewer was given more freedom to ask questions spontaneously, which

elucidated and illuminated the area of interest (Patton, 1990). The “interview guide”

offered room for a conversational style, and allowed the interviewee’s description to

emerge. The interviewee was given a chance to respond to questions in his or her own

words and to express personal perspectives (Patton, 1990).

For the introduction of the interview a “Grand Tour” question was chosen, which

asked the informant if she/he could talk about her/his background and experiences in

moving to a new country. “Such opening questions may yield spontaneous, rich,

descriptions where the subjects themselves provide what they experience as the main

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dimensions of the phenomena investigated” (Kvale, 1996, p. 133). This was meant to

be an easy question to answer, and carried the hope of bringing an open and relaxed

atmosphere to the interview process. The interviewee already knew in advance the

core theme of the interview, and this first question would bring her/him right there.

The Grand Tour question is stated to "form an important primary base for further

questioning. These are questions that are both easy to answer and non-threatening”

(Werner & Schoepfle, 1987, p. 318). Other questions also took the form of a Grand

Tour question: 3, 4, 8, 10, 13, 14, 15, and 19. The Grand Tour questions were always

followed by a “Mini Tour” question, or a more precise question, to explore and

expand the content of the answer given to a Grand Tour question (Werner &

Schoepfle, 1987, p. 318).

Twenty well-prepared questions were made and systematically arranged. As the

interview process went along, it was discovered that some answers covered more than

one question. Flexibility and spontaneous shifts between the questions had to be

improvised, as to be sensitive to the natural flow of the interview (Novak & Gowin,

1984, p.55). The first set of questions focused on the move to a new country. The

opening question was very broad, and it was expected to result in a broad answer

(Murphy, 1980, p. 92). The next question was therefore made to provide more details,

and awarded a satisfying result. Probes were used to try to get the desired

information. Many of the basic questions were followed up with more spontaneous

questions and different types of probes, recommended by Patton (1990, pp. 324-327).

To obtain a detailed description from the informant, ‘detail- oriented probes’ were

74

used, such as: “what”, “why”, “where”, and “how”. ‘Elaboration probes’ were used to

encourage the informant to keep on talking, such as nodding and confirming with an

“uh-huh”, or giving verbal feedback: “That’s good, keep on talking!”, “How

interesting!”, “Could you tell me more about that?”, etc. ‘Clarification probes’ were

used when something was unclear, such as: “Could you say that again, please?”,

“What do you mean by saying…?”, “So you are saying that…?”. The purpose with

using probes was “to deepen the response to a question, to increase the richness of the

data being obtained, and to give cues to the interviewee about the level of response

that is desired” (Patton, 1990, p. 324).

3.4.2. Observation

The intention of using observation as one of the methods to gather data for my

research was to capture the everyday school-life of the immigrant students, and to

inform the assessment of the individual’s actual behavior and acculturation attitudes

(Berry, 2005). In observing the participants in their specific settings and activities

inside and outside of school the researcher seeks to draw meanings of what was

observed from the perspective of the immigrant students (Patton, 1990; Silverman,

1993). The goal with using observations as a method was to capture any differences

between the minority students, as they are coming from different backgrounds and

belonging to different cultural groups.

The observations took place inside of school (in the classroom, schoolyard, sports

arena, etc.), focusing on both planned activities (class session, sport session, group

work, excursion, etc.) and informal interactions among the students (during break,

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meal time, etc.). Attention was paid to both verbal and nonverbal interaction and to

the patterns of interaction between the students (and between the students and the

teacher). Another important setting observed was the human, social environment, and

the ways in which the students organized themselves into groups and subgroups

(Patton, 1990). Other observational settings focused on the physical environment

within which the study took place (Bergen city, school building, classroom,

schoolyard, the neighborhood, the school bus, diverse gathering places, such as the

local shopping center; the sport arena; etc.) (Patton, 1990).

It was not easy to observe any pattern of acculturation behavior and attitude in the

classroom, since the whole learning situation was very collective. The participants

had the same role as all the other students in the classroom, such as being good

students; listening to and interacting with the teacher; not talking with each other, etc.

The observations outside the classroom were the most valuable, as the patterns of

social interaction between the students were more visible. It was easy to observe

whom the students were socializing with when they assumedly had more freedom of

contacts to choose from.

3.4.3. Field Notes

Fieldnotes were taken during the study, describing the experiences and

observations made while observing and participating in the daily lives of the subjects.

Emerson’s et al.’s (1995) strategies for writing field notes were followed: making the

observations and findings inseparable from the observational process; giving special

attention to the indigenous meanings and concerns of the individuals in the study;

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using the written field notes as an essential grounding and resource for writing

broader, more coherent accounts of other’s lives and concerns; and writing field notes

that detailed the social and interactional processes that make up people’s everyday

lives and activities (p.11).

3.4.4. Student Mapping

The students were given the task of drawing an informative picture of their

neighborhood and school. The method of ‘Coommmmuunniittyy MMaappss’’ (McLaughlin, 1993)

gave the participants the opportunity to visually describe their notion of ‘belonging’

(McLaughlin, 1993). “…Neighborhoods are ‘home’ and are the most immediate and

salient environment for young people. Neighborhood is where young people hang

out, where they have their closest connections, and where their [sense of self] is

formed by daily responses to the individuals and the institutions they encounter”

(McLaughlin, 1993, p. 44). Some of the maps were very interesting, giving

information about the student’s ‘social memberships’ at school and his/her notion of

belonging, such as gathering spots and safe spaces for the students.

3.4.5. Document Analysis

Document analysis was used to create a behind-the scenes look at the field that

may not have been possible to capture with an observational method only (Patton,

1990). Document analysis provided information, which could have been

inappropriate to ask in an interview, such as grades and results of exams. Documents

of interest for this study were academic data of student enrollment, grade reports,

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matriculation rates and dropout rates. Socio-demographic data on ethnicity and

geographic characteristics were also of significance. Cultural data, such as overview

of historical information on immigrant groups in Norway, and policy documents and

media were other documents providing valuable information for this research.

3.4.6. Narrative Analysis

Narrative analysis was used as a tool to display the immigrant adolescents’

acculturation experiences and identity (Polkinghorne, 1988; Schiffrin, 1996), “the

ability of narrative to verbalize and situate experience as text (both locally and

globally) provides a resource for the display of self and identity” (Schiffrin, 1996,

p.233). Further, “Telling a story is a self-portrait: a linguistic lens through which to

discover people’s own views of themselves as situated in a social structure. …We are

continually locating and relocating ourselves, defining and redefining ourselves and

our worlds: telling a story about a personal experience is merely another example of a

process that pervades our ways of speaking, acting, and being in the world (Schiffrin,

1996, p.199-200).

Mishler’s (1991) suggestions of using narrative analysis to organize the content of

the interviews into central themes of the inquiry were closely followed, in order to

analyze and interpret how the students construct and express meaning of their life and

their sense of self. The narrative portraits of the students were made from the

interviews, in which the questions already were guided by certain topics that were

planned to investigate. To make this data more accessible for the analysis, the

narratives were organized into different themes, based on the theoretical concept and

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findings essential for the objectives of this research, such as: the immigrant

experience, adjustment ‘strategies’, cultural identity (national/ethnic), differences to

the domestic society (culture, religion, family relationship values), language

proficiency and usage (national/ethnic), social contacts, perceived discrimination,

parents’ educational background and occupation, parents’ value of education and

involvement in school, notion about success, dreams and aspirations, and

acculturation attitudes (Berry et al., 2006; Gibson et al, 2004; Phinney et al. 2006).

3.5. Analysis of the Immigrant Students’ Acculturation Process

The first step of my analysis was to transcribe all the interviews, using Kvale’s

(1996) guidelines and principles. All the tape-recorded interviews were typed into

text, including the students’ interviews, the parents’ interviews and the teachers’

interviews. Some of the teacher’s interviews and parents’ interviews were not tape-

recorded, because the interview was conducted over the phone, or the individual did

not want a tape-recording to take place. According to Kvale (1996), there is no

standard form or code for transcription of research interviews. Though, as Kvale

(1996) further suggests, some standard choices were made. The verbatim recordings

were mostly transcribed word by word, including repetitions and expressions. The

students’ answers to the questions were not so lengthy that it was necessary to

condense or summarize the responses. The transcriptions include notation for pauses,

emphasizes in intonations, and often emotional expressions, such as laughter – in

order to remember and understand the context of the interview and the students’

replies to the questions. In cases where the students’ responses were unclear for the

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reader to understand, some corrections of the word or the ‘mumble’ were made in

order to make it more comprehensive. Following the transcription in Norwegian, all

the interviews were translated into English by a professional translating service.

The next step of the process was narrative analysis. In order to make the raw data

of the interviews more accessible, the narratives were organized into different themes,

based on the theoretical concept and findings essential for the objectives of this

research, such as: the immigrant experience, adjustment strategies, cultural identity

(national/ethnic), differences to the domestic society (culture, religion, family

relationship values), language proficiency and usage (national/ethnic), social contacts,

perceived discrimination, parents’ educational background and occupation, parents’

value of education and involvement in school, notion about success, dreams and

aspirations, and acculturation attitudes (Berry et al., 2006; Gibson et al, 2004;

Phinney et al. 2006). Written field-notes and observations were used to clarify and

elucidate the students’ narratives.

3.5.1. Acculturation strategies

In determining the acculturation strategies of the young immigrants and finding

answers to the research question 1: ”Which acculturation strategies do immigrant

adolescents in Norway use in order to adjust to everyday life (e.g., in school)?”, both

the immigrant’s acculturation attitude and accounts about the actual behavior

demonstrating the acculturation pattern (Berry, 1990; Sam et al., 2006) were

examined. The acculturation attitudes and behaviors were found through narrative

analysis, probing for factors central to the acculturation process, including: cultural

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identity, culture lived out at home, language proficiency and usage, social contacts,

and outside-school-activities (Phinney et al., 2006; Berry, 1990). Parents’ and

teachers’ perspectives on the students’ acculturation pattern (from interviews with

parents and teachers) were also intertwined in this analysis. Acculturation attitudes

were determined by the kind of attitude the immigrants showed toward maintaining

one’s heritage culture and identity and toward having contact with and participating

in the larger society along with other ethnocultural groups (Berry, 1990, 1993, 1997;

Phinney et al., 2006). Evidence regarding acculturation behavior was revealed by

informant accounts regarding social contacts and friends, cultural maintenance, and

language use (Sam et. al., 2006). When the individual did not wish to maintain the

cultural heritage or to seek contact and involvement with other cultures, a strategy of

assimilation was identified. In contrast, when the immigrant placed a value on

holding on to the original culture and wished to avoid interaction with others, a

strategy of separation was identified. A strategy of integration was identified when

the immigrant expressed preferred maintenance of own culture and ethnic identity

and to have contact and interaction with other cultural groups. The fourth strategy,

marginalization, was identified when the immigrant showed little interest in cultural

maintenance, and little interest in having contact and relations with other cultural

groups.

Cultural identity

Cultural identity was assessed based on narrative description of ethnic identity

affirmation (e.g., sense of belonging, positive feelings about being a group member)

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and of national identity affirmation. Four possible outcomes of cultural identity

formation (Phinney et al., 2006; Berry, 1990, 1997) were inferred: integration, which

involves high levels of both own ethnic and national identity; separation, which

entails high ethnic and low national identity; assimilation, in which the ethnic identity

is low but the national identity high; and marginalized ethnic identity, as an

expression of low levels of identification with both socio-cultural groups (Phinney,

Horenczyk, Liebkind & Vedder, 2001). Example of questions aimed for revealing the

domain of cultural identity included: “Do you feel that your identity changed in

regard to the immigration?”; “Do you feel more (XXX) or Norwegian?”, “Do you

feel more [ethnic origin] or Norwegian?”; If you could have the best of both cultures,

what would you choose?”; “What do you value the most from the two cultures?”;

“Which culture is the most dominant within your family?”; “Who does your family

socialize with (Norwegians or own/other ethnic friends)?”.

Culture lived out at home

The culture lived out at home was measured by analysis of informants’

description of the family’s cultural and daily life at home, such as religion, traditions,

values, language, social relationships, etc. Example of questions revealing the culture

lived out at home included: “Which culture is the most dominant within your

family?”; “What about values, traditions, beliefs, lifestyle?”; “Is the family gathering

socially with Norwegians/friends from your own ethnic group/friends from mixed

ethnic groups?”; Is your life at home very different from your life in school?”.

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Language proficiency and usage

The assessment of language proficiency inquired about the student’s ability to

understand, speak, read and write the ethnic language and the Norwegian language.

Language use refers to the extent to which the adolescents use either their ethnic or

Norwegian language when talking with their parents or their siblings – or when

thinking/dreaming. Examples of questions revealing the language proficiency and

usage included: “Did you speak Norwegian before you came to Norway?”; “What is

the language spoken at home?”; “Where did you learn Norwegian?”; “How long did

it take to become fluent in Norwegian?”; “Which language do you like the best to

speak?”; “In which language do you think or dream”; “Do your parents speak

Norwegian?”; “Do you get instruction in your ethnic language in school?”; “Can you

read and write in your ethnic language?”.

Social contacts

To assess the students’ social contacts narrative descriptions were reviewed of

social relationships, friends, best friends, and contacts though parents and family.

Example of questions aimed at revealing the social contacts include: “Can you tell

me about your family?”; “Who lives with you at home?”; “Is the family gathering

socially with Norwegians/friends from your own ethnic group/from mixed ethnic

groups?”; “Can you tell me about your friends”; “Do you have the same friends at

home and in school?”

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Outside-School-Activities

To get a picture of the students’ outside-school-activities, the response was

reviewed to the questions, such as: “Can you tell me about your friends?” and “Where

do you meet outside school?”

3.5.2. Factors Associated with Variation in the Acculturation Pattern

To find answer to the research question 1 a: Which factors are associated with

variation in the acculturation pattern?, a variety of demographic and contextual

variables found to be related to the outcome of the acculturation and adjustment

process (Berry, 1990; Sam et al., 2006; Phinney et al., 2006) were examined, such as:

background and immigrant status, age and developmental task, gender, length of

residency, cultural differences, social support, socioeconomic background, perceived

discrimination, and the acculturation orientation of the host country, including parents,

and school (Berry, 1990; Chryssochoou, 2004). These variables were assessed through

the interviews with the immigrant students, their parents and the teachers.

3.5.2. Acculturation and Identity

In order to find answer to the research question 2: How do young immigrants (re-)

discover their ‘sense of self’ and find a ‘sense of belonging’? , there was made an

examination of social and cultural factors involved in immigrant adolescents’

development of sense of self and belonging, including: identity and developmental

stage (Erickson, 1959; Phinney, 1993); magnitude of acculturation stress (Berry,

1991; Sam et al., 2006); cultural identity (the sense of belonging – feeling at home in

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Norway or not) (Phinney et al., 2006); approaches for adjustment (making oneself

feel at home); sense of belonging in school (Gibson et al., 2004), notion of success

(Gibson, 1991, Valdes, 1996); and future aspiration (as prospects of achieving

success/reaching the dream). Teachers’ and parents’ perspectives on the students’

sense of belonging were also included.

The sense of belonging was also determined by the method of ‘student mapping’

(McLaughlin, 1993). The student’s were told first to draw a map of their ‘place of

living’, illustrating their home and the neighborhood. The second assignment was to

draw a map of their school, illustrating gathering spots and ‘safe places’ (Gibson et

al., 2004) their place of belonging at school. The objective was to have the students

give a visual description of their ‘social memberships’ and sense of belonging in and

outside of school.

Developmental Stage

Based on Phinney’s (1993) identity theory, the students’ developmental stage was

assessed through narrative analysis and answers to the questions: “What does the

word “identity” mean to you?”; “Do you feel that you (your identity) have changed in

regard to the immigration?”; “Do you feel more [Pakistani] or Norwegian?”; “What

are the main differences between [Pakistani] and Norwegian culture?”; “What from

the two cultures do you value the most?”.

Magnitude of acculturation stress

Acculturation stress was assessed by the students’ narratives and answers to the

questions: “Did you have any difficulties adjusting?”; “What do you think are the

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typical challenges that immigrant children meet in their new country?”; “Did you

experience some difficulties in school?”; “What are the main differences between

(xxx) and Norwegian culture?”; “If you could have the best of both cultures, what

would you choose?”; “What do you value the most from the two cultures?”.

Cultural Identity

This was assessed based on the students’ sense of belonging as indicated by

whether the student was feeling at home in Norway or not, looking at culture lived

out at home, friends, language etc. Example of questions aimed at assessing this issue

included: “How did you like to move to a new country?”; “Do you feel more

[Pakistani] or Norwegian?”; “If you could ‘skim the cream‘ of both the cultures, what

would you choose?”; “Which culture is the most dominant within your family?”.

Strategies for Adjustment (making oneself feel at home)

Strategies for adjustment were assessed based on students’ narratives and answers

to the questions: “Which are the typical challenges facing immigrant children?”;

“What have you done yourself in order to feel comfortable in your new life?”;

“Which advice would you give to others who face the same situation that once

confronted you?”.

Sense of Belonging in School

Students’ sense of belonging in school was assessed by narrative analysis, based

on the students’ interviews. Example of questions aimed at this issue included: “Do

you have the same friends at home and in school?”; “What were your experiences in

the [Pakistani] school?”; “Are there some differences with the Norwegian school?”;

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“What is the biggest challenge(s) as an immigrant child in school?”; “What is your

favorite/worst part about school?”

Notion of Success

Students’ notion of success was assessed by answers to the interview questions:

“Do you have any other big dreams for your future?”; “What does success mean to

you?”; “How do you describe a very successful person?”; “Do you know anyone who

you see as very successful?”.

Future Aspiration

Students’ future aspiration was assessed by narrative analysis and answers to the

interview question: “Do you have any other big dreams for your future?”.

3.5.3. Acculturation and Adjustment in School

In order to find answers to research question 3: “Do the acculturation process of

immigrant adolescents have any association with the academic achievement?” it was

first attempted to find answers to the sub question 2: “Which role does the sense of

belonging play in the process of acculturation and adjustment for immigrant students

at school?”. Based on Gibson et al.’s (2004) theory of a strong and positive link

between student’s sense of belonging in school and their academic achievement, there

was made an analysis of the differences in achievement and adjustment among the

immigrant students at the two schools. Several factors associated with the students’

well-being and sense of belonging in school were examined (Gibson et al., 2004),

such as: safe spaces; border-crossing; opportunities for positive inter-group and

intercultural contact, support (from teachers and other adults), contact between home

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– school – and community, extracurricular activities and after school programs, and

the acculturation orientation/attitude of the school. These factors were examined by

groups of students, either belonging to the Mainstream School or the Multicultural

School.

Analyses were made of the students’ academic achievement by examining the

students’ grade reports, the student’s own declaration of achievement, and teachers’

perspectives of student’s achievement. Included are also students’ educational and

future aspiration and parent’s support and attitude towards education, both of which

are factors shown to be critical to school achievement among immigrant students.

‘National tests’ and grade report analysis carried out by the Norwegian Statistic

bureau were also sources used to evaluate the students’ achievement. Three ‘national

tests’ are carried out in 5th and 8th grade in the beginning of the school year

(September) – reading in Norwegian, mathematics and reading in English (Statistics

Norway, 2009). The tests demonstrate differences in students’ achievement

depending on variables such as parents’ level of education, immigration background

and municipal variations. First generation immigrant students score weaker in all

tested areas compared with ethnic Norwegian students and second generation

immigrant students (Statistics Norway, 2009). Statistical ‘mapping’ of the students’

average grades on a national basis show the same results (Hægeland et al., 2008;

Steffensen & Ziade, 2009). These analyses are based on students’ demography and

family background, such as socioeconomic status and immigrant background. The

objective of the statistical analysis is to map out certain characteristics of the grade

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level of the students in the Compulsory School (and Upper Secondary School). The

reports show that girls have higher average grades than boys and ethnic Norwegian

students receive better grades than immigrant students. The students’ grades are also

differed by parents’ educational level.

Finally, a comparison of the groups of immigrant students at the two schools was

made, exploring the differences in academic achievement, sense of belonging, and

acculturation strategies. The sub question 3: “Which acculturation strategy is the most

accommodating for belonging and performing in school?” was answered through

analysis and findings regarding the earlier research questions.

3.5.4. Narrative Portraits of the Immigrant Students

The narratives present the immigrant students’ acculturation processes through

revealing their life history and background; the challenging situation of being an

immigrant child; how they adjusted to the many changes, their cultural identity and

sense of belonging, and other variables central to the acculturation process (suggested

by Phinney et al., 2006, p.108), including: language proficiency and usage, social

contacts, (family relationship values), perceived discrimination, and differences to the

domestic society. The narratives also expressed the student’s performance and sense

of belonging in school, including their educational- and future aspiration. The

narratives are located in the Appendix.

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3.6. Overview of the Following Chapters

The following chapters discuss immigrant adolescents’ acculturation processes in

association with school achievement and adjustment. Recalling the overall questions

that guide this research helps to understand the rationale of my inquiry in the

subsequent chapters:

1. Which acculturation strategies do immigrant adolescents in Norway use in

order to adjust to everyday life (e.g. in school)?

- Which factors are associated with acculturation strategy preference?

2. How do young immigrants (re-) discover their ‘sense of self’ and find a ‘sense

of belonging’?

- Which role does the sense of belonging play in the process of acculturation and

adjustment for immigrant students in school?

3. Is there any association between the acculturation strategies of immigrant

students and their academic achievement?

Which acculturation strategy is the most adaptive for belonging and performing in

school for immigrant students in Norway?

Chapter 4 presents findings regarding the first research question concerning how

immigrant adolescents adjust to life in a new country and which acculturation strategy

is utilized to survive acculturation stress. The central factors associated with variation

in the immigrants’ acculturation strategy preferences are explored in regards to

answering the first sub question. Chapter 5 presents findings concerning the second

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research question and sub question, with reference to the sense of belonging. This

chapter also explores the association between immigrant students’ acculturation

strategies and academic achievement, in regard to sub question 3b.

The conclusion in chapter 6 converge on the implications of the findings with

reference to the third sub question concerning the most adaptive acculturation

strategy for immigrant students to successfully belong and perform in school in

Norway, touching onto the role of educational intervention and responsibility.

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IV. Results: Immigrant Students and Acculturation

This study is concerned with the acculturation experience and adjustment of

young immigrant students in Norway, with one of the objectives to investigate the

students’ acculturation strategies. This chapter presents the findings concerning how

immigrant adolescents cope with acculturation stress, with reference to the first

research question: Which acculturation strategies do immigrant adolescents in

Norway use in order to adjust to everyday life (e.g. in school)?

Next, this chapter also examines variations in the students’ acculturation patterns

in association with the sociocultural context and demography, applying to sub

question one: Which factors are associated with variation in the acculturation pattern?

The findings of this research provide a broad picture of the various means by which

immigrant adolescents handle the stressors of adapting to a new culture.

4.1. The Immigrant Students’ Acculturation Pattern

In order to determine which acculturation strategies young immigrants in Norway

utilize in order to feel at home and to adjust to everyday life (e.g. school), an

examination of the acculturation strategies of the young immigrants was conducted,

based on Berry’s (1990, 1997, 2006) theories on immigrants and acculturation. His

framework illustrates four acculturation strategies: integration, assimilation,

separation, and marginalization. These strategies develop based on the acculturation

attitude of the individual in terms of cultural maintenance and intercultural contact.

Results from other research on immigrant adolescents’ acculturation patterns also

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guides this study’s analysis of the immigrants’ acculturation strategies (Berry et al.,

2006; Phinney et al., 2006).

The findings of this research derive from the immigrant students’ interviews in

conjunction with narrative analysis, which explore the immigrants’ acculturation and

adjustment processes. The acculturation strategies are determined via an analysis of

the immigrants’ acculturation attitudes and behavior patterns in regards to cultural

maintenance and intercultural contact. These two components are fundamental in

determining individual acculturation strategies (Berry, 1989; Berry et al., 2006). The

variables used in the analysis include cultural identity, culture lived out at home,

language proficiency and usage, social contacts, and extracurricular activities.

Parents’ and teachers’ perspectives on the students’ acculturation pattern, deriving

from the interviews with parents and teachers, are also intertwined in this analysis.

Observations and fieldnotes are not included, as they were not determined to be

useful in the analysis of the students’ acculturation patterns.

The strategy of assimilation refers to individuals being very involved in and

identifying strongly with the Norwegian society and way of life with little or no

interest in maintaining their original ethnic cultures or identities. This strategy is also

defined by high Norwegian language proficiency and usage, and primarily Norwegian

contacts. These individuals do not pursue cultural maintenance or seek contact and

involvement with other cultures. Individuals utilizing the strategy of integration

display high involvement and identification with both Norwegian and ethnic culture.

They also have a high proficiency and usage of both Norwegian and their ethnic

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languages, and maintain social contacts with both their own ethnic groups, other

immigrants and Norwegians. The ability to move between both ethnic and Norwegian

context is also a typical pattern for individuals employing this strategy. They prefer

maintenance of their own cultures and ethnic identities, yet also interact with other

cultural groups. The strategy of separation is defined by individuals displaying high

ethnic identity and high ethnic language proficiency and usage. In addition, they place

value on maintaining their original cultures and have little or no contact with

Norwegians. The fourth strategy, marginalization, refers to individuals displaying

little or no interest in cultural maintenance, and little interest in having contact and

relations with other cultural groups. They are found to display high ethnic language

proficiency and usage, but low ethnic identity, low proficiency and usage of national

language, and low national identity (Phinney et al., 2006). These individuals are often

uncertain about their places in society, and perhaps desire to be a part of the larger

society, but lack the skills and abilities to make contacts.

The tables below illustrate the acculturation attitudes and behavior patterns of

immigrant students from the Mainstream School and from the Multicultural School.

The variables used in the analysis of the acculturation process and strategies are listed

in the column to the left, with the status for each student illustrated in the columns to

the right. The results of the analysis are presented immediately after the tables. The

findings are presented individually for each student. Since the settings and results

varied greatly between the two schools, the findings have also been and divided into

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two groups representing the two different schools. In addition, the discussion of

differences between the two schools is more clearly presented in this manner.

4.1.1 Acculturation Strategies of Students from the Mainstream School

Table 4. Acculturation Pattern of the Students from the Mainstream School

Variables essential for the acculturation attitude and behavior pattern

Vladimir

Halas

Monique

Fathima

Laura

Acculturation Strategy;

Integration/ Assimilation

Integration/ Assimilation

Separation Separation/ Integration

Separation/ Integration

Cultural identity - Ethnic - National

Identifies with both ethnic and National culture


High Ethnic identity



Culture lived out at home: -Ethnic -National

Mostly ethnic culture; some Norwegian culture


Ethnic culture Mostly ethnic culture


Language proficiency and use; -Ethnic -National

- Speaks fluent Norwegian w. heavy accent. - Enrolled in Norwegian2 class - Speaks mostly Norwegian at home

- Speaks fluent Norwegian without any accent. - Enrolled in the Norwegian2 class; - Speaks Ethiopian at home

-Speaks almost fluent Norwegian with heavy accent. - Enrolled in Norwegian2 class; - Speaks Liberian/ English at home

- Speaks almost fluent Norwegian with a slight accent - Enrolled in Norwegian2 class; - Speaks Turkish at home

- Speaks almost fluent Norwegian with a slight accent; - Enrolled in Norwegian2 class; - Speaks Albanian at home.

Social contacts; -Ethnic -National

Mostly Norwegian friends. Few friends among other cultural groups.

Friends from both Norwegian and other cultural backgrounds

Friends from various ethnic groups. No Norwegian friends.

Friends from various ethnic groups; few Norwegian friends.

Friends from various ethnic groups. Few Norwegian friends.

Outside- school- activities; -Ethnic -National

Norwegian friends; bike riding; Norwegian battalion, playing basketball

Friends from both Norwegian and other cultural backgrounds

Joins an ethnic association together with the family

Hanging with group of friends (from mixed cultures);

Hanging with group of friends (from mixed cultures);

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Vladimir

Vladimir appears to be utilizing the acculturation strategies of both integration

and assimilation, with integration being dominant. Vladimir feels he is more Russian

than Norwegian;

M: … do you feel more Russian or Norwegian? D: Eh…I feel Russian. M: OK. Do you feel like you’re half and half – I mean half Norwegian and half Russian, or do you feel one hundred percent Russian? (…) What percent Russian do you feel? D: (pause, thinking) Maybe ninety. M: Ninety percent Russian – and ten percent Norwegian? D: Yes.

However, his behaviors (regarding language, social contacts, and cultural

maintenance) show that he is very integrated into the Norwegian way of life.

Vladimir speaks both Russian and Norwegian. He values and uses both languages

interchangeably, depending on the context. The two languages are so integrated in his

life that he does not consider one to be more important to him than the other.

R: Which language do you prefer the most? D: No, I speak both. R: But which one do you like the best? D: Eh…I don’t know - I’m used to speaking Norwegian. R: Right. Which language do you think in – or dream in? D: I’m not quite sure, but I think Norwegian is the language I think in. R: I see. You’re not quite sure about it. OK… So it doesn’t matter to you if you speak Norwegian or Russian – both come quite automatically and easily? D: Yes.

Vladimir finds the Norwegian culture and the Russian culture to be very similar

and he is able to move between the two cultural contexts in his life without problems.

He values and respects both cultures.

R: …Do you see differences between Norwegian and Russian people?

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D: (pause, thinking) No, they are the same. R: You think they’re the same, I see. They think alike, and… well, the cultures are alike? D: Yes.

He identifies both with his own ethnic background and with the Norwegian

culture. His Russian integrity is maintained at home in that his mother tries to teach

Vladimir Russian culture, history and wisdom by, for example, the watching of

Russian films. Vladimir’s outdoor activities and interests are very typical for young

Norwegian boys, such as outdoor-activities and bike riding. He spends a significant

amount of time with his best friends, all of whom are Norwegian. In addition, he is

joining a Norwegian battalion and has plans to join a basketball team with other boys

from his class. Vladimir does not like to socialize in large groups and prefers the

intimacy and closeness of small groups of friends.

At school, Vladimir utilizes the acculturation strategy of assimilation. Here he

acts as an integral part of the Norwegian social society and does not show any

evidence of being an immigrant, with the exception of his accent. He has high

Norwegian language proficiency and uses this language predominantly as he does not

have any Russian friends at school. His best friends, with whom he socializes at both

school and home, are all Norwegians. He does not socialize with people from Ukraine

or other cultural backgrounds, other than with friends of his mother. Vladimir’s

mother declares he has become very Norwegian and does not value the maintenance

of his Russian cultural heritage.

“He does not identify with our culture at all – he is more Norwegian; He does not have nostalgia – he does not have any longings for Russia. He is very integrated.”

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He is not ‘looking back’ on his former life, nor is he ‘clinging’ to his original

culture. The advice he gives to other young immigrants coming to Norway is to try to

fit in by becoming integrated and assimilated.

R: Which advice would you give to other children, coming to a new country? D: (pause, thinking) Weeeell…I would say that he'd be just fine here… R: OK…How will he be fine here? Do you have any advice to help him do that? What should he do to feel at home here? D: Uuh…be normal and… not do anything stupid, so that eh… everyone thinks he’s a… bad…friend.

Vladimir gives other children the advice to be positive, but also to follow the

mainstream norms and behaviors to avoid being rejected or excluded from the

fellowship.

Halas

Halas displays both the acculturation strategy of integration and the strategy of

assimilation, with the strategy of integration being more dominant. He identifies both

with his own traditional ethnic background and with the Norwegian culture. He

comes from a Christian background, and therefore most of the Norwegian cultural

traditions and holidays are also celebrated in his home. He maintains his cultural

integrity to some degree at home, as the family maintains some cultural practices,

such as language and traditions. He says he feels both Norwegian and Ethiopian when

at home and does not have any difficulties living in two cultures.

R: Some feel they are Norwegian…or maybe Somali, or Ethiopian…How do you feel?

S: Norwegian! R: You feel totally Norwegian?

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S: Yes. R: …Do you feel somewhat Ethiopian also? S: Yes, a little Norwegian and a little Ethiopian too. R: Yes, sort of mixed…? S: Yes… R: Is it a little difficult [to be in such a mixed…culture], or is it just…? S: No! R: It's going just fine? S: Yep! … R: When you are at home among your family—what do you feel then — do you feel most Ethiopian or most Norwegian? S: Yeees…both parts. If I can’t say something in my language, I’ll say it in Norwegian.

It seems as if Halas has had a smooth transition into the Norwegian way of life.

He does not feel that he or his life have changed significantly since moving to a

foreign country. He engages in the same activities in Norway as he did in Ethiopia,

such as playing soccer with friends. Halas has a lot of friends, both Norwegian and

from other cultural backgrounds. He often spends time with his group of friends at the

mall or takes the bus to the city to shop. He also plays soccer on a team with many

boys from his class and soon wants to start ‘break-dancing’ with a group of friends

from school. Living in two cultures is not a challenge for Halas; he does not dwell on

differences or challenges and appears to adjust to changes very easily. His teacher,

Kari, describes Halas as “very childish, even though he has experienced some serious

parts of life. Maybe this is a strategy he uses to survive [– looking at the bright side of

life….]”.

Halas also utilizes the assimilation strategy, especially at school. Here his national

identity shows stronger than his ethnic identity. He speaks Norwegian perfectly and

behaves like other Norwegian boys. It is only the color of his skin that indicates that

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he is not a native Norwegian. He is not fighting for his ethnic identity. He has

declined the offer of ‘mother tongue instruction’ at school and has no desire to

maintain his original culture, preferring to speak Norwegian.

R: What language do you like the best to speak? S: Norwegian...I’ve nearly forgotten my native language. R: Ah…So you don’t get any instruction at school in Ethiopian? S: No, don’t want to. R: Do your parents want you to have any instruction? S: No...they say that I can if I want to have some instruction...eh...but I don't want to!

Other than speaking Ethiopian with his father, Halas has a mainstream attitude

and just “goes with the flow” at home as well. He only watches Norwegian programs

on television and listens to Norwegian radio programs. He often speaks Norwegian

when he does not remember the Ethiopian words. He also admits that when his family

meets with other people from Ethiopia, or when his family is gathering at home with

other Ethiopian friends, he most often leaves the house.

“I'm not at home so much really…I'm mostly out and about…I’m not so much…eh, if for example there’s a party, then I’m not at home, I'm with friends and spend the night there...”

Perhaps Halas is not interested in having contact with people from his own cultural

group, or there may be other explanations for why he prefers not to be at home when

there is an ethnic party.

Halas has not significantly reflected on the issues of cultural identity or

maintenance of own culture. He seems to use the acculturation strategies which best

suit his life at the moment, with focus on friends and fun.

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Monique

Monique demonstrates an acculturation strategy of separation. She wishes to

maintain her own culture and does not have social contact with Norwegians. She

socializes only with members of her own cultural group and with other immigrants

from different cultural backgrounds.

R: …Have you made any friends here [in Norway]? M: Mmhmm, yeees…but not from Norway! R: Not from Norway? M: No! R: So you don’t have any Norwegian friends? M: No.

She does not feel she is accepted by the mainstream group at school nor in the host

society. She therefore finds friends and a sense of belonging among other immigrant

students, most of who originate from other African countries.

At home, Monique and her mother concur that both cultures are lived out. Her

mother feels that the children are more Norwegian than herself, but places a great

value in maintaining the ethnic culture of which she is very proud. Since there are

many Liberian immigrants living in the city and in the neighboring communities of

the city, Monique and her family have the opportunity to socialize with their native

culture group and it is thus easier to maintain their culture of origin. Monique’s

mother and family have only African friends. At home they speak English,

Norwegian, a little French, and different Liberian dialects. Her parents do not speak

Norwegian. Monique must speak Norwegian at school and she is learning rapidly.

Though her Norwegian language proficiency is not perfect, she can communicate

well and make herself understood.

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Monique feels it is important to feel at home in the new country and to have a

positive attitude towards the people, the lifestyle and the host country. She describes

her strategy for adjusting and making herself feel at home in Norway.

“Being open for the others. And being nice [to the Norwegians]…Sometimes I try to be nicer than [I normally would be]… I… am nice to people… and… don’t get embarrassed…and… being open to the others, so we can get to know each other better, and then it’s easier to feel positive and feel at home…Or if you’re just like ‘Ah, I don’t want to talk to them – they have to talk to me first – I don’t want to hang out with them,’ then it’s like…you make some more friends if you go and talk to them”. “When I got here… it was like boring to be here… to be here in Norway, but now I think it’s… ‘okay’ – first I thought, like, negatively, but now I think I’m totally positive!”

She has additional advice to gives to other young immigrants to Norway.

“…Be open towards other people who want to be friends with you. Don’t think negatively about Norway, because it is a very nice country. And it is all right if you love your own country a lot – that is all right! But Norway is a good country too…”

Even though Monique tries to maintain a positive outlook on life and to make the

best of her life in Norway, her experiences and challenges as an immigrant have

shaped her acculturation behavior and she thus avoids contact with the cultural groups

she feels discriminated against. However, she has learned to have a positive outlook

on life, despite her circumstances and challenges, perhaps as a coping strategy to

survive the stress of negative and depressive responses from other people.

Fathima

Fathima displays acculturation strategies of integration and separation. She

claims a preference for integration as she has a desire to be integrated into the

Norwegian life and be accepted by her Norwegian classmates. Fathima feels very

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comfortable living in Norway. “I am like at home”, she says and feels she has

become very Norwegian, yet she also feels she is Turkish.

R: Do you think you have become more Norwegian [than Turkish]? F: Yes R: Do you think you have become completely Norwegian? F: No, not completely.

Fathima speaks and communicates well in Norwegian, almost without any accent.

At home she speaks Turkish with her family. Her father also speaks Norwegian, but

her mother does not. The family maintains the Turkish culture at home. They

celebrate Muslim holidays and traditions only and speak Turkish. The family only

socializes with members of their own cultural group and has a tight knit relationship

with several other Kurdish families, whom the father describes as “family!”

At school, however, Monique utilizes the separation strategy. She wants to be

integrated into the Norwegian life and become accepted amongst her Norwegian

classmates, but she feels excluded from this cultural group. At school she socializes

exclusively with her best friend Laura and other immigrant friends from various

cultural backgrounds. She and the other immigrant students in her class seem to

separate themselves from their Norwegian classmates. However, this is not a chosen

strategy, but one steered by others. They do not socialize with the mainstream group

in class mainly because they do not feel accepted.

R: Do you think it is easy to get to know the Norwegians? F: Not many. R: Not so easy…. – But you do know the others in class, don’t you? F: Yes, we know them, but we don’t [socialize] with them. R: So, it is only you two [Laura and herself]…and maybe Monique? F: Yes. R: Why is that?

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F: ( ) R: Is it more difficult to…be with the other? – Or do you feel that you are different? F: No…But, like…maybe they don’t want to be with us…right…

Outside school, Fathima has a sturdy group of friends from different cultural

backgrounds. Her Norwegian friends from this group are a couple of years younger

than herself, perhaps because she feels more acceptance among the younger children.

In any case, Fathima seems to be at peace with the situation. She has good non-

Norwegian friends at school and has a lot of friends outside of school. She also has

her family, who loves and cares for her.

Laura

Laura employs both separation and integration acculturation strategies. The two

different strategies are both dominant in her home and school life. She utilizes the

strategy of integration at home where her family engages in both the Norwegian and

the Albanian cultures. They eat both Albanian and Norwegian food and Laura dresses

like a typical Norwegian girl. She feels very Norwegian, because she and her family

have lived in Norway for so long. Laura has high Norwegian language proficiency

and prefers to speak Norwegian. She speaks Albanian with her family, but often

mixes in some Norwegian words. She says she has started to forget things that

connect her to the Albanian culture, such as language and social contacts. Even at

home, she feels more Norwegian than Albanian.

L: [I feel] Norwegian, because – we have lived here almost our whole life and I always speak Norwegian….and my [old Albanian] friends I have almost forgotten, and I have also forgotten many Albanian words…”

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R: So you feel [more] Norwegian? L: Yes – a little… R: Though, you feel a little more Norwegian than Albanian? L: Yes. R: Is that so. But when you are at home with your family – how do you feel then? L: Also a little [more] Norwegian…

Even though her own cultural background and way of life are dissolving, her

ethnic identity is maintained at home, where the culture, family relationship values,

and language are kept alive. She socializes with a group of friends from diverse

cultural backgrounds, including her best friend from school. They often meet at the

local shopping mall. There is not a large group of Albanians living in the area, so

Laura does not know other Albanians, except for those within her own family. Her

mother primarily socializes with her Albanian family and friends. She tries to have

some contact with the neighbors, but her Norwegian is very limited.

Laura expresses a preference for integration, as she really wants to be integrated

into the Norwegian way of life and to be accepted by the mainstream group.

However, feelings and experiences of rejection and prejudice result in a strategy of

separation, especially at school. She finds it very difficult to make Norwegian friends

and is usually with friends from non-Norwegian backgrounds, such as the two other

immigrant girls in her class. It seems as if she and the other immigrant students in her

class separate themselves from their other Norwegian classmates. They do not

socialize with the mainstream group in class mainly because they do not feel

accepted. She wants to be integrated into the Norwegian life and be accepted

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amongst the Norwegians in her class, but she feels this cultural group is not accepting

of her.

L: It is very difficult to get friends, but…the language is very easy now. R: Yes. Now you talk like… a native…but getting friends is a little harder? - Because you feel…like you said, that you don’t feel that they always accept you…? L: ( ) R: Is that something that you sense? L: [nodding]

Laura would prefer the acculturation strategy of integration, but does not have the

option to choose, because of the intolerance of her Norwegian classmates. He advice

for new immigrants to Norway is: “Do not be embarrassed in any way, because...I

was very embarrassed when I moved up here – right, so that was probably the reason

why I didn’t get so many friends…”. She advises not to let shyness and

embarrassment hinder making contact with new people. She might be talking as much

to herself, since she wants to accepted into the Norwegian group at school, but fears

“…they might not want to have contact….”

4.2.2 Acculturation Strategies of the Students from the Multicultural School

Table 5. Acculturation Patterns of Students from the Multicultural School

Variables essential for acculturation attitude and behavior pattern

Patrick

Zarai

Milla

Jana

Marie

Acculturation Strategy

Assimilation/ integration

Integration Integration Integration/ Marginalization

Separation

Cultural identity

Feels Albanian, but do not want to

Ethnic identity; Involved in both cultures -


Identifies with both ethnic and

High Ethnic identity

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- Ethnic - National

maintain own culture; wants to become Norwegian;

Values and respects national culture

National culture; Diffuse identity

Culture lived out at home - Ethnic - National

Both ethnic and Norwegian culture

Ethnic culture Both ethnic and Norwegian culture



Language proficiency and use - Ethnic - National

High Norwegian language proficiency (Compare to short stay); High ethnic language proficiency; Enrolled in Norwegian2 class; Speaks Norwegian and Albanian at home.

Both high Norwegian and ethnic language proficiency (Compare to short stay); High ethnic language proficiency; Enrolled in Norwegian2 class; Speaks Sudanese at home

Both high Norwegian and ethnic language proficiency; Speaks Bosnian at home, with some input of Norwegian.

High Norwegian language proficiency; Moderate ethnic language proficiency Speaks Bosnian and Norwegian at home

Moderate Norwegian language proficiency; Enrolled in Norwegian2 class; High ethnic language proficiency; Speaks ethnic language w. mother/sister; Norwegian w. stepfather/ stepbrothers

Social contacts - Ethnic group - National group

Most Norwegian friends, also friends from other ethnic groups

Many friends from various cultural backgrounds, also Norwegian

Many friends from both Norwegian and various ethnic groups.

Most Norwegian friends, also friends from other ethnic groups

Most Philippine friends, some friends from other ethnic groups; no Norwegian friends

Outside-school-activities

Friends; Sports; Playing basketball or soccer with friends

Friends; Dancing; bicycling; Sports; volleyball, basketball

Friends; Politics; Instructing dance at Bosn./ Norwegian Association

Friends; Music; Playing in a band;

Friends and dancing at Youth Club in Multiethnic Church;

Patrick

Patrick demonstrates the acculturation strategy of assimilation. He still feels he is

more Albanian than Norwegian, because he has not lived in Norway for a significant

period of time.

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“Well, now, I feel like—I am Albanian, right…I lived there for thirteen years, right, and in Norway only two years, so I don’t yet feel quite Norwegian, right…”

However, his goal is to be assimilated and totally integrated into the Norwegian

way of life.

R: Would you like to return [to Kosovo Albania], or could you imagine staying for good here [in Norway]? P: No, I've really only thought of staying here [in Norway]…I believe my future will be in Norway…

He does not see any big differences between the two cultures, other than the visible

dissimilarities in the religious beliefs and practices, and the differences in the socio-

economic lives of people.

“Sure there’s some little difference then, for in Kosovo, right, there’s a lot of poor people and such…It’s not really [ ], well...many poor people there…many who don’t have jobs there…”

Ultimately, he finds the people to be very much the same in both countries, with

characteristics of openness and attitudes of hospitality.

Patrick has mostly Norwegian friends, but because of the multicultural setting at

school and in the neighborhood, he also socializes with friends from different cultural

backgrounds. Patrick is very active in sports. Both in and after school his primary

agenda is playing sports with his many friends.

Patrick is very proficient in the Norwegian language, considering the short length

of time he has resided in Norway, and uses this language predominantly. The family

speaks Albanian at home, but is very focused on speaking the Norwegian language in

order to become totally assimilated into the Norwegian society. Patrick and his

siblings were given the option to have mother tongue instruction at school, but they

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declined since they would prefer to learn perfect Norwegian. Patrick’s parents also

have a strong assimilation attitude and want themselves and their children to be

totally integrated into the Norwegian way of life. The family embraces both cultures

at home. They often celebrate the Norwegian holidays with Norwegian friends,

because they want their children to fit in completely in their new homeland. They

would like to erase the cultural differences. Patrick and his family do not seem to

value maintenance of original culture and they have a strong orientation toward the

Norwegian society. They are very involved in the Norwegian way of living and have

contact primarily with Norwegians through jobs and school. His parents indicate they

are eager “to forget about the past and become Norwegian.”

Patrick’s teacher, Mia, is uncertain of her perspective on Patrick’s acculturation

pattern.

“I’m a little unsure about Patrick – he’s a little closed off… but it’s not that easy to distinguish from what may be part of his cultural background – But he probably has elements of his own culture, but he’s not really all that distant”

Zarai

Zarai demonstrates an acculturation strategy of integration. She wishes to

maintain her own culture and ethnic identity and at the same time to have contact and

interaction with other cultural groups. She has high ethnic identity, yet she also tries

to understand and value the Norwegian culture and way of life. She finds the cultural

differences between the two cultures to be significant.

R: What other differences were there between the life you lived before and the life you now live in Norway?

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S: Very different food here. Even the same kinds of vegetables don’t taste quite the same! Also the clothes—in Sudan, everyone has to go around in a shawl, completely covered, while here in Norway it's a little different where people can go around in whatever they want.

However, she is very positive about adjusting to her new life. She behaves

“Norwegian” at school and among Norwegian friends and she dresses in the typical

Norwegian fashion. At home she lives out her original culture. Her family is Muslim

and they follow Islamic rules and traditions to a certain degree, to include adhering to

clothing and relationship norms.

“…For example…when we have some people coming to visit us at home, we receive them in a special, proper way, just the way you would do it in Sudan—to be sociable”

The family also celebrates many of the traditional Norwegian holidays, such as the

Norwegian national day. Zarai’s father sees his children as being very Norwegian.

Zarai has a balanced use of both languages. She has high Norwegian language

proficiency and even speaks with a perfect Bergen dialect. Since she went to school

in Sudan, she can both read and write in Arabic and uses her ethnic language at home

with her family and with friends from own cultural group. The family speaks

primarily Arabic at home, but also a lot of Norwegian.

Zarai has many friends, both Norwegian and from other cultural origins. She

keeps in contact with people from her own cultural group, yet at the same time as she

has many Norwegian friends and friends from other cultural groups. Zarai is a very

active girl. She enjoys dancing, bicycling, soccer, volleyball, and basketball. She used

to play soccer in a team at school in the afternoons, but she stopped.

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“…because I wasn’t so good at Norwegian, first of all, so I thought that if I used some of the time I use to play soccer, maybe I should rather use it to learn more Norwegian. And to use that time on school and schoolwork, to learn a little more there also. So that’s why I quit, and set my mind more on school”

She is very dedicated to school and learning and has set her mind to and dedicated

her time to learning and doing her homework. Zarai has given up all her spare time

(and fun) to become a better student in addition to completing her duties and chores at

home.

Zarai seems to be very flexible and positive about adjusting to a totally new

environment.

“I think it’s different, but when you think about it, you find a proper way of speaking and experiencing different things. So it’s really mainly in the past now, when it was very, very weird here I think, but eventually, when I learned to go more into the various areas and into the homes of others; to be in a Norwegian home—and see how they have it, and how they have their rules at home and so on, then I knew that everything could be different...”

Her advice to other immigrants is.

“I would like it if they wouldn’t go negative with the different cultures and other people’s perceptions. If…for example if they have some friends, then they must go out and talk to them, and try to understand what they think and what they believe, and not just turn their backs to all that’s possible and close themselves in…their own […]. I think that's what is really at the beginning of…if one wants to go out and speak with people, and enter into the various cultures, then one learns more, pure and simple!”

Zarai’s attitude is open and accepting towards other people and different cultures, a

typical feature of the integration strategy. Laila, her teacher, has an interesting

perspective on Zarai’s acculturation process.

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“[Zarai] works a lot both at school and at home. Her father does not cooperate with the school. He only wants that Sarah should get married and have children…but, she receives a lot of support from the school. Right now she has a double duty (as a student and as a ‘maid’)– and it will probably stay that way until she is 18 years old and [can decide by herself]”

Milla

Milla utilizes the acculturation strategy of integration. She identifies strongly with

both her ethnic culture and the Norwegian culture. She is very proud of her Bosnian

cultural heritage and feels it is very important to maintain her own cultural identity.

She is unsure which identity - her ethnic or the Norwegian - is the strongest.

“Eh, I don’t know…It’s really strange, ‘cause I don’t feel that I’m Norwegian, I don’t! I feel that I’m Bosnian, and get sort of mad when my dad says ‘But you’re Norwegian!’. But, because I really want to hold on to the fact that I’m Bosnian – because I am! - Was born in Bosnia, and spent the first part of my life there, and always have my cultural past there, and…as I see it, my past is a part of the present and the future. So…eh, I would say, I don’t think I am Norwegian, but I feel at home in Norway”

She also feels totally Bosnian when she is visiting Bosnia, and does not consider

herself to be a ‘Norwegianized’ Bosnian.

“I feel totally Bosnian and totally at home there…And that’s a little strange, cause when I’m in Norway, I feel that – yes, I live here, but still I’m a little different in a way…”

Although she says she feels most at home in the Bosnian culture, she has a

difficult time deciding which culture is most important to her.

“It is very difficult…If I absolutely had to choose one [culture] - gun to my head - that would be [the Bosnian culture], but otherwise there is a lot of both…eh, I think I am mostly [part] of the Bosnian culture, but I think I have a lot of Norwegian culture as well!”

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Milla truly wants to maintain her Bosnian culture, and is afraid of losing it if she

opens herself too much to Norwegian influence. She is uncertain as to just how much

Norwegian she considers herself to be.

”I really don’t know. I don’t think I can answer that… Maybe 20-30 percent, maybe a little more than that I think – I don’t know. Maybe I am a little scared to answer that… I actually think so, that I am a little scared to answer that!”

Milla’s father wants his children to know their cultural heritage and insists on

maintaining the Bosnian culture at home. Both her parents speak fluent Norwegian,

though at home they only speak Bosnian with their children. Her father wants his

children to stand up for their own cultural identity.

R: So you'd like the children to learn the values of the [Muslim] religion? A: Yes, very much so. Teach them to be Muslims, and say it openly to everyone...for such is the media war these days--always showing the negative, right--but I think that I and my family have something positive to show…namely, when it comes to being Muslim. … R: Yes. But you protect your own culture and religion—that is, within the family boundaries? A: Yes. And I think that’s quite fair. I don’t endeavor to try to show that my business is better than others’, but…I don't think anyone has the right to say to me that what I have is worse...

However, he also tries to teach his children to be open-minded and respectful of

other cultures and religions.

“…I believe you can see, through Milla’s opinions…Well, I think she is quite open for almost anything, which faces her here in Norway, right. And I don't try to stop her”

In addition, he would like his children to be well integrated into the Norwegian

society, so he integrates some of the Norwegian traditions into their family life.

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R: …so as far as I understand now, you and your family live very integrated—or, you live very much in your own culture when you are at home, while outside of the home, when you're together with others, you live very integrated lives in society. A: Yes, well, I believe that what’s in our home isn’t so different from a regular family in Norway, it’s just that we don’t celebrate Christmas or Easter, and so on, right…I know many Norwegians who really shouldn’t say so much about the whole thing [Christian traditions]—they’re just glad they have some extra days off, and go to the mountain, go skiing and such, so it… R: Huh…you do that as well? A: Yep (laughs)

The family has contact with people from different cultural groups, and has very close

friendships among Norwegians. Through their careers, both Milla’s father and mother

have a lot of contact with many different higher and lower departments in the city.

Her mother works with people from the departments of medicine, sociology, and

psychology, and with the social office of the community. Her father has a significant

amount of contact and communication with people from the “multicultural arena” in

the city.

Milla has many friends, both Norwegian and from other cultural backgrounds.

She is very involved in the multicultural arena. Politically, she ‘fights’ for ‘the

minorities’ rights. She is also very involved with the Bosnian/Norwegian Friendship

Association where she also teaches dance. She feels it is very important Bosnians to

become integrated into Norwegian society. She is a very energetic, enthusiastic and

organized girl.

“…The goal [of the Bosnian/Norwegian Friendship Association] is to integrate the Bosnians as well as possible. And we are…most of us Bosnians, I think, are well integrated…”

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Milla has high Norwegian language proficiency, but she strongly believes in the

importance of immigrants maintaining their native languages. She believes that

Bosnians in general learn the Norwegian language relatively easy, but often forfeit

their own language in the process.

“I think most Bosnians – at least the young ones, speak very, very good Norwegian, so that you hardly notice that they are from a different country. But when it comes to speaking their mother tongue, then it’s a different story - You can tell right away “Yes they’re from another country” and stuff – when you are back in Bosnia”

Milla received Mother tongue instruction at school until she was ten years old.

However, her Norwegian language proficiency is so good that she has not been

entitled to mother tongue instruction since 4th grade, a school policy which her father

describes as “a little racist”.

Milla views integration as the path to a successful life.

“I think there are many advantages to being integrated, because you get both cultures and you get diversity and you contribute to a diverse society. I don’t think you contribute with anything if you become totally Norwegian, because I think you loose something and…it is great to be Norwegian – that’s not what I am saying, but I think there is also a lot of diversity and much that foreigners can contribute to society with.”

She is proud of her parents’ efforts to embrace both cultures - maintaining their

original culture while also embracing the Norwegian culture and she has a very

multicultural attitude towards the politics of immigration.

“They really wanted me o have the advantage of being from two cultures, and they really made a successful effort to learn Norwegian, and…move forward in life..Of course, when you come to a new country, you can’t expect it to be the same as your home country, but… I think some understanding is needed both ways. And it is very easy to say that those who are new in this country – they need to

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understand that this is the way it has been here for a long time and so on… But I think it is really important – as I said, I have lived here, and I’m more and more… I’m a Norwegian citizen, and I think that gives me the right to speak my mind. I think it would be wrong to only expect one-way understanding – it has to go both ways!”

Her teacher, Mia, praises Milla’s acculturation process.

“Then you have Milla – they keep a little of their own culture, like their religion, but I think she is very free – and very Norwegian, really. Most people wouldn’t believe that she’s not Norwegian, so that says a lot… “

Jana

Jana employs both integration and marginalization acculturation strategies. She

identifies with both the Norwegian culture and her Bosnian culture, though she

admits to feeling more Norwegian.

“I’m really kind of both—perhaps a little more Norwegian. I do still have some of my background—as a Bosnian, right.”

She feels at home in both cultures, but has a difficult time determining with which

culture she feels a greater sense of belonging.

“I feel at home when I am in Bosnia, but again—I have so much of the culture from Norway, which I take there with me. So it's really like...split…I think I’m Bosnian on the inside, but I think I'm outwardly more Norwegian.”

Ultimately, she does not find the two cultures to be very different and the only time

she notices differences is when she visits Bosnia.

“It is often that I don’t see a big difference—I don’t think about it…I feel very Norwegian there [in Bosnia]! When I am in Bosnia, I feel very different. I was there for the first time when I was 12--ten years after [the immigration], right, so I'm definitely not used to the way things are down there-- the mentality and so on. It was like I’d never been there.”

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Jana’s family does not live a typical Bosnian lifestyle at home, primarily because

the family is not Muslim and does not celebrate Muslim holidays. They celebrate

some traditional Norwegian holidays, such as Christmas, with decorations and

presents. Often they even celebrate with other Muslim friends. Jana feels that her

parents have embraced the Norwegian culture in many ways, but are still different

from the Norwegians, for example when it comes to parenting. Both of her parents

speak fluent Norwegian. At home the family speaks Bosnian, though Jana often

utilizes her Norwegian vocabulary, because her Bosnian is not entirely proficient. Her

parents primarily socialize with other Bosnians and seldom with Norwegians. Jana

spends time with a group of friends from different cultural backgrounds, including

Norwegian, but she has never heard of the Bosnian-Norwegian Association.

She finds the acculturation attitude in Norway to be a bit intolerant and prefers a

society with a more individualistic or multicultural approach to living.

“I have experienced Norwegians as a little too nationalistic. Eh, there’s a bit too much ‘Fatherland,’ to put it that way. Now and then I think so...My experiences are that everything shall be like...they are so focused on things being Norwegian, and that eh, yes—‘All this comes from the time of the Vikings’--and so on.”

Jana’s acculturation attitude is resistant to any ‘mainstreaming’ as she does not want

anyone to tell her how to live her life. She wants to make her own decisions and to

just be herself. She is not preoccupied with pleasing other people to gain acceptance.

She advises other immigrant adolescents to make themselves feel at home.

“You must be yourself and…just take everything as it comes, and don’t try to be too preoccupied with impressing the other culture or whatever it might be. …You don’t need to be troubled about other peoples’ expectations that you should do this and that….”

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Jana’s teacher, Mia, feels Jana’s acculturation process is unique.

“Jana – doesn’t feel all that comfortable here, but I don’t think that necessarily has anything to do with her background. She has had some conflicts – about weight and… so there have been those types of problems. Maybe she has that adjustment as the final one, where one creates something entirely new. Because she has gone to the extreme – with her own style, and has discarded all religion…”

Marie

Marie displays a strategy of separation. She feels completely Filipino and her

only relation to the Norwegian culture is her mother being married to a Norwegian

man and some of her friends are half Norwegian.

R: Do you feel even a little Norwegian? J: Me… No! But my friends – some of them are Norwegian, or half Norwegian. R: At school or at home? J: No, in church.

Marie finds the people in Norway to be very different from her native culture. “It

was the first time I saw white people like that! (laughs)”. She also feels the

Norwegian language is “strange”. The biggest differences she notices between the

two cultures are the clothes and the economic standard of life, which she perceives to

be much higher in Norway.

“Hmm, where I live, we wear regular clothes with lots of holes (laughs)… very dirty… Lots of people are really poor there. We were actually poor too.”

At home, she engages in a mixture of Filipino and Norwegian culture, due to the

fact that her stepfather is Norwegian. Marie speaks Filipino with her mother and her

sister, but when her stepfather is present, they speak Norwegian. The family is also

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teaching Marie’s two younger brothers Filipino. Her parents have both Filipino and

Norwegian friends. Marie communicates well in Norwegian, but still has some

problems, perhaps in part because she wears a hearing aide. She does not live in the

neighborhood where her school is located and where many of her classmates live. She

often takes walks alone or with her sister, in the afternoons.

Marie socializes mainly with people from her own cultural background and is

active in her church youth club, where she meets many friends from the Philippines

and from Thailand.

R: So you feel the most… eh, you think it’s best to hang out with people from your own country? J: Yes. (slightly hesitant) R: Why is that? J: I don’t know… I’m not able to make friends with Norwegians.

At school she socializes mostly with other immigrant students. She finds it hard to

make Norwegian friends and feels she is excluded from the Norwegian group. She

feels the same way at school and in her classroom – that the Norwegians stick

together and exclude her and other foreigners.

R: You don’t have any Norwegian friends? J: No. R: Why is it so difficult? J: I don’t know… It’s… I think they’ll only choose those who are white… Those who are Norwegians, right, they don’t include foreigners in their group. R: Okay. So you think the Norwegians stick to white people only? J: Yes. R: Do you think it’s that way in your class too? J: Yes.

Marie’s advice on adaption to other immigrants is.

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“…Maybe to join that church thing - Because that’s a place where young people usually hang out.”

The youth club and her friends from church have helped her to adjust and to find a

place of belonging in Norway. She does not spend time with Norwegians and is not

eager to make contacts with people outside her own cultural group. This is a typical

pattern of the acculturation strategy of separation, which entails an exclusive

involvement in one’s traditional cultural values and norms, coupled with little or no

interaction with the members and the culture of the larger society (Berry,1993, 2001).

Her teacher, Mia has an interesting perspective on Marie’s acculturation process.

M: “[Marie] – I’m very unsure about her. She wants to go back, of course. I don’t really think she is interested in being here. That’s the impression I have. – That this is kind of a temporary stopping place, where she has to stay until she is old enough to go back to the Philippines… She doesn’t spend much time with other people either… that is, she spends time with [Zarai] and some with [the two students from Iraq], and then she has [a Norwegian friend], so she has some people… R: Mmhmm. What about in her free time? - I guess she spends most of her time with friends from the same country?…Do you think she might be a bit “separated” – that she might want to spend time with her own people, and…? M: Yes, I think maybe so… even though… I don’t think she has made a conscious decision that she doesn’t want to hang around with others, which I don’t know about, but… I guess she thinks that there’s no point, I don’t know… And then there’s the issue with her hearing and the barrier… And she’s not really the type who approaches people, she’s not really outgoing, so she’s a little reserved. But if I were to put her in a category, I would put her there – that she’s a little distanced from this society here… R: Yes, that is the impression I also have – that she has only learned Norwegian out of necessity, only in order to function at school – like she has to, but otherwise she would like to keep what is her own. M: Yes, I think you’re right.

4.1.3. Teacher Perspectives on the Students’ Acculturation Processes

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a) The Mainstream School

According to the school nurse, the immigrant boys in general seem to adjust more

easily than the girls, especially through sports activities. They make friends through

playing football with other classmates at school, or by joining sport clubs in the

afternoon. Most of the immigrant girls do not enjoy sports and there are no other

clubs or groups offered at the school. She feels that language is a primary key to the

integration process.

Kari, a teacher at the school, concurs that it is easier for boys to gain acceptance

in a group. They often have more than one best friend and interact with a larger

variety of friends than the girls. Kari feels the girls have difficulty forming intimate

friendships with the Norwegian girls because they are very concerned with style and

appearance and with following social rules. She notes that even different hairstyles

can create division.

Another teacher, Gerd, concludes that girls enjoy intimate talk with other girls,

but often find this is difficult because of the language barrier, resulting in fewer

Norwegian friends. Instead, she notes, they find friends with the similar experiences

and situations. Gerd feels that the boys’ acculturation patterns are more in line with

the integration strategy, while the girls are described as having a separation

acculturation attitude. She explains that the immigrant boys usually have more

freedom at home; whereas the girls have more boundaries and rules they must follow.

Overall, the girls experience more pressure from home than the boys. Gerd also notes

that the boys are more actively engaged in activities with other students, often in

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cross-cultural groups. The girls, however, are more likely to bond and socialize

through intimate talk and by finding friends similar backgrounds and experiences.

The teacher further states that, in recent years, Norwegians have become more

accepting of people from other ethnic backgrounds. However, sometimes racism and

adversary are still issues at school, depending on the groups of students.

b) The Multicultural School

Mia, a teacher at the school, states that there are a lot of different types of

immigrant students at school and that they employ various acculturation strategies.

She truly has a multicultural mindset, as she does not always notice differences

between native students and immigrant students, especially if the immigrants are high

achievers and speak the Norwegian language fluently.

“[Sometimes] I have to stop and think about whether [the students] comes from another country, really (laughs)…Because [some of them] are the types who do so well when you get them, right… it’s actually like you don’t think about [if the student is an immigrant or a Norwegian].”

Another teacher, Laila, feels that the cultural differences sometimes create major

conflicts between the home and the school. For instance, often the cultural tradition at

home adheres to the belief that girls should be trained to look after children and take

care of the household, and therefore an education is only necessary for the boys.

4.1.3. Summary of Findings

The students at the Mainstream School demonstrated various acculturation

strategies. Four of the five students were found to utilize a combination of two

different acculturation strategies. Only one of the students displayed a clear attitude

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and behavior of one single acculturation strategy (Monique). Two of the students

utilized a strategy of integration in combination with assimilation (Vladimir, Halas).

The acculturation strategy of integration was dominant, as the students valued

maintenance of their own cultural identity, yet also valued a positive relationship with

Norwegians and other cultural groups. Their cultural identity involved both ethnic

and Norwegian identity. They demonstrated high Norwegian language proficiency

and average ethnic language proficiency, in which both preferred to use the

Norwegian language over their ethnic language. They appeared to be comfortable in

both the ethnic and the national context, in terms of identity, language, peer contacts,

and values (Berry et al., 2006, p.14). At the same time, these two students also

employed the assimilation strategy. They did not display themselves or their cultural

identity as very distinct from the other Norwegians, but appeared very ‘mainstream’.

They had minimal involvement with their ethnic culture, except when they were with

family, and they both displayed a strong orientation toward the Norwegian society.

They spoke the Norwegian language predominantly and had mostly Norwegian peers.

The other two students demonstrated a strategy of separation in combination with

integration (Fathima, Laura). They maintained their ethnic culture and language at

home with family. They both wished to become integrated into the Norwegian society

and social group, but felt they were not accepted or included by the Norwegian group

members. They experienced prejudice and discrimination at school, and had contact

only with a few Norwegians. Their peers originated from different ethnic groups,

though they all carried the same ‘label’ of belonging to the ‘immigrant group’.

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One student demonstrated a clear strategy of separation (Monique). She valued

maintenance of her own distinctive identity and cultural group characteristics and did

not have a positive relationship with her Norwegian classmates. Her friends

originated from varied ethnic backgrounds, though most of them had an African

origin. She still struggled with the Norwegian language, and spoke primarily her

ethnic language at home with family. None of the students at the Mainstream School

employed an acculturation strategy of marginalization

The students at the Multicultural School also demonstrated various acculturation

strategies. These students appeared to have a more clear understanding of identity and

their place of belonging, and demonstrated explicit acculturation strategies. Only one

of the five students demonstrated a combined acculturation strategy. Two of the

students employed an acculturation strategy of integration (Milla, Zarai). They

preferred to maintain their own cultural identity, yet also valued a positive

relationship with Norwegians and other cultural groups. They showed a high

involvement in both their ethnic and the Norwegian culture and their cultural identity

involved both ethnic and Norwegian identity. They demonstrated high Norwegian

language proficiency and average ethnic language proficiency. They had social

contacts with both their own group and the national group. These students appeared to

be comfortable in both the ethnic and the national context, in terms of identity,

language, peer contacts, and values (Berry et al., 2006, p.14).

One of the students was using an acculturation strategy of assimilation (Patrick).

This student did not distinguish himself or his identity from the Norwegians and had a

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very mainstream appearance. He primarily had contact with Norwegian friends, but

also had contact with peers from other cultural groups. The student endorsed the

assimilation attitude and had a low separation attitude. He was very proficient in the

Norwegian language, in comparison to the amount of time he had lived in Norway,

and used it predominantly. His social contacts were largely with members of the

national group. The student appeared to exemplify the idea of assimilation, indicating

a lack of maintenance of his ethnic culture and identity (Berry et al., 2006, p.14).

One student was clearly adhering to the strategy of separation (Marie). She valued

maintenance of her own distinctive identity and her native cultural group

characteristics, and she did not have a positive relationship with Norwegians.

However, she did have some friends at school from other cultural groups. The

students clearly maintained “high ethnic identity, ethnic language proficiency and

usage, and ethnic peer contacts.” She clearly adhered to the separation attitude in that

she “[scored] low on assimilation, national identity and contacts with the national

group” (Berry et al., 2006, p.14).

One student was leaning toward integration in combination with a strategy of

marginalization (Jana). She valued a positive relationship with Norwegians and other

cultural groups, and her cultural identity involved both ethnic and Norwegian

identity. She demonstrated high Norwegian language proficiency, but somewhat

lower ethnic language proficiency. She had social contacts with members of various

ethnic groups, but seldom socializes with people from her own ethnic group. This

student sometimes felt she did not truly belong to or fit in with either her own ethnic

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group nor with the Norwegian group. She said to have a low proficiency in her ethnic

language, and neither she nor her family lived out the original ethnic culture at home.

She had experienced social difficulties at school, but these were not due to ethnic or

cultural discrimination.

The findings from this research indicate that a great variety of acculturation

strategies were utilized among the immigrant adolescents. They each used different

methods in dealing with the challenges of living in a culture different from their

culture of origin. Most of them preferred integration, though often in combination

with other strategies. Separation was the second most common acculturation attitude

of the students, followed by assimilation, and finally, marginalization.

Many of the immigrant students were employing two different strategies in

conjunction with each other, which confirms earlier research (Berry et al., 2006) and

theoretical concepts: “Since acculturation is a continuous process, an individual may

adopt different strategies at different times, and to deal with different life issues…The

strategies could be thought of as phases, which an individual may pass through over

and over, using several strategies at any given time” (Sam, 2006, Ch.2., p. 19).

The findings show that the students’ acculturation strategy preferences did not

always match their acculturation pattern of behavior. For example, Laura would

prefer integration, but did not have the option because of the intolerance of her

Norwegian classmates. This research verifies Berry’s theory that non-dominant

groups and their individual members don’t always have the freedom to choose which

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acculturation strategies to use, since they cannot always choose how to engage in

intercultural relations (Berry, 1991, 2006).

Interestingly, many of the immigrant students displayed different strategies at

school than they did at home and there was often a differentiation between the

immigrants’ acculturation attitudes and behavioral patterns. The fact that the

immigrants’ choice to successfully migrate to a country is largely dependent on the

host country being open to cultural diversity illustrates this point (2006, p.74).

Significant differences were also observed in the students’ acculturation strategies

between the two schools. Most of the students at the Multicultural School utilized an

acculturation strategy of integration, while most of the students at the Mainstream

School demonstrated an acculturation strategy of separation, often used in

combination with another strategy. These differences between the two schools will be

discussed more in depth in the following sections.

4.2. Central Factors Associated with Variation in Immigrant

Adolescents’ Acculturation Patterns

Previous research has identified various factors associated with the variation in

immigrant adolescents’ acculturation patterns (Berry et al., 2006; Oppedal, 2002;

Phinney et al., 2006a). In order to find answer to the sub question 1; Which stress

factors are associated with acculturation strategy preferences? This study discusses

the variation in immigrant adolescents’ strategy preferences in association with I the

immigrant students’ daily life contexts, such as home and school, including

demographic variables; background and immigrant status, age, gender, length of

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residency, cultural differences, social support, socio-economic background, perceived

discrimination, and the acculturation orientation of the host country, parents and

school.

Background and Immigrant Status

As a part of background and immigrant status, this study investigates the

association of the immigrants’ respective ethnic origins with immigrant adolescents’

patterns of acculturation strategies. The students came from various countries and

cultural backgrounds. The four students that originated from what was previously

Yugoslavia and the Balkan states (Bosnia-Herzegovina, Kosovo-Albania)

demonstrated acculturation attitudes of integration (Milla),

integration/marginalization (Jana), separation/integration (Laura), and assimilation

(Patrick). The students primarily displayed strategies of integration, often in

combination with another strategy. All four acculturation strategies were found

among these students.

Three of the students originated from African countries. Of these students, one

employed an acculturation strategy of separation (Monique), one of integration

(Zarai), and one of integration/assimilation (Halas). None of these students utilized

the strategy of marginalization.

The remaining students originated from various countries, including Turkey

(Fathima), Ukraine (Vladimir), and the Philippines (Marie). These students displayed

strategies of integration/separation (Fathima), integration/assimilation (Vladimir), and

separation (Marie). None of these students utilized marginalization. .

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The conclusion drawn from these findings is that ethnic origin did not play a

significant role in the acculturation strategy preference by these immigrant

adolescents. This may in part be due to the fact that most of them immigrated to

Norway at a very young age. However, it was determined that some of the parents

were influenced by this issue, for example Fathima’s father. He received an ‘okay’

welcoming upon arrival in Norway, but because of his background and status as a

Kurdish minority, he still felt discriminated against.

“…the Kurds are always treated - and feel second range, does not matter where they are…My skin color is dark – I will never become Norwegian. I will never be accepted as totally Norwegian because of my appearance!”

Fathima’s father has a very hopeless and meaningless outlook on life. He feels

trapped and destined by his fate as a Kurd, who is not welcomed and does not belong

anywhere. Furthermore, the findings indicate that his attitude might be associated

with his daughter‘s outlook on life. She appears to be just surviving, without any real

desires or goals in life. She does not have any educational aspirations, probably due to

a lack of encouragement and inspiration at home.

To investigate the association of strategy preferences with the students’

“immigrant status”, I utilized Gibson and Ogbu’s (1991) theories on immigrants’

acculturation patterns. A distinction was made in this research between the students

coming to Norway as “voluntary minorities” – those who have left their home

country voluntarily and settled legally in the new country - and those who came to

Norway as “involuntary minorities” – those who were forced to migrate because of a

catastrophic situation in their home country, such as war. Ogbu and Gibson (1991)

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found a dominant pattern of voluntary minorities being more successful in settling in

the host country than involuntary minority groups. They found that voluntary

minorities often use a strategy of participation in both the mainstream and the

minority world (i.e. integration), whereas involuntary minorities tend to have more

problems adjusting to the various challenges of acculturation. Ogbu and Gibson

(1991) explain that voluntary immigrants better cope with the challenges of cultural

and language differences because they do not view these barriers as threatening to

their own culture, language or identity. The dilemma of the involuntary minority

group is that they often feel that they have to choose between the dominant group’s

approach to success (i.e. assimilation) and maintaining their minority cultural frame

of reference and identity (i.e. separation) (Gibson and Ogbu, 1991). The students

coming to Norway as so-called voluntary minorities were Vladimir (Ukraine), Zarai

(Sudan), and Marie (Philippines). The other students migrated with their families to

Norway as so-called involuntary minorities – fleeing because of war and distress in

their home countries. The involuntary immigrants in this study were Monique

(Liberia), Fathima (Turkey), Laura (Albania), Patrick (Kosovo Albania), Milla

(Bosnia), and Jana (Bosnia). It is not entirely clear as to why Halas (Ethiopia) came

with his family to Norway, but I reason it was also because of war in the home

country.

In a sense, Marie (from the Philippines) was also an involuntary minority. She

came to Norway because of her mother’s decision to move, but she did not want to

live in Norway and dreamed of moving back to the Philippines. Most immigrant

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children and adolescents do not have a choice in moving to a new country, and can

therefore experience being involuntary migrants. The students who came with their

families to Norway as involuntary minorities displayed strategies of integration

(Milla), assimilation (Patrick), integration/marginalization (Jana),

separation/integration (Fathima, Laura), and separation (Monique). In this category,

all four acculturation strategies are found. The only attitude that was not found as

explicitly was marginalization. Marie, the one student who felt she had moved against

her wishes, maintained an attitude of separation. Halas from Ethiopia displayed the

strategy of integration/assimilation. However, the students belonging to families

coming to Norway as voluntary minorities demonstrated strategies of

integration/assimilation (Vladimir) and integration (Zarai).

Acknowledging findings from research claiming the strategy of integration to be

the most adaptive for a successful settlement in a new country (Berry & Sam, 1997),

the conclusion I will draw from these findings is that that voluntary migrants might

have it easier settling down in a new country than ‘involuntary migrants’. The stresses

following the situation of being an ‘involuntary migrant’ can be higher and make the

acculturation and adaptation process more difficult (Ogbu and Gibson, 1991). The

findings also show that being a “forced migrant” does not necessarily involve a

catastrophic situation in the homeland, but for children or adolescence it can be as

simple as the feeling they have to move against their will. For example, Marie is

categorized as a voluntary immigrant, yet she came to Norway against her will. She

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would have preferred to stay in the Philippines and has thus experienced more

difficulties adapting to her new life.

Age and Identity Development

The students at the two schools were from different age groups. The younger

students from the Mainstream School (8th grade; 13/14 years old), displayed strategies

of integration/assimilation (Vladimir, Halas) and integration/separation (Fathima,

Laura). The one student, who was 14 and a little older than the other students from

her class, showed a strategy of separation (Monique). Most of the younger students

displayed ‘mixed’ acculturation strategies. No one displayed the strategy of

marginalization.

The older students from the Multicultural school (9th grade; 14/15 years old)

utilize the strategies of integration (Milla, Zarai), assimilation (Patrick), and

separation (Marie). Only one of the older students (Jana) had a mixed acculturation

strategy of integration/marginalization. The older students were also found to display

more explicit strategies than the younger ones.

The conclusion drawn from these findings is that the students who moved to

Norway at a very young age had fewer problems adjusting to their new lives in

Norway. Changes and a new start in life seemed to be easier for the younger

individuals (Akhtar, 1999; Berry & Sam, 1997), as their integrity and identities were

still developing. Most of the students from the lowest grade were not very immersed

in identity issues. They did not perceive the move to a new country as being very

dramatic or as having a significant impact on their lives. They had not taken “a

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personal stand” regarding maintenance of their own cultures and ethnic identities

(Phinney et al., 2001; Phinney et al., 2006). These young students seemed more likely

to just “go with the flow,” probably because their senses of self and identities had not

yet been defined due to their young ages. They were still at the stage of a “diffuse

identity” (Phinney, 1993) and were not very occupied with reflections on their

identities or their future lives. The younger adolescents had a more diffused cultural

identity than older adolescents, who were more mature and decided concerning their

acculturation strategies and senses of belonging.

Gender

Seven of the students in this study were females and three of the students were

males. Two of the male students displayed acculturation attitudes of

integration/assimilation (Vladimir, Halas), and the third has an attitude of assimilation

(Patricia). None of the males had attitudes of marginalization or separation.

Among the female students, five leaned toward an attitude of integration (Milla,

Zarai, Jana, Fathima, Laura). In addition to an attitude of integration, two of these

girls also displayed aspects of separation (Fathima and Laura), and another of

marginalization (Jana). Two of the female students utilized a strategy of separation

(Monique, Marie). None of the female students employed a strategy of assimilation.

The boys appeared to be more likely to utilize the integration/assimilation strategy

than the girls. The girls more often used the strategy of separation. The variation in

the young immigrant students’ abilities to acculturate and adapt in association with

gender differences was more noticeable at the Mainstream School. The boys preferred

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to blend in and found it easier than the girls to make friends and to gain acceptance

from the Norwegian students. The boys also seemed to be less sensitive to

discrimination than the girls, as they claimed they had not experienced prejudice or

discrimination. The male students were clearly more easily integrated and assimilated

than the girls, who had more difficulties adjusting. This study discovered significant

differences in the acculturation patterns of immigrant boys and girls.

The teachers also had noted significant differences between genders in regards to

acculturation patterns. They claimed that boys adjust more easily than the girls and

have less problems integrating.

“They often have more than one best friend, and can interact with a bigger variety of friends than the girls”. “The boys get friends through playing football with other classmates at school, or by joining sport clubs in the afternoon” (Kari, a teacher at the Mainstream School).”

The girls’ acculturation patterns were found to lean more towards separation, as

they had difficulty building intimate friendships with Norwegian girls and were thus

more likely to find friends among other immigrants.

“Most of the immigrant girls do not like sport, and then there is nothing else to join/be a part of, because nothing else is offered at the school. The girls like the intimate talk with other girls – but this is difficult because of the language – they have less Norwegian girls as friends – they find other ethnic friends.”

Length of Residence

The students had varying lengths of residence in Norway. The two students that

have lived in Norway for approximately two years at the time of the research utilized

the acculturation strategies of assimilation (Patricia) and separation (Monique). The

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five students living in Norway for three to four years showed acculturation strategies

of integration/assimilation (Vladimir, Halas), integration/separation (Fathima),

separation (Marie), and of integration (Zarai). Three of the students have lived in

Norway for nine to eleven years and they demonstrate acculturation strategies of

integration/separation (Laura), integration (Milla), and of integration/marginalization

(Jana).

The students that have lived in Norway the longest, lean toward the acculturation

strategy of integration, though two of them also display aspects of separation and

marginalization. The students that have lived in Norway the shortest amount of time

have various acculturation attitudes. The acculturation strategies also varied between

the students that have lived in Norway for three to four years.

The conclusion drawn from these findings is that length of residence does not

play a significant role in the acculturation strategy preferences of the students. Of

course, it can be assumed that it is easier for immigrants to adjust to new

circumstances when they have resided in the new country for longer periods of time.

Likewise, the adjustment is easier when the immigrants migrate to the new country as

very young children, and have thus lived most of their childhoods under foreign

circumstances. These children do not know any other life and therefore, life in the

new country is the normality for them.

Socio-Economic Background

The students coming from higher socio-economic backgrounds, meaning their

parents had higher educational backgrounds and more lucrative jobs, had

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acculturation attitudes of integration (Milla) and assimilation (Patrick). In the two

cases where the parents did have higher education, but were unable to find jobs in

accordance with their educations, the students utilized strategies of

integration/marginalization (Jana) and integration/assimilation (Vladimir). The

students from lower socio-economic backgrounds, meaning their parents had little or

no education and either no job or a low paying job, utilized strategies of

integration/assimilation (Halas), integration/separation (Fathima, Laura), integration

(Zarai), and separation (Monique, Marie).

The conclusion drawn from these findings is that socio-economic background

may play a role in the young immigrants’ acculturation strategy preferences, possibly

due to access (or lack of access) to the socio-cultural capital of the host country.

Immigrants from higher socio-economic backgrounds are probably more likely to be

influenced by the mainstream society through their parents’ participation and contact

with the mainstream job market. They have access to more aspects of the host society

than adolescents from lower socio-economic backgrounds, as the parents are more

likely to work primarily with other immigrants. For example, Milla’s parents had

high educational backgrounds and good jobs. Through their careers they had contact

with many different higher and lower divisions in the host society. They had

knowledge of how society functions in the host country and could be a great source of

support and an advantage for their children.

Socio-economic background might also play a role in overall satisfaction with

life. This study found that there was often a link between the parents’ socio-economic

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situation and their happiness in life. Moreover, this attitude also seemed to make an

impact on the children’s perspectives on life and their goals. The immigrant students

from higher socio-economic backgrounds viewed their parents as great achievers and

were positive that they could reach the same level of success. The parents with higher

education and good jobs were more often admired by their children, and were a great

inspiration for them to do well. When the parents were not satisfied in life because of

lack of access to socioeconomic success, the children most often did not have any

great aspiration of succeeding in life. Fathima’s father, who felt trapped by his

immigrant status and low socio-economic status is a perfect example:

“You can always dream -about becoming rich, having a good life etc., but dreams are empty…You only dream, but gain nothing…”

Unfortunately, his daughter also lacked aspirations for success.

Language Proficiency and Usage

One of the biggest challenges most of the young immigrants experienced was

being confronted with a foreign language. Many found it difficult to learn a new

language and, for some students, the language barrier caused problems in making

friends, especially when they first arrived in Norway. Because of the strong language

identity in Norway (Westin, 2006) and the ruling attitude of assimilation, it is difficult

for someone that does not speak perfect Norwegian to become completely accepted in

Norway. The students with high Norwegian language proficiency had adjusted better

than the students who continued to struggle with the Norwegian language or still had

an accent. The students who had experienced the most significant difficulties in

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learning the Norwegian language (Laura, Fathima) utilized the separation/integration

strategy. The students who had the highest proficiency in the Norwegian language,

displayed strategies of integration (Milla) and integration/marginalization (Jana). The

students with the lowest proficiency in the Norwegian language (Monique, Marie)

utilized the separation strategy. The students who had learned the Norwegian

language quickly (in comparison to the length of residence in Norway) displayed

strategies of assimilation (Patrick) and integration (Zarai).

The teachers and the school nurse at the Mainstream School concurred that

language plays a crucial role in the socializing process of immigrant students,

especially for the girls. They explained that girls often bond and socialize through

intimate talk with other girls. Low Norwegian language proficiency can be a barrier

to upholding this social bond with Norwegian girls, resulting in fewer Norwegian

friends. Instead, the immigrant girls find friends amongst other immigrants who share

their experiences and challenges.

Cultural Differences

Many of the students had found the magnitude of cultural differences to be a great

challenge when arriving in a new country. The students who defined cultural

differences as one of the biggest hurdles to settlement in a new society employed

strategies of separation (Monique, Marie), separation/integration (Fathima, Laura)

and integration (Zarai). A comparison was done between the students’ cultural

settings at home and in school to determine the association of cultural differences

between the students’ ethnic and Norwegian contextual livings on their acculturation

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strategies. The home context includes an examination of how parents and the family

as a whole live in terms of religion, language, values, social contacts and social

norms. For this measurement, only the students whose parents or other family

members agreed to be interviewed are included. The students living with the greatest

cultural differences were found to employ strategies of separation (Monique),

separation/integration (Fathima, Laura), and integration (Halas, Zarai). When the

Norwegian culture (religion, language, values, social norms, etc.) was integrated to

some extent in the home life, the students used the acculturation strategies of

integration (Halas, Zarai), and integration/assimilation (Vladimir).

Many of the parents were affected by the cultural differences to a greater extent

than their children, probably because they were more anchored in their native cultural

backgrounds and identities. Fathima’s father, for example, found everything to be

different between the Norwegian and the Turkish way of living.

“It is not very easy to live in between two cultures! The two cultures are very very different! The children have it easier…”

Some of the parents also mentioned the difficulty of cultural differences in terms

of social norms, attitudes and behavior. Milla’s father even noted that the expression

of religion could be different.

A:…I don’t see so many similarities between…eh…the culture from Muslims, who come from for example Pakistan, and us from Bosnia. So whether we have the religion which is similar or what should I say…but it makes no difference that it, yeah… state development and that which, historically speaking, has influenced…We Bosnians have a completely different development than Pakistan for example [Historical insight into differences].

R: So you think that Bosnians can be more similar to Norwegian Christians than Pakistani Muslims—or Muslims from other countries?

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A: Yes, in any case a little more open for integrating themselves in to society. [He gives a historical insight into Bosnian willingness for cultural development and modernization]…

R: So you think Bosnians are a little more modern with respect to the Islamic religion, that they're a bit more modern?

A: When you say modern, then we Bosnians--then it looks something like light soda—Cola Light, right—and then ‘Muslim Light’; there’s no such thing, right…You've interpreted something a little different than what I would like to say.

R: Yes, but you think in any case that Bosnians in general are more open to take in—or to mix with people from other cultures and....than for example, yes...

A: Uh…well, I took Pakistan, because I think it’s the largest population of foreigners here in Norway... They are very conservative in every way possible — I would say so. I don't have any friends who are Pakistani, but I do have friends who are Kurds, Arabs, and...They seem a bit more open.

Another example of the cultural differences of religious praxis can be found in the

interview with Fathima’s father, in which he explains that the acceptance of Muslims

has become worse since the war in Afghanistan.

“I am Muslim, but not an extremist! - Everybody relates me [us] to Bin Laden and terrorists!”

At the time the research and interviews were conducted, there was a big debate in

Norway on the issue of Muslim extremism and terrorism. An incident that garnered

much publicity involved a Danish journalist who has been included on the “death list”

of Muslim terrorists because of racist descriptions he wrote of Mohammed and Islam.


All of the students who had experienced some form of discrimination or prejudice

displayed an acculturation strategy of separation, often in combination with another

strategy, such as integration (Monique, Fathima, Laura, and Marie). The students who

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had not experienced prejudice were more likely to display acculturation strategies of

integration or assimilation (Vladimir, Halas, Patrick, Milla, Zarai). These findings

demonstrate that prejudice and discrimination are strongly associated with the

acculturation patterns of immigrant adolescents. Those individuals who experienced

prejudice were separating themselves from the national group and sought contact

instead with their own cultural group or with members of other ethnic groups. The

immigrants who had not experience prejudice were more likely to accept and value

the national culture, and at the same time maintained their own cultural identities.

These conclusions are in line the findings of other research on immigrants and

discrimination, underlining that prejudice and discrimination are associating factors

for the variation immigrant adolescents’ acculturation pattern (Phinney et al., 2006).

The immigrants who had experienced prejudice and discrimination were more likely

to separate themselves from the dominant group and to favor a strategy of separation.

The Socio-Cultural Context

Research has shown the socio-cultural to be associated with immigrant

adolescents’ acculturation strategies (Phinney et al., 2006, p.75). This study examines

the students’ socio-cultural contexts in their daily lives in arenas such as school and

home.

Family Setting

The students living with both parents utilized various acculturation strategies,

including separation (Monique), integration/separation (Fathima), integration (Milla),

integration/marginalization (Jana), and assimilation (Patrick). These finding indicate

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that the family setting does not lead to employment of a specific acculturation pattern.

The students living in a large sized family (i.e. three or more siblings) and those who

had extended family in the city, employed acculturation strategies of separation

(Monique, Marie), integration/separation (Fathima, Laura), assimilation (Patrick), and

integration (Zarai). Most of these students leaned toward a strategy of separation and

none of them were considered to be marginalized.

These finding conclude that family setting does not affect the immigrants’

distinctive acculturation patterns. However, having a large family may have some

impact on the acculturation strategy of the individual, in part because having a big

family widens the field of social contacts. Furthermore, it might also be easier for the

immigrants to maintain their native cultures and identities because of stronger

familial influence, assuming of course the family is maintaining the native culture. A

large family also provides a greater sense of belonging and the individuals have a

possible social membership in their own cultural groups. If the immigrants do not

have any desire for another social group membership, a strategy of separation might

be preferred.

Two of the students who were living with only one parent (one with mother, one

with father) showed the strategy of integration/assimilation (Vladimir, Halas). On the

contrary to the individuals having a large family and a lot of access to own ethnic

culture, these immigrants have only one caretaker at home. Unless this caretaker is

very influential or is a source of social contacts, the child is more likely to become

influenced by other social contacts, such as friends.

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Culture Lived Out at Home

This research examined the parental and familial cultural behaviors and attitudes

embraced at home, such as religion, language, traditions, and social contacts. This

analysis is based on findings both from the students’ narratives and the parent

interviews. When the ethnic culture was maintained to a high degree at home, with

little or no integration of Norwegian culture, the students displayed strategies of

separation (Monique), separation/integration (Fathima, Laura),

integration/assimilation (Halas), and integration (Zarai). When the Norwegian culture

was integrated to a high degree at home, the students utilized acculturation strategies

of assimilation (Patrick), integration (Milla), integration/assimilation (Vladimir),

integration/marginalization (Jana), and separation (Marie).

It was noted that the students often claimed the family to be living out the

Norwegian culture at home, yet their parents stated that only the ethnic culture was

nourished at home. This could be because the students maybe were feeling and acting

more Norwegian than the rest of their families. Since this study is concerned with the

impact of the home context on the students’ acculturation patterns, the parents’

perspectives were utilized in lieu of the students’ views in this case. The students

living in homes with little contact or participation with the Norwegian culture were

more likely to use the strategy of separation than the students living with more

Norwegian cultural influences. When the Norwegian culture was integrated to a

higher degree at home, the students displayed the strategy of integration more often

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than other strategies. The culture lived out at home appears to be related to variation

in the immigrant adolescents’ acculturation patterns.

Parents’ Acculturation Attitudes

Interviews could not be conducted with all of the parents, and therefore an

assessment of the acculturation attitudes could not be made for all of the students’

parents. Three of the parents interviewed had an acculturation attitude of integration

(parents of Milla, Vladimir, Zarai), while their children used strategies of integration

(Milla, Zarai), and integration/assimilation (Vladimir). In the two cases in which the

parents had an acculturation attitude of separation (parents of Monique and Fathima),

the children used acculturation strategies of separation (Monique) and

integration/separation (Fathima). When the parents displayed strong attitudes of

assimilation (parents of Patrick), the child used the strategy of assimilation (Patrick).

In one case, the parent had an attitude of marginalization (father of Jana) and the child

showed a strategy of integration/marginalization.

The students’ acculturation strategies were often identical to their parents’

acculturation attitudes. These findings demonstrate that the acculturation attitudes of

the parents or family significantly impact the children. For example, Fathima’s father

is a Turkish Kurd, who has lived in Norway for ten years. He is the only member of

the family with Norwegian citizenship. His wife and children came to Norway three

years ago. He moved to Norway to get away from the “dusty countryside” in Turkey.

He had friends in Norway and had visited the country before. He received an “okay”

welcome upon arrival in Norway, but he still feels discriminated against.

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“…the Kurds are always treated - and feel second range, does not matter where they are. ..You can always dream -about becoming rich, having a good life etc., but dreams are empty…You only dream, but gain nothing…”

The political history of the Kurds is complex in that they do not have a country of

their own. Fathima’s father thus had a very negative outlook on life. He did not have

any hope and he found no reason to dream. His negative experiences have shaped his

attitude and let to his utilization of the separation strategy. He appeared to separate

himself from the sources which were feeding his feelings of prejudice and

worthlessness. This attitude might also be related to Fathima’s lack of dreams and

aspiration to succeed in life.

Peer Relationships

Peer relationships serve as sources of social and emotional support and create

contexts for learning and practicing social, cognitive and language skills. The

formation of strong relationships may function as an entrée to mainstream society.

Friends from the national group are able to provide the immigrants with information,

as well as social and institutional contacts, which may help to alleviate their senses of

estrangement and cultural shock and improve their personal, social and academic

adjustment (Gibson et al., 2006). The immigrant students with primarily Norwegian

friends utilized a strategy of assimilation/integration (Vladimir, Patrick). The students

who mostly maintained friends and social contacts with other immigrants only, albeit

from various cultural backgrounds, displayed the acculturation strategies of

separation/integration (Fathima, Laura). The students who had friends from both

immigrant and Norwegian cultures displayed the acculturation strategy of integration

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(Halas, Zarai, Milla, Jana). None of the students were isolated or without social

contacts or friends. The students who had the same group of friends at school and at

home displayed a great variety of acculturation strategies, such as

assimilation/integration (Vladimir), separation/integration (Fathima, Laura),

integration (Milla, Zarai), and assimilation (Patricia).

The conclusion drawn from these findings is that friends and social relationships

play an important role for the adolescents’ acculturation strategy preferences. Social

relationships are extremely critical, especially in the adolescent years, during which

the individuals often are very influenced by others. Contact and interaction with one

or the other culture, or various cultures, are factors to be highly associated with the

acculturation attitudes and strategies of immigrant adolescents.

Ethnic Composition of the Neighborhood

The Mainstream School is located in a very conventional neighborhood, as most

of the residents have a Norwegian background. Only 15 per cent of the students

enrolled in this school were minorities at the time of the research. The Multicultural

School is located in an area where most of the immigrants in Bergen have settled.

The students living in the neighborhood of the Mainstream School favored the

strategies of separation/integration (Fathima, Laura) and integration/assimilation

(Halas). The immigrant students living in the Multicultural School’s neighborhood

displayed strategies of integration (Milla, Zarai), integration/marginalization (Jana),

and assimilation (Patrick). The students, who did not live in the same neighborhood

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as their peers or in the neighborhood where their school was located, utilized

strategies of separation (Marie and Monique), and integration/assimilation (Vladimir).

Therefore, it appears that socio-cultural context does play a considerable role in

the acculturation strategy preferences of immigrant adolescents. Students who reside

in a multicultural setting are more accustomed to seeing and meeting people from

cultures other than their own. Perhaps this makes the individuals more open to

diversity and differences. Most of the immigrant students living near the Multicultural

School had relatives and other important contacts in the surrounding community,

which help create a sense of similarity and belonging for the minority students.

Living as an immigrant in the neighborhood of the Mainstream School may raise

feelings of difference and alienation, particularly when the dominant group is not

very open or welcoming towards immigrants.

Ethnic Composition of Immigrant Groups in the City

Maintaining native cultural and ethnic identities is not a simple affair for

immigrants living in Bergen, Norway. The various immigrant groups are relatively

small and the immigrants are widely distributed around the city and not clustered in a

single area. It is not easy for a single cultural or ethnic group to create a world of their

own in which they can maintain their native cultures because there are so few

members of each cultural group living in close proximity of each other. Findings from

this research determine that few of the students and their families engaged in social

gatherings or assemblies with members of their own cultural group. It was primarily

in their own homes and within their families that the cultural behaviors, traditions and

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values are exchanged and kept alive. Those who did not feel they belonged to – or did

not want to have contact with the Norwegian cultural group, either socialized with

people from mixed cultural groups, or kept to themselves and their own families.

Because of the small numbers of immigrants from certain groups, immigrants

living in Bergen are forced to mingle with other cultural groups than their own, or

they have to separate themselves from other people and not have contact with others.

This could lead to feelings of being separated ‘from the rest of the world’ and as if

they do not fit in anywhere. They might lack a sense of belonging, which the findings

from this research display as a criterion for a successful adjustment in the new

country.

The School Context

As Berry (2001) emphasizes, it is important to consider the acculturation

strategies of the dominant group as a dependant factor in the study of acculturation

strategies and attitudes of immigrant groups and individuals. The school is considered

to be an important arena for intergroup contact and acculturation among immigrant

children and adolescents (Vedder and Horenczyk, 2006). The strategies or

acculturation orientations (Berry, 1993, 2001) of the two schools in this research are

revealed to be completely different, which in turn seem to be related to the

acculturation strategy preferences of the immigrant students at each school.

The Mainstream School is one of the largest lower secondary schools (8th-10th

grade) in the city, and had approximately 400 students enrolled at the time of the

research. The school and the surrounding neighborhood are very ‘mainstream’, in

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which most of the people in residence have a Norwegian background. (Only 15 per

cent of the students enrolled in the school were minorities at the time of research,

2006). The students at the Mainstream School had fewer peers from the “immigrant

group”, since there were relatively few immigrant students enrolled in the school. At

the same time, the barriers to making friends with Norwegian students seemed to be

considerably high for many of the immigrant students. Therefore, the immigrant

students socialized primarily with each other and not as much with Norwegian

students, which is a characteristic of the separation strategy. Three of the five students

from this school were friends mostly with the other immigrants at school and

displayed a strategy of separation (Monique, Fathima, Laura). Two of these students

(Fathima, Laura) desired to be integrated and accepted into the Norwegian group,

especially at school, but found it very difficult to make Norwegian friends. Although

they had a preference for integration, it was not easy for them to pursue this strategy.

One student (Vladimir) had mostly Norwegian friends and he looked and behaved

very conventionally while at school. This is a possible explanation as to why he had

been readily accepted by the dominant group and did not experience any prejudice as

an immigrant. He was utilizing a strategy of integration/assimilation. Another student

(Halas) had friends from various cultural groups, including Norwegians, both in and

out of school. However, his family embraced their native culture at home and he

displayed a strategy of integration/assimilation.

The Multicultural School is a combined elementary and lower secondary school

(1st-10th grade), which also houses a day care center for pre-school aged children.

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Many students spend their entire childhood and teen years attending this school. Both

the school and the surrounding neighborhood are very multicultural, as this area of

the city has the largest percentage of immigrants. At the time of the research, 40 per

cent of the students enrolled at the school were minority students. The immigrants at

the Multicultural School originated from many different countries and backgrounds.

There were not any dominant groups among the students, since most of the students

enrolled come from various minority backgrounds. There were relatively few

Norwegian students in comparison to the number of students with a non-Norwegian

background. It did not appear to be any social contact barriers between the groups of

students at school. All the students at the school represented various minority groups,

and there was no visible dominant group of students.

The social setting at the school was extremely multicultural, which afforded the

students the opportunity to connect with members of different cultural groups while

also maintaining their own cultural uniqueness. The social setting at the Multicultural

School allowed for the acculturation strategy of integration, which most of the

students participating in this research demonstrated. In addition, the barriers to

befriending Norwegian classmates were not very high. Because of the high number of

immigrant students at the school, the students were accustomed to having friends and

classmates with different cultural backgrounds. It was not an issue if the students

chose not to adhere to the mainstream lifestyle and instead maintain their own ethnic

identity. In addition, access to members of the Norwegian group and to the

Norwegian language was more uncomplicated than at the other school. The students

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who chose to embrace the opportunity to make Norwegian contacts and learn aspects

of the national culture exemplified the acculturation strategy of assimilation. The

students at the Multicultural School appeared to have more freedom of choice in

regards to their acculturation strategy preferences.

The Acculturation Attitude of the School

a) The Mainstream School

The ‘Mainstream School’ had an attitude of a melting pot (assimilation),which is

a negative attitude toward the immigrants maintaining their own culture, and a

preference for newcomers to adapt to the Norwegian culture and follow Norwegian

regulations and guidelines of conduct in everyday life (Johannessen, 2001). The

school’s orientation of assimilation holds great “standards” of sameness and

commonness as requirements for togetherness and shared riches (such as acceptance

and inclusion). At this school there seemed to be no room for the student to become

fully integrated or accepted into the “mainstream” group, especially for those who

does not look, sound or behave like a Norwegian.

There was not great acceptance of displaying ethnic identities and the mainstream

students were not encouraged to welcome or integrate non-mainstream students into

their group. They seemed to be satisfied with the company of each other and were not

interested in having contact with individuals with a different cultural background. The

school did not offer any unique activities tailored to the minority students, and no

efforts were made to create a safe atmosphere for contact between members of the

mainstream group and the immigrant students. The teachers perceive communication

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between the school and the students’ home lives to be limited for which they blame

the students’ parents.

“The parents of the minority students are not enough involved in their child’s schooling. They are the week link of the communication process”

The school also showed signs of a segregation attitude (separation) (Berry, 1996)

in that the immigrant students often were separated from the rest of the class in

special subjects, in order to enhance language and terminology proficiency (Teachers’

perspectives). The school’s minority instruction was based on the ideology of ‘small-

group instruction’, reasoning that immigrant students often are made passive in a big

class (Teacher’s perspectives).

The students at the Mainstream School demonstrated acculturation strategies

either of separation (some in combination with another strategy) or of

integration/assimilation. None of the students showed a clear strategy of integration

or assimilation. The result of the school’s acculturation orientation was that most of

the immigrant students only socialized with each other and separated themselves from

the ‘mainstream’ group – in order to avoid feelings of rejection and exclusion. None

of the students demonstrated a strategy of marginalization.

b) The Multicultural School

The Multicultural School had an attitude of multiculturalism (Berry, 2006), which

is an attitude of “acceptance of cultural diversity and integration and a mutual

accommodation” (Phinney et al., 2006, p.75). The teachers viewed education of

minority students as a strategy for integration and socialization. The school had a

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principle of not separating minority students from the main class. The reason for this

strategy was that the integration process happens faster.

“…we argue that [by keeping the minority students with the rest of the class] - even if all the students don’t have equal academic development, at least they will develop socially – they are in some environment - they are not stigmatized. The fact that they have to leave has got to affect their self-esteem…” (Teacher Mia).

The only time during which the minority students were separated from the rest of

the class was during Norwegian 2 instruction. This class was scheduled during extra

curriculum classes, when other mainstream students were studying French, German

or other foreign languages. Another strategy of the school was to merge the various

groups of students instead of segregating the immigrants. The school had a good

approach to keeping in contact with the home of the students. The teachers often

visited the students’ homes if there was a problem and followed up when extra

guidance was needed. The school also employed a “social-teacher” who maintained

close relationships with students in need and their home lives.

The teachers had a multicultural mindset. Many did not discern between minority

and non-minority students, because they were so accustomed to the mixed cultural

setting. They did not perceive the immigrant students as being different and they

admit to forgetting that they are not native Norwegians.

“[Sometimes] I have to stop and think about whether [the immigrant student] come from another country or not…because [some of them] are the types who function so well when you get them, right… it’s actually like you don’t think about [if the student is an immigrant or a Norwegian”]…The minority students don’t differentiate from the other mainstream students, but blend right in.” (Mia, a teacher at the school).

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The acculturation strategies displayed among the students include integration

(Milla, Zarai), integration/marginalization (Jana), assimilation (Patricia), and

separation (Marie). Most of the students at the Multicultural School utilized the

integration strategy, which has been proven to be the most adaptive strategy for

successful adjustment in a foreign country (Berry, 1996; Berry & Sam, 1997). The

multicultural orientation of the school seemed to truly afford the students the

opportunity to embrace their own ethnic identities while also incorporating aspects of

the Norwegian culture. The fact that one student employed a strategy of assimilation

in a place where the national identity was not the dominant one, is a sign that the

opportunity to become fully accepted and integrated into any cultural identity or

group the students chose, was strongly endorsed at this school. The students at this

school exhibited fewer attitudes of separation than the students at the Mainstream

School. They were also more unambiguous in their strategy pattern, which is perhaps

the result of less constraint on their acculturation strategy preferences.

4.2.1 Summary of Findings

The findings from this research show that acculturation strategies are means of

surviving the challenges and stressors associated with immigration. When the

immigrant adolescents experienced great challenges in the acculturation process, they

used the strategies of separation and marginalization, which is demonstrated to have a

poorer adjustment outcome for the individual (Berry, 1991; Berry et al, 2006). The

immigrants who experienced a smoother acculturation process favored the strategies

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of integration or assimilation, which are revealed to lead to a more successful

adjustment in the new society (Berry, 1991; Berry et al, 2006).

The students’ strategy preferences are demonstrated in this research to be

associated with the socio-cultural contexts and the students’ different acculturation

experiences. The factors that seemed to be closest related to the immigrant

adolescents’ acculturation strategy preferences were the acculturation orientation of

the school, including the acculturation attitude of the parents, and cultural differences.

Especially the immigrants’ school context was found to have a great association

with the frequent variation in the immigrant’s acculturation pattern. This was

especially the case when the school, as the dominant group, was putting restrictions

on the students’ preferences for acculturation (Berry, 1996, 2005; Berry et al., 1989).

Many of the students from the school with a melting pot (i.e. segregation) orientation

did not feel accepted or included by their classmates. Because of this, their desires to

become integrated and become members of the Norwegian group, while still

maintaining their ethnic cultures, were not readily achievable goals. The pedagogical

approach to educating minority students resulted in a stigmatization and segregation

of the immigrant students, with the students being pressed into assimilation or

separation. It was not easy for the immigrant students to become fully integrated or

accepted into the mainstream group, if they did not look, sound or behave like

Norwegians. The students from this school most often displayed the acculturation

strategy of assimilation or separation at school, and a strategy of integration at home.

In correlation with the theories of Phinney et. al., they were not afforded the freedom

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of choice in terms of their methods and patterns of acculturation and adjustment, as

these were largely dependent on the dominant ideals of the host country.

The findings presented in this chapter also show that acculturation strategies aid

individuals in finding a sense of belonging and a sense of self, and in feeling

comfortable and safe. It was also discovered that, among immigrant adolescents,

these strategies are used to avoid feelings of loneliness and rejection by members of

the host society. Breakwell’s (1986) theories on coping with threatened identities

highlights that when identity is threatened and the individual cannot obtain or

maintain appropriate levels of self-efficacy, self-esteem, distinctiveness, or

continuity, he or she engage in coping strategies to change those aspects of the social

context that feel threatening. These strategies are means of moving the individual into

a new, less threatening social position and amending the content and value of identity

in order to enable identity processes to operate in accordance with principles

(Chryssochoou, 2004, p.135). This brings us to the focal point of this study, which is

the immigrant adolescents’ sense of belonging. This study considers the search for

belonging and home as the essence of the acculturation strategies.

The next chapter presents the findings with reference to the third research

question: How do young immigrants (re-) discover their ‘sense of self’ and find a

‘sense of belonging’?, including its’ sub question: Which role does the sense of

belonging play in the process of acculturation and adjustment for immigrant students

in school? The examination is guided by the hypothesis that in order for migrating

individuals to successfully adjust to the new environment, they have to find a way in

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making themselves feel at home, or at least develop a ‘sense of belonging’ in the new

society.

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V. Results: The Sense of Belonging

The findings presented in the previous chapter concerning acculturation among

immigrant students reveal that acculturation strategies are utilized to find a sense of

belonging in the host society, either through connection with people from similar

cultural groups, from the Norwegian group, or from a mixed cultural group (Berry,

1991, 2001, 2006). When students experience prejudice or discrimination, these

strategies are used to avoid contact with the group that threatens their identities or

senses of self, often serving to make ties to their own ethnic groups or other

immigrants stronger (Breakwell, 1983).

Many studies on migration and acculturation have found that the challenges and

stresses that follow settlement in a new country often have deep impacts on identity

developments (Akhtar, 1999; Berry, 1998; Chryssochoou, 2004; Sam, 2000; Sam,

2006, Shemaria, 1993; Spencer and Markstrom-Adams, 1990; Suarez-Orozco, 2001;

Meaders, 1997). Meaders (1997) demonstrates that immigrants might undergo a

reorientation of identity, due to the many challenges and changes following a

migration.

The first section of this chapter presents the findings regarding the second

research question: How do young immigrants (re-) discover their ‘sense of self’ and

find a ‘sense of belonging’? Since the finding showed that many young immigrants

The last section presents discusses the findings regarding the sub question: Which

role does the sense of belonging play in the process of acculturation and adjustment

for immigrant students in school?

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5.1. Finding a Sense of Belonging

In examining how young immigrants (re-) discover their sense of self and find a

sense of belonging in the new country, this study has taken a socio-cultural approach

to the concept of identity, with focus on the immigrant students’ personal perceptions

of “self” and “belonging”. The analyses are based, in part, on Phinney’s (2006)

theories on cultural identity, which highlight cultural identity as an important aspect

of immigrants’ social identities in regards to their senses of belonging to one or more

cultural groups, as well as the feelings associated with group membership. “People

strive to achieve or maintain a positive social identity, thus boosting their self-esteem.

[Cultural identity] is that aspect of acculturation that focuses on subjective sense of

belonging to a group or a culture” (Phinney, 1990, p.495). They explain that social

relationships and social group membership is an aspect that help individuals boost

their sense of belonging and a positive sense of self (Phinney et al., 2006, p.77).

Further, Gibson et al.’s (2004) theory on the sense of belonging in school is

another basic foundation for this analysis. The sense of belonging is defined as “the

student’s feelings of acceptation, respect, inclusion, and support.” Some of the social

and cultural factors associated with immigrant adolescents’ developments of sense of

self and belonging examined in this study include identity developmental tasks and

stages, the magnitude of acculturation stress, cultural identity (i.e. the sense of

belonging and feeling at home in Norway or not), adjustment approaches, sense of

belonging in school, notions of success, and future aspirations and the prospects of

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achieving success and reaching them. Teacher and parent perceptions of on the

students’ senses of belonging are also included when applicable.

The students’ identity development stages were explored by dividing the students

into two groups based on their enrollment at either the Mainstream School or the

Multicultural School. The other factors involved in the examination of the students’

senses of belonging and senses of self are presented individually for each student.

The students’ senses of belonging were also determined by utilizing the method of

‘student mapping’ (McLaughlin, 1993). The students were told first to draw maps of

their places of residence that illustrate their homes and their neighborhoods. Their

second assignment was to draw a map of their school, illustrating gathering spots and

“safe places,” meaning their places of belonging at school (Gibson et al., 2004). The

objective was to have the students give visual descriptions of their social

memberships, and thus their feelings of belonging both in and outside of school.

5.1.1. Identity Developmental Tasks and Stages

The students at the Multicultural School were one to two years older than the

students at the Mainstream School, and therefore possibly more defined in their

senses of self and identity. They were more reflective of life experiences and of their

own situations as immigrants. Life and future aspirations had reached a different

dimension for the older students. The students in the lower classes at the Mainstream

School seemed to be more uncertain and ambiguous about their identities and senses

of belonging. In concurrence with Phinney’s Model of Ethnic Identity Development

and Ego Identity Status (1993), most of the younger students had “unexamined”

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ethnic identities. They were often lacking in terms of exploration of their identities

and did not have any concerns in regards to the issue. As previous research on ethnic

identity has suggested, the search for and achievement of identity was greater among

older adolescents (Phinney, 1993).

5.1.2. Identity and the Sense of Belonging at the Mainstream School

Vladimir

Vladimir has experienced very few challenges as an immigrant to Norway. He has

never faced prejudice or discrimination as an immigrant. In fact, he has had only

positive experiences as an immigrant to Norway. He has a stable and positive social

network of friends he enjoys spending time with and this has positively influenced

him. Friends serve as an access to socio-cultural capital, language development and

positive relationships with emotional and social support. These are crucial in order for

individuals to feel complete and to succeed in life. Vladimir does not consider the

migration process to be very dramatic or life changing;

He does not believe that his migration to Norway has made any impact on himself

or his identity. He feels he has not changed to much extent and he views his life in

Norway as being very similar to his life in the Ukraine. He does not feel that a large

number of difficulties can be attributed to his immigration. He has not experienced

any form of racism and he has had only positive experiences filled with friendliness

and politeness in his interactions with Norwegian citizens. It is interesting to note,

that his appearance is very “Nordic” which has resulted in many people failing to

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automatically classifying him as an outsider. Vladimir views making friends as the

most difficult hurdle for immigrant children to overcome.

M: Do you think …kids might face difficulties when moving to a new country – to Norway? What do you think is the most difficult thing for children when they come here? D: Hmm…that they don’t make as many friends as they want. M: Mmhmm. What makes it so hard to make friends? D: Mmm, maybe they don’t like… to hang out with him.

Interestingly enough, he himself has not encountered any problems in building

friendships, even when he was extremely new to Norway. This has helped him to

more easily adjust and to feel more at home in Norway.

“Lots of people wanted to hang out with me… neighbors and friends in my class. I made friends almost right away.”

Vladimir enjoys living in Norway. He has fewer friends than he had in Russia, but

he still is happy. He feels more Russian than Norwegian, though, his mother says he

has become “very Norwegian.” She does not consider him to have much remaining of

his Russian identity. He no longer remembers much about his former life and friends.

While he classifies himself as Russian, he ultimately does not feel exceptionally

different from the Norwegian people.

M: Do you see differences between Norwegian and Russian people? D: (pause, thinking) No, they are the same. M: You think they’re the same, I see. They think alike, and… well, the cultures are alike? D: Yes.

Vladimir is remarkably involved in the Norwegian lifestyle, both through his

friends and through activities outside school, such as being a member of a Norwegian

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battalion and bike riding regularly with his Norwegian friends. He is also planning to

join a basketball team with boys from his class.

It appears that maintaining close relationships with friends and family has been,

and remains to be, Vladimir’s dominant strategy for adjusting to his new life in

Norway. This has notably enhanced his attempts to feel more at home and to develop

a sense of belonging in his new country. Vladimir, for the most part, socializes with

Norwegians, principally his three best friends, with whom he spends time with both

in and outside of school. They can be considered to be his safe haven in the world and

they provide him with the sense of belonging he needs in order to feel comfortable

and content with his new life in Norway. His mother forms another comfort zone in

that she is responsible for maintaining his Russian integrity and supporting him in

every aspect of his life. Vladimir feels at home in Norway and is able to alternate

between the two cultural contexts in his life without problems.

Vladimir is achieving well in school and he is satisfied with his efforts. He seems

to fit in well with his peers. He plays an active role in the classroom and he

communicates well with his teacher and the other students. His companions at school

are the same friends as he interacts with at home. The only distinction he makes

between the Russian school he attended and his current school is the rules and

discipline. He admits to being uncertain as to if the less stringent rules and discipline

policies are positive or negative aspects of his Norwegian school. Vladimir says that

if he could change anything about his current school, it would be the outdoor arena.

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He enjoys outdoor activities and thus desires a larger and greener outdoor arena for

the students.

Vladimir describes a successful person as ‘a lucky fellow’: “[Being successful is]

being happy…having good friends and family”. The most important life goals for

Vladimir are to be content and to have the benefit of positive personal relationships.

He already appears to be satisfied with his life and he has many substantial dreams

and aspirations. One day, he would like to have a respectable job and he dreams of

‘the good life’. “I am planning to be rich!” he declares, and he imagines spending his

fortune on racing cars. However, he reiterates that he does not view success as having

a lot of money, but as “…being happy, having good friends, and family.”

Analysis of Vladimir’s Map

Vladimir has drawn a map illustrating both his school and his home on the same

sheet of paper. Included in the map are the places where his best friends live, which

appear to be quite a distance from his own home, as well as from the school.

Vladimir’s drawing does not include his neighborhood, possibly because his family

recently moved so he has not resided in his current neighborhood for very long. The

map may indicate that Vladimir does not yet feel attached to the neighborhood.

Perhaps, he has not met many people yet and does not have any friends in the area.

Vladimir truly seems to value his three best friends, as evidenced by the fact that he

closely associates them with his sense of belonging and sense of self. Unfortunately,

their homes are very much dispersed throughout the district. He mentioned during his

interview that he often rides his bike to gather with his friends. He has even included

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a bicyclist on the map, possibly representing one of his best friends, as the bicyclist

appears to be coming from the direction of this friend’s home. Other objects pictured

include various buildings, the fire station (possibly significant to him because he is

considering becoming a fire fighter), the college (a possible option for Vladimir after

completing Compulsory School), and the Mainstream School, which is portrayed as a

massive building with a large parking lot and a handful of people in the yard. Also

included in the drawing are the trees around the schoolyard and streets with cars

surrounding the entire school property. Vladimir has even depicted a car accident

outside of the school.

It seems as though Vladimir has illustrated his daily life in this map which has the

effect of portraying his attitude and outlook on life. He does not worry about trivial

things and has put his situation into perspective. Even though he does not feel that he

can reach his full potential at school, particularly during break time in the yard (see

interview in Appendix), he does not dwell on this issue. Vladimir displays a need for

more freedom and inspiration, qualities he obtains by bicycling with his friends in the

afternoon (see interview). Overall, he maintains a positive outlook on life and seems

to be satisfied with his situation in his new country. He has become established

himself in the foreign lifestyle and has successfully discovered his sense of belonging

both in and out of school.

Below is an example of a ‘Students map”.

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Figure 3. Vladimir’s ‘Map’ of Home and School

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Halas

Halas describes that moving to a new country was somewhat startling. Being

unable to speak or understand the Norwegian language was just one of the challenges

he encountered. He also found it slightly difficult to make friends initially, principally

because he could not communicate in the native language. Fortunately, he managed to

adjust fairly quickly and he does not appear to have been considerably affected by

acculturation stress. He feels that neither he nor his life have changed drastically since

moving to a different country. He engages in the same activities in Norway that he

did in Ethiopia, such as playing soccer with friends.

Halas feels both Norwegian and Ethiopian, and does not find it very difficult to

live within two cultures. He comes from a Christian background, so most of the

Norwegian cultural traditions and holidays are also celebrated in his home. He does

not dwell on differences or challenges, but simply adapts and adjusts effortlessly to

changes. He seems to be happy and content with his situation and adheres to a “that’s

just life” mentality. Halas has what Phinney (2006) calls a “diffuse ethnic identity”.

He has not seriously reflected on the issues of culture and identity and he is not at all

occupied with these themes. He takes everything as it happens and does not worry

about disparities or challenges in his life. He appears to live in the moment and does

not trouble himself with anxieties about the past or the future. His outlook on life is

that only the present day is truly important.

Acquiring friends and mastering the Norwegian language are the major keys to

Halas feeling a sense of home in Norway. He has not experienced a difficult

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transition to the Norwegian way of life, perhaps because he is very flexible and

approachable. Living in two cultures is not a challenge to him. He simply glides

through challenges viewing them as normal facets of life, nothing more, nothing less.

Halas had one friend at the Newcomer School and the two boys were placed in the

same class at the Mainstream School. Halas declares that many of his friends are also

residents of his neighborhood – mostly Norwegians, but also some friends originating

from Iraq and Somalia. His family often socializes with other native Ethiopians and

they frequently host gatherings at their home. However, Halas usually leaves the

house when other Ethiopians visit.

“I'm not at home so much really…I'm mostly out and about…I’m not so much…eh, if for example there’s a party, then I’m not at home, I'm with friends and spend the night there...”

Halas and his friends regularly spend their free time at the local shopping center. He

also plays on a soccer team, though he recently decided to quit playing soccer and

join a break-dancing group.

Halas enjoys school and he is satisfied with his academic efforts and performance.

School was not an entirely new experience for him when he arrived in Norway in that

he had four years of schooling in Ethiopia. At school, he has many friends, some of

whom he also plays with after school, thus creating a life of continuity and stability.

Many of his friends derive from diverse cultural backgrounds and he is also friendly

with quite a few Norwegians. He appears to be very accommodating and cordial and

maintains an integrated cultural identity. He identifies with both the Norwegian and

the Ethiopian cultures, and he does not endure many difficulties living within two

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cultures. He feels a strong sense of belonging in school, as this is a place where he

primarily socializes with his friends. Maintaining friendships and perfecting the

Norwegian language are his primary strategies for successful integration.

Halas did not allude to any specific dreams or aspirations for his life. Perhaps he

is not a dreamer and is instead simply content with his life as it is in the present, or he

may possibly not yet have a clear understanding of what aspects of life to desire and

aspire to. It is probable that he has not yet observed any genuine images of success,

which would possibly awaken his inspiration.

(Halas’ did not complete a student map. He may have been absent from school at the

time of the assignment).

Monique

Monique is upset that her family migrated to Norway and she would have

preferred to remain in Liberia; “…I would have liked to stay there [in Liberia] my

whole life”. Migrating to Norway created significant changes in many areas of

Monique’s life. These changes have created numerous challenges for her. She

admits to even preferring the different climate of Liberia.

R: Can you tell me a little bit about Liberia – when you lived there? How was life in Liberia? M: Well, I actually thought it was pretty… nice…I thought it was really fun after school, (…), playing, and I hardly did anything, one has to do hardly anything – just assignments – after school we have assignments… So, I just took it easy – in the sun.

Bergen is well-known for being the city in Norway that receives the most rain, so

coming from warm, sunny Africa was surely a big adjustment. The cultural and social

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differences between Monique’s native country and Norway have been hurdles in her

adjustment process. She has also experienced substantial losses in terms of social

relationships.

R: You had lots of friends there? M: Yes, very many. And I had a best friend. We were born together, then we grew up together, and our parents were friends, so I had a very good friend who… well, we were almost like twins because we were born on the same day. … R: Right. Yes, it’s good to have good friends. Do you miss them – your friends? M: Mmhmm, I miss them a lot! R: Right. M: But what’s hard is that I can’t get in touch with her.

The distance between the two countries makes it difficult to stay in contact with

loved ones she left behind in her homeland. Additionally, the dissimilarities between

the two cultures have made it difficult for Monique to make contact with and be

accepted amongst the people from the host country. Yet another challenge burdening

Monique is prejudice and racism; “Sometimes it’s really like eh… sometimes I think

negatively about Norway, because I get bullied…”. She finds it extremely difficult to

make Norwegian friends and she believes she is often discriminated against.

R: Is that difficult [to get Norwegian friends]? M: Yes. R: Why is it so difficult? M: Because… eh… (giggles)… I actually think it’s because I’m a foreigner. R: You think so, I see… M: Yes. R: Hmm…because you look different? M: Mmhmm.

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Another acculturation factor hindering Monique is language. Her Norwegian

language proficiency is not perfect, making it problematic for her to become

integrated and accepted into the Norwegian society.

Monique has a strong ethnic identity. She still misses Liberia and she dreams of

returning to her homeland.

“I [often] think of what it was like in my country, which I miss – so that I almost want to go back… sometimes”. “I miss [my friends] a lot!”, and:“… sometimes I just tell my dad that I want to leave…”

She and her family feel comfortable in Norway, although they feel more at home and

associate a greater sense of belonging with Liberia.

“They [her parents] think it is very all right [to live in Norway], but …yes…we still love our country”

She has discovered a strategy to help her overcome the terrible sense of longing

she feels for her native home. She attempts to isolate herself in the native cultural

heritage she shares with her family and African friends. Her family is her sanctuary

and their home is where she feels accepted and loved. This is her place of belonging,

where she can practice her own culture and language. She also feels connected to her

African friends and claims she feels more at home among her native people.

“…Sometimes I feel more open [when I am among other Liberian people] than being here at school… sometimes I feel like eh… when I’m with my black friends, then I’m really happy, and I enjoy myself, so then I have them as my sister and brother – no matter if they’re boys or not – we just play together…”

Monique thinks it is important to feel at home in her new homeland and she tries

to maintain a positive attitude toward the people, the lifestyle, and the host country.

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Monique went to school in Liberia, and finds the school system in Norway to be

quite a change. She began attending school when she was six years old, and reached

the 4th grade before moving to Norway. She was a good student in her home country.

“…and fourth grade is not only ‘a little class’ - it is not only kindergarten or primary school. It is really like lower secondary school. And when I was in second grade, then…it was a lot of fun…then I was more smarter, and then I jumped from second grade to fourth grade…because if you are smarter, then you can jump [to a higher grade]…”

Monique does not always enjoy her life at school due to that fact that she often

experiences prejudice and feelings of exclusion.

“…But here at school, it’s a little boring, because the others don’t want to play with you, or don’t want to hang out with anyone who’s brown…”

Most of her friends at school originate from Africa so she feels she identifies and has

a sense of belonging with them.

“But, we don’ care if (we’re brown)… just… well… we have our own lives.”

She does not always believe that she can be herself or maintain a sense of belonging

at school. When her immigrant friends are absent from school, she feels very lonely

and does not have any fun. Monique liked it better at the Newcomer School where

she felt a sense of semblance and did not suffer from prejudiced attitudes.

“I thought it was more fun [at the Newcomer school] than being here…because it was just like everyone was foreign, then we got to know each other, and no one was like, “You’re brown, I don’t want to play with you, you’re not Norwegian… so…. it was… was… nice.”

She also encountered superior support from the teachers at the Newcomer School.

”I had a really nice teacher there too…And I had a teacher who is [still] my best friend.”

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Monique does not live near her school or in the neighborhood where most of her

classmates live. When her family moved from the neighborhood, she chose not to

transfer to another school and instead elected to continue attending the Mainstream

School. This is an interesting revelation because it reveals that she does feel some

sense of belonging in her school, most likely because her friends also go there. It is

when her friends are not at school that she feels very alone and abandoned.

Monique holds a fairly typical notion of success. Her definition places value on

money, acceptance and appearances.

“[A successful person is] that this person has a perfect family that loves him…and that this person is popular and rich…If they are, like, rich, then they have, like, nice clothes on, and nice houses…”

Inspired by her childhood experiences, one of Monique’s greatest aspirations is to

become a doctor.

“Because when I was younger, then my chicken – ‘cause I had like a zoo – then o days, then it stood up and walks, and then my grandmother said ‘Oh, you are good!’”

She knows she wants to work with people and she also has many other hopes for the

future.

“ And my dream is that my family will live for a long time, and that we always will love each other…And my dream is that no one in the family will become criminal…”

Monique is confident that she can achieve her goals in life and make her dreams

come true. Always keeping in mind her goal of becoming a doctor, she works very

hard at school. After she completes 10th grade, she intends to finish her education in

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Liberia, England or Canada, where she plans to stay with family who are settled

there.

Analysis of Monique’s Map

Monique’s illustration of her home depicts a large house which shares a wall with

the neighbors’ house. She did not include many aspects of the surrounding area. A

sports arena is drawn behind the house, but she did not appear to put much effort into

this building, perhaps because she is not very interested in sports. Other illustrations

include a bus stop and a bus. This map might indicate that Monique is not very

involved in life in her neighborhood. Her family has not resided in the neighborhood,

which is a significant distance from her school, for a long period of time. It is possible

that Monique is acquainted with her next door neighbor, since she has drawn this

house in the same manner as her own. In the illustration, her house appears pleasant

and comfortable, revealing that Monique most likely feels a considerable attachment

to her home. This being where her family lives, it perhaps represents her safe, secure

retreat in an unfamiliar world. With her family she feels a sense of belonging, which

also influences her adherence to her cultural identity.

Fathima

Fathima’s father and her siblings relocated to Norway earlier than she did and

were already settled in Norway when she migrated with her mother and her

grandmother. She is not sure why the family moved to Norway, but remembers

having mixed feeling about leaving her native home and moving to a new country.

“[It was] a little sad and a little exciting!”. She does not remember many details

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about the actual move to Norway or her initial settlement in the country, but she still

misses many aspects of her life in Turkey, especially her family and friends.

Being confronted with a foreign language was a significant challenge Fathima

encountered as an immigrant. In the beginning, she found the Norwegian language to

be very difficult. The language barrier initially resulted in her struggling to make

friends.

Fathima feels that she and the other immigrants are not accepted by their

Norwegian classmates in that she has encountered prejudiced attitudes at school.

R: Do you sense that [your Norwegian classmates] don’t want to be with you? F: Yes. R: Has something happened, or has somebody said anything…? F: There are many who have said something…

Fathima feels very comfortable living in Norway. “I am like at home,” she

proclaims. She feels she has become very Norwegian, but at the same time she also

feels she is Turkish. She believes that she and her family will stay in Norway

permanently and does not feel that her family has any plans to move back to Turkey.

It appears that Fathima has not taken a personal stance in regards to maintenance

of her native culture. She seems to just ‘go with the flow’ and she has not attempted

to influence her fate or future in any way. Due to her young age, her sense of self and

her identity have not yet been clearly defined. She is still in the stage of “diffuse

identity” (Phinney, 1993) and is not noticeably occupied with reflections on her

identity or her future. She expresses a desire to be accepted into groups of her

Norwegian peers, but experiences with discrimination, language barriers, and other

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challenges have hindered Fathima from becoming a fully integrated member of the

Norwegian cultural group and society.

Friends provide Fathima with the sense of belonging she needs to feel at ease and

at home both in and out of school. Her friends represent safety in an environment in

which she senses rejection and prejudice. Her friends create feelings of contentment

and happiness and make school “a better place to be.” Her family also helps her

maintain a sense of belonging and an impression of being at home in a foreign

country. Her best friend, Laura, is also a major stabilization factor in her life. They

have known each other since elementary school, where they were in parallel classes.

They also live in the same apartment complex. They are in the same class and have

the same group of friends at school and at home. Laura has also had many of the

same immigrant experiences as Fathima and they share a mutual understanding of life

as an immigrant adolescent.

Fathima did attend school in Turkey and she perceives the school system in

Norway to be quite similar. However, she has found that she performs better at her

Norwegian school than she did at her Turkish school. Fathima spent one year

attending the Newcomer School before enrolling in an elementary school in her

neighborhood where she met Laura. She enjoys going to school, but finds it difficult

to make friends, especially with her Norwegian classmates. She enjoys break time at

school the most because she can gather with friends and talk. She appears to be happy

and content during class and when playing and engaging in sports and other activities

with her classmates.

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R: You look pretty happy and content with the class… F: Yes, but, like…we (herself, Laura, and Monique) want to….we like to be with our friends. – I know those two (Laura and Monique) the best.

She notices many differences between life at school and life at home, but she does not elaborate on the distinctions, other than admitting she has more fun at school.

R: What else is different then – from life at school and life at home – Do you think that those are two different worlds…? F: Yeees… R: Yes – you think so…Where is the best place to be then? F: At school! R: At school?! Why is that? F: “It is more fun to be at school than at home…” R: Is it because you have more friends here, or what is it that makes it more fun? F: I don’t know.

Fathima did not reveal any dreams or desires for her future. This may be an

indication that she is more of a realist than a dreamer or possibly a sign that she is

content with concerning herself with only the present-day. Another explanation could

be that she has not yet formed a clear concept of success and its rewards as she has

not had any truly successful role-models to inspire her. To some extent, she is most

likely influenced by the discouraging and hopeless attitude of her father.

Analysis of Fathima’s Map

Fathima’s map of her neighborhood and her home illustrates many of the places

she classified in her interview as being central to her life. She has drawn her own

apartment and written “here I live” and next to it her best friend’s apartment with the

label “here lives Laura”. Fathima’s apartment building houses many immigrant

families. She has included an illustration of the park outside of the building which

includes some apparatus for children to play. From her map, it may be concluded that

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she perceives her home and surroundings as idyllic, intimate, and charming. Her

perception is interesting when considering the assessment that non-residents have

made of the apartment complex. The elementary school she went to when she was

younger is also on her map. This place almost certainly holds a special value for

Fathima as this is where she first made friends in Norway – some of whom still

remain good friends with her due to the fact that she has lived on the street since she

was eleven years old. Next to her home is the shopping center she mentioned during

her interview. This is where she gathers with her group of friends, which is her main

after-school activity. She presumably considers this to be a safe haven as well as a

venue to have fun outside school. Fathima also drew the home of some of her friends

who live across the street from her. Her life outside school centers around friends and

family. She socializes at home with the same friends she spends time with at school,

all of whom also live in her neighborhood. This creates continuity in Fathima’s life.

She is able to strengthen her bonds with her friends, both at school and at home, and

to deepen her sense of belonging in this group of mixed cultures. Her map creates the

perception that her world is revolving around her in the center. Fathima seems to be

happy and content with the current context of her life. Of course, she wants to be

accepted and become more integrated into the Norwegian group, but overall she does

not indicate that she is negatively affected by the circumstances surrounding her life.

She has created a safe atmosphere for herself, at least for the time being.

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Laura

Laura does not remember much about her family’s move to Norway, but she

knows they migrated because of the turmoil building between Kosovo and Serbia.

They moved one year prior to war breaking out. She believes the family will stay in

Norway and not return to Kosovo, Albania. She recalls that learning the Norwegian

language was very challenging. She is convinced that her lack of Norwegian

language proficiency when she first arrived in the country hindered her in building

friendships with Norwegians. Although she now speaks Norwegian fluently, she still

considers it challenging to make Norwegian friends.

R: Yes…the language is the biggest challenge…but now, are there any challenges you meet now? L: It is very difficult to get friends, but…the language is very easy now. R: Yes. Now you talk like… natives…but getting friends is a little harder?!…Because you feel…like you said, that you don’t feel that they always accept you…? L: ( ) R: Is that something that you sense? L: [nodding]

Laura feels she is not accepted among her Norwegian classmates and has experienced

incidents of prejudice at school. Despite the discrimination, Laura herself feels very

Norwegian, because she and her family have lived in Norway for so many years.

L: [I feel] Norwegian, because – we have lived here almost our whole life and I always speak Norwegian…and my [old Albanian] friends I have almost forgotten, and I have also forgotten many Albanian words…” R: So you feel Norwegian? L: Yes – a little… R: Though, you feel a little more Norwegian than Albanian? L: Yes. R: Is that so. But when you are at home with your family – how do you feel then?

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L: Also a little Norwegian…

Her sense of belonging seems to be based in her loyal group of friends. Her best

friend, Fathima, is also a great stabilization factor in her life. They have been friends

since they met years earlier in elementary school, where they were in parallel classes.

They also live near to each other as they both reside in the same apartment complex.

They are in the same class at school and they have the same group of friends at school

and at home. Fathima’s immigrant experiences are very similar to Laura’s and thus

they maintain a close bond based on their mutual awareness of life as an immigrant

adolescent.

Laura’s family and relatives also significantly contribute to her sense of belonging

and her capacity to consider Norway her home. She does not foresee her family

returning to Kosovo, which undoubtedly influences her perceptions of stability and

continuity in her environment.

Laura desires to be more accepted amongst her Norwegian peers, but has found

this endeavor to be a challenge due to the prejudice attitudes she detects from her

Norwegian peers. Her method for prevailing over these negative feelings of rejection,

disrespect, and intolerance is to maintain association with a dependable, non-

threatening group of friends with whom she can relate. This strategy also helps her

manage her anxiety in regards to the language barrier.

Her sense of belonging, especially at school, is surely associated with her reliable

group of friends. Her friends positively influence her feeling of security in an

environment which she feels to be unreceptive and prejudiced. Her friends provide

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her with a sense comfort and happiness. In addition, they enhance the significant

amount of time she spends in school and also improve her outlook on life outside of

school. “…It is also fun to be at home, but not inside – outside! There it is more fun”

she states. Laura also feels less tense in her Norwegian2 class in which all the

students are minorities. She has found this class to be less challenging than the

regular Norwegian class. Her relationship with the teacher of this class is more

positive and she feels more freedom to speak in class.

“There are so few people, in a way, so you…I don’t get so embarrassed there, like, when there are very few people…”

This class could be considered a place of belonging in school for Laura. The students

in this small class have similar backgrounds and thus share a feeling of camaraderie

that is lacking in other classes. While the students in this class tend to feel closer to

each other, this also contributes to the negative effect of increasing the disparity

between the immigrants and the other students at the school. This educational

practice of separating the minority students is in a sense counter effective to the

school’s intentions for integration and in fact may have the opposite effect of

increasing segregation, discrimination, and the tendency of students to only associate

with students with similar cultural backgrounds.

Laura’s definition of success is rather mature in that she values good

communication skills and scholastic achievement over popularity.

R: To be successful at school – is that to be the most popular, or to be a good student, or is it to be a good talker… L: It sure is good to be a capable talker. R: Yes, so you would consider that one of the most important factors [for success]?

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L: Nooo, like…it is one of the most important factors, like, a hardworking student, to achieve well in school… R: So to be very popular and…be the one that speak the loudest and…that is not so very…you don’t have to be successful because of that? L: It is probably a lot of fun to be popular, though, but…I don’t know, it might not be so very…[successful]… R: It is not so important for you? L: No.

Laura does not possess any considerable goals or future aspirations. She would

like to become a hairdresser because she thinks it would be enjoyable to work in a

store. It is possible that Laura’s life thus far has lacked interaction with any

exemplary models of success to provide her with encouragement and motivation, or

perhaps she does not possess the self confidence to truly believe that she can achieve

on a higher level.

Analysis of Laura’s Map

Laura has drawn a map almost identical to Fathima’s, with the only distinction

being that Laura’s is slightly more detailed. She included more names of the people

living in her apartment building and around the neighborhood. It seems that she is

more aware of her surroundings than Fathima. This may be an indication that she is

more receptive to the events taking place around her. Her sensitivity and awareness of

her environment may also result in her taking notice of prejudices and other

acculturative stressors to a higher degree than Fathima.

Her map also reveals that she is very involved with her friends. Outside of school

she socializes with Fathima and a familiar group of friends from diverse cultures. In

her illustration, she drew Fathima and herself playing in the park behind their

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apartment building. The shopping center where she frequently socializes with her

friends, which she also discussed in her interview, is also on the map. The shopping

center is presumably a safe haven for her and it has the advantage of being in close

proximity to her house. The church she has drawn has a unique name and may be an

indicator of her involvement in youth activities there, which is very typical pursuit of

Norwegian adolescents. A bus stop is also pictured, which could possibly be a symbol

of freedom and independency. While Laura did not mention riding the bus during her

interview, Norwegian adolescents often view this to be an exciting adventure.

Laura has depicted her life has having continuity and familiarity. She is

comfortably established in her close relationships with friends and family – the

individuals she cares about and that she feels care for her in return.

5.1.3. The Sense of Belonging of Students at the Multicultural School

Patrick

Patrick originates from Kosovo, Albania. He and his family migrated to Norway

to escape the war ravaging their homeland. Patrick did not discuss many details about

the war during his interview, but he did disclose that he experienced and witnessed

some gruesome incidents as a child. “I've experienced a lot…I’ve like, seen people die

and so forth…in the war…” he declares. The transition to Norway was difficult for

him in the beginning primarily because he and the other members of his family were

unable to communicate in the Norwegian language. They were upset about having to

leave behind their lives and abandon the social relationships they had formed, but

eventually they began to enjoy their new lives.

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“…it really wasn't that great in the beginning…We couldn’t speak the language and so on. But after we made friends and so forth, then it went pretty well.”

He has never experienced any prejudice or negative attitudes towards him for

being a foreigner. He does not notice any major differences between the two cultures,

other than socio-economic variations and the visible dissimilarities in religious beliefs

and practices.

“Sure there’s some little difference then, for in Kosovo, right, there’s a lot of poor people and such…It’s not really [ ], well...many poor people there…many who don’t have jobs there…”.

Patrick also perceives the people to be very similar in both countries. He views the

openness and hospitable attitudes prevalent amongst the Albanians to be among the

culture’s best attributes, yet he has also found this welcoming approach to be a

customary feature of Norwegian hospitality. He does not consider his personality or

identity to have been significantly impacted by his immigration, other than the

realization that he has become more receptive of and acquainted with other cultures.

Patrick and his parents are investing in a future in Norway. The family has

decided to remain in Norway permanently, so they are now looking towards the

future instead of focusing on the past. They would prefer to leave behind their old

identities and be considered fully Norwegian. Patrick still defines himself as

Albanian, mainly because he lived the majority of his life in Albania and has only

resided in Norway for a short period of time.

“Well, now, I feel like…I am Albanian, right…I lived there for thirteen years, right, and in Norway only two years, so I don’t yet feel quite Norwegian, right…”

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However, he and his family are focused on spending a lifetime in Norway and truly

making it their home.

Patrick’s approach to making himself feel more at home in Norway is to focus on

becoming assimilated to the Norwegian culture by completely immersing himself in

the native lifestyle. He has managed to learn the language very quickly and he has

effortlessly formed new friendships with people from both Norwegian and immigrant

backgrounds. The majority of his friends are Norwegian, but because of the

multicultural setting at his school and in his neighborhood, he naturally socializes

with friends from a variety of cultural backgrounds. Patrick is very actively involved

in sports, both during and after school. His main agenda involves playing basketball

or soccer with his many friends.

Patrick was an exceptional student at his school in Kosovo. He reached the sixth

grade before the family migrated to Norway where he attended the Newcomer School

for one year before enrolling in the Multicultural School. He became acquainted with

some of his current classmates during his year at the Newcomer School. He is

satisfied with his scholastic efforts. He is a hard worker and he receives excellent

grades. He declares several of the subjects he is studying to be his favorites and he

does not notably dislike any of his subjects. He has many friends at school, most of

whom he also socializes with outside of school.

Patrick has a fairly simple definition of success: “It’s like having a good job, to be

happy and…being satisfied with life…”. At present, he is happy and satisfied with his

life. He lives in the moment, but also has substantial goals and plans for his future.

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He has aspirations of success and he possesses the inspiration and motivation that

comes with leading a life defined by personal successes and inherent satisfaction.

Analysis of the Patrick’s Map

Patrick’s map referencing his home and neighborhood includes an illustration of

the apartment building where he and his family currently reside. Patrick underlines

several of the illustrations on his map, thus emphasizing important aspects of his life.

Some of the features he draw special attention to include his neighbors and friends

who also live in his apartment building, reflecting his solid feelings of belonging,

safety, inclusion, and acceptance. He also emphasizes the football field where he

regularly plays and socializes with his friends after school and the bus stop, which in

essence makes “the world” available to him by affording him the freedom to move

about of his own volition. He also accentuates the shopping center, a significant

feature of Norwegian life, which may symbolize assimilation and integration into the

Norwegian lifestyle. All these elements, which Patrick drew special attention to,

reflect positive aspects of his life, ultimately demonstrating a life of balance,

involvement, satisfaction, and belonging.

On Patrick’s school map, however, the only objects illustrated are two basketball

apparatuses on one half of the paper and a sports hall on the other half.

Through interviews with the students and the teachers from Patrick’s school it

was discovered that new students are often introduced to their peers and integrated

into life at school, through involvement in sports activities, such as basketball.

“…I think that… they have become good friends, those boys [in Patricia’s class] – it seems like the class dynamics are really good in

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that class. They have their soccer… they stand around in the schoolyard and play in a circle, and meet in their free time and so on…I almost feel that with sports – that they always fit into something or other – because those who don’t join in, they get so isolated and don’t join in any network or gathering outside – because they’re in the classroom, but that’s not enough to learn the language…I see that those who are involved in [sports] speak Norwegian much more easily, but that’s particularly true for the boys, because then they often come and talk.” (Mia, a teacher at the school)

Participation in sports activities often makes it easier for newcomers to adjust and

adapt in school. It is a means to gaining social contact and interaction with other

students. This is the setting in which Patrick also maintains a sense of membership

and belonging. By becoming involved in sports activities he creates opportunities for

himself to make friends and have fun with other adolescents. This strategy is so

effective, partly due to the fact that the students find themselves on common ground,

where language and culture no longer play such significant roles.

Jana

Jana does not recall much about her immigration, yet she distinctly remembers

having a difficult time learning the Norwegian language when she entered pre-school

at the age of four. At that time, her parents were not able to speak much Norwegian

either. Fortunately, she learned the language relatively quickly through interaction

with the other Norwegian-speaking children. Ultimately, she does not see the

Norwegian culture as being very distinct from her culture of origin.

“It is often that I don’t see a big difference—I don’t think about it.”

Jana’s family members also display highly integrated lifestyles with limited

divergences from the traditional Norwegian daily life.

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“…at home…there we’re just a normal family. There really isn’t any big difference [from other Norwegian homes]”. The only time Jana is aware of the major differences is during visits to Bosnia. “(laughs) I feel very Norwegian there [in Bosnia]! When I am in Bosnia, I feel very different. I was there for the first time when I was 12--ten years [after the immigration], right, so I'm definitely not used to the way things are down there--the mentality and so on—it was like I’d never been there.”

She does, however, notice some significant differences between the prevalent

attitudes of the two countries.

“I think the mentality is very different. It’s like it…so there’s more fear back there. Here it's more like--you can say whatever you want, there's freedom of speech. Back there it's more like, you have to take care what you say, because there are Muslims here and Croats there…right…it’s very difficult to explain.”

Jana struggles with defining her identity and discovering her sense of belonging.

While she has an appreciation for the protectiveness typical of Bosnian parents, she

also believes the Bosnian culture leaves little opportunity for citizens to embrace

distinctiveness and uniqueness, qualities which she finds to be more accepted in

Norway.

“…But I also feel that it is more…uh, you’re more accepted if you’re different here in Norway, than in Bosnia. For instance, my style is with dark clothes, to be honest, and that's not so usual there, and my mother has problems accepting it. Both she and people there think it’s quite…like, unusual."

Jana feels comfortable in both cultures and has a hard time deciding with which

culture she feels a greater sense of belonging.

“I feel at home when I am in Bosnia, but again—I have so much of the culture from Norway, which I take there with me. So it's really like...split…I think I’m Bosnian on the inside, but I think I'm outwardly more Norwegian.”

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She has challenges discerning who she is and where she belongs. She identifies with

both the Norwegian and Bosnian cultures, but she does not fully embrace either. She

is very self-conscious, but she is attempting to develop her own unique life strategies

and patterns of identity. For example, she prefers to wear traditional African clothing

and she is unwilling to blindly follow society’s norms and expectations. She wants to

be unique and to find her own sense of self. She advises other immigrant adolescents

to adapt a similar strategy.

“…you must be yourself and…just take everything as it comes, and don’t try to be too preoccupied with impressing the other culture or whatever it might be. …you don’t need to be troubled about other peoples’ expectations that you should do this and that….”

Jana’s method for discovering her place of belonging in Norway is to simply

follow her own path, even if it does not adhere to expectations or norms. She is bold

and stands up for herself, even if it causes negative reactions from others. She

chooses to follow her inner voice and to nurture and develop her uniqueness. Jana

appears to be on the verge of transforming her unusual notions into a “new identity”

(Meaders, 1997; Davidson, 1996).

Jana acknowledges that she is not entirely accepted by her classmates. She has

engaged in conflicts with other students, though they were not based on her

background or her status as an immigrant.

R: Do you think it’s a good environment at school? S: Eh, yeees…A little bullying here and there but… R: Is that so? S: Yes, but it’s not about nationality. R: So it has more to do with the person him- or herself? S: Yes. There’s really not that much racism here! R: Not in the least?

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S: No!

Mia, Jana’s teacher, notes that Jana’s social problems are not necessarily due to

her culture.

“[Jana] – doesn’t feel all that comfortable here, but I don’t think that necessarily has anything to do with her background. She has had some conflicts – about weight and… so there have been those types of problems.”

Although, she has some friends at school, most of the friends she socializes with

are enrolled in other schools and are older than her. She feels marginalized to some

extent and does not have a clear understanding of where she belongs.

Jana’s idol is Corey Taylor, a singer from the band “Slipknot.” She admires and

respects him for his honesty and integrity and finds his songs, immersed in feeling

and depth, to be life-guiding and encouraging. To her, he exemplifies the qualities she

associates with her definition of a successful life. She has a high regard for his

commitment to being a positive role model for adolescents who warns against

drinking and bullying. She finds that she can relate to his songs. Jana dreams of

playing in a band also someday.

”The songs are like…they come out with their feelings and have lyrics that aren’t completely idiotic, that encourage people to do idiotic things. For example he is very open about alcohol, and warns young people not to use it. And also he was himself bullied as a child, so...it's like you can relate.”

Analysis of Jana’s Map

In her illustration of her home area, Jana drew the apartment building where she

and her family live. She also plotted on the map other important aspects of her life

including the apartment just across the lawn from her own building where her brother

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lives, her school, which is also in close proximity to her residence, and her friends’

homes. Jana references eight different friends, who each live in different directions

from her own home. The bus stop from which the bus traveling out of town departs is

also depicted. She has written beside it that she often goes into town to shop and to

visit her friends, as the majority of them live there. These features reveal the key role

friends play in Jana’s life outside of school. She has many friends, with whom she

feels secure and content. These individuals are evidently closely associated with her

sense of belonging outside of school.

Jana’s map of her school illustrates many social groups with a clear division

marked between the groups based on their respective areas in the schoolyard. She

labels the groups the “A-Gang” and the “B-Gang,” each of which congregate in

opposite areas of the schoolyard. Unfortunately, this research did not reveal many

details about these student groups such as what features define them or what divides

factors divide the two groups. Jana wrote her name off to the side of her illustration of

these two groups, but she has included a line placing emphasis on the “A-Gang,”

which probably indicates that she identifies the most with this group of students.

R: Who are your best friends then—what nationality are they? S: Yeah, I don’t really have one definite best friend, we have a sort of little group—there’s a girl who's half Norwegian and half Chilean, and one who’s Bosnian, and two girls who are Norwegian…and that’s about it. And also I have some guy friends who we…hang out with. R: Mmhmm. So you all hang together in groups here at school? S: Yes.

It is interesting to take note of the fact that Jana did not include her name within

the boundaries of either group, perhaps revealing that she feels like a bit of an

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outsider. She is not deeply involved with the agenda of either group and does not see

her herself as having strong membership in either of the groups.

In one corner of the schoolyard, by the stairs to an entrance of the school building,

Jana incorporated the “Intellectual Gang.” She has written her name close to this

group as well, but it reads “Jana alone”. This indicates that she is not a member of

this group either, but this site is an area where she can be by herself. From this angle,

she has oversight of everything that occurs in the schoolyard. It must be noted that

she is very visible and does not appear to be hiding, yet she has clearly isolated

herself amongst the various student groups. Perhaps this is a comfort zone for her – a

place she has chosen for her peace of mind, personal safety and avoidance of conflict.

The fact that Jana boldly depicted herself as standing alone in the midst of all the

different groups of students, may illustrate her perception that her seclusion is in

essence a “forced” situation due to rejection by other students. On the other hand, it

may also reveal that her isolation is a personal choice. It is plausible that she prefers

to be alone and simply observe the activity in the schoolyard when not socializing

with the “A-Gang,” where she has already implied she does not feel completely

integrated. Based on her interview, it appears that she feels she is different than the

other students, yet she still experiences feelings of acceptance.

“…you’re more accepted if you’re different here in Norway, than in Bosnia. For instance, I have a very ‘black’ style, to be frank, and that's really not so usual there, and my mother has problems accepting it. Both she and people there think it’s quite…like, different.”

Below is another example of a ‘Students Map’.

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Figure 4. Jana’s ‘Map’ of Home and School

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Milla

Milla did not have a very dramatic or memorable immigration experience. She

recalls a few details from the move, but because she migrated at such young age, she

does not perceive the experience as having a very remarkable impact on her life. She

was not confronted with a large number of challenges and she did not have any

significant difficulties adjusting. One of the few challenges she does recollect is

struggling to communicate with other children at the playground, because she did not

speak the Norwegian language very well. She learned the language primarily through

interaction with other children while attending a Norwegian daycare center when she

was four years old. Her parents also helped develop her language skills, by reading

books to her in both Norwegian and Bosnian. Milla really wants to maintain her

cultural/ethnic identity as a Bosnian. When asked if she identifies herself as

Norwegian or Bosnian, she answers.

“Eh, I don’t know…It’s really strange, ‘cause I don’t feel that I’m Norwegian, I don’t! I feel that I’m Bosnian, and get sort of mad when my dad says “But you’re Norwegian!”. But, because I really want to hold on to the fact that I’m Bosnian – because I am! - was born in Bosnia, and spent the first part of my life there, and always have my cultural past there, and…as I see it, my past is a part of my the present and the future. So…eh, I would say, I don’t think I am Norwegian, but I feel at home in Norway.”

She also feels totally at home when she is visiting Bosnia, and not like a

‘Norwegianized’ Bosnian.

“I feel totally Bosnian and totally at home there…And that’s a little strange, cause when I’m in Norway, I feel that – yes, I live here, but still I’m a little different in a way…”

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She identifies with both cultures and cannot decide which culture she belongs to the

most.

“It is very difficult…If I absolutely had to choose one [culture] - gun to my head - that would be [the Bosnian culture], but otherwise there is a lot of both…eh, I think I am mostly [part] of the Bosnian culture, but I think I have a lot of Norwegian culture as well!”

Milla’s friends come from different nationalities and her best friends are from

both Norwegian and foreign cultural groups. She does not reflect much on cultural

differences and is very multicultural herself.

“…But I don’t know, I don’t think I am really that much aware of what nationalities they are.”

Milla is taking a multicultural approach to establishing a sense of home in

Norway. She has found her place in the society, and is very active and involved both

in the Norwegian society and in the multicultural arena in the city. Her approach to

life is to take action. She aspires to fight for the rights of minorities residing in

Norway and she is adamant that she is as able, like any other Norwegian, to speak out

on her rights and beliefs.

“I have seen many young people who…could have really succeeded, but who were kept back by…the rigid society we live in. They were impeded by the fact that they are foreigners and stuff…and simply don’t have any confidence that they can do anything. And I know that I myself…that I will not let that happen to me…”

As a person with a multicultural aspect on life, she is confident she has a lot to offer

to the society she lives in.

“I think there are many advantages to being integrated, because you get both cultures and you get diversity and you contribute to a diverse society. I don’t think you contribute with anything if you become totally Norwegian, because I think you loose something and…it is

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great to be Norwegian – that’s not what I am saying, but I think there is also a lot of diversity and much that foreigners can contribute to society with.” … “I’m a Norwegian citizen, and I think that gives me the right to speak my mind. I think it would be wrong to only expect one-way understanding – it has to go both ways!”

Milla is successfully progressing in all areas at school. She has a lot of friends, is

very active in all learning settings, and receives very good grades in all subjects.

Milla stays actively involved in the classroom, often engaging in discussions and

conversations with the teacher and the other students. The subjects she likes most are

Religion, Social Studies, and Norwegian as she feels these areas are the most

important aides in her quest to openly demonstrate her political and religious views.

Milla truly respects her parents and she holds a high regard for their way of life.

She admires their accomplishments and their willingness to put forth their best

efforts, despite the path to success sometimes being rough and difficult. She believes

an individual’s personal perception of achievement to be the primary measure of

success.

“I think that is to get ahead in life, no matter what obstacles are in your path, and to show what you’re good for… I don’t think to succeed means you have gotten the best education, or that you score the highest on tests and stuff…If you have succeeded in a way that you are satisfied yourself with how you have gotten ahead in life, then I think you have succeeded.”

Milla appears to be very satisfied and proud of her involvement in the

multicultural arena. She has high aspirations and substantial goals for her future, and

she is confident she has the ability to make her dreams a reality.

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Analysis of Milla’s Map

Milla’s map of her home includes an illustration of the apartment building where

she resides with her family. She points out her room, which is facing a playground

outside. This is probably a symbol to her of a safe and fun place where as a child she

socialized and met new people. Arrows are drawn in different directions indicating

where her friends live. The map reveals that Milla has many friends, many of whom

she also socializes with in school. One arrow points in the direction of the city with

the caption “shopping center and piano”. Milla indicated in her interview that she is

involved in many different activities and does not feel isolated. She also has a stable

home life and gratifying surroundings with an abundance of friends also residing in

her neighborhood.

Her school map is very similar to Jana’s map. They have a lot in common in that

they are both from Bosnia, they migrated to Norway at about the same time, their

families are friends with each other, and both their parents have higher education

from Bosnia. However, there are also some differences between the families in terms

of their acculturation experiences and attitudes. These differences extend to both the

parents and the girls.

Milla’s map shows many different groups and divisions of students in the

schoolyard. In the middle of the paper, she drew a big circle, in which none of the

groups are included. The groups are spread around the circle, occupying different

spots in the schoolyard. She has put her name next to the “A-Gang,” which gathers on

the opposite end of the schoolyard from the “B-Gang,” which she has labeled as

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“evil”. Other groups she has associated her name with are the “Basketball/Football

Gang” and the “Intellectual Gang.” She also included an arrow pointing to the gym.

The map reveals that Milla is involved with and identifies with different groups of

students. She is very accommodating and she maintains interest in many different

activities. She seems to fit in with diverse crowds of people and has the ability to

adapt to changing circumstances. She confirmed this assessment in her interview

when she described herself as having no problem feeling accepted and comfortable

with any cultural group.

Zarai

Zarai’s situation is unique in that she is still living with the stress of not knowing

if she will be allowed to live in Norway permanently. She currently does not have a

legal permit to stay, nor does she possess a Norwegian social security number or

passport. The process of obtaining these crucial elements appears to be extremely

slow and complicated, and thus Zarai is uncertain as to what her future holds. She is

not sure if she will be allowed to stay in Norway and continue her education or if she

will be forced to return to Sudan; “I feel like I don’t have anything constant – my

whole life is dependent on this…”. Zarai also finds numerous differences between

Norway and Sudan.

“Everything is different!…Even the same kinds of vegetables don’t taste quite the same! Also the clothes—in Sudan, everyone has to go around in a shawl, completely covered, while here in Norway it's a little different where people can go around in whatever they want.”

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Making contact with people from her own country and culture has been a

significant factor in her ability to adjust and feel at home in Norway.

“…yes, it’s mostly people [that helped me adjust]…Because right at the beginning there were some Sudanese people—some Sudanese people who were here in Norway—and they came to us quite a few times, to greet us and be together and so forth…And then I felt a little more at home, because in Sudan there are always a lot of people who come to visit us—family and so on. But here, we didn’t have family—just sit and…just us at home. But the others came all the time.”

She has also received a lot of support and help from the teachers and students at

school; “…And then I began school, and got teachers who were quite considerate…”.

The teachers have provided her with emotional support and they make time to talk

with her. They have helped her to better understand and accept the cultural

differences that exist between Norway and Sudan. The school also maintains a study

support group to ensure that students receive educational and emotional support.

“… they used to tell about—they knew a little bit about my own country—so they began to say something about Norway and how it is here…and how it is…and then they began to talk about the fact that I came to feel such and such, and that it is quite normal with feelings, that things will come to pass and so on…”

Her friends have also played a big role in Zarai’s adjustment process.

“And friends!—Friends…they helped me a lot. When I came here, I was at home most of the time--I didn't go out--so they came to me, to my home and saw how I have it and…began to talk to me, and explain a lot about Norway and other activities, and about how I could join in and so on. They asked me if I could go out with them and…be outside some…and maybe go shopping with them…”

Her approach to making herself feel at home is to be flexible and adaptable in the

new and unfamiliar environment.

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“I think it’s different, but when you think about it, you find a proper way of speaking and experiencing different things. So it’s really mainly in the past now, when it was very, very weird here I think, but eventually, when I learned to go more into the various areas and into the homes of others; to be in a Norwegian home—and see how they have it, and how they have their rules at home and so on, then I knew that everything could be different...”

Zarai enjoys school and puts a lot of effort into doing her best and to performing

well. Her favorite subjects are math and sports, which indicates that Zarai is a well-

rounded individual with a diversity of interests and talents. She has many friends

from various cultural backgrounds and she appears to be very social and well-liked by

all kinds of groups at school.

Zarai respects her father and perceives him to be a successful person.

“I’m picturing my father—he hasn’t gone to school very much really. But I’ve learned a lot from him, because eh, when it comes to speaking with people, and how one should do it, and how one should get various things…”

Her father encourages her to pursue a career and to follow her aspiration of

becoming a doctor. She is confident she will one day achieve her vision of success.

“…if I think of myself now, and do all I can, and look straight ahead, and do my best, then I can do well for my children—in the future also. It will get much better, because…better than I have it now…”

Analysis of Zarai’s Map

Zarai has incorporated much more detail into her map than the other students. She

drew not only the apartment building where she and her family live, but also included

other apartment buildings, the numbers on the mailboxes, the grocery store, and

numerous other features of her surroundings. Other details she incorporated in the

map include the road where she rides her bicycle, the bus that goes to the city, and the

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football field. She even depicted her route to school. Zarai appears to have a

comprehensive perspective on her life in Norway. She does not overly concern

herself with trivial events and she does not limit her focus to just her immediate

surroundings or current events. She clearly sees the overall picture and how

everything works together.

Her school map shows students playing in the schoolyard. She has drawn the boys

playing a game of football and has included herself sitting on a bench under some

trees with her friends. A small group of students are sitting on the stairs in another

corner close to the school building. In addition, she has illustrated various aspects of

the school building itself. Based on her map, it can be concluded that Zarai maintains

a loyal group of friends at school and feels welcomed and accepted by the other

students. She does not see any divisions between the students, possibly because she is

friends with most of the girls in her class.

R: Who are you friends with now? S: Eh, Marie, and one named [XXX] and…]XXX], [XXX]… R: So a little Norwegian and a little foreign? S: Yes! (laughs) And Milla, [XXX]…so it’s quite a few—almost our whole class. Yes, I’m not so much with the boys in the class, but almost all the girls, it's them I can be together with. R: Yeah, so all the girls in the class hang out with each other—aren’t there some cliques or any hostility? S: Noooo, no way!

Marie

Marie experienced a significant amount of acculturation stress associated with her

immigration to Norway. To begin with, she found it very difficult to leave her home

country and did not want to move to another country. “It was sad… Everyone was

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sad…I wanted to continue going to school back there [in the Philippines]”she states.

She initially perceived Norway to have many drastic distinctions from her homeland.

“It was the first time I saw white people like that”. She has also experienced changes

in the economical standard of her life upon migrating to Norway as her family was

very poor in the Philippines.

“Hmm, where I live, we wear regular clothes with lots of holes (laughs)… very dirty… Lots of people are really poor there. We were actually poor too.”

However, she would trade her nice clothes for her happy and familiar life in the

Philippines, where she feels she belongs.

R: …Do you think you’ve changed at all since coming to Norway? J: Yes. R: Ok. What has changed? J: I have changed the way I dress. And before, in the Philippines, I didn’t wear makeup, but when I got here, I started using makeup (laughs)… dressing in nice clothes and stuff. R: Right. So you became more like how the others were – at school and…? J: I actually don’t want to wear those nice clothes. R: You don’t want to? J: No.

Another cultural difference she has discovered involves the behavior and activities of

the adolescents in Norway.

“Um, the kids, they… There are lots of kids in the Philippines who don’t smoke, don’t drink… don’t do anything wrong. But here, it seems like they do lots of wrong things.”

She perceives the restrictions and discipline for children in Norway to be too lenient.

Marie has experienced difficulties mastering the Norwegian language which she

initially found to be very strange. She now communicates fairly well, but still has

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some problems. She has also experienced prejudice and finds it very difficult to form

friendships with Norwegians. At school and in her classes she has felt rejected by the

Norwegian students who she notes tend to socialize amongst themselves and exclude

her and other foreigners.

“… I’m not able to make friends with Norwegians… I think they’ll only choose those who are white… Those who are Norwegians, right, they don’t include foreigners in their group.”

Marie feels that she is completely Filipino. Her Norwegian step-father and a

handful of “half-Norwegian” friends are her only connections with the Norwegian

culture. She finds making friends with Norwegians to be challenging and therefore

feels more comfortable associating primarily with friends who have backgrounds

similar to her own. She feels isolated from the Norwegians and believes that she does

not fit in. She misses friends and family from the Philippines, these being the most

important factors affecting her sense of integrity and feeling of belonging. She

admits to feeling more content socializing with other foreigners, especially those from

the same cultural background as her own. Marie finds refuge and a place of belonging

among her friends in church, who mostly originate from the same cultural

background as her.

R: Do you have any good advice for other kids who move to Norway and are new in this country – What should they do to feel at home here—in order to enjoy living here – what should they do to not miss… J: Hmm, maybe to join that church thing. Because that’s a place where young people usually hang out. R: To meet others from the same country? J: Mmhmm.

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At school she has no close friends and feels excluded and discriminated against

by the Norwegian group of students.

“… I’m not able to make friends with Norwegians… I think they’ll only choose those who are white… Those who are Norwegians, right, they don’t include foreigners in their group.”

Marie has been acquainted with some of her classmates since her time at the

Newcomer School, but she considers them to be just “school friends” as she does not

have frequent contact with them outside of school. None of her very close friends

attend the same school, and thus Marie does not have strong sense of belonging with

any of the student groups at school. Tina, Marie’s teacher, has noticed her tendency to

isolate herself from the other students.

“When Marie first came to this school, she was ‘hiding’ a little. The other students were very good to take contact with her, but she still kept to herself. She has few Norwegian friends and mingles mostly with her Filipino friends at church.”

Marie does participate in the After School Homework Group that is offered by the

school, since her parents are too busy to help her at home. Her involvement with this

group not only helps her perform better on her schoolwork, but also serves as a means

of support and nurturing for Marie. Her assistant teacher, Tina, is responsible for the

homework group and she works closely with Marie and the other students in need.

Marie defines success as having money and a house, along with family and close

friends.

R: Um, can you describe a person you see as successful and who has done well in life? Maybe it’s a person you know – succeeding in life, what does that mean to you? (I have to explain more closely for J. to understand). What do you think is important in life?

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J: Money, and a house. R: So you feel that if you have money and a house, then you have a good life? J: Yes. (pauses) Also, family is very important… And good friends.

Marie is not very accepting or accommodating of her life in Norway. All her

dreams and aspirations are associated with returning to the Philippines, which she still

considers her home country. She does not feel at home in Norway and dreams about

moving back to the Philippines, even though she feels this is futile desire.

“We’re staying here [in Norway] for the rest of our lives.”

Analysis of Marie’s Map

Interestingly, Marie chose to illustrate a school in her map, yet not the school she

is currently enrolled in, but an elementary school called “North Central Elementary

School.” Research did not uncover a school with this name in Bergen, so she

presumably drew a picture of her school in the Philippines. If this is the case, it is a

clear symbol that Marie ardently considers the Philippines to be her true home. Her

sense of belonging is most definitely in the Philippines where the memories, thoughts,

and dreams that dominate her life exist.


The findings from these analyses reveal that most immigrant adolescents attempt

to gain a sense of home in their new country by forming social relationships and

becoming actively involved in groups. Acculturation strategies are utilized both to

make contact with peers and form relationships (and thus a sense of belonging), and

to avoid feelings of exclusion and rejection. The immigrant students who did not feel

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acceptance or any inclusion by the host community, especially in school and among

the Norwegian students, separated themselves from the Norwegian group of students

and found a place of belonging among other immigrants at school, or outside school.

All the students studied had managed to find a place of belonging, either within their

own cultural group, within the Norwegian group, or within a mixed cultural group.

The findings of this research indicate that young immigrants to Norway (re-)

discover their sense of self and find a sense of belonging by focusing on social

relationships, such as friends and family. They often concentrated all their efforts and

attention on creating a place of security and belonging for themselves, through

friendships and memberships in social groups. Forming a social identity by means of

the sense of belonging is found to be a crucial factor in the acculturation and

adjustment process of young immigrant individuals in Norway.

It was also found that the search for and achievement of cultural identity was

greater among older adolescents (Phinney, 1993). They were more defined in their

sense of self and identity, and were also more future oriented than the younger

students. Phinney (1993) claims, “Individuals with an achieved ego identity have

resolved uncertainties about their future direction and have made commitments that

will guide future action. The individuals who have reached this stage feel good about

who he or she is and feel proud of their ethnic identity. They have found their sense

of self and know where they belong” (Phinney, 1993, p.71). The students who had a

strong cultural identity had a clear vision of success, and they also had the aspiration

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to reach their dreams. They were confident that they had a chance of reaching success

themselves!

The younger students appeared to be more uncertain and ambiguous about their

cultural identity of belonging to a certain cultural group. Most of the students at this

young age had an ‘unexamined’ ethnic identity (Phinney, 1993). They seemed to have

a lack of exploration of their cultural identity and had no concerns about the issue.

However, all the students were very concerned about social relationships and the

aspect of belonging to a social group. They found a sense of self through acceptance

and recognition of friends and family, and other individuals boosting their feeling of

belonging.

Another aspect of immigrant’s coping strategies and identity, is the development

of “new identities” (Meaders, 1997; Davidson, 1996; ). Meaders (1997) states that

after the migrating individual has succeeded the phase of re-establishing his or her

identity and has developed a recognition and adoption of both cultures (bicultural

identity), the individual may transform her bicultural identity into a greater

integration and harmony of a “transcultural identity” (p.57); “the once conflictual part

of identity, rooted in the original culture, has been reworked and reclaimed as an

enduring basis of the expanded self” (p.58). She explains that the foreign and new

culture has become an integral part of the individual, and the expanded identity

transcends the original conflicts into a ‘new identity’. One example from these

findings could be Jana; She felts at home in both the cultures and had a hard time

figuring out in which culture she had a greater sense of belonging, “I feel at home

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when I am in Bosnia, but again—I have so much of the culture from Norway, which I

take there with me. So it's really like...split…I think I’m Bosnian on the inside, but I

think I'm outwardly more Norwegian”. Jana struggled with figuring out who she is

and where she belongs. She identified with both cultures, but with none of them

completely. She was very self-conscious and tried to make her own ways and own

patterns of identity. For instance, she dressed very unique and was not willing to

follow everybody’s norms or expectations. She wanted to be unique and to find her

own sense of self. She advised other immigrant adolescents: “…you must be yourself

and…just take everything as it comes, and don’t try to be too preoccupied with

impressing the other culture or whatever it might be. …you don’t need to be troubled

about other peoples’ expectations that you should do this and that….”. It seems like

Jana was about to transform her old notions of identities into a new identity.

Findings from this research show that the fourth strategy, marginalization, in

which the individual does not identify with either of the two cultural groups, does not

have to be a state of having no sense of “home’ or “belonging” to some group. It can

be that this individual, living within two different cultures, is ‘moving on’ and

developing a “new identity”, different from the two original cultural identities.

5.2. The role of ‘the Sense of Belonging’ in School

“Another potentially important element of the social context is student’s sense of belonging in the school or classroom, that is, the extent to which they feel personally accepted, respected, included, and supported by others – especially teachers and other adults in the school social environment” (Goodenow and Grady, 1992, p.61).

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The attempt to answer the sub question 2: Which role does the sense of belonging

play in the process of acculturation and adjustment for immigrant students in school?

is based on Gibson et al.’s (2004) theory of a strong and positive link between the

students’ feelings of belonging in school and their academic achievements. The

researchers determined that students function better and participate more in school

settings and situations where they feel they belong. Conversely, in contexts where

students experience feelings of rejection or alienation, their participation and

performance decline. It was discovered from the analysis of the students’ senses of

belonging in school (section 4.3.), that the immigrant students who had very defined

cultural identities and strong senses of belonging at both school and home (either to

their own ethnic group, the national group, or to a multicultural group), were all

achieving very well in school (Vladimir, Milla, Zarai, Patrick). The students with

vague cultural identities (“diffuse identities”; Phinney, 1993), who also had problems

gaining acceptance to one or the other of the cultural groups at school, displayed

lower academic achievements (Fathima, Laura, Halas). In addition, the students who

identified with both the ethnic group and the Norwegian group (i.e. those employing

the acculturation strategies of integration [Berry et al., 2006] or integrated identity

[Phinney et al., 2006]) by maintaining friendships with members from both groups,

were the most satisfied and comfortable in school and tended to have higher levels of

academic achievements (Milla, Jana, Patricia, Vladimir, Zarai). The research also

revealed that while at school, most of the students from the Multicultural School had

stronger senses of belonging and well-being than the students from the Mainstream

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School. They were also achieving to a higher level than the other students. This was

further validated during the visits to the Multicultural School, where the students

were observed to be exceptionally confident and bright.

In this section, a closer assessment is made of the socio-cultural contexts of the

two schools, through an examination of several factors impacting the students’ well-

being and sense of belonging in school (Gibson et al., 2004), to include; safe spaces,

border-crossing, opportunities for positive inter-group and intercultural contact,

support (from teachers and other adults), contact between home, school and

community, extracurricular activities and after school programs, and the acculturation

orientation/attitude of the school. These factors were examined by grouping the

students together based on their attendance at either the Mainstream School or the

Multicultural School. Some of the factors investigated are also presented simply by

portraying the students, with whom the factors in focus were found.

Spaces of belonging

The area around the Multicultural school is where most of the immigrants in

Bergen are settled. This probably creates a feeling of “sameness” and “belonging” for

the minority students. Most of the immigrant students at the school have relatives and

important ‘others’ in the surrounding community. Also the higher rate of minority

students at the Multicultural School might results in a larger group of students having

greater feeling of “togetherness” in comparison to the Mainstream School. The other

students of Norwegian descendant are likelier to be more open and accepting of

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students from minority groups, since they have contact with a larger group of

minorities on a more regular basis.

The students and teachers at the Multicultural School were very welcoming of

new students and attempted to make everyone feel accepted and included. The

ideology of the school, which had a major impact on the entire atmosphere, was very

hospitable and accommodating to minority students. The teachers did not make any

significant distinctions between immigrant and mainstream Norwegian students.

“Honestly, I look at them [the students] as Norwegians actually…It doesn’t cross your mind [that they are not Norwegians], right…” (Teacher at the Multicultural School).

This school also had a policy of not removing minority students from the larger

class for small-group instruction (a typical practice at many Norwegian compulsory

schools), resulting in a better fostering of academic and social development,

integration, and self-esteem.

“…We argue that [by keeping the minority students with the rest of the class] - even if all the students don’t have equal academic development - at least they will develop socially… they are in some environment… they are not stigmatized. The fact that they have to leave has got to affect their self-esteem; that they have to go upstairs and sit in a special room without ventilation. That was how they did it before – the students were taken out during every lesson, and had to sit in some crummy closet all by themselves… That might tell you something about the [school’s] value of minority students. In any case, that’s what we focus on – not doing that anymore…” (Teacher at the School).

The only lessons in which the minority students were separated from the rest of the

students were the Norwegian 2 classes, which were scheduled during extra

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curriculum classes, when other mainstream students were studying French, German

or other electives.

At the Mainstream School the immigrant students who received Norwegian 2

instruction were taken out of the classroom during normal class instruction. Most of

the students informed me that they enjoyed these classes better than the other at

school. The Norwegian 2 classes possibly act as a place of belonging in school for

minority students attending this class. The students had some sort of a “sameness”

and “togetherness”, because they more easily bond with each other due to their

similarities in being minority students with low Norwegian language proficiency.

They had a feeling of unity which they did not find within the rest of the class.

However, this could also widen the gap that already existed between the minorities

and the Norwegians at this school. Separating the minority students probably had the

opposite effect of its intention, which was to enhance the integration process of the

minority students. The separation strategy seemed to increase segregation,

discrimination, and the feeling of “otherness” among the minority students.

The Mainstream School also offered a special class (I-class) for minority students

with special needs, such as low Norwegian language proficiency and lack of

educational background. This class also appeared to be stigmatized by the other

mainstream students, resulting in the immigrant students primarily socializing with

each other because of feelings of exclusion and rejection from the dominant group.

This school did not offer other groups or activities specifically tailored to minorities.

Likewise, no efforts had been made to create a safe place for contact between

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members of the mainstream group and the immigrant students. The school’s strategies

were segregating the immigrant students, probably more than intended.

The School’s Welcoming of Immigrant Students

At the Multicultural School, the students were accustomed to welcoming and

tending to new minority students. The students were encouraged to interact with

everybody and to include everybody. The immigrant students participating in this

study described the other students and teachers as being very welcoming of them and

making them feel accepted and included. The ideology of the school is one of

hospitality and acceptance towards minority students, which influences the whole

atmosphere. The school practices and fosters an attitude of integration, inclusion,

acceptation, respect, and togetherness.

“…we have a fundamental attitude – we try to, at least – if we have new people – to follow up with them during recess, and talk a bit to the other students – And now we have very nice students who are easy to talk to – so if we have a new student, they feel that they have to look out for them. And then we also talk about what it’s like. And I teach religion class, and feel that one of my duties there – the ethical bit, and togetherness and inclusion…and respecting others. So we talk a lot about it in that subject – that one is not any better than the other and so on, and then we have lots of discussions about it and so on and so forth…so I try to tie in a lot there, in that subject. But clearly you have to when you have new students coming in – and I feel that we have succeeded with that…” (Teacher sat the Multicultural School)

The Multicultural School is also very focused on the students’ visibility and

achievement by, for example using a two-teacher system, which encourages the

students to discuss and participate in the classroom. The school and teachers also use

a policy of not separating students with special needs from the rest of the students.

The prevalent attitude is to treat everybody the same and the school also offers

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financial assistance if a family is unable to afford for the student to join a school

activity or participate in a class-trip.

In contrast, none of the teachers or students from the Mainstream school were

aware of any strategies for welcoming new and immigrant students. The students did

not seem to be encouraged to welcome or integrate minority students into their

groups. They appeared to be satisfied socializing with just each other and were not

interested in having contact with individuals from a different cultural background.

Border-Crossing:

“There is mounting evidence that the ability to move across groups who are different with respect to social class, cultural background, and academic skills is linked to greater engagement in learning and long-term social, academic, and economic success” (Gandara & Gibson, 2004, p.180).

The students’ abilities to move laterally between ethnic groups seemed to be more

advanced at the Multicultural School. The reasons behind this were the large number

of minority students enrolled in the school and the including and accepting

atmosphere. The barriers for minority students to socialize with Norwegian students

were not very big, which probably resulted in that the minority students had a better

opportunity to increase their Norwegian language proficiency and use.

“It is often when they reach a certain level of language proficiency, probably…I think that is the criteria [for not being seen as a special-need student]…For me it does not have anything to do with skin color or things like that… It is that they have reached a well-functioning level, such as taking part in conversations without me having to pay extra attention to them…to the language barrier I mean…” (Teacher Mia).

The hurdles to becoming friends with Norwegian students at the Mainstream

School seemed to be much higher for many of the immigrant students. This causes

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the minorities to spend most of their time with each other instead of interacting with

the Norwegian students, a key characteristic of the separation strategy. There appears

to be limited opportunities for the immigrants to become fully integrated or accepted

into the mainstream group, especially for those who do not look, sound or behave like

a Norwegian.

Social/Educational Support

“Students who are empowered by their interactions with their educators experience a sense of control over their own lives and they develop the ability, confidence, and motivation to succeed academically” (Cummins, 1989, p.4)

The students at the Multicultural School find the teachers to be very supportive

and helpful in their attempts to adjust to a new culture and achieve academic success.

This study has determined that when the students receive support and assistance in

overcoming acculturation stress, they are able to more easily adjust and find their

places in the new society. For example, Zarai from the Multicultural School received

a lot of assistance and support from her teachers when first coming to the school.

S: …And then I began school, and got teachers who were quite considerate…they helped me quite a lot, and…they have played quite a big role when it comes to [adapting]. R: What did they help you with then? S: Well, they used to tell about—they knew a little bit about my own country—so they began to say something about Norway and how it is here…and how it is…and then they began to talk about the fact that I came to feel such and such, and that it is quite normal with feelings, that things will come to pass and so on… R: Ok. So the teachers took the time to talk to you… S: Yes. R: So it wasn't only during recess, but you sat and talked with them? S: Yes. …We have something called the "study support group,” so if you need help on your lessons or something, you can go there, and talk to the teacher some, if needed…

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In contrast, Monique does not feel included or accepted by the Norwegian

students at the Mainstream School, and does not seem to receive any help or support

from her teachers. When her immigrant friends are not at school, she feels very

alienated and alone. She liked it better at the Newcomer School because she felt more

of a connection to her peers and did not experience prejudice from anyone. She also

recalls better support from the teachers, which helped improve her school life.

“I thought it was more fun [at the Newcomer school] than being here…because it was just like everyone was foreign, then we got to know each other, and no one was like, “You’re brown, I don’t want to play with you, you’re not Norwegian… so…. it was… was… nice…” …… M: Especially Kristin…my old teacher… [helped me to think positive]. R: How did you think before then – did you think more negatively? M: Not… eh… Yes!… When I got here… it was like boring to be here… to be here in Norway, but now I think it’s… ‘okay’ – first I thought like negatively, but now I think I’m totally positive!

Parental Involvement in School

Most of the high achieving students at the Multicultural School have great support

from home. These parents are very involved in their children’s lives and educational

performances and aspirations. Conversely, most of the parents of students from the

Mainstream School were not very involved in their children’s lives at school.

Vladimir, the one student studied from this school who has a very involved parent, is

thriving in school, both socially and academically.

Home-School Contact

The Multicultural School has a good approach to maintaining a connection with

the students’ home lives. The teachers often visit their students at home if there is a

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problem and follows up when some extra guidance is needed. If the parents of the

students are not willing to have contact, the teachers make extra efforts to maintain

good communication with the students. The school does not openly oppose the

preferred lifestyle of the home, but still tries to gain the trust of the students. When

the parents cannot participate or do not attend parent-teacher conferences, the teacher

calls the home and sometimes even visits in person. The school also has a “social-

teacher” whose primary job is to remain in close contact with students and their home

lives, particularly those students with special needs.

At the Mainstream School, it is the responsibility of the head teacher in each class

to maintain contact with the students’ home lives. The school frequently arranges

conferences, social gatherings and meetings in an attempt to maintain good

communication with the parents. The teachers state that the attitude prevalent in the

school towards home contact could be better, yet they blame the parents for not being

actively involved in their children’s schooling. “They are the weak link of the

communication process. They don’t show up on parent-teachers’ conferences, or

other gatherings at the school” (Teacher at the mainstream School).

Linking Home, School, and Community

The students from the Multicultural School are involved in arranging a

multicultural café, with the intention of reaching out to the minority families and

increasing contact between home and school. It is intended to serve as a meeting

point between the various ethno-cultural groups represented in the school.

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The Mainstream School does not have (or plan to have) a similar avenue for

increasing communication and contact between home and school. The attitude is that

school is only for learning and does not encourage progression outside this context.

Extracurricular Activities and After School Programs

The Multicultural School organizes several activities outside the frame of

teaching and learning, with a focus on socializing and integrating all the students.

One example is the previously mentioned multicultural café. Another is the school

bistro of which the students retain responsibility. Each 9th grade class has a specified

time during which the students are responsible for the bistro. Four or five students are

assigned one week of duties including shopping, food preparation, selling and

cleaning up. This concept has increased the camaraderie and socialization of the class,

in that everybody is required to help and work with each other. No one is excluded,

and everybody has the same premises for success. Yet another example is the sports

activities offered during break time. The boys at the Multicultural School have

organized a ‘sports gang’ where anyone who wishes to play is given the opportunity

to participate. This has become a gathering spot for the students and a place where

newcomers can befriend the other students on a basis other than language, culture or

academics.

Similar extracurricular activities or programs are not offered at the Mainstream

School, or at least nobody interviewed knew about any.

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Homework Assistance

At the Multicultural School, there is a Homework Assistance Group offered as an

after school service for the students. The focus is on explaining and simplifying the

educational terminology and subjects. Many immigrant students take advantage of

this service. The teacher views this service as crucial to the academic achievement of

the immigrant students, considering that many do not receive much help at home.

At the Mainstream School there is not a similar group established for the students.

The parents are blamed for the students’ shortfalls for not being engaged in their

children’s education and failing to help them with their homework.

The Acculturation Attitude of the School

The Mainstream School has a melting pot (i.e. assimilation) approach defined by

the notion that newcomers should adapt to the Norwegian culture and follow

Norwegian guidelines of conduct in everyday life (Johannessen, 2001).

Unfortunately, this has the effect of creating negative attitudes toward the immigrants

choosing to maintain their own culture. The school’s stance on assimilation upholds

standards of similitude and uniformity as requirements for acceptance and inclusion.

There is limited opportunity for full integration and acceptance into the mainstream

group, particularly for those that do not embrace Norwegian standards of appearance

and behavior. There is not an established acceptance of expressions of ethnic

identities and the idea that native students should attempt to welcome and integrate

non-mainstream students into their groups is not widely supported. They do not

display interests in meeting and interacting with people from other cultures. Programs

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and activities are for minority students are not offered. The communication between

school and home is not exemplary, for which some of the teachers cite the parents’

lack of effort and involvement. “The parents of the minority students are not enough

involved in their child’s schooling. They are the week link of the communication

process” (Teacher at the Mainstream School).

In some regards, the school also displays an attitude of segregation (i.e.

separation) (Berry, 1996), in that the immigrant students are often withdrawn from

the other students to attend classes in certain subjects. This policy is an effort to

enhance language and terminology proficiency. In addition, some of the teachers feel

that the small-group instruction ideology is beneficial for immigrant students who are

often more passive in a larger class. The outcome of the schools’ acculturation

approach is that most of the immigrant students isolate themselves from the

Norwegian students and prefer to socialize only with other minorities, often to avoid

due to fear of rejection or exclusion.

The Multicultural School naturally upholds more of an attitude of

multiculturalism (Berry, 2006), defined as the “acceptance of cultural diversity and

integration and a mutual accommodation” (Phinney et al., 2006, p.75). The teachers

see the education of minority students as a means of integration and socialization.

School policy is to not separate immigrant students from the main classes, a strategy

aimed at accelerating the integration process.

“…we argue that [by keeping the minority students with the rest of the class] - even if all the students don’t have equal academic development, at least they will develop socially – they are in some environment - they

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are not stigmatized. The fact that they have to leave has got to affect their self-esteem…” (Teacher at the Multicultural School)

The exception to this policy is the Norwegian 2 language classes, which are made

up of exclusively of minority students for whom Norwegian is not the first language.

In accordance with the school’s preference for integration, this class is held while the

native students are attending similar language and elective courses. Another strategy

of the school is to mix the group of students instead of segregating the immigrant

students. The school also has a reputation for maintaining good communication with

the students’ home lives and even visiting their homes if necessary. The school’s

social-teacher is employed to facilitate this connection between home and school.

The teachers themselves appear to have multicultural mindsets, with many so

accustomed to a culturally and ethnic diverse student body, that they do not find the

students’ ethnicities to be distinguishing factors of their identities.

“[Sometimes] I have to stop and think about whether [the immigrant student] come from another country or not…because [some of them] are the types who function so well when you get them, right… it’s actually like you don’t think about [if the student is an immigrant or a Norwegian”]…The minority students don’t differentiate from the other mainstream students, but blend right in” (Teacher at the Multicultural School).

This multicultural orientation truly appears to give the students the option of

living their individual ethnic identities while still allowing them to embrace the

Norwegian identity. Based on the fact that one student was found to utilize a strategy

of assimilation in a setting where the national identity is not the dominant one, it can

be concluded that the students truly have the opportunity to become fully accepted

and integrated into whichever cultural identity/group they choose. In fact, the students

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at this school are less likely than the students at the Mainstream School to adopt the

attitude of separation. The Multicultural School also embraces a more unambiguous

acculturation pattern, perhaps the result of fewer constraints on the choice of strategy.


The Multicultural School employed strategies of integration and socialization in

regards to the acculturation of immigrant students, involving many of the

characteristics for promoting students’ sense of belonging in, mentioned by Gibson et

al. (2004). Most of the immigrant students at this school were characterized as having

high academic achievement, high proficiency in the Norwegian language and a

successful discovery of a place of belonging both in and out of school. An awareness

and respect for diversity was prevailing at this school, and both students and teachers

were actively involved in the welcoming and integration process of new students. The

students were conscious of strong support from their teachers. They felt their teachers

were concerned with, not only their academic development, but also in their well-

being and success in life. The result of the schools’ acculturation orientation was that

most of the students possessed integrated identities, indicating they were successfully

adapting; “Individuals who maintain their cultural identity as they become

acculturated to the different culture of the host country are adjusting more

successfully than those who do not” (Phinney, 1993, p, 90).

This study demonstrates that finding a sense of belonging is essential for a

successful acculturation and adjustments in both school and society. If the

immigrants feel excluded or rejected, it might affect their adjustments and senses of

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well-being in their new society (Phinney et al, 2006; Gibson et al., 2004). Zarai and

Monique provided perfect examples of how the feeling of acceptance contra rejection

plays out on acculturation and adjustment. Their backgrounds and acculturation

experiences were very similar. They both originated from African countries and

immigrated to Norway in their most critical years of adolescence (Erickson, 1959).

They did not look or sound Norwegian, which is a major hurdle to acceptance and

inclusion in Norway. In addition, the girls had only lived in Norway for a short period

of time (two years) and they both struggled with the Norwegian language. However,

their acculturation strategies, senses of belonging in school, and feelings of

satisfaction with their new lives were different. While they both had a supportive

social network at home, Monique did not feel included or accepted by her Norwegian

classmates and she socialized only with other immigrant students, especially those

from her own ethnic background, at school. She maintained her own ethnic identity,

but encountered problems getting adjusted to her new life in Norway. She had a

strong sense of belonging to her own ethnic group, but still felt alienated and

estranged in a culture and country so different from her own. She missed her

homeland and would like to return. It was difficult for her to feel at home in Norway.

Despite all their similarities, Zarai had never experienced prejudice or rejection.

She had many friends both from the Norwegian group and among people from

different ethnic backgrounds. She enjoyed life at school and was satisfied with her

life in Norway, which is in line with what Osterman (2000) says; “Being accepted,

included, or welcomed leads to positive emotions, such as happiness, elation,

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contentment, and calm, while being rejected, excluded, or ignored leads to often-

intense negative feelings of anxiety, depression, grief, jealousy, and loneliness”

(Osterman, 2000. p. 327). She preferred to remain in Norway and did not want to

return to her country of origin. She was able to adjust better between the two cultures

and felt more at home in Norway than Monique.

Despite of all the homesickness and acculturative stress that Monique had

experienced, she still achieved well in school, which is an indication that she maybe

had found her place of belonging. She received emotional and social support from her

family and other people from her own culture. She had only a selective group of

friends at school, but these friends also gave her a sense of self-worth and a place of

safety at school. She was very driven by her dreams and aspirations which motivate

her to do it well in school and achieve success. The acculturation stress she

experienced did not alter her ethnic identity or will to succeed in life, in fact, it

seemed to motive her. Perhaps if Monique felt support and acceptance from her

classmates and teachers, she would then be achieving even better in school and have

more opportunities for a successful life in Norway. This added support could

positively impact her in terms of education and future occupational success, and

naturally in regards to basic acceptance and integration into the Norwegian society. In

a multicultural environment, she would probably not have the urge to move away and

would have a better opportunity to fit in and be included, even by displaying her

ethnic identity.

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These findings highlight what a significant role the sense of belonging plays in

acculturation patterns and the adjustment of immigrant adolescents in school and host

society. When immigrant adolescents possess a strong sense of belonging - whether at

home, in school, or both - it boosts their self-esteems, resulting in positive self-

images, which in turn may positively impact their school performance (Gibson et al.,

2004).

5.3. The Association between Immigrants’ Acculturation Strategies and their Academic Achievement

The third research question, with reference to the association between the

immigrant adolescent’s acculturation strategies and their academic achievement, is

answered by focusing on the sense of belonging as the link between immigrant

students’ acculturation strategies and their academic achievement.

First, an analysis was conducted of the students’ academic achievements by

examining grade reports (both individual and national), the students’ own declaration

of achievement, and teacher perspectives of their scholastic success. In addition, the

students’ educational and future aspirations, and the parents’ support and attitude

towards education, were examined as factors shown to be critical to school

achievement among immigrant students. Next, comparisons were made between the

groups of immigrant students at the two schools, through an exploration of the

differences in academic achievements; senses of belonging; and acculturation

strategies.

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5.3.1 Academic Achievement of the Students from the Mainstream School

Vladimir

Vladimir has an average level of achievement at school, based on the class’ grade

reports and national tests and grade analysis. He seems to fit in well among his other

classmates and he is satisfied with his efforts and results. His mother has a solid

educational background and has been a major source of support for his achievements

in school. She motivates him and gives him positive perspectives on life and the

future. His stepfather is also a role model to him as he has a stable job and lives a

good life. Vladimir has dreams and plans for the future. He wants to be successful

and he posses the motivation to achieve his goal of living “the good life.” He would

like to work as a fire fighter or on an oil platform, like his father. “I am planning to

be rich!” he states, and he plans to spend his future fortune on racing cars.

Halas

Halas has a lower than average level of academic achievement in comparison to

the mean score of his class and national tests and grade analysis. He is satisfied with

his efforts and results at school. He sometimes receives help from his father with the

homework, and also from his older brother, when he is visiting. His parents usually

come to school conferences and other events at school. They do not put any pressure

on him or his brother to pursue an education. Halas does not have any aspirations to

achieve better in school and he is satisfied with his efforts and results as a student. He

does not have any grand dreams or goals for the future yet. In fact, he admits that he

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has not even thought about the future or about the importance of getting an education

or a job later in life. Despite all this, he does admire his older brother who is attending

high school, so he thinks he will follow in his brother’s footsteps.

Monique

Monique is a high achieving student, with great aspirations and dreams for the

future. She wants to become a doctor, and will pursue that dream by studying abroad

(outside Norway – in an English speaking country). Monique is satisfied with her

achievements in the Norwegian School, though she finds some subjects to be very

difficult. She is motivated to do it well in school because she knows it will pay off in

the future. She is very driven by her dreams and aspirations.

Her parents are also happy with her performance at school. She receives minimal

help from her parents with her homework, since they do not speak Norwegian very

well, although she and her younger sister often help each other with school work.

Monique might be inspired and encouraged to do well in school by her parents. Her

mother has a positive outlook on the future, and is hoping for her daughter’s dreams

to come true. “I want to live like a Norwegian!,” she proclaims. She longs for the

opportunity to make her own decisions in life. She also wants to have a house of her

own, a car, a good job, and an education. Monique’s mother values the education her

children are receiving and finds the Norwegian school to be very good as she has

noted that the children are learning better at this school. She claims to be very

involved in the children’s schooling. Perhaps her mother has been an inspiration for

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Monique to do well in school, which is crucial if she wants to follow her dream of

becoming a doctor.

Fathima

Fathima has a lower level of academic achievement as compared to the mean

score of her class and national test and grade analysis. She wants to continue

schooling, but does not have any specific plans or desires for an education or career.

One of the biggest hurdles Fathima must overcome to succeed in school is her lack of

motivation and aspiration. She is not very concerned with having an education or a

job later in life, and she does not have any motivation to succeed in school. She may

be influenced by her father’s negative belief that there is no future for immigrants,

especially Turks, in Norway. He prefers the acculturation attitude of separation and

does not feel accepted at all in the Norwegian society.

“…the Kurds are always treated - and feel second range, does not matter where they are…The problem for immigrants to Norway is to find a decent job”. “My skin color is dark – I will never become Norwegian. I will never be accepted as totally Norwegian because of my appearance!”

Another barrier to Fathima’s success in school is her lack of parental support for

her education. Fathima does not receive much help with homework from her parents,

probably because of language barriers. Her father also lacks the ability to be a source

of inspiration or motivation to his children, since he does not see any hope for his

own life as an immigrant in Norway.

“[The children] have to decide by themselves [what kind of education and job they want]. I cannot dream for them – Maybe they don’t like my dream…”. He continues, “You can always dream - about becoming rich,

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having a good life etc., but dreams are empty…You only dream, but gain nothing…”

Fathima’s mother is a role model for the traditional Turkish way of life which

adheres to the notion that woman should not work outside of the home and should put

their efforts into raising children and maintaining the household. They believe it is

more important for men to get an education and a job, since he is expected to be the

breadwinner in the family.

The Norwegian language is also an obstacle to Fathima’s academic success. She

attends the Norwegian2 class because she claims it is easier and since she primarily

socializes with other immigrants, her language proficiency is not given the full

opportunity to develop. Having limited contact with her Norwegian peers also

reduces her access to the socio-cultural and economical capital of the host country. It

is apparent that Fathima is not aware of the options for her future as she does not have

much knowledge of the educational choices available to her upon completion of

compulsory schooling. Feelings of rejection and discrimination might also hinder her

successful adjustment and acculturation at school.

Laura

Laura’s test scores fall below the mean scores of the class and the national tests

and grade analysis, indicating she has a low level of academic achievement. She

wants to continue schooling, but is not aware what options are available to her for

further education. One barrier to Laura’s achievement in school is her lack of support

as a student. Her school does not offer any form of homework assistance and because

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of language barrier, she does not receive much help with homework from her mother.

The only help she receives is from her younger sister.

Laura also lacks the motivation to do better in school. She and her mother are

both satisfied with her accomplishments and grades, and she does not have any

aspirations for pursuing a higher education or a career.

As with her best friend Fathima, the Norwegian language is also an obstacle to

her academic achievement. Laura attends the Norwegian2 class because she feels it is

less challenging and her language proficiency does not have ample opportunity to

develop as the majority of her socialization is with other immigrants. Her lack of

connection with her Norwegian peers hinders her opportunities to take advantage of

the benefits of the Norwegian culture and lifestyle. Laura obviously does not have

any knowledge of (or any desire to learn about) her educational opportunities after

compulsory school.

Fear of rejection and discrimination is also obstructing her successful adjustment

and acculturation in school. She is perhaps lacking in self-confidence and does not

have any positive role models to lead her to success.

5.3.2. Academic Achievement of Students from the Multicultural School

Patrick

Patrick scores just below the mean score of the class and those of the national

tests and grade analysis. He states he works hard to achieve in school, and is satisfied

with his own achievements and grades. He has high aspirations and wants to be

successful though he feels it is difficult.

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“It's kind of hard… if you want good grades, right - fives and sixes, then it's quite difficult.”

He works as hard in the Norwegian school as he did in Kosovo, and receives good

grades. But he still is not achieving as high as he did in Kosovo, where he won an

award for high achievement. Mia, his teacher, feels that he may be hindering his own

success in some ways.

“[Patrick] may not be doing as well as he would like to… what has been a shock for him is that he was really good [at school] when he was in his home country, and then he hasn’t been equally successful with the adjustment, so he has kind of lived in a vacuum, meaning that in his mind he is the best – or was, because apparently it was on those tests over there – and then you get a great deal of language problems, and then you’re not the best anymore – It seems like he has not wanted to acknowledge – and we need to work on that now – that he may have to go down to a lower level, and not take the very hardest assignments all the time, right – to work his way upward. Because he’s been very stubborn in that area, wanting to work with the most difficult things, and then he can’t really do it … “(Teacher at the Multicultural School)

Patrick’s educational goal is to put more effort into his homework in 10th grade,

since he has high aspirations for his future; “Well, I’ve thought about becoming a

doctor, but I’m not sure”. His inspiration for pursuing a career as a doctor stems from

watching his parents find success and happiness in their careers as nurses.

Zarai

Zarai scores just below the mean scores of the class and the national tests and

grade report analysis. She is achieving quite well in school, considering the short stay

she has had in Norway. Her favorite subjects are math and sports, but she has many

different interests and talents. She finds English to be a difficult subject, especially

since no one at home can help her with the homework.

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Zarai’s parents are involved in her education. Her father often helps her with her

homework and he also attends parent meetings or conferences at school. He

encourages her to continue school and pursue a higher education. He himself had only

some education in Sudan and his current job is cleaning. Her mother has some

educational background from Sudan as well, but does not have a degree. She would

like to continue school when her children are a little older.

Zarai sees education and hard work as the path to success.

“…if I think of myself now, and do all I can, and look straight ahead, and do my best, then I can do well for my children—in the future also. It will get much better, because…better than I have it now…”

Her father is inspiring her to reach her dreams of success.

“I’m picturing my father [as successful] — he hasn’t gone to school very much really. But I’ve learned a lot from him, because eh, when it comes to speaking with people, and how one should do it, and how one should get various things. And when it comes to schooling, he talks quite a lot with me about it, even though he hasn’t gone to school very long himself. His own father began to speak with him about school and education, that one day he’d need it—but he didn’t listen, and now he regrets it, that he didn’t do it [get an education]. And so now he begins to tell me about that, and speak about it and so on. And he starts, for example describing certain Sudanese people to me, like for example—“Look at him, he studied, and now he’s a doctor,” and…yeah!”

Zarai has high academic aspirations for her future. She wants to study in Norway

and become a doctor. She is very determined to do well in school and often makes

school work her priority over fun activities. She used to play soccer on a team at

school in the afternoons, but she quit so she could spend more time concentrating on

her education and her mastery of the Norwegian language.

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“…because I wasn’t so good at Norwegian, first of all, so I thought that if I used some of the time I use to play soccer, maybe I should rather use it to learn more Norwegian…and to use that time on school and schoolwork, to learn a little more there also. So that’s why I quit, and set my mind more on school.”

She is very dedicated to school and learning and has set her mind and dedicated

her time to learning and doing her best. She has no spare time for fun because she is

dedicated to becoming a better student and because she has many duties and chores at

home, such as watching her three younger siblings. Several of her teachers, commend

Zarai for being a hard worker and a dedicated student.

“…Zarai is an extremely diligent student… that she has managed to work her way up – the improvement she has shown is absolutely fantastic! … and with the home situation that she has and… she has a lot of work at home. So that is just very impressive” (Mia, teacher at the school). “Zarai works a lot both at school and at home” (Laila, teacher at the school). “Zarai…has many chores at home and very little spare time. She often has to do her homework after her younger siblings are in bed. She lives with her family in a small apartment, and does not have much opportunity to have some time by herself. This situation results in poor quality on school assignments” (Tina, teacher assistant at the school).

Milla

Milla is demonstrating very high academic achievement as a student, scoring

above the average of the mainstream students. She recently scored the highest grade

possible in her Norwegian language class. She is very proud of her accomplishments

and admits that she has to help her parents with correction of their written language,

and not vice versa. She is a very active student in the classroom, enjoying discussions

and conversations with her teacher and her classmates. She most enjoys Religion,

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Social Studies, and Norwegian which she feels contributes to her political and

religious views. Her educational goals are very clear and defined. Her immediate goal

is to be accepted at one of the best upper secondary schools in Bergen. Then she plans

to study law and to pursue a career as an attorney. She thinks this may be a result of

her interest in politics which she is already very involved in even at her young age as

she has expressed a desire to make changes. Nonetheless, she is aware that she may

change her mind, several times perhaps considering her active and involved persona.

She wants to make a difference in the world and to have an impact on her own future.

Her father is also very politically active and she often discusses interesting matters

with him.

Both her parents have higher education degrees and good jobs in Norway. Her

father has a Masters Degree in multimedia production and works full time as an

instructor at a school in the city, teaching acting technique and theatre. He also

manages a free theatre club. He has a business and training degree in business and

agronomy from Bosnia, but has been working within the area of theatre as far back as

his time in Bosnia. His wife earned her degree from the mechanical engineering

department in Bosnia and now works as an electrical engineer at a school in the city.

Her parents are very proud of her and find Milla very smart and independent when it

comes to her schoolwork. Her parents remain involved in her education by attending

the various events and parent conferences at Milla’s school. They have found the

school’s cooperation and communication with them to be successful.

“…Milla had for example experienced bullying, but it wasn't connected to her nationality, it wasn’t connected to the fact that she was a

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foreigner, right, so…It was more girl-gangs and such, which aren't connected to one's origins and these things, right...But it was the cooperation between school and homes which really worked…I’d say.”

Milla’s aspiration to become an attorney stems from her desire to make an impact

on the world.

“…I think I have realized how important it is to be active, to make decisions – to be a part of decision making… for our future. And I believe in human power and the ability to change the world, and then I think we need to know that too… and if we are to help our fellow human beings… who aren’t as fortunate as those of us who live in Norway, and I have examined this a lot by talking to my dad, and concluded that if I… if we want to accomplish anything, we have to be united. And then I joined [the political party] ‘Socialistic Youth’. And I think that has influenced me to help other people, and I am very interested in law and stuff.”

Jana

Jana achieves just above the mean score of the class. She also has an average

score compare to national tests and grade report analyses. She says she receives very

high grades in her English class and favors this subject above the others. The subject

she does not like and finds the most difficult is New Norwegian. She believes this

subject is too difficult for foreigners, especially those who do not speak Norwegian at

home.

Her father has a solid education as an architect, but has not been able to find a job

in this field in Norway. Jana thinks this is related to prejudices in the Norwegians

labor market; “They [the Norwegian employers] are not really eager to hire

foreigners, so…”. She does not know if her parents are happy in Norway or not, but

she remembers them being happier before the war. During her interview, she

mentions a lot of issues that might be hindering their attainment of senses of

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belonging and contentment in Norway. These obstacles include the typical stressors

of moving to a new country, the separation from friends and family, and their

inabilities to receive jobs related to their investment in education. The parents have

talked about moving back to Bosnia in a couple of years, though Jana would prefer to

stay in Norway and identifies this as her homeland. Her parents are passively

involved in her school life – they are available if she needs help with her homework,

but most often she manages to do it without help. For the most part, they attend the

obligatory meetings at school, although her father says he finds these events to be

“boring.” They encourage her to pursue a higher education, but do not push their

own desires on her. They give her the opportunity to make her own decisions.

Jana has thought about many options for future education and occupation and is

not yet certain what she wants to do, but she has considered pursuing a career in the

field of psychology, photography, or media/communication.

Marie

Marie has a lower academic achievement than the mean score of the class and the

national tests and grade report analyses. Her favorite subject is math and she is proud

of sometimes scoring very high on tests. She finds that she masters the subject well

since she already learnt most of the curriculum in the Philippines. Tina, a teacher

assistant at Marie’s school, says that she “is a smart student. The problem is only her

hearing.” Tina actually discovered that Marie had a hearing defect and needed an

operation. Before the operation she was not able to understand what the teacher said

and couldn’t follow the teaching instruction.

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“Because of this, she is still a step behind the other students in the class. But she reads very well and is not afraid to ask for help when she needs it.”

Marie takes part in the After School Home work Group offered at school, since

her parents are too busy to help her at home. Her stepfather works as the

superintendent for the apartment complex where her family lives. Her mother works

in the fish industry in the city, and also has a job as a cleaning assistant at private

homes. Her parents encourage Marie to continue schooling, and she wants to get into

upper secondary school and college. Her aspiration is to become a dentist and she

dreams about moving back to the Philippines and studying dentistry there, but she

does not think this a realistic dream; “We’re staying here [in Norway] for the rest of

our lives,” she says.

5.3.3. Teachers’ Perspectives on the Students’ School Achievement:

a) The Mainstream School Students’ Academic Achievement

Kari, a teacher at the Mainstream School, states there are differences in school

achievement between the immigrant groups. She claims students from Bosnia are

more quickly integrated than students from Serbia, and that African students,

especially from Somalia, have lower levels of academic achievement. Her

explanations for the differences in academic achievement are cultural differences,

educational background, unemployment, low Norwegian language proficiency, and

an attitude of separation and seclusion.

Gerd, another teacher at the Mainstream School, has found that the immigrant

students in general have a poorer academic outcome than mainstream students, but

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acknowledges there are big differences between the various ethnic groups. She claims

that students from Somalia, Kosovo, Turkey, and Ethiopia often have poorer

outcomes than students from Russia, Latvia, Estonia, and Bosnia. She views the

cultural differences between the host country and home country of the immigrants to

be the primary explanation for their diverse levels of academic achievement; “The

Bosnians are similar to the Norwegians in culture, look, religion, value of education,

etc.”

b) The Multicultural School Students’ Academic Achievement

Laila, a teacher at the Multicultural School, finds that the immigrant students

generally have good academic performance levels, but their achievements also

depend on where they originated from. She finds the students from earlier Yugoslavia

(Bosnia and Croatia) have higher academic achievement; “These students want to be

integrated and they adjust faster than other immigrants”. The reason for this, the

teacher explains, is probably because their culture is very similar to the Norwegian

culture. They also tend to be of the mind-set that education is the path to a higher

socio-economic standard and a better life. The boys and the girls are treated equally

in both cultures and it is seen as important for both genders to attend school.

Mia, another teacher, states that the academic achievement of minority students is

very diverse; “I think there is great variety, but they do surprisingly well compared

with what we hear through the media”. Many of the students are doing remarkably

well, while others are less successful. Mia notices that students coming from cultures

with great differences to the Norwegian culture, for example Iraq, have lower

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academic achievements than immigrant students from cultures very similar to the

Norwegian culture. However, the teacher explains, there are also significant

variations amongst these students.

“…[Some students from Iraq] are really on the sidelines and are very difficult to [reach]… they have a negative attitude to working, and they work and don’t succeed, they say – and refuse to practice the language very much, and then they only want to speak Arabic to each other”. “… But [another student] from Iraq - I have him in my class… he didn’t have anyone else from Iraq, and he is extremely well adjusted; he is a top student. But he is a Kurd, actually…The [other two] are both from Baghdad…and are the two students in our class who have the poorest level of adjustment – that is, we have great difficulty in getting them to function.”

Tina, an assistant teacher, is acquainted with many of the students from the

Homework Assistance Program, and she notes that the students participating in this

study are very unique and positive. Most of them want to pursue a higher education.

5.3.4. Comparison of the Students’ Acculturation and Achievement

Acculturation Strategies

This study uncovered vast differences in acculturation strategies between the two

schools. Most of the students at the Multicultural School demonstrate acculturation

strategies of integration, while most of the students at the Mainstream School

demonstrate acculturation strategies of separation, often in combination with another

strategy.

Sense of Belonging

Immigrant students from the Multicultural School were found to have much

stronger senses of belonging at school than the immigrant students at the Mainstream

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School. They also display stronger feelings of belonging in association with smaller,

more intimate student social groups. Most of them are proud of who they are and of

their nationalities. The students from the Multicultural School also seem to have more

confidence and they engage in more self-reflection than the students at the other

school. They believe in themselves and do not withdraw from social groups or try to

become invisible. They are also more defined in their cultural identities. Many

demonstrate integrated identities, which indicates they identify with and feel at home

in both their own cultures and the Norwegian culture.

Academic Achievement

The most significant aspect of the results of this research is the vast differences in

the levels of academic achievement and the Norwegian language proficiencies

between the two groups of students. Most of the immigrant student from the

Multicultural School are achieving to a much higher degree than the immigrant

students from the Mainstream School. Their aptitudes of the Norwegian language are

definitely much better than those of the students at the Mainstream School, even

though many of the students have lived in Norway for shorter periods of time. Many

of the students from the Multicultural School also have bigger dreams and higher

educational aspirations than the students from the Mainstream School. Most of the

more exceptional students from both schools have strong support systems at home, as

their parents were very involved in their children’s lives, educational performances

and aspirations.

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The tables below give an overview of the students’ acculturation and

achievements. They cover the areas of academic achievement, sense of belonging,

and acculturation strategy. The students are presented in two tables, representing the

two schools.

Table 7. Acculturation and Achievement of Students from the Mainstream School

Areas of comparison

Monique

Fathima

Vladimir

Halas

Laura


Separation Separation/ integration

Integration/ assimilation

Integration/ assimilation

Separation/ Integration

Sense of belonging (in/outside school)

Strong sense of belonging to own ethnic culture outside school; Feels discriminated against and excluded by the national group at school; Positive sense of belonging to own ethnic group and other immigrants at school

Positive sense of belonging to own culture at home; Feels discriminated against and excluded by the national group at school; Positive sense of belonging to group of mixed cultures in/outside school

Firm sense of belonging to own culture at home; Very close relationships with Norwegian best friends in/outside school

Positive sense of belonging to own culture at home; Positive relationships with all cultural groups in/outside school

Positive sense of belonging to own culture at home; Feels discriminated against and excluded by the national group at school; Positive sense of belonging to group of mixed cultures in/outside


Above average

Low Average Low Low

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Table 8. Acculturation and Achievement of Students from the Multicultural School

Areas of comparison

Patricia Zarai Milla Jana Marie


Assimilation Integration Integration Integration/ Marginalization

Separation

Sense of belonging (in/outside school)

Firm sense of belonging at home; Positive relationships with both Norwegians and other cultural groups in/outside school

Firm sense of belonging to own ethnic culture at home; Positive relationships with all cultural groups in/outside school

Strong sense of belonging to own ethnic culture at home; Strong relationships with both Norwegians and other cultural groups in/outside school

Diffuse identity, Feels at home in both cultures, but at the same time she feels alienated; Strong sense of belonging to mixed cultural group outside school; Some close relationships at school.

Feels she is far away from home; Weak sense of belonging in school - Feels excluded by the national group at school and has few close friends; Strong sense of belonging to own ethnic group in youth club.


Just below average

Just below average

Above average

Average Low


When comparing the students’ acculturation strategies, senses of belonging, and

academic achievements, a pattern was discovered. The students utilizing the

separation strategy while at school (which entails maintaining their original cultures

and avoiding interaction with other cultural groups), who also do not have strong

senses of belonging at school, or have feelings of rejection and alienation, have lower

levels of academic achievement. This is mostly the case at the Mainstream School.

On the contrary, the students who utilize strategies of integration (which is the

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maintenance of original cultures while still maintaining contact and interaction with

other cultural groups), and have greater senses of belonging in school and have not

experienced prejudice or rejection, are achieving to a higher degree. This is the

notable tendency at the Multicultural School.

However, the results also show that there are exceptions to the rule. Monique

experienced discrimination and exclusion from the dominant group at school, yet she

still had a high level of academic achievement. This may be a result of her strong

sense of belonging among her own ethnic group both in and out of school, which she

maintains despite feelings of rejection from the dominant group at school. She also

had an especially defined ethnic identity, along with great aspirations for the future.

In addition, she has strong support from her parents and some of her previous

teachers.

Another student, Halas, had a positive sense of belonging both in and outside of

school, though he still had a low level of academic achievement. The explanations for

this may be his lack of a strong educational support system at both school and home.

He also does not seem to be very determined or have aspirations to succeed. He

appears to have a diffuse identity and just floats around without a goal. However, he

is still very young, so this may change in the future.

Through the findings of this research it was determined that it is not solely the

students’ acculturation strategies that are associated with their academic

achievements. On the contrary, the socio-cultural context was found to influence all

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aspects of acculturation researched to include the acculturation strategies, the sense of

belonging, and achievement and adjustment in school.

This research demonstrates that the acculturation attitude of the school has a great

impact on the immigrant students’ academic achievements and adjustments in school.

At the school that displayed an attitude of integration/multiculturalism, most of the

immigrant students are achieving well and have greater feelings of belonging in

school. At the other school, which prefers a strategy of separation (i.e. melting pot),

many of the immigrant students desire a place of belonging within the mainstream

group, but feel they are not accepted or included. Most of these students have lower

levels of academic achievement than the rest of the class. The conclusion drawn from

these findings is that it is not the acculturation strategies of the immigrant individuals

that makes an impact on their adjustments and achievements in school, but rather the

acculturation strategies of the schools and the dominant groups.

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VI. Achievement for all Students

This dissertation examines three important issues regarding acculturation and

adjustment of young immigrant students in Norway, including: which strategies

immigrant adolescents use in coping with acculturation stress; the impact of

acculturation on identity; and the students’ acculturation patterns in association with

their level of academic achievement. Through narrative analysis of the young

immigrants’ interviews, in addition to interviews with parents and teachers, a broad

picture was discovered of the various ways immigrant adolescents in Norway deal

with the challenges of living in a culture different from their culture of origin.

Findings concerning the third sub question, “Which acculturation strategy is the most

adaptive for belonging and performing in school for immigrant students in Norway?”

are presented in this final and concluding chapter.

In line with earlier research, the findings of this research demonstrate that

acculturation strategies are used in coping with the challenges associated with

migration experiences (Berry 1990, 1992, 1997, 2001; Chryssochoou, 2004; Gibson,

1991, 1988; Ogbu, 1974, 1983, 1991; Phinney, et al., 2006; Shemaria, 1993). A great

variety of acculturation strategies were found among the immigrant adolescents, as

they employed different ways of dealing with the challenges of living in a culture

different from their culture of origin. Most of them preferred integration, though often

in combination with other strategies. Separation was the second most utilized

acculturation attitude of the students, followed by assimilation, and finally,

marginalization.

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Further, the findings demonstrate that acculturation strategies are utilized in the

search for a sense of belonging and sense of self (Liebkind, 2006; Phinney 1989,

1993; Phinney et al., 2006), as well as contributing to feelings of comfort and safety.

It was also discovered that, particularly among immigrant adolescents, these

strategies are used for avoiding feelings of loneliness and rejection.

In line with Berry’s theories (2001), which considers the acculturation attitudes of

the dominant group as a depending factor for the acculturation strategies and attitudes

of the immigrant group and individual, this research found the acculturation attitudes

of the dominant group, such as those attitudes held by the school and by the

immigrants’ classmates, to be connected to the immigrant adolescents’ acculturation

and adjustment patterns in school.

The acculturation attitudes between the two schools in this study varied greatly,

which resulted in the adoption of completely different acculturation and adjustment

patterns among the immigrant students; depending on which school they attended.

Most of the students from the school with a multicultural orientation preferred the

acculturation strategy of integration. The school’s attitude of nurturing and developing

integration and socialization, gave the students the opportunity to mingle with

different socio-cultural groups. This created a foundation for tolerance and acceptance

of various ethnic identities, and the students were thus allowed more freedom in

choosing their strategies for acculturation. The immigrant students at this school were

achieving well and had strong senses of belonging in school. At the school with the

acculturation attitude of separation (i.e. melting pot), many of the immigrant students

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wished to have a place of belonging within the mainstream group, but felt they were

not accepted or included. Most of these students had lower academic achievement

levels than the their classmates, who belonged to the dominant group. The findings

from this study stress the importance of developing a school system with an

acculturation attitude and strategy that will promote adjustment and achievement for

all students.

6.1. The Strategy of Integration – a Way to Success

The acculturation strategy of integration, which is the maintenance of original

culture while still having contact and interaction with other cultural groups (Berry et

al., 2006), is demonstrated to be the most successful strategy for adjustment in the new

society (Andriessen, 2006; Berry, 2005; Berry et al., 1989; Phinney, 1993; Sam &

Berry, 1995; Berry et al, 2006; Phinney et al., 2006). Integration is also demonstrated

to be the most adaptive strategy for immigrants to achieve in school (Gibson, 1988).

The findings from this research show the same pattern, as most of the students who

utilized the acculturation strategy of integration were achieving well in school.

Further, immigrants who have an integrated identity, which is the sense of

belonging to both the ethnic group and the larger society, are revealed by earlier

research to have the most successful adjustment, both in the society and at school

(Andriessen, 2006; Phinney et al., 2001). The findings from this research support this

theory as well, revealing integration as the most adaptive strategy for belonging in

school. The students who had an integrated identity (Phinney et al., 2006), those who

identified with and had friends from both their ethnic groups and the Norwegian

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group, were the most satisfied and comfortable in school. These students also had

higher academic achievements. This is in line with the theories of Phinney et al.

(2001), declaring: “Individuals who maintain their cultural identity as they become

acculturated to the different culture of the host country are adjusting more

successfully than those who do not” (p.502). Hence, this research also shows that not

all of the students who employed a strategy of integration had high levels of academic

achievement, but they were still well adapted and happy in school. They were

actively involved in both their own ethnic cultures and the Norwegian culture, and

had friends across both or various cultures. They were able to balance the life

between two (or more) cultures and had found a place of belonging in one or both

groups.

Finally, this study indicate that integration, also called multiculturalism when

utilized by the dominant group, is a strategy which the school can utilize in promoting

achievement for all students. The school with a multicultural orientation appeared to

be more successful in fostering feelings of belonging and academic achievement

among the immigrant students in this research. Most of the immigrant students at this

school displayed high academic achievement and high proficiency in the Norwegian

language, and they had managed to find places of belonging in and out of school. The

answer to the third sub question is that integration is the most adapting acculturation

strategy for belonging and performing in school for immigrant students in Norway –

with regards to both the immigrant individual and the dominant group.

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6.1.1. An Orientation toward Multiculturalism

This empirical study demonstrates integration or ‘multiculturalism’ as the most

successful strategy for the school to promote belonging and performing in school for

immigrant students (Berry, 1996, berry & Sam, 1997; Berry et al., 2006; Gibson,

1988). Gibson (1991; 2004) recommends the school uphold an acculturation

orientation of multiculturalism through “educational policies and programs that

foster learning environments where [immigrant] students are given full opportunity to

participate in the mainstream of [the] society while also, if they so choose,

maintaining their separate identities and cultures” (p.13). Based on Gibson et al.’s

(2004) theory of a strong and positive link between students’ sense of belonging in

school and their academic achievement level, this study examined the socio-cultural

contexts of the two schools, looking at several linked to the students’ well-beings and

senses of belonging in school (Gibson et al., 2004), such as safe spaces, border-

crossing, opportunities for positive inter-group and intercultural contact, support

(from teachers and other adults), contact between home – school – and community,

extracurricular activities and after school programs, and the acculturation attitude of

the school. These elements revealed that the school with a multicultural orientation

was the most successful in fostering adjustment and achievement of all the students.

Hence, the strategy of multiculturalism has also been criticized. The critique of

this orientation is that it has too much focus on the right to be different, which may

lead to stigmatizing of minority children. It is argued that too much focus on the right

to be different might come at the expenses of the social rights and responsibilities in

249

the society, with the result that immigrants are excluded from becoming equal

members of the society (Hedegaard, 2004; Necef, 1994; Schierup, 1993).

In ensuring that both the dominant and the minority groups are amenable to the

fundamental right of all people to engage in their preferred cultural lifestyles, a

mutual accommodation is demonstrated to be a crucial factor (Berry, 2006; Phinney

et al., 2006; Sam et al., 2006). This entails immigrants adopting some of the basic

values of their host society, but also encourages the national society to make

provisions for successful and positive interactions in a multicultural society (Berry,

2006; Phinney et al., 2006). Basically, for multiculturalism to be beneficial for

everyone, it requires a society in which there is a mutual respect and acceptance

between the host society and the minority groups, thus ensuring privileges and

obligations are available to all members of the society (Berry, 2006).

Cummins (1989) argues that an orientation of assimilation often has a disabling

effect on the personal and academic standards of minority students, while an attitude

favoring integration and an acceptance of multiculturalism “will result in minority

student empowerment, a concept that…implies the development of the ability,

confidence and motivation to succeed academically [for immigrant students]” (p.60).

Cummins (1989) also emphasizes teacher involvement; communication between the

cultural groups; and collaborative community participation as crucial components for

empowering immigrant students in school. He stresses the significant impact social

relationships have on students’ education processes, in that “engagement in learning,

particularly for [immigrant students], is fueled as much by affect as by

250

cognition…teachers have to create environments that affirm the identities of

[minority] students…” (p.60).

6.1.2. Contact and Communication

This study found another considerable influence on the immigrant students’

acculturation patterns to be the parents’ acculturation attitudes, as well as the

magnitude of cultural differences. Hedegaard (2004) has analyzed the conceptions of

Turkish immigrant families in regards to their children’s schooling, and found that a

cultural conflict between home and school may influence the learning and

development of immigrant children (Hedegaard, 2004, p.277). She emphasizes the

relationship between societal meaning and personal sense, and explains that “sense

captures the personal and motivational aspects of activity, but it can only be

expressed through a shared meaning system. The cultural traditions of home and

school and their meanings systems are the public or shared field of practice that a

child enters into in these institutions.” Hedegaard (2004) also notes that, “the child’s

sense of these practices develops together with his or her acquisition of connected

meaning systems” (p.282), and explains that minority children can experience

difficulties in applying what they learn in school with their everyday life, which may

cause a conflict between the two meaning systems of the child. She found three

different types of conflict relating to the types of acculturation attitudes the immigrant

parents’ have in regards to cultural maintenance and contact with the culture of the

host society. The first type of conflict emerges between from the parents’ acceptance

or rejection of the practices and traditions of the school system and their desires to

251

maintain their own cultural identities. The second type of conflict is found between

parents’ different motives for their children’s school practices, which also relates to

the issue of cultural maintenance, contact and participation with the culture of the

host society. The third type of conflict exists between the motives and positions of the

parents’ in terms of their children’s contact with children from the majority culture.

Hedegaard (2004) concludes that better communication between teachers and parents

can lead to greater awareness and sensitivity toward differences in practiced

traditions. She states this may eventually lead to the immigrant children developing

this awareness and sensitivity and ultimately becoming better accomplished in their

understandings of and adjustments to the contrasting practices and cultures between

home and school.

The findings from this research show that positive contact and communication

between the students and the teachers; the students and their parents; the students and

their classmates; home and school; and between the host country and the minorities

are beneficial to the immigrant students’ adjustment and achievement in school.

Research shows that little contact and communication between the dominant group

and the diverse minority groups may lead to prejudice and intolerance (Blom, 2007;

Johannessen, 2001; Statistics Norway, 2008). A positive contact and communication,

on the other hand, provide understanding and development of all the elements

involved in the acculturation process (Hedegaard, 2004).

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6.1.3. Fostering and Nurturing the Sense of Belonging and Identity

The way to promote adjustment and achievement for immigrant students is

demonstrated to include the fostering and nurturing of the students’ sense of

belonging (Gandara & Gibson, 2004; Gibson et al., 2004; Goodenow & Grady, 1993;

Osterman, 2000). The findings from this research support these theories in revealing

the sense of belonging as a criterion for a successful acculturation and adjustment for

immigrant adolescents. This research shows that becoming involved with friends and

maintaining a secure social network is be the primary approach to adjustment among

immigrant students in Norway, in addition to learning the Norwegian language. The

social identity is very important for young adolescents, as are the feelings of

acceptance and inclusion. Young immigrants to Norway find different ways of

making themselves feel comfortable and safe, and of establishing senses of

belonging. They either adapt to fit in with the national group (assimilation), find a

place of belonging among members of their own culture group (separation), or they

identify with both groups (integration). Individuals who struggle to fit in with any of

the cultural groups in the new society feel marginalized and lack a sense of

belonging. This was not significantly found among the immigrant students in this

study, but was discovered to be the case with some of the students’ parents. When

immigrants have a strong sense of belonging, either in or out of school - or both, it

boosts their self-esteem and gives them positive sense of self, which also is to be

associated with a successful school performance (Gibson et al., 2004). All of the

young immigrant students participating in this research had found places of

253

belonging, which made them feel comfortable and capable to deal with acculturation

stress.

Hence, this research also shows that the school’s agenda for nurturing and

fostering students’ senses of belonging has an important impact on adjustments and

achievements in school for the immigrant students. Most of the students from the

school which actively cultivated the students’ sense of belonging, displayed a strong

sense of self and well-being, as well as higher scholastic achievements. On the other

hand, the immigrant student who felt excluded and rejected in school showed low

levels of adjustments and well-beings in school, as well as in the society. They often

had a difficult time feeling at home and settling in Norway.

The fostering of a sense of self and a strong cultural identity is an important

aspect of acculturation and achievement in school among the immigrant students

(Cummins, 1989; Gandara & Gibson, 2004; Gibson et al., 2004; Phinney et al., 2006).

The findings of this research highlight that when immigrants find a strong sense of

belonging, it raises their self-confidence and cultivates a positive sense of self, which

tends to be beneficial to educational performance. Immigrant students need a safe and

positive school environment, where they feel they belong (Gandara & Gibson, 2004;

Gibson et al., 2004). This research also demonstrates that a positive sense of self is

reflected by positive contact and communication with others and positive contact and

participation with the host society.

Cummins (1989) argues that academic failure among minority students is

frequently caused by insecurities and ambivalence towards the values of their own

254

cultural identities instigated by power relations and negative interaction with the

dominant group (p.57). He has considered what types of interventions are required to

reverse the pattern of immigrant students’ educational failure, and emphasizes that

teachers and educators need to empower immigrant students by subtly reinforcing the

importance of their ethnic identities and languages; and by creating opportunities for

expressions of their unique cultural identities through the written and oral use of their

native languages. He also recommends creating strong connections and collaborations

with minority parents and exploring with them the means by which they can promote

their children’s literacy at home (Cummins, 1989, p.57). He states that educators who

empower their students create in them the confidence to manage their own lives, and

subsequently develop the motivations and aptitudes for scholastic achievement. He

emphasizes the power teachers have, stating teachers have the ability to convince the

minority students that they “are either empowered, or alternatively, disabled,

personally and academically” (Cummins, 1989, p.4). The students must gain

confidence in their abilities to effectively utilize their skills and knowledge to

successfully achieve educational goals, which will result in that the students become

more competent and active participation in class (Cummins, 1989).

6.1.4. Nurturing and Developing the “Whole Man”

“Teaching children from cultural minority families in majority schools demands both integrating the children into the majority society, while respecting the children’s cultural family background… The objective of school education should be to develop the child as a whole person, so that what the child learns in school is useful and meaningful for the child in his or her life outside school” (Hedegaard, 2004, p.277-280).

255

While endeavoring to increase the academic achievements and levels of

knowledge of all students through the new school reform in Norway, it is important to

remember the goal of fostering the development of “the whole man”; through

nurturing and valuing “the meaning seeking man”; “the creative man”, “the working

man”, “the social man”, “the co-operating man,” and “the environmentally conscious

man”; which collaboratively create “the integrated man” (Norwegian Ministry of

Education and Research, 2006). The main principles of the new education policy need

to maintain the focus on “learning through and in relation to living” (Dewey, 1899),

in which there is a close relationship between the school and the children’s lives.

School should be a place where the children thrive; a place where they feel they

belong and can share their existing knowledge and experiences.

6.2. Recommendations for Further Research

The study found the issue about of immigrants and language proficiency to be a

very important aspect of immigrants and school achievement. Most of the students at

the school with a multicultural orientation had a high proficiency in the Norwegian

language, and they seemed to learn the Norwegian language faster than at the school

with the orientation of assimilation/segregation. In addition, these students were also

successful in school, both academically and socially. Findings from this research

demonstrate the different acculturation orientations of the schools to be closely

related to the students’ proficiency in the Norwegian language. Further, language is

revealed to be a depending factor for acceptance and inclusion of immigrants in

256

Norway (Johannessen, 2001). Norwegians are revealed to have a strong language

identity (Westin, 2006), and proficiency in the Norwegian language is often given as

a criteria for immigrants to become accepted and integrated into the Norwegian

society (Johannessen, 2001). This study suggests that further research be made on

how to promote language proficiency of immigrants to Norway, especially with

reference to issues such as: the importance of learning the language spoken and used

in the host country; language instruction and its’ impact on belonging and performing

in school; and the value of mother tongue instruction.

Another suggestion for further research is the role of the parents in the students’

academic achievement and aspiration. The findings from this research demonstrate

that the students whose parents were involved and engaged in their lives, with

reference to school, were more successful than the students who received little

involvement or support from home. There is a need to explore approaches on how to

involve parents in the schooling of their children. This is an issue that implicates

parents in general, not only the parents of immigrant backgrounds.

There is also a need for further research on how to integrate the parents of the

students. Findings from this research demonstrate that the students’ acculturation

strategies were connected to the acculturation attitudes of the parents. In focusing also

on the students’ parents, the promotion of academic achievement among immigrant

students in Norway can be furthered. The findings from this research demonstrate that

when the parents were integrated and had a positive outlook on life – so did their

children. On the other hand, when the parents were feeling marginalized and had lost

257

their dream, the children appeared to follow in the same pattern of thinking. In further

research on immigrant adolescents, it is very important to include all the aspects of

the immigrant children’s’ life in order to help them adjust and be successful in their

new country.

258

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APPENDIX

Narrative Portraits of the Immigrant Students

The narratives present the immigrant students’ acculturation processes through

looking at their life history and background; the challenging situation of being an

immigrant child; how they adjusted to the many changes; their cultural identity and

sense of belonging, and other variables central to the acculturation process (suggested

by Phinney et al., 2006, p.108), including: language proficiency and usage, social

contacts, (family relationship values), perceived discrimination, and differences to the

domestic society. The narratives also present the student’s performance and sense of

belonging in school, including their educational- and future aspiration.

Vladimir

Background/Migration experience: Vladimir is a thirteen-year-old boy,

originating from the Ukraine, Russia. He is a typical teenage boy, who does not tell

much about himself, unless asked very direct questions. He seemed to be a little

uncomfortable doing an interview and telling about himself and his experiences as an

immigrant. His answers were often very short and very little informative (Even

though more extra-questions were given to prompt a more informative answer, it was

not very successful).

Vladimir immigrated to Norway together with his mother when he was ten years

old. His mother had just married a Chilean man, who had lived in Norway for a

longer period of time working on an oil platform in the North Sea. So they left his

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grandmother and other relatives, and moved to his new Chilean father in Norway.

Vladimir has adjusted well to his new life in a new country. He did not experience

many difficulties related to the immigration. He has not experienced any form of

racism, but has only positive experiences of friendliness and politeness among the

Norwegian citizens. – His looks are very ‘Nordic’ so many people do not look at him

as a ‘stranger’. He enjoys living in Norway. – He has fewer friends than he had in

Russia, but he still is happy.

Cultural Identity: Vladimir says he feels more Russian than Norwegian – maybe

ninety percent Russian and ten percent Norwegian! He is proud of his original home

country. The traditional holidays are almost the same in Norway as in Russia, and

they celebrate the days slightly different at home. His mother says he has turned

“very Norwegian”, and does not have much left of a Russian identity. “He does not

miss or get ‘nostalgic’ about his old home country”, she states. Vladimir lives in the

moment – fully integrated into the Norwegian way of life. The family visits Ukraine

about once a year, so Vladimir has been back to his old home country about three

times.

Cultural Differences: Vladimir cannot see any differences between the

Norwegian and the Russian people. He believes they think and feel the same.

Language: He speaks the Norwegian language with a heavy accent, but

communicates well (sometimes he has problems with understanding the questions

during my interview). He learned the language when he entered the ‘Newcomer

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School’ in the city. At home he speaks Russian with his mother and Norwegian with

his father.

He speaks and uses both languages interchangeable – depending on the context.

The two languages are so integrated in his life that he does not even think about

which one is more important to him than the other. He says he is most used to the

Norwegian language now, and believes he thinks and dreams in the Norwegian

language.

Social contacts/activities: All of his three best friends are Norwegian. He hangs

out with the same friends at school as at home. He sometimes meets other people

from Ukraine, who are friends of his mother. The family visits mostly with other

Russian friends. Vladimir likes biking with his best friends. They bike a lot – and far.

He even bikes to school. He is also joining a Norwegian battalion, where they learn to

march. He might also start playing basketball with a team, with other boys from his

class. Vladimir does not like to hang out in bigger ‘gangs’ or groups. He seems to like

the intimacy and closeness of small friendship groups.

Adjusting: One of the challenges he thinks are facing immigrant adolescents to

Norway is finding friends. Vladimir had no problems with finding friends when he

first came to Norway; “Lots of people wanted to hang out with me… neighbors and

friends in my class. I made friends almost right away”. That was a factor that helped

him adjust and to feel at home in Norway. He does not think he has changed very

much as a person with the move to Norway. He has stayed the same

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Belonging and performing in School: Vladimir seems to fit well in among his

other classmates. He is active in the classroom and has a good communication with

the teacher and the other classmates. He mingles with the same friends at school as he

plays with at home. The school systems in Norway and in Ukraine are different,

Vladimir exclaims. “In Russia we had to take off our hats and raise our hands, and we

always had to be quiet in class…” Vladimir is satisfied with his academic

achievement. He spends approximately one and a half hour a day on his homework

and does not need help with it. His favorite subjects are the more practical subjects

and the non-traditional classroom subjects, such as ‘shop/wood working’, gymnastics,

and ‘reading hour’. At break time he goes for short walks around the schoolyard with

his friends. He would wish to have more room to move and to play on, like a green

park – “like they had in Russia”. He and his friends do not join the other classmates in

the sport games performed in the schoolyard during the break.

Advice to young immigrants coming to Norway: “Be normal…not do anything

stupid, so that …everyone think he is a…bad…friend”.

Future Dreams and Aspiration: Vladimir would like to work as a fire fighter or

on an oil platform – like his father. He is also dreaming of ‘the good life’: “I am

planning to be rich!” he states, and would like to spend his imagined fortune on

racing cars. Still, success to him does not mean having a lot of money, but “…being

happy, having good friends, and family”.

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Notion about success: Vladimir describes a successful person as ‘a lucky fellow’

– “[Being successful is] being happy…having good friends and family” (p.8). That is

the most important goal in life for him.

Halas

Background: Halas is a 13-year-old boy, originating from Ethiopia. He came to

Norway 3-4 years ago with his father, mother and older brother (16). Halas is not

aware of the reason for the move to Norway, but it was most assumingly because of

war. His parents are now separated - His brother lives with his mother and Halas lives

with his father. He lives in the same neighborhood as most of his classmates.

He does not use a big quantity of words when describing his life in Ethiopia; “Eh,

sort of good…” – Maybe he does not remember much, or what happened is not so

important to him. The family has not been back in Ethiopia since they emigrated. He

still has some family living there; his grandmother and some aunts.

Immigrant Experience: Halas found it a little startling to move to a different

country. Some of the challenges he met were to understand and speak the Norwegian

language. He also found it a little difficult to make friends at first, because he

couldn’t speak the language.

Cultural identity: When asked about his cultural identity, Halas answers that he

first of all feels very Norwegian, though he also feels Ethiopian. He does not find it

very difficult to live with two cultures. At home they follow some of the Ethiopian

customs and traditions. He and his family are Christians, not Muslims.

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Cultural differences: Halas does not feel that his life or himself has changed

much since moving to a different country. He does the same things in Norway as he

did in Ethiopia – such as playing soccer with friends. He comes from a Christian

background so most of the Norwegian cultural traditions and holidays are also

celebrated at home. Living in two cultures is not any challenge to Halas – He does not

dwell on differences or challenges – he just moves with the changes around him and

adjusts very easily.

Also he does not feel that his life at home and at school is very different;

“No…Don’t think so…I don't know…I talk somewhat differently at home…” He

seems to be happy and content with how things are and does not really think about the

differences – that’s how his life is – nothing to make a fuss about! “No I don’t

know…”

Language: Halas started learning the Norwegian language at the ‘Newcomer

‘school’, where he went for one year before entering the ‘Mainstream School’. It only

took him about half a year to learn Norwegian. The family speaks Ethiopian with

each other at home. His father speaks some Norwegian, and his mother learned some

Norwegian through a language course that was offered. Halas says he has forgotten

most of his native language and prefers to speak Norwegian. He declines the offer of

‘mother tongue instruction’ at school, and the parents let him make the choice.

Norwegian is the language he thinks and dreams in.

Social contacts: Halas had one friend from the ‘Newcomer School’ who ended up

in the same class as him at the ‘Mainstream School’; Vladimir. He says he has a lot of

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friends living in the neighborhood – mostly Norwegians, but also some friends

originating from Iraq and Somalia. His family often meets with other people from

Ethiopia, or his family is gathering at home with other Ethiopian friends. Though, at

those times Halas most often leave the house; “I'm not at home so much really…I'm

mostly out and about…I’m not so much…eh, if for example there’s a party, then I’m

not at home, I'm with friends and spend the night there...”. Halas and his friends often

hang out at a local shopping center. He also plays in a soccer team, besides joining his

friends downtown for shopping. But now he has decided to quit playing soccer and

start in a break dance group.

Belonging and performing in School: Halas went to school in Ethiopia; 1st

through 4th grade. He thinks the Ethiopian school is harder and stricter than the

Norwegian school; they use uniforms and get a lot more assignments in the Ethiopian

school. He has many good friends at school – some of whom he plays with after

school. Halas’ favorite subject is English. The most difficult subject is math. Halas is

satisfied with his efforts and results at school. What he likes the best about school is

“meeting friends and so on…”

Aspiration and dreams: He has not thought about the future and is not

concerned about getting an education or later on job. He does also not reveal any

dreams. ”No…I haven’t thought about it…” The brother goes to college Prep. High

School, which Halas is also planning to do.

Adjustment strategy: Speaking the language of the host country was a major key

for Halas to feel at home. Friends also help him feel at home in Norway.

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Monique

Background: Monique is a 14 years old girl, originating from Liberia. She came

to Norway when she was 12 years old, together with her parents and 2 younger

siblings (11 and 8 years old)> she has lived in Norway for 2 ½ years. Her 2 older

siblings (16 and 18 years old) came to Norway ½ a year ago, and attend the

‘Newcomer School’. Her appearance is very African – Her clothes style is ‘typical’

for what other teenagers in Norway wear, but her hairstyle is very African. She

‘stands out in the crowd’ of other Norwegian teenagers (at an age when it is so

important to be ‘in’ with the group and look like everybody else…).

When Monique is asked to describe her life in Liberia she answers; “Well, I

actually thought it was pretty… nice…I thought it was really fun after school, (…),

playing, and I hardly did anything, one has to do hardly anything – just assignments –

after school we have assignments… So, I just took it easy – in the sun”. She lived in a

village with her grandmother and aunt, and had a lot of friends around, with whom

she had grown up with; “…and I had a best friend. We were born together, then we

grew up together, and our parents were friends, so I had a very good friend who…

well, we were almost like twins because we were born on the same day”.

Migration Experience: Monique thinks it is sad that the family had to move from

Liberia and would rather have lived there than in Norway: “…I would have liked to

stay there [in Liberia] my whole life”. She comes from a big family and misses her

extended family that remains in Liberia (aunts, grandmother, uncles). She also misses

her friends a lot and finds it very hard not to have any contact with her best friend

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anymore. It is too difficult to stay in touch because of the poor phone connection in

the Liberian village. The family moved to Norway because the father saw better life

opportunities living in Norway; “My dad, he is… when we moved from Nigeria to

Guinea my dad saw a white woman, and they became friends… then he said that he

didn’t want to be there, because it was like kind of white, so… then he said that he

didn’t want to be there, because there aren’t any nice jobs there anymore. Then she

said “Okay, maybe I can help you, since we’re friends.” So she helped, then she

wrote my dad’s name, and… then she sent it to the municipality here in Norway, and

then they said, “Okay, he has permission to come here."

Sometimes Monique just wants to go back to Liberia. A big part of that is because

she experiences prejudice living in Norway. “… sometimes I just tell my dad that I

want to leave…”. She has not been to Liberia since she came to Norway but thinks

her father would let her move back if she wants to; “I’ll probably be allowed to [move

back]… Dad said that if I choose… because sometimes people bother me… then I

almost have to go”. But at the same time her father wants her to stay with the family

in Norway and discourages her from going back; “… Dad also says that it’s not really

good if you go because then Mom won’t be with you, and then I would live with my

grandmother. And I don’t want to live with her (giggles)”.

The family has only had to move once since arriving in Norway. Now they live 10

minutes by car away from the city, which means that Monique does not live in the

neighborhood where the school and classmates live. She did not want to change

school when they moved, but wanted to continue at the Mainstream School.

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She also know many other young immigrants with the same experience of longing

home and difficulties with adjustment; “When I was at [the Newcomer school], I

knew lots of people who came from Iraq and Iran – and they thought it was a real

shame [moving to Norway] – like me – they thought they liked it there [in their own

country] a lot, but then they just had to move because there was so much unrest there.

It was really difficult to get Norwegian with them, cause while they learn Norwegian,

they’re thinking about their country, and… they can’t help doing it, because they

didn’t have anything to do with coming – Norway is very cold – right! While there

it’s like warm… They also thought… speaking Norwegian was very difficult… And

being with Norwegian friends was difficult”.

Cultural Identity: Monique feels very Liberian, and does not identify with

anything Norwegian. Her family is Muslim and at home they celebrate the Islamic

traditions and holidays. The food can be a mix of Norwegian and traditional Liberian

food. She has many traditional outfits from Liberia at home; “…I have lots. Cause

when I had arrived here, my grandma sent lots to me, and then she says ‘You mustn’t

forget the traditions – our clothes”. She wears the traditional clothes when she meets

at Liberian celebrations. The cultural parties are celebrated at a community center

down-town. Monique does not think that her identity has changed since the move.

She still feels she’s the same girl as she was when living in Liberia. She states that her

parents are also longing back to Liberia; “ They [my parents] think it is very all right

[to live in Norway], but …yes…we still love our country”. Monique explains that she

feels at home in Norway, though she feels a greater sense of belonging in Liberia.

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Differences to the domestic society: She finds the cultures very different. The

food is different and also the people – She finds the people from Liberia more open

and warm-hearted than the people from Norway and feels more at home among her

own people; “…Sometimes I feel more open [when I am among other Liberian

people] than being here at school… sometimes I feel like eh… when I’m with my

black friends, then I’m really happy, and I enjoy myself, so then I have them as my

sister and brother – no matter if they’re boys or not – we just play together…” .

And…yes, I think the way we live in Norway is different from how we lived in

Africa…”. When living in Liberia, Monique did not live together with her parents,

but with her aunt, and some of her sisters lived with the grandmother. Her parents

were working in the city and were very busy, so she chose to stay in the village with

her extended family; “…they who lived with mommy always had parties, broke

things and so on…Yes, so I didn’t want to live there, and moved to my aunt – and

that was a lot of fun…It was fun living with my aunt, because after school then I do

nothing. It was like, after the homework – do…play…a certain game. That was a lot

of fun”.

What she appreciates from Norway is the non-authoritarian approach at school;

“…because they don’t hit us – kids--- if you’re late… you get it much easier…”. She

also values the awareness and consideration of personal feelings (at school) – being

allowed to feel sad – and to be able to talk about the sad feelings; “And if you’re

sad… they… if you’re sad, they’ll talk to you, but not like here in Norway… here in

Norway they talk better here than in Liberia. They talk to you, but not as well as

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you’d like…”. Last week a student died after a long battle with sickness, and

Monique appreciated the custom of having a ‘Memorial Day’ at school, allowing the

students to grieve and commemorate the student that had passed away; “And when

someone dies, then… then we don’t do the same thing that we did last week…we just

say [a Liberian proverb] to the parents, and then, if he or she is Christian, we just send

some flowers to the funeral…But we don’t think about her… We don’t think about

the person like we did here…”.

The best thing she finds about Norway is the school system, which she thinks is

much better than in Liberia.

Social contacts/friends: The family seems to be a tight knit family: “We like

each other…love each other. We give each other freedom, and…like (giggle)…to

give each other freedom is to…- if we don’t understand each other, we, eh, we don’t

hit, and you are allowed to do whatever you want, but not…not anything, but good

things – we give that to each other”.

Monique has made some friends in Norway, but none of them are Norwegian. She

finds it very difficult to get in contact with Norwegians, because she is a foreigner

and looks different. At school she hangs out with the two other foreign girls in the

class, and many of the students from the ‘Newcomer class’, with whom she went to

the ‘Newcomer School’ with. She went to the ‘Newcomer School’ for one year and

thought it was much more fun to be at that school; “I thought it was more fun than

being here…because it was just like everyone was foreign, then we got to know each

other, and no one was like, ‘You’re brown, I don’t want to play with you, you’re not

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Norwegian, so…. it was…nice”. Monique also liked the teachers very well at the

‘Newcomer School’, especially one that took good care of her and gave her some

emotional support and wisdom about life. She and her family meet other Liberian

acquaintances and friends at traditional parties celebrated at the Community Center

downtown every year. There are many other Liberians in the city and in the

neighboring communities of the city.

Language proficiency and usage: The family speaks English at home – though

with a kind of dialect, as they speak in the villages in Liberia.. She went to an English

school at first in Liberia, but switched to a French school when the family moved to

Guinea (where French is the main language). Monique started to learn the Norwegian

language at the ‘Newcomer School’. She has some problems communicating, and is

not totally fluent in Norwegian.

Experience of Prejudice: Sometimes Monique just wants to go back to Liberia.

A big part of that is because she experiences prejudice living in Norway; “Sometimes

it’s really like eh… sometimes I think negatively about Norway, because I get

bullied…”. “…But here at school, it’s a little boring, because the others don’t want to

play with you, or don’t want to hang out with anyone who’s brown, or…”. She thinks

it is very difficult to get Norwegian friends because they are discriminating against

her: “[It is difficult to get Norwegian friends] because… eh… (giggles)… I actually

think it’s because I’m a foreigner”.

Belonging and Performing in School: Monique went to school in Liberia, and

finds the school system in Norway very different. She started school when she was

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six years old, and was a good student. She got up to 4th grade before they moved to

Norway. Monique is satisfied with her achievement in the Norwegian School, though

she finds math very difficult. English is her favorite subject. Her parents are also

happy with her performance at school. She receives minimal help from her parents

with the homework, since they don’t speak very well Norwegian. She receives some

help from her younger sister, or she helps her. Monique does not always enjoy her life

at school due to experiences of prejudice and feeling of not belonging; “…But here at

school, it’s a little boring, because the others don’t want to play with you, or don’t

want to hang out with anyone who’s brown…”. Her friends at school originate from

Somalia, Ghana, Nigeria and America, with whom she can identify with and have a

sense of belonging with; “But, we don’ care if (we’re brown)… just… well… we

have our own lives”. She does not always feel she can be herself or have a sense of

belonging when she is at school. – When her ‘immigrant’ friends are missing at

school, she feels very lonely and has no fun.

Monique liked it better at the ‘Newcomer School’, because there she felt a sense

of ‘sameness’ and did not experience prejudice from anyone: “I thought it was more

fun [at the Newcomer school] than being here…because it was just like everyone was

foreign, then we got to know each other, and no one was like, “You’re brown, I don’t

want to play with you, you’re not Norwegian… so…. it was… was… nice”. There

she also experienced good support from the teachers as well: ”I had a really nice

teacher there too…and I had a teacher who is [still] my best friend”.

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Dreams and Aspirations: One of Monique’s greatest dreams is to become a

doctor. She got the inspiration to become a doctor from her childhood experiences;

“Because when I was younger, then my chicken – ‘cause I had like a zoo – then my

chicken got very sick, so I took medicine – I didn’t know what kind of medicine it

was, but I just gave it to him – and then, after two days, then it stood up and walks,

and then my grandmother said ‘Oh, you are good!’”. She knows she wants to work

with people. Monique also has a lot of other hopes for the future; “ And my dream is

that my family will live for a long time, and that we always will love each

other…And my dream is that no one in the family will become criminal…”. As a

typical teenage girl, she also dreams about having a boyfriend; “And my dream is

that…I often care about love…”. To reach her goals about becoming a doctor, she

works hard at school. After finishing 10th grade of the Norwegian school, she wants

to finish her education in Liberia – or in England or Canada, where she plans to stay

with family who are settled there.

Notion about success: “[A successful person is] that this person has a perfect

family that loves him…and that this person is popular and rich…If they are, like, rich,

then they have, like, nice clothes on, and nice houses…”.

Strategies for adjustment and making oneself feel at home: “Being open for

the others. And being nice [to the Norwegian]…Sometimes I try to be nicer than I

actually am [then what I normally would be]…Ohh, I like… am nice to people…

and… don’t get embarrassed or… the others… and eh… being open to the others, so

we can get to know each other better, and then it’s easier to feel positive and feel at

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home…Or if you’re just like ‘Ah, I don’t want to talk to them – they have to talk to

me first – I don’t want to hang out with them,’ then it’s like… then you make some

more friends if you go and talk to them”. Monique thinks it is important to feel at

home in the country – and to have a positive attitude towards the people; towards

living here in Norway; and towards the host country. Certain people also played a

huge role in the adjustment process for Monique, for instance some teachers at the

‘Newcomer School’; “When I got here… it was like boring to be here… to be here in

Norway, but now I think it’s… ‘okay’ – first I thought, like, negatively, but now I

think I’m totally positive!”

Advice to other young ‘Newcomers’: On the question if she has some good

advices to give other children coming to Norway as an immigrant, she answers; “Yes,

from my heart! First I want to say ‘Welcome to Norway!…I hope that you will like it

here…Be open towards other people who wants to be friends with you. Don’t think

negatively about Norway, because it is a very nice country. And it is all right if you

love your own country a lot – that is all right! But Norway is a good country too’.

And…yes...that’s all”.

Fathima

The interview was made as a focus group interview, with both Laura and Fathima

attending. I found this setting a little more challenging than the one-on-one

interviews, because there now were two people who were supposed to answer

personal questions from their own life at the same time. The girls took turn answering

the questions, which resulted in less personal information from both of the girls. They

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seemed hesitant to share from their own life – maybe because they were embarrassed

that the friend was listening and evaluating what was being said.

Background: Fathima is a 13 years old girl, originating from Turkey. She came

to Norway when she was 10 years old and has lived here for 3 years. She lives

together with her mother, father, and three younger siblings. She seems to live in the

moment – she does not worry about yesterdays’ happenings or about the day

tomorrow – she lives for today and tries to get as much fun out of it as she can…She

does not remember very much from the situation of leaving her country and moving

to Norway. She has also not thought much about the future – about what kind of

education or job she would like to pursue, or what it might become of her. She does

not have high aspirations or goals in life…

Migration Experience: She came to Norway together with her mother and

grandmother. Her father and siblings had moved before them and were already

‘settled’ in Norway. She does not know why the family moved to Norway, but

remembers she had some mixed feeling about leaving her old country and moving to

a new one: “[It was] a little sad and a little exciting!”. She does not remember much

from her move to Norway or her settling down in a new country, but still misses a lot

from Turkey - especially family and friends.

One of the challenges she experienced with the immigration was being confronted

with a foreign language – which she thought was very difficult at first. The language

barrier caused problems with getting friends in the beginning.

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She believes that she and her family have come to stay in Norway – They are not

planning on moving back to Turkey.

Cultural Identity: The family lives very ‘Turkish’ at home. They speak Turkish

with each other and follow the Turkish/Muslim customs and traditions. The family

does not celebrate any Norwegian holidays, like Christmas or Easter, but only the

Muslim holidays. At home her mother makes a lot of Norwegian food as well as

Turkish food. They also dress as any Norwegian, and do not were typical Muslim

clothes’.

Fathima feels very comfortable living in Norway: “I am like at home”, she says

and feels she has become very Norwegian. Still, she does not feel completely

Norwegian;

R: Do you think you have become more Norwegian [than Turkish]? F: Yes R: Do you think you have become completely Norwegian? F: No, not completely

Cultural Differences: Fathima says there are a lot of differences between

Turkish and Norwegian culture, but has difficulties describing them.

Language: She speaks and communicates well in Norwegian, almost without any

accent. It took her about a year to learn the Norwegian language, which she learned at

the ‘Newcomer School’ when communicating with other classmates. As soon as

Fathima learned the Norwegian language, she found life easier – especially to get

friends. At home she speaks Turkish with the family. Her father also speaks

Norwegian, but not her mother.

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Social contacts/activities: At school she is mostly with the two other immigrant

girls in her class, who originate from Albania and Liberia. She feels safe and happy

being with them. Outside school she also hangs with her best friend from school and

often meets with a regular group of both Norwegian and friends with other ethnical

backgrounds at the local shopping mall. Her Norwegian friends are students from

some lower classes at school, who live in the same street as Fathima. She has known

them since she moved to that neighborhood.

Fathima used to play soccer in a team, but stopped a while ago because she found

it boring. Now she does not have any scheduled activities outside school, but meets

with her friends that live in the neighborhood at the local shopping mall. Her best

friend, Laura, lives in the same apartment complex, and Fathima has known her since

elementary school. Even though Fathima feels she is not very different from other

Norwegians, she thinks it is difficult to get Norwegian friends:

R: Do you think it is easy to get to know the other Norwegians? F: Not many. R: Not so easy…. – But you do know the others in class, don’t you? F: Yes, we know them, but we don’t [socialize] with them. R: So, it is only you two [Laura and herself]…and maybe Monique? F: Yes. R: Why is that? F: ( ) R: Is it more difficult to…be with the other? – Or do you feel that you are different? F: No…But, like…maybe they don’t want to be with us…right…

The family meets only with other Turkish friends and family. They have very little

Norwegian contacts.

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Perceived discrimination: Fathima feels that she and her immigrant friend(s) are

not accepted among the Norwegian classmates. She also has experienced prejudice in

her class;

R: Do you sense that [your Norwegian classmates] don’t want to be with you? F: Yes. R: Has something happened, or has somebody said anything…? F: There are many who have said something…

Belonging and performing in School: Fathima went to school in Turkey and

finds the school system in Norway very similar to the Turkish one. She finds she

performs better at the Norwegian school than in Turkey. Fathima went one year to the

‘Newcomer School’ before enrolling at an elementary school in her neighborhood.

Here she met Laura, who was in her parallel class. She enjoys going to school, but

finds it difficult to get [Norwegian] friends. The most difficult subjects are English

and Math. Her favorite subject is Norwegian2. She likes the break time the best,

because then she can gather with friends and is allowed to talk. She seems to be

happy and content when playing with the rest of the class for instance at activities

during sport session.

She finds life at school and life at home totally different, but does not really

describe in which ways. At least she finds it most fun at school;

R: What else is different then – from life at school and life at home – Do you think that those are two different worlds…? F: Yeas… R: Yes – you think so…Where is the best place to be then? F: At school! R: At school? Why is that? F: “It is more fun to be at school than at home…”

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When asked if she works well with her homework, she says: Eh, yes…a little!”

She normally does not ask for help with her homework.

Parent’s involvement: Only her father comes to parent-conferences and is

involved with the school, since her mother does not speak Norwegian. Her parents

encourage her to continue schooling and get an education, but they let Fathima make

her own plans for her life.

Aspirations and Dreams: Fathima does not give away any aims or desires for the

future. Fathima wants to continue schooling, but she does not know what kind of

school or education she would like to have. She says she would like not to work.

Adjustment strategies: As soon as Fathima learned the Norwegian language, she

found life easier – especially to get friends, which is another important aspect of her

life. Friends seem to give her the sense of belonging she needs to feel at ease and at

home in and outside school in Norway. At school it seems like she and the other

immigrant students in her class separate themselves from the other Norwegian

classmates – but this is not a chosen strategy, but one steered by others – They don’t

socialize with the mainstream group in class mainly because they don’t feel accepted.

But it seems like she is at peace with the situation – She has her good non-Norwegian

friends at school, and has a lot of Norwegian and other ethnic friends outside school.

Laura

The interview was made as a focus group interview, with both Laura and Fathima attending. I found this setting a little more challenging than the one-on-one interviews, because there now were two people who were supposed to answer personal questions from their own life at the same time. The girls took turn answering the questions, which resulted in less personal information from both of the girls. They

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seemed hesitant to share from their own life – maybe because they were embarrassed that the friend was listening and evaluating what was being said.

Background: Laura is a thirteen old girl, originating from Kosovo Albania. She

came to Norway ten years ago with her sister – to live with her family who had

already settled down in Norway. She now lives with her mother and two younger

siblings. She has many relatives in town, including her grandmother, uncle and aunts.

I did not receive much information about her father, because the plan was to have an

interview with her mother, which did not work out.

Migration Experience: Laura does not remember much from her move to

Norway but know they moved here because of the turmoil that was building up

between Kosovo and Bosnia. The family moved one year before the war broke out.

She believes the family will stay in Norway and not go back to Albania.

She does recall that learning the Norwegian language was very difficult, and

thinks that because of lack of Norwegian proficiency, it was harder for her to get

Norwegian friends in the beginning. She still thinks it is difficult to get Norwegian

friends. She has not been back in Albania since the move, though the family is

planning to visit this summer.

Cultural identity: Laura says she feels very Norwegian, because she and her

family has lived in Norway for so long:

L: [I feel] Norwegian, because – we have lived here almost our whole life and I always speak Norwegian….and my [old Albanian] friends I have almost forgotten, and I have also forgotten many Albanian words…” R: So you feel Norwegian? L: Yes – a little… R: Though, you feel a little more Norwegian than Albanian!? L: Yes.

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R: Is that so. But when you are at home with your family – how do you feel then? L: Also a little Norwegian…

The family lives out both the Norwegian and the Albanian culture at home. For

instance, they celebrate the Norwegian holidays, such as Easter, even though they

would not celebrate that if they lived in Albania. She finds the food one of the best

traits of the Albanian culture. Her mother cooks a lot of Albanian food at home,

though the family also eats a lot of Norwegian food. Laura states her mother feels

Albanian. Though, her mother misses family and friends in Albania, she likes it in

Norway, and would like to stay here.

R: Okay. So at home you would say that – in your family – it is the Albanian culture that dominates – it is not the Norwegian? L: Yes, the Norwegian too! R: It is some mixture? L: Yes. R: What is typical Norwegian that you have at home? L: Eh, we do eat a lot of Norwegian food…It is actually very much Norwegian – like, in Albania it is not so many who has TV and computers and stuff like that… R: So when it comes to material stuff – you have the same things as any other Norwegian has? L: Yes.

Laura does not really feel that she has changed on the inside – only on the

outside…

Differences to the domestic society: Laura states that the life standard is higher

in Norway than in Albania. In Albania they could not afford modern clothes, and the

rules for what type of clothes to wear was stricter: “It is not everything that…in

Albania the girls are not really allowed to wear skirts and things like that…But I am

allowed, since I live in Norway”.

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Challenges: Although she speaks fluent Norwegian now, she still thinks it is very

difficult to get Norwegian friends;

R: Yes…the language is the biggest challenge…But now, are there any challenges you meet now? L: It is very difficult to get friends, but…The language is very easy now. R: Yes. Now you talk like… natives…But getting friends is a little harder?!…Because you feel…like you said, that you don’t feel that they always accept you…? L: ( ) R: Is that something that you sense? L: [nodding]

Language proficiency and usage: The family speaks Albanian at home. Laura

uses some Norwegian words, which her mother understands. Her mother attends a

Norwegian language course, but is not yet so skilled in the Norwegian language. She

tries it out with the Norwegian neighbors sometimes. Laura learned the Norwegian

language when she started in a Norwegian Daycare Center. She prefers to speak

Norwegian and communicates well, almost without any accent.

Social contacts/activities: Laura finds it very difficult to get Norwegian friends.

At school she is mostly with the two other immigrant girls in her class, who originate

from Albania and Liberia. Outside school she also hangs with her best friend from

school and often meets with a regular group of both Norwegian and friends with other

ethnical backgrounds at the local shopping mall. She does not know many Albanians

except her own family and relatives. Her best friend, Fathima, lives in the same

apartment complex, and Laura has known her since elementary school. At school she

socializes mostly with friends from non-Norwegian background, but also with some

younger Norwegian students in the lower classes. Her mother mostly socializes with

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her Albanian family and friends. She tries to have some contact with the neighbors by

chitchatting with them, but her Norwegian is very limited.

Perceived discrimination: Laura feels it is difficult to get Norwegian friends at

school, and feels that she is not accepted among her Norwegian classmates. (The

interview was made together with Fathima, where she just agreed to Fathima’s

answers about this issue).

Belonging and performing in School: Laura finds life at school and life at home

totally different, and states she likes it best at school, even though it can be boring at

times.

R: Where is the best to be – at school – or at home? L: At school! But, sometimes it is boring at school…It is also fun to be at home, but not inside – outside! There it is more fun.

She joins the Norwegian2 class with other immigrant students from the parallel

classes. This class is offered to immigrant students as support for the Norwegian

language. She feels this class is less challenging than the regular Norwegian class.

The contact with the teacher is closer, and she also feels more freedom to speak up in

class, since the group is so little; “There are so few people, in a way, so you…I don’t

get so embarrassed there, like, when there are very few people…”.

Laura is satisfied with her achievements in school. Math is a little difficult, but

she enjoys Norwegian, English, and Sport. Her grades are average, which both she

and her mother is satisfied with. She seldom asks for help with the homework at

home. That can be because there is nobody at home who could really give her some

decent help, since her two siblings are younger, and her mother’s Norwegian

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language proficiency is not very strong. Though her mother helps her with math,

since Laura feels she is very weak in that subject. It was not clear from the

conversation if her mother would attend parent meetings or not.

The biggest challenge Laura sees at school is to be accepted among the

Norwegian classmates. She hangs with her immigrant friends at school - two from her

own class and some friends from lower classes. Laura enjoys the break times, as the

only times where it is allowed for the students to really talk with each other.

Notion about success:

R: To be successful at school – is that to be the most popular, or to be a good student, or is it to be a good talker… L: It sure is good to be a capable talker. R: Yes, so you would consider that one of the most important factors [for success]? L: Nooo, like…it is one of the most important factors, like, a hardworking student, to achieve well in school… R: So to be very popular and…be the one that speak the loudest and…that is not so very…you don’t have to be successful because of that? L: It is probably a lot of fun to be popular, though, but…I don’t know, it might not be so very…[successful]… R: It is not so important for you? L: No.

Dreams and Aspiration: Laura would like to become a hairdresser. She also

likes to sing and thinks it looks fun to work in a store.

Advice to young immigrants coming to Norway: “They should not be

embarrassed in any way, because...I was very embarrassed when I moved up here –

right, so that was probably the reason why I didn’t get so many friends…”. Laura

explains that she was very embarrassed when she first came to Norway, because she

was different and couldn’t speak the mainstream language. She wants to give the

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advice of not letting shyness and embarrassment hinder you to take contact with new

people.

Patrick

Background and Migration Experiences: Patrick is a 14 years old boy

originating from Kosovo Albania. He came to Norway with his family – mother,

father and 3 siblings – 2 ½ years ago, due to a condition of war in his country. His

father was the first one to come to Norway, and after 2 years of stay he received the

permission for the whole family to follow him. Patrick does not talk much about it,

but tells that he has experienced gruesome things because of the war, things that

children should be spared of; “I've experienced a lot…I’ve like, seen people die and

so forth…in the war…”.

The family experienced a good welcoming from the Norwegian immigrant

reception, and was able to move right into a ‘normal house’ and into a ‘normal life’.

They still live in the same house, which is in the same multicultural area as the local

school.

Cultural Identity: The family has decided to settle down in Norway, and are not

looking back…Patricia and his parents are investing in a future in Norway, “I've

really only thought of staying here…I’ve thought that my future will be in

Norway…”. He found it difficult in the beginning when they first moved to Norway.

He and the family could not speak the Norwegian language, and had left their social

relationships behind. But after a while they started to enjoy their new life; “…it really

wasn't that great in the beginning…We couldn’t speak the language and so on. But

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after we made friends and so forth, then it went pretty well”. Through social

relationships and friends Patrick started to learn the new language and to settle down

in his new country. He has not experienced any prejudice or negative attitudes against

him as a foreigner. On the question of cultural identity and belonging, Patrick

answers that he feels he is Albanian; “Well, now, I feel like—I am Albanian, right…I

lived there for thirteen years, right, and in Norway only two years, so I don’t yet feel

quite Norwegian, right…”. He would measure himself as 70 – 80% Albanian and 20-

30% Norwegian. He does not think that his personality or identity has changed

because of the immigration,, other than becoming more open and acquainted with

other cultures.

He cannot see the big differences between the two cultures, other than the visible

dissimilarities in the religious beliefs and practices, and also the differences in the

social economical lives of people; “Sure there’s some little difference then, for in

Kosovo, right, there’s a lot of poor people and such…It’s not really [ ], well...many

poor people there…many who don’t have jobs there…”. He finds the people are very

much the same in both countries. Patrick finds the openness and attitude of hospitality

as the best attribute of the Albanians, but does not see it as very different from the

Norwegian hospitality.

The family embraces both the cultures at home as they celebrate both the Muslim

holidays and traditions and the holidays that are important in Norway, such as

Christmas and Easter. They celebrate the Norwegian holidays together with

Norwegian friends.

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Language: Patrick learned the Norwegian language through social relationships

with Norwegian friends at the Multicultural school. He speaks almost without any

accent. At home the family speaks Albanian. Both his parents and his siblings speak

Norwegian as well.

Social contacts/activities: He has mostly Norwegian friends, but because of the

multicultural setting at school and in the neighborhood, it is naturally that he also

hangs out with friends from different cultural backgrounds. Patrick is very active

within sports. Both in and after school, this is his main agenda – playing basketball or

soccer with his many friends.

Belonging and performing in school: Patrick went to the Newcomer School at

first for one year, before coming to the ‘Multicultural School’. In Kosovo he reached

the sixth grade before they moved. He does not experience any big differences

between his life at school and his life at home. But he finds the school systems

different – It was much stricter at the school in Kosovo (!), with more grading and

more homework; “…but, when it comes to whether school is harder in Norway than

in Kosovo, I'm not sure, really...It's kind of hard in Norway too, if you want good

grades, right--fives and sixes, then it's quite difficult”. He works hard in the

Norwegian school too, and receives good grades. His favorite subject is history, as he

explains that he likes reading about the past and what happened. He finds it easy to

read and write the Norwegian language. He also likes religion and learning about

other worldviews and beliefs. There is now subject he really dislikes.

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Future dreams and educational aspiration: His goal is to give even more effort

into the homework in 10th grade, since he has big hopes for the future; “Well, I’ve

thought about becoming a doctor, but I’m not sure”. His inspiration for pursuing a

career as a doctor has come from watching his parents’ success and happiness at

work.

Notion of success: When asked about what success means to him, Patricia

answers: “It’s like having a good job, to be happy and…being satisfied with life…”.

He is happy and satisfied with his life right now, and lives in the moment.

Zarai

Background/Migration Experiences: Zarai is a 14 years old girl originating

from Sudan. She came to Norway 3 ½ years ago, to live with his father who lives here

with his Sudanese wife and three young children. Her father came to Norway because

he wanted a better education and job. He chose Norway because he knew some

people in Norway. Her father also has three more children from a previous marriage

to a Norwegian woman. In Sudan she lived with her grandmother and aunt, since her

mother worked in the city. She missed her mother and father, and her father called

many times over the phone and wanted her to come to live with him and his family in

Norway. She still does not have a legal permit to stay – the process seems to be very

slow and difficult, so she does not now about the future – if she is allowed to stay and

can continue school, or if she has to go back to Sudan; “I feel like I don’t have

anything constant – my whole life is dependent on this…”.

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Cultural Identity: The family is Muslim and they follow Islamic rules and

traditions at home to a certain degree…Zarai does not have to wear a veil, but has to

dress modest. To me she looks like any Norwegian girl when it comes to how she

dresses. The customs and traditions at home is also very Sudanese; “Yeah, for

example...eh...when eh...what should I say...eh, for example when we have some

people coming to visit us at home, we receive them in a special, proper way, just the

way you would do it in Sudan—to be sociable. You can’t just go and lie down or go

into the living room and watch TV, you have to join in and talk to the others, and so

on”.

Cultural Differences: Zarai finds Norway very different from Sudan –

everything is different! “Even the same kinds of vegetables don’t taste quite the

same! Also the clothes—in Sudan, everyone has to go around in a shawl, completely

covered, while here in Norway it's a little different where people can go around in

whatever they want”.

Adjustment strategies: Zarai seems to be very flexible and positive about

adjusting to a totally new environment. The Norwegian way of life and the Sudanese

way of life is very different, but Elma tries to understand and to value/accept the

differences; “I think it’s different, but when you think about it, you find a proper way

of speaking and experiencing different things. So it’s really mainly in the past now,

when it was very very weird here I think, but eventually, when I learned to go more

into the various areas and into the homes of others; to be in a Norwegian home—and

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see how they have it, and how they have their rules at home and so on, then I knew

that everything could be different...”.

What helped her adjust and to feel at home in Norway was getting contact with

people from her own country and culture; “…yes, it’s mostly people [that helped me

adjust]…Because right at the beginning there were some Sudanese people—some

Sudanese people who were here in Norway—and they came to us quite a few times,

to greet us and be together and so forth…And then I felt a little more at home,

because in Sudan there are always a lot of people who come to visit us—family and

so on. But here, we didn’t have family—just sit and…just us at home. But the others

came all the time”. She also received a lot of support and help from the teachers and

students at school; “…And then I began school, and got teachers who were quite

considerate…”. The teachers gave her emotional support and made time to talk with

her; They helped her understand and to accept the cultural differences that exist

between Norway and Sudan; “… they used to tell about—they knew a little bit about

my own country—so they began to say something about Norway and how it is

here…and how it is…and then they began to talk about the fact that I came to feel

such and such, and that it is quite normal with feelings, that things will come to pass

and so on…”. At school they have a “study support group” which is there for the

students to receive educational or emotional support.. Her friends have also played a

big role in Zarai’s adjusting process; “And friends!—Friends…they helped me a lot.

When I came here, I was at home most of the time--I didn't go out--so they came to

me, to my home and saw how I have it and…began to talk to me, and explain a lot

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about Norway and other activities, and about how I could join in and so on. They

asked me if I could go out with them and…be outside some…and maybe go shopping

with them…”.

Language: Zarai speaks Norwegian with a perfect Bergen dialect. She learned

Norwegian in 6 months, and is doing really well! At home they speak Arabic, and

since she went to school in Sudan, she can both read and write in Arabic.

Social contacts/activities: Zarai has many friends – both Norwegian and from

other cultural origins; “…so it’s quite a few—almost our whole class. Yes, I’m not

so much with the boys in the class, but almost all the girls, it's them I can be together

with”. Zarai is a very active girl, and she likes dancing, bicycling, soccer, volleyball,

basketball. She used to play soccer in a team at school in the afternoons, but she

stopped “…because I wasn’t so good at Norwegian, first of all, so I thought that if I

used some of the time I use to play soccer, maybe I should rather use it to learn more

Norwegian. And to use that time on school and schoolwork, to learn a little more

there also. So that’s why I quit, and set my mind more on school”. She is very

dedicated to school and learning – and has set all her mind and time into learning and

doing her homework. She gives up all her spear time (and fun) to become a better

student (and because of duties and chores at home, such as watching her 3 younger

siblings).

Belonging and performing in School: Zarai is achieving quite well in school,

thinking of the short stay she has had in Norway. Her favorite subjects are math and

sport, which indicates that Zarai is a ‘well-rounded’ person with many different

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interests and talents. She finds English a difficult subject, since there is no one at

home who can help her with the homework. She has many friends and feels content.

Her parents are involved in Zarai’s school-day. Her father often helps her with her

homework, and shows up if there are any parent’s meetings or conferences at school.

Her father encourages her to continue school and get a higher education.

Notion about success: “Yes, that’s really a lot, because if I think of myself now,

and do all I can, and look straight ahead, and do my best, then I can do well for my

children—in the future also. It will get much better, because…better than I have it

now…” . Zarai respects and pictures her father as a successful person; “I’m picturing

my father—he hasn’t gone to school very much really. But I’ve learned a lot from

him, because eh, when it comes to speaking with people, and how one should do it,

and how one should get various things. And when it comes to schooling, he talks

quite a lot with me about it, as he hasn’t gone to school very long himself. His own

father began to speak with him about school and education, that one day he’d need

it—but he didn’t listen, and now he regrets it, that he didn’t do it [get an education].

And so now he begins to tell me about that, and speak about it and so on. And he

starts, for example describing certain Sudanese people to me, like for example—

‘Look at him, he studied, and now he’s a doctor,’ and…yeah!”.

Dreams/Aspirations: Becoming a doctor, stay in Norway.

Advice to other ‘newcomers’: “I would like it if they wouldn’t go negative with

the different cultures and other people’s perceptions. If…for example if they have

some friends, then they must go out and talk to them, and try to understand what they

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think and what they believe, and not just turn their backs to all that’s possible and

close themselves in…their own […]. I think that's what is really at the beginning

of…if one wants to go out and speak with people, and enter into the various cultures,

then one learns more, pure and simple!”.

Milla

Background: Milla is a fifteen years old girl, who moved to Norway from Bosnia

during the war when she was three, together with her older brother, mom and dad.

Her parents were always intending to move back to Bosnia when the war was over,

but they are still in Norway, pursuing a safe and good future for their children. Milla

is a bright and intelligent girl, very articulate and very present. She is politically

involved (democratic), and has a point of view on most issues. She is very proud of

her Bosnian inheritance and wants to maintain her ethnic identity as well as possible,

at the same time as she is very well able to mingle as a native in the Norwegian

society. She is afraid to lose her Bosnian integrity and wants to keep on to it with all

her might. But she is also aware of the Norwegian influence on the outcome of her

cultural identity.

Milla is an exemplary student – very efficient, motivated and demonstrates high

academic achievement. Her parents are well educated with higher degrees within

engineering and theater. The family visits Bosnia quite often…

Immigrant Experience: Milla’s immigration experiences were not very

dramatic. She remembers a few details from the move, but since she was so young

when she immigrated, she did not experience the move to a different country as very

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‘earth-shaking’. She was not confronted with lots of challenges and did not really

have any difficulties adjusting. One of the things she can remember as challenging is

that it was difficult to communicate with other children at the playground, because

she did not speak the Norwegian language well enough. She learned the language

when attaining a Norwegian daycare center when she was 4 years old through playing

with the other children. Her parents also helped her in the process of developing her

language skills, by reading books and read to her both in Norwegian and in Bosnian.

Today she speaks fluent Norwegian without any accent. She is also fluent in the

Bosnian language, which they speak at home. She is not as fluent in the written

Bosnian language, but is attending a Bosnian language class (at the

Bosnian/Norwegian Friendship Association in the city). She does not know which

language is most important to her, but she thinks and dreams in Bosnian!

Milla is of that opinion that Bosnians are well and quickly integrated into the

Norwegian society. She is very involved in the Bosnian/Norwegian Friendship

Association in the city (She teaches dance there): “..the goal [of this association] is to

integrate the Bosnians as well as possible. And we are…most of us Bosnians, I think,

are well integrated…” (p.3). Milla is very concerned about the importance for

immigrants to maintain their own language. She believes that Bosnians in general

learn the Norwegian language relatively easy, but forfeit their own language “I think

most Bosnians – at least the young ones, speak very, very good Norwegian, so that

you hardly notice that they are from a different country. But when it comes to

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speaking their mother tongue, then it’s a different story - You can tell right away

“Yes they’re from another country” and stuff – when you are back in Bosnia” (p.3).

Cultural identity: Milla really wants to hold on to her cultural/ethnic identity as a

Bosnian. When asked if she identifies herself as Norwegian or Bosnian, she answers:

“Eh, I don’t know…It’s really strange, ‘cause I don’t feel that I’m Norwegian, I

don’t! I feel that I’m Bosnian, and get sort of mad when my dad says “But you’re

Norwegian!”. But, because I really want to hold on to the fact that I’m Bosnian –

because I am! - was born in Bosnia, and spent the first part of my life there, and

always have my cultural past there, and…as I see it, my past is a part of the present

and the future. So…eh, I would say, I don’t think I am Norwegian, but I feel at home

in Norway” (p.3) She also feels totally Bosnian when she is visiting Bosnia, and not

like a ‘Norwegianized’ Bosnian, “I feel totally Bosnian and totally at home

there…And that’s a little strange, cause when I’m in Norway, I feel that – yes, I live

here, but still I’m a little different in a way…” (p.3).

She ‘blames’ her ethnic identity on her parents, explaining that they made an

effort to embrace both cultures, maintaining her original culture and at the same time

taking on the Norwegian culture. “They really wanted me to have the advantage of

being from two cultures, and they really made a successful effort to learn Norwegian,

and…move forward in life”. She thinks parents make an impact on the children’s

cultural/ethnic identity “I think you will find difference when [her friend from

Bosnia] tells her story and I tell mine. I think that make a really big difference –

parents and stuff…Because my mother, she’s not Bosnian. My mother is from

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Montenegro” (p.3). Later on in the interview, she explains that she feels the most at

home in the Bosnian culture, “It is very difficult…If I absolutely had to choose

one[culture] - gun to my head - that would be [the Bosnian culture], but otherwise

there is a lot of both…eh, I think I am mostly [part] of the Bosnian culture, but I

think I have a lot of Norwegian culture as well!” (p.7). On the question how many

percent Norwegian she considers herself to be, she answers ”I really don’t know. I

don’t think I can answer that… Maybe 20-30 percent, maybe a little more than that I

think – I don’t know. Maybe I am a little scared to answer that… I actually think so,

that I am a little scared to answer that!” (p.7). It seems like she really, really wants to

hold on to the Bosnian culture, and is afraid of losing it if she opens herself too much

for Norwegian influence. If she marries a Norwegian man, who she thinks is most

likely, since she lives in Norway, then she will definitely pass her Bosnian cultural

inheritance on to her children – in a positive and effective way as her parents passed it

on to her!

When asked to compare the two cultures, it shines through that Milla is very

proud of her Bosnian cultural heritage and favors it above anything Norwegian,. “I

think that Norwegians unfortunately have lost a lot when it comes to protecting their

culture… and… eh… Norwegian cultural history…compared to Bosnia. Bosnians,

they are really proud of their country and culture…and history. And they are really

eager to share it with others” (p.4). She also embraces the Muslim religion as part of

the Bosnian tradition and culture. (Even though religion was an issue in the war,

Milla talks about how the Muslims and Christians are much better at blessing and

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respecting each other in Bosnia than in Norway, p.5). Milla criticize the Norwegian

school for focusing too much on the Christian curriculum, and would like more

acknowledgement and celebration of both religions. She gives an example how it the

different religions are celebrated in Bosnia; “’Cause in Bosnia, Islam also has it’s

holidays, and when the Protestants and Orthodox Christians, then you also celebrate

those holidays. You would have thought – “it’s Eastern Europe” – and many think

that they lag far behind Norway, but I would say that in this case, Norway lags behind

them!”. She is very aware of her rights as a Norwegian citizens and think it is fair to

use them for her own benefit as a Bosnian, “It is very easy to say that those who are

new in this country – they need to understand that this is the way it has been here for

a long time and so on…But I think it is really important – as I said, I have lived here,

and I am more and more…I am a Norwegian citizen and I think that gives me the

right to speak my mind. I think it would be wrong to only expect one-way

understanding – it has to be both ways!” (p.6). Anyway, Milla has no problem finding

her appreciations for both cultures; ”The best thing about Bosnian culture is the

hospitality, the food, and simply their passion. When it comes to Norway, I think it is

their pride…and the nature… They are very proud of their country - ‘Cause there is a

distinction between being proud of their country and preserving their culture, after all.

But they are proud of their country…it’s not like they are nationalistic – maybe a

little bit sometimes, but I haven’t experienced very much of that. And then preserving

nature is a very important thing…They are really good at that” (p.7).

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Social Contacts: The family has friends across nationalities and religions. They

participate in the celebration of the Norwegian national day (17 May), and typical

Norwegian holidays, like Christmas and Easter, which they celebrate with Norwegian

friends. On Muslim holidays they invite their Norwegian friends to celebrate with

them. They have very good contact with some Norwegian families, even calling their

parents’ friends their ‘reserve grandparents’. Milla and her family feel they are very

well accepted as immigrants in Norway, “Yes, yes! No doubt about it. At least the

Bosnians! I don’t know about other [immigrant groups], but I know that even Carl I.

Hagen (a well known Norwegian politician, very critical towards the Norwegian

immigration system and laws) has said that Bosnians are different from most other

immigrants…because we have our own – not to be bragging too much – but we seem

to have successfully become integrated into society, I think. Most Bosnians have

studied and earned a degree as soon as they arrived, and so on…” (p.6).

Milla’s friends are from different nationalities. “My best friend is half Chilean,

um…and half Norwegian…and then there is one girl, who is Bosnian. I have a whole

group of friends, though…I have two best friends who are Norwegian, and one who is

half English…But I don’t know, I don’t think I am really that much aware of what

nationalities they are” .

Belonging and performing in school: Milla is demonstrating very high academic

achievement as a student, scoring above the average outcome of mainstream students.

She even scores the highest grade possible in the Norwegian subject! She is very

proud of her accomplishments and tells me that she has to help her parents with

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correction of their written language, and not vice versa. She is a very active student in

the classroom, enjoying discussions and conversations with the teacher and the other

classmates. The subjects she likes the best – Religion, Social Studies, and Norwegian

are involving lots of that, which makes her able to display her political and religious

views. Her educational goals are very clear; her immediate goal is to be accepted at

one of the best upper secondary schools there is in Bergen. Then she would like to

study law and to pursue a career as an attorney. She thinks the reason for that might

be because she is very political involved and already wants to have things changed.

But she is aware that she might change her mind, several times, which is probably

due to her active and multi-matter involved persona. She wants to make a difference

in the world and to have an impact on her future. Her father is also very political

active and she often discusses interesting matters with him.

Notion about success: Milla really respects and have a high regard for her

parents’ way of life – their accomplishments and their willingness to do their best,

even though the road might sometimes be rough and difficult. Her notions about

success she puts this way: “I think that is to get ahead in life, no matter what obstacles

are in your path, and to show what you’re good for… I don’t think to succeed means

you have gotten the best education, or that you score the highest on tests and stuff…If

you have succeeded in a way that you are satisfied yourself with how you have gotten

ahead in life, then I think you have succeeded” (p.10).

Educational Aspiration: Study law – At least do something that will make an

impact on the world:

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R: Yes, why do you think that political party has influenced you to want to become a lawyer? A: Ehm, I don’t know – I think I have realized how important it is to be active, to make decisions – to be a part of decision making… for our future. And I believe in human power and the ability to change the world, and then I think we need to know that too… and if we are to help our fellow human beings… who aren’t as fortunate as those of us who live in Norway, and I have examined this a lot by talking to my dad, and concluded that if I… if we want to accomplish anything, we have to be united. And then I joined Socialistic Youth [a political party]). And I think that has influenced me to help other people, and I am very interested in law and stuff”

Jana

Background /Migration experiences: Jana is a fifteen years old girl from

Bosnia. Came to Norway with her mother and father and older brother and has lived

in Norway since she was 2 ½ years old. She does not remember much from the time

of immigration, but she does remember that it was difficult to learn the language

when she entered pre-school at age four (Her parents could not speak much

Norwegian at that time). Though, she learned it pretty quickly when playing with the

other Norwegian-speaking children.

Cultural identity: When asked about her cultural/ethnical identity, she answers

that she might feel more Norwegian than Bosnian, “I’m really kind of both—perhaps

a little more Norwegian. I do still have some of my background—as a Bosnian,

right”. She feels at home in both the cultures and has a hard time figuring out in

which culture she has a greater sense of belonging, “I feel at home when I am in

Bosnia, but again—I have so much of the culture from Norway, which I take there

with me. So it's really like...split…I think I’m Bosnian on the inside, but I think I'm

outwardly more Norwegian”.

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The family does not live a typically Bosnian life at home, as the family is not

Muslim and do not celebrate the Muslim ‘holidays’. They celebrate some typical

‘Norwegian’ holidays, such as Christmas, with the decorations and presents, “We

celebrate Christmas for example. It’s not really an out-and-out, full observance, but

we usually have a Christmas tree and Christmas dinner and presents and so on. It's

really just like a Norwegian Christmas”. Often they even celebrate together with other

Muslim friends!

The family has visited Bosnia many times after the migration. Because of the

aftermaths of the war, Jana senses a lot of fear in Bosnia, which makes one being on

guard everywhere. In Norway she experiences freedom and serenity. The parents

have talked about moving back to Bosnia in a couple of years, though Jana would like

to stay in Norway and identifies this as her homeland.

Cultural differences: All in all she does not find the two cultures very different,

“It is often that I don’t see a big difference—I don’t think about it”. The only time she

notices the big differences is when she is on vacation in Bosnia, “(laughs) I feel very

Norwegian there [in Bosnia]! When I am in Bosnia, I feel very different. I was there

for the first time when I was 12--ten years [after the immigration], right, so I'm

definitely not used to the way things are down there--the mentality and so on—it was

like I’d never been there”. Then she can tell how different the two mentalities are, “I

think the mentality is very different. It’s like it…so there’s more fear back there.

Here it's more like--you can say whatever you want, there's freedom of speech. Back

there it's more like, you have to take care what you say, because there are Muslims

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here and Croats there…right…it’s very difficult to explain”. She appreciates the

protectiveness of the Bosnian parents, but at the same time thinks there is little room

for distinctiveness and uniqueness, which she thinks is more accepted in Norway,

“…But I also feel that it is more…uh, you’re more accepted if you’re different here in

Norway, than in Bosnia. For instance, my style is with dark clothes, to be honest, and

that's not so usual there, and my mother has problems accepting it. Both she and

people there think it’s quite…like, unusual". She describes ‘the freedom of speech’ as

the best attribute of the Norwegian culture. She is not quite sure what she give

preferentiality of the Bosnian culture, “I don’t quite know what I should focus on [of

the Bosnian culture] really…there’s just something different about the place which is

very special. I don't know, I can’t put it into words”. She thinks there’s a greater

freedom in Norway. Yet, she feels at home when she is in Bosnia – feels Bosnian on

the inside (thoughts, dreams, feelings, values) though more Norwegian on the outside

(cultural behavior).

Language: Both of her parents speak fluent Norwegian. At home the family

speaks Bosnian, though Jana has to take use of the Norwegian vocabulary, because

her Bosnian is not that efficient. She can write simple writing in Bosnian, but says her

writing skills are not that good because she has forgotten most of the grammar. She

give her poor Bosnian language skills as an explanation for her feeling of alienation

when she is in Bosnia; “That might be one of the reasons I feel so Norwegian when

we’re in Bosnia, because I can't communicate very well with other people there, as I

can’t speak the language very well”.

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Social contacts: Her parents mainly socialize with other Bosnians and seldom

with Norwegians. (Though, she has never heard about the Bosnian-Norwegian

Association). Jana’s friends are mostly Norwegian or from different cultural

backgrounds. She does not have one best friend, but a whole group of friends who

hang out together, originating from Norway, Chile and Bosnia. Most of her friends

are the same one she is hanging out with at school. A couple of them are older and

attends high school in the city.

Belonging and performing in school: Jana receives very high grades in the

English subject at school, and favors this subject above the others. The subject she

does not like and find the most difficult is ‘New Norwegian’. She believes this

subject is too difficult for foreigners, who do not speak Norwegian at home. Jana is

socializing with the same friends at school as she is at home.

Her parents are involved in her school life. They are very willing to help with her

homework, but she mostly prefers to do them without any help. She says they also

attend whenever there is a ‘gathering’ at school, or at parent-teacher conferences (her

father states something else). Her parents are ‘passively’ involved in her school life –

they are available if she needs help with her homework, but most often she manages

to do it without help. The parents are mostly attaining the obligatory meetings at

school, such as parents meetings etc. (her father says he does not like to come to the

social gatherings, because they are ‘boring’ – Maybe he does not feel comfortable/ at

home/…). They encourage her to get a higher education, but don’t push their dreams

or desires on her. They give her the opportunity to choose herself.

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Dreams/future goals: Play in a band. Jana has thought about many options for

future education and occupation, but is not yet quite sure what she wants to do -

maybe something within psychology, or photography, or media/communication.

Notion about success: One of the people she admires and looks at as very

successful in life is a singer from the band ‘Slipknot’, Corey Taylor; because of his

honesty and sincerity. His songs are life-guiding and encouraging, filled with,

feelings and depth. He is a good role model and warns against drinking and bullying.

She finds that she can relate to his songs: ”Because, eh, I don’t know, he has always

been honest and sincere in the media. The songs are like…they come out with their

feelings and have lyrics that aren’t completely idiotic, that encourage people to do

idiotic things. For example he is very open about alcohol, and warns young people

not to use it. And also he was himself bullied as a child, so...it's like you can relate”.

Advice to other immigrant adolescents: “…you must be yourself and…just take

everything as it comes, and don’t try to be too preoccupied with impressing the other

culture or whatever it might be. …you don’t need to be troubled about other peoples’

expectations that you should do this and that….”. – She does not want anyone to tell

her how to live her life! She wants to choose herself, and to just be herself, doesn’t

matter of these fits the one or the other norm. She is not occupied with pleasing other

people to get accepted into the ‘gang’.

Acculturation Attitude: When it comes to how the Norwegians deal with

foreigners and how open they are towards dissimilarities and variety, she finds the

Norwegians a bit intolerant and too focused on their own cultural heritage. She states,

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“I have experienced Norwegians as a little too nationalistic. Eh, there’s a bit too

much ‘Fatherland,’ to put it that way. Now and then I think so...My experiences are

that everything shall be like...they are so focused on things being Norwegian, and that

eh, yes—‘All this comes from the time of the Vikings’--and so on”.

Marie

Background: Marie is a fifteen years old girl, originating from the Philippines.

She came to Norway with her younger sister four years ago, to live with her mother

who had married a Norwegian. The mother had lived in Norway for almost 10 years

when Marie came to live with her. Before she came to Norway, she lived with her

grandmother and aunts and uncles in a poor village in the Philippines. She now lives

with her sister, mother, stepfather and two younger half-brothers. Her father also has

two older sons from a previous relationship, who often come and visit.

Migration Experience: Marie found it very difficult to leave her home country –

“It was sad… Everyone was sad”. She did not want to move; “I wanted to continue

going to school back there [in the Philippines]”. Everything was very different in the

new country! Her life in Norway she describes as; “…Good. Kind of boring

(laughs)”. She misses her life in the Philippines, where she could be outside playing

the whole time. Her friends live further away, so she is often ‘alone’ in the afternoon.

She misses her country “a lot”, especially friends and family. She would like to move

back.

Cultural Identity: Marie feels pure Filipino and it seems like the only relation

she has to the Norwegian culture is that her mother is married to a Norwegian man,

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and that some of her friends are half Norwegian. She finds it hard to make Norwegian

friends and feels most comfortable with friends from her own background. She feels

she is ‘left out’ of the Norwegians, and does not fit in. She misses friends and family

from the Philippines – those substances that are the most important for integrity and

belonging. Marie does not think she has changed on the inside since arriving in

Norway, only on the outside; “I have changed the way I dress. And before, in the

Philippines, I didn’t wear makeup, but when I got here, I started using makeup

(laughs)… dressing in nice clothes and stuff”. At home there is a mixture of

Philippine and Norwegian culture. Her mother is Catholic and her father is Protestant

and they sometimes visit the Catholic Church with Marie.

Cultural Differences: Marie finds the people in Norway very different from her

own people; “It was the first time I saw white people like that! (laughs)”. She also

found the Norwegian language “strange”. The biggest differences she notices

between the two cultures are the clothes – the economical standard of life, which she

experiences as much higher in Norway; “Hmm, where I live, we wear regular clothes

with lots of holes (laughs)… very dirty… Lots of people are really poor there. We

were actually poor too”. She also thinks the behavior and limits of the adolescents in

Norway are different from the Philippines; “Um, the kids, they… There are lots of

kids in the Philippines who don’t smoke, don’t drink… don’t do anything wrong. But

here, it seems like they do lots of wrong things”.

Language: At home Marie speaks Philippine with her mother and her sister.

When her stepfather is present, they speak Norwegian together. It took Marie about

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two years to learn the Norwegian language. She communicates well, but still has

some problems… She has a hearing aid – which I did not know about before after the

interview. This resulted in some communication problems, where I assumed she had

some problems with the Norwegian language. They teach the two younger brothers

Philippine when they are alone with them.

Social contacts: Marie does not live in the neighborhood where the school and

many of her classmates are located. She does not see so many friends in the

afternoon, and says that she often takes walks alone – or with her sister, in the

afternoons. When she is bored, she goes to the city with her girlfriend. She is also

active in the youth club in a catholic church, where they dance together and have

parties. Here she has many friends – mainly from the Philippines and from Thailand;

“[I have] more than ten [friends at the Catholic Church]. And I have different friends

– guys and girls”. She feels very safe and at home with her Philippine friends and the

other friends from church. Sometimes they perform at the church or at the Cultural

Center in town.

At school she knows some friends from when she went to the ‘Newcomer

School’. She also has two or three other friends from class that she mingles with at

school, but they are not her close friends, as she states it herself: “But they’re just

school…friends”. She has no Norwegian friends, and explains why it is so difficult

for her to get in contact with Norwegians; “… I’m not able to make friends with

Norwegians… I think they’ll only choose those who are white… Those who are

Norwegians, right, they don’t include foreigners in their group”. She feels the same

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way at school and in her classroom – that the Norwegians stick together and exclude

her and other foreigners. Her parents have both Filipino and Norwegian friends.

Perceived discrimination: She has no Norwegian friends, and explains why it is

so difficult for her to get in contact with Norwegians; “… I’m not able to make

friends with Norwegians… I think they’ll only choose those who are white… Those

who are Norwegians, right, they don’t include foreigners in their group”. She feels the

same way at school and in her classroom – that the Norwegians stick together and

exclude her and other foreigners.

Belonging and performing in School: Marie went through fourth grade in the

Philippine school before she moved to Norway. She finds the school in the

Philippines much stricter than in Norway; “They’re really strict there. They hit the

kids… “. She received a ‘medal for good students’ in her home country. When

arriving in Norway, she started at the ‘Newcomer School’ in the city, and transferred

to the ‘Multicultural School’ after a year. A lot of her friends were also transferred to

the same school. Math is her favorite subject and notifies that sometimes she scores

very high on tests. She finds that she masters the subject well since she already learnt

most of the curriculum in the Philippines. Her parents encourage her to continue to

school, and she wants to get into upper secondary school and college. She takes part

in the After School Home work Group that is offered from the school, since her

parents are too busy to help her at home. She tells that her parents are coming to

school when there are some kinds of arrangements.

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Aspiration and dreams: Marie would like to become a dentist and explains; “I

just like the dentist – it looks like a lot of fun! (giggles)”. She is dreaming about

moving back to the Philippines and studying dentistry there, even though she assumes

this is utopia; “We’re staying here [in Norway] for the rest of our lives”.

Notion of success: Marie finds money and having a house the most essential

things for having a good life. She also considers family and friends as very important.

Advice to other ‘newcomers’: “Hmm, maybe to join that church thing. Because,

that’s a place where young people usually hang out”.

Adjustment Strategies: The Youth Club and the friends in church have helped

her adjust and to feel more at home in Norway. She does not mingle with Norwegians

and is not eager to stay in contact with Norwegians. She feels most at home with her

‘own group of people’ – other foreigners and especially people from the same cultural

background as herself. This is a typical for the acculturation strategy of separation,

which ‘ entails an exclusive involvement in one’s traditional cultural values and

norms, coupled with little or no interaction with the members and the culture of the

larger society’.