Abraham in Graeco-Roman Paganism

Journal for the Study of Judaism, Vol. XVIII, no. 2

ABRAHAM IN GRAECO-RO M A N PAGANISM

BY

JEFFREY S. SIKER

Los Angeles, CA., U.S.A.

The of this study is to examine the figure of Abrahamas portrayed by pagan authors in the Graeeo-Roman world. The pieture and function of Abraham within early Jewish and Christian traditions (as well as later Islamic traditions) has received sufficient attention so that we have a fair understanding of the significant role which Abraham played in these circles ا ). To date, however, no extensive investigation of Abraham in Graeco-Roman paganism has been carried out, to my knowledge 2). Thus, the present study

٠) Aside from the standard dictionary articles, the most complete sui^ey o f the place of Abraham in early Jewish traditions is the study by Sam uel S a n d m e l ,

Philo’s Place injudaism : A Study of Conceptions of Abraham injew ish Literature (H U C P , ول56 ), in which S a n d m e l presents material from Apocrypha, Pseudepigrapha,

Josephus, Graeco-Jewish writers, rabbinic literature, and especially Philo. Also see G. M a y e r , “ Aspekte des Abrahambildes in der hellenistisch-jüdischen Literatur,” Evangelische Theologie 32 (1972), 118-127, and the section on Abraham (pp. 185-308) in the first volum e of L. G i n z b e r g ’ s The Legends ٠/ the Jews (Philadelphia, 1913-38). Investigations of the place of Abraham in the New Testa- ment have concentrated on Paul. In addition to the standard com m entaries, also see K. B e r g e r , “ Abraham in den pauhnischen H auptbriefen ,” Münchener Theologische Zeitschrift 17 (1966), 47-89؛ and N . D a h l , “ T he Story o f Abraham in L uke-A cts,” Studies in Luke-Acts, ed. L. M a r t y n ه L. K e c k (Abingdon, 1966) 139- 158. A broader treatment of Abraham in the O ld Testam ent, the N ew Testam ent, the early church, Islam, and more can be found in the collection o، essays in the volum e o f Cahiers Sioniens entitled, Abraham, Père des Croyants, Cardinal T is s E R A N T

et al. (Paris, 1952).2) I have been able to find only a fow paragraphs here and there, but no

cohesive study which presents an overview o f G raeco-R om an views o f Abraham. M ost references are to the place o f Abraham in astrology, especially in the works of Vettius Valens and Firmicus M aternus. See A. B o g c h é - L e c l e r c q , L Astrologie Grecque (Paris, 1899), pp. 159, 292 f., 578f; T . K l a u s e r , “ Abraham. III. H eiden- tu m ,” Reallexikon für Antike und Christentum, Vol. 1 (Stuttgart, 1950), col. 19f; j . H ^ rp e , “ Abraham. IV . R e lig io ^ g e sc fo h tlic h ,” Theologische Realenzyklopädie, vol. 1 (Berlin ظ N ew York, 1977) 3 8 5 f;J .H . C h a r l e s w o r t h , “Jew ish Astrolo^: in the Talm ud, Pseudepigrapha, the Dead Sea Scrolls, and Early Palestinian Synagogues,” Harvard Theological Review, 70 (1977), pp. 185, 189f; M . S t e r n ,

“ The Jews in Greek and Latin Literature,” The Jewish People in the First Century,

189ABRAHAM IN GRAECO-ROMAN PAGANISM

aims to provide a broader perspeetive from which to assess the portrayal of Abraham in the Graeco-Roman world.

Six questions will focus this examination: 1) What are our sources for developing the Graeco-Roman pagan view of Abraham? 2) What is Abraham’s origin according to these sources? 3) How is Abraham portrayed and how cohesive is this picture? 4) What is said about the relationship between Abraham and the Jews? 5) How is Abraham significant for the traditions preserved in the magical papyri? 6) To what extent are the pagan views of Abraham reflected in contemporary Hellenistic Jewish writings? The study will end with a brief summary.

1. The Sources

No doubt, one reason why the view of Abraham within Graeco- Roman paganism has received little attention is due to the rather meager sources from which we have to work. Among the vast writings of the Graeco-Roman era there is only evidence that Abraham was mentioned explicitly by eleven Graeco-Roman authors, covering a time span of approximately 800 years. The earliest reference comes from Berossus, a Babylonian priest of Bel, who flourished c. 290 BCE 3). The latest reference of pagan origin

vol. 2, ed. S. S a f r a i ه M . S t e r n (Fortress, 1976), p. II26f, 1137f, I147f; M . H e n g e l , Judaism and Hellenism, vol. 1 (Fortress, 1974), pp. 86-92; a n d j . H u l l ,

Hellenistic Magic and the Synoptic Tradition (٨ .^ . Allenson Inc., 1974), pp. 35, 71. For broader studies o f Graeco-R om an views o f Judaism in general, see M . S t e r n

(above) a n d j . S e v e n s t e r , “ Diversity of O pinions Regarding J ew ry ,” The Roots of Pagan Anti-Semitism in the Ancient World{ E.J. Brill, 1975). For an extensive study o f another Jewish figure ؛٨ G raeco-Rom an paganism , see j . G a g e r , Moses in £ ٠٢̂ - Roman Paganism (Abingdon, 1972).

3) According to Josephus, Jewish Antiquities, 1 .158. Josephus writes, “ Berossus m entions our father Abraham, without nam ing him, in these terms: In the tenth generation after the flood there lived am ong the Chaldaeans a just man and great and versed in celestial lore .” (T he translation is taken from the Loeb edition by H .S .J . T h a g k e r a y . ) M . S t e r n does not include this reference in his Greek and Latin Authors on Jews and Judaism, vol. 1 (Jerusalem, 1974), pp. 55ff. S t e r n thinks it is doubtful that the individual referred to by Berossus should be identified with Abraham. “ It seems that Josephus drew this equation from Jewish-H ellenistic circles. Probability was lent to this interpretation by the fact that, according to Genesis, ten generations spanned the interval from Noah to A braham ,GLAJJ׳) ”.p. 55). H owever, even though Josephus admits that Berossus does not m ention Abraham by nam e, is JosephusJ conclusion unwarranted, even if he found parallels in Jew ish-H ellenistic circles? The convergence o f three elem ents in this passage traditionally associated with Abraham as one who was dikaios, para Chaldaiois, and ta ourania empetros seems to point quite naturally to Abraham.

JEFFREY S. SIKER190

comes from the neoplatonic thinker Damascius early in the sixth century CE 4). In between, Abraham is mentioned by Apollonius Molon, Alexander Polyhistor, Nicolaus of Damascus, Pompeius Trogus, Charax of Pergamum, Vettius Valens, Alexander of Lycopolis, Firmicus Maternus, and the raperor Julian (as well as a reference to Abraham in the enigmatic Historia Augusta in regard to Julian 5). The evidence is not overwhelming. Nevertheless, there are sufficient materials from which to paint at least a com- posite picture of Abraham from the perspective of Graeco-Roman paganism.

The specific literary sources which provide us with information about Graeco-Roman pagan views of Abraham are threefold: a) separate works from pagan authors that refer to Abraham, b) quotations from pagan authors which directly mention Abraham, and c) Jewish and Christian traditions which indirectly preserve evidence of pagan views about Abraham 6).

а) In the cases of Vettius Valens, Firmicus Maternus, and Julian, individual works survive either in part or whole which make mention of Abraham 7). (In addition, the collection of Greek

Although som e doubt must remain sinee Abraham is not m entioned by nam e, it seems to me that the burden rests with S t e r n to explain who else the passage might refer to.

٠) ?reserved in the writing o f ?hotius, Dam aseius refers to “ Abraham the father of the old H ebrew s.” (GLAJJ, II, 674)

5) Josephus also attributes an entire book on Abraham to H ecataeus (Jewish Antiquities 1.159), and elsewhere notes that “ H ecataeus...m akes no mere passing allusion to us, but wrote a book entirely about the J e w s .” (Against Apion 1 .183) Even though the book on Abraham by H ecataeus is probably not genuine, there is no reason to doubt that H ecataeus may have m entioned Abraham in his writings on the Jew s, although no direct evidence for it survives.

б) The bulk of the primary sources are available in two collections o f materials, ?articularly valuable for G raeco-R om an views o fju d a ism in general are the three volum es edited by M . Stern, Greek and Latin Authors onjew s andjudaism (Jerusalem, vol. I, 1974; vol. II, 1980 vol. I l l , 1985) which present relevant primary sources in the original and translation, accom panied by brief prefaces to each author con- sidered and extensive notes on each passage. T he other collection is the Papyri Magicae Graecae (Leipzig 1928-1941 ; hereafter PGM ), in three volum es, edited and translated by K. ? R E IS E N D A N Z (and others), which preserves evidence of the significance o f Abraham for G raeco-Rom an magic and astrology,

7) The astrological writings o f Vettius Valens are available in Anthologiae, ed. w . K r o l l (1908); the astrological treatise Mathesis by Firmicus M aternus has been edited by R r g l l , S k u t s c h ه Z i e g l e r (1897-1913); and the “ Contra G alileos” of the Emperor Julian has been largely reconstructed from the refutation by Cyril of Alexandria and has been edited by C .J. N eum ann, Iuliani Imperatoris Librorum Con- tra Christianos Quae Supersunt (Leipzig, 1880), and by w . c . W r i g h t , The Works of the Emperor Julian (LCL), III, pp. 318ff.


magical papyri preserve several references to Abraham, reflecting both pagan and Christian origins.)

b) Some relevant materials from pagan authors are preserved in the writings of two historians, the first century Jewish writer Josephus, and the early fourth century Christian chronicler Eusebius. In Book 1.158-160 of his Antiquitates Judaicae (hereafter. Ant.) Josephus cites Berossus, Hecataeus (indirectly), and Nicolaus of Damascus with reference to Abraham. In Book IX , chapters 16- 20, of his Praeparatio Evangélica Eusebius both cites the materials ftom Josephus and adds to them citations from Alexander Polyhistor and Apolonius Molon (as well as the Jewish authors Ar- tapanus and Philo) 8).

c) The materials ftom Jewish and Chistian traditions which preserve indirect evidence of pagan views about Abraham come primarily from the O T Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha, Philo and various other Hellenistic Jewish authors, and later rabbinic writings. There are also a couple of passages ftom O rigen’s Contra Celsum which pertain to pagan views of Abraham.

In addition to covering a time period of some 800 years, our sources show a wide range of provenance and literary genre. Quite naturally, most of the sources have an Eastern provenance, with Berossus, Nicolaus of Damascus, and Damascius coming from the region of greater Syria, while other references to Abraham arise in the context of discussions about Syria (Apollonius Molon, Pompeius Trogus). The literary genres, broadly defined, are basically of two types: 1) history and geography (ApolloniusM olon, Alexander Polyhistor, Nicolaus of Damascus, Pompeius Trogus, Charax of Pergamum), and 2) astrological and philosophical works (Berossus, Alexander of Lycopolis, Vettius Valens, Firmicus Maternus, Julian, Damascius). The earlier

8) In addition to the elusters of ؟ uotations in Josephu$ and Eusebius, parts of the Historiae Philippicae by the Augustan historian Pompeius Trogus (ا', the turn of the eom m on era) are preserved in the Epitome of'Justin (3 r d ,(th century CE־4 whieh refer to Abraham in the context of relating the origin of the Jew s (see GLAJJ I, 337). A citation attributed to Claudius Charax of Pergam um (c. 150 CE) by Stephanus Byzantius (early 6th century CE) connects Abraham with the appellation o f the name “ H ebrew s” to the Jews. In addition, S t e r n notes that “ a public docum ent from Pergam um , the city of Charax, of c. 12 ا BCE, refers to ancient relations between the Jew s and the city in the time 01 Abraham, who is called pan- ton Hebraion pater (A n t., X IV , 255)” (GLAJJ II, 161). Einally, a reference to Abraham by D am ascius (early 6th century CE) has been preserved in the Bibliotheca o f Photius (late 9th century CE; see GLAJJ II, 671).

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references to Abraham oeeur in the historical/geographical works, while the later references to Abraham occur primarily in the astrological/philosophical writings.

2. The Origin of Abraham

The earliest pagan source we have that mentions Abraham’s origin is Apollonius Molon ( St century BCE). Apollonius does not لexplicitly connect Abraham with any specific locale other than the desert, although indirectly Abraham seems to have connections with Syria, Egypt, Arabia, and perhaps Canaan. According to Apollonius, Abraham was born three generations after Noah, who was expelled from Armenia and settled in Syria. Although he does not explicitly state it, the assumption seems to be that Abraham came originally from Syria. Apollonius then notes that Abraham “ eagerly went to the desert” (M . Stern, Greek and Latin Authors on

Jews and Judaism , Jerusalem 1974, I, 150; hereafter GLAJJ). Whether this is to be identified with Canaan of Egypt is unclear, for he never mentions Canaan, although he relates next how Abraham took two wives, ،‘one a local one and a relative ofh is, and the other an Egyptian handmaid” ( GLAJJ I, 150). The referenceיto one wife as local as opposed to the other who was an Egyptian would indicate Abraham’s dwelling was not in Egypt. Nor does Apollonius mention any sojourn of Abraham to Egypt. In fact, Apollonius presents Abraham more as the origin of various peoples (Arabs and Jews) than he does discuss the origins of Abraham himself.

According to Nicolaus of Damascus (late first century BCE) Abraham came “ with an army from the country beyond Babylon called the land of the Chaldees” (GLAJJ I, 233). Nicolaus is thus in accord with the biblical tradition regarding Abraham’s origin. But Abraham is also connected with Damascus by Nicolaus. De reigned in Damascus for a while, after which he left with his people for the land of Canaan, where he settled 9).

Ur of the Chaldeans is Abraham (ء ’s place o f origin according to the Bible, but is translated in the L X X as chora ton Chaldaiaon (Apollonious writes ek tes ges tes hyper Babylonos Chaldaion legomenes). S t e r n notes that while the Bible does not refer to Abraham ’s sojourn at Dam ascus, his servant Eliezer came from that city (Gen. 15:2) and that there is a reference to Dam ascus in connection with Abraham ’s pursuit of Chedorlaom er, K ing of Elam (Gen. 14:15). S t e r n seems correct in concluding: “ It seems that a tradition on Abraham and Dam ascus had arisen in Jew ish circles in Syria and that Nicolaus included it in his history, both to enhance the past glory o f Dam ascus and to flatter H erod .” (GIAJJ I, 234)


But Nicolaus is not alone in connecting Abraham with Damascus, ?ompeius Trogus (around the turn of the common era) writes:

The origin of the Jews was from Damascus, the most illustrious city of Syria, whence also the stock of the Assyrian kings through ^ e e n Samiramis had sprung. The name of the city was given by King Damascus. ...After Damascus, Azelus, and then Adorus, Abraham, and Israhel were their kings. But a felicitous progeny of ten sons made Israhel more famous than any of his ancestors. {GLAJJ I, 337)

As S t e r n points out, the names Adores and Azelus stand for Hadad and Hazael, both well known from the Bible as kings of Aram (GLAJJ 1, 339). Unlike Nicolaus, however, there is no indication from Pompeius Trogus that Abraham had emigrated to Damascus from Chaldaea or anywhere else.

The only other author who mentions the origin of Abraham is the emperor Julian, who follows the Biblical account (which he obviously knew firsthand), referring to Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob as “ being themselves Chaldaeans of a sacred race” {GLAJJ II, 543). Julian also mentions a sojourn of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob to Egypt, where they learned the practice of circumcision.

3. The Portrayal of Abraham

Three aspects stand out in the way Abraham is portrayed in Graeco-Roman paganism: a) his wisdom and righteousness, b) his significance as a political ruler, and c) his astrological and philosophical expertise as one skilled in theurgy.

a) Berossus refers to Abraham as “ a righteous man and great and experienced in celestial affairs” {tis en dikaios anër kai megas kai ta ourania empetros; Ant. I, 158). Along the same lines Apollonius Molon says of Abraham that “ this man was wise and eagerly went to the desert” {hon de sophon genomenon tën erëmian metadiökein; GLAJJ I, 150). Berossus seems to connect Abraham’s righteousness to his familiarity with celestial affairs. Apollonius M olon does not specify the locus of Abraham’s wisdom, but this wisdom apparently leads him to go into the desert. Eusebius preserves a fragment of Alex- ander Polyhistor’s Concerning thejews, which in turn cites a lengthy passage that Alexander explicitly attributes to the Hellenistic Jewish historian Eupolemus’ Concerning the Jews of Assyria (Praep.

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Evang. و7)ل)°م . ل Thus although the source Is not pagan, the historian Alexander Polyhistor deemed it worth citing, apparently as evidence for the origin o f the Jews. In this fragment, Abraham is described as one who “ excelled all men in nobility of birth and wisdom” {eugeneiai kai Sophia partías hyperbebëkota; FHJA I, و ل70م He goes on to say how Abraham “ discovered both astrology and Chal- dean science. Because he was eager in his pursuit of piety, he was wellpleasing to G od” {FHJA I, 17Iff). Thus, as with Berossus, Abraham’s wisdom and piety are closely connected to his knowledge of astrology.

b) Apollonius M olon, Nicolaus of Damascus, and Pompeius Trogus all mention Abraham in connection with political rule. In the case of Apollonius M olon, it is not Abraham himself who rules, but his twelve sons born by an Egyptian woman. These sons

emigrated to Arabia and divided the country between themselves; they were the first to be kings over the inhabitants of that country. Consequently, till our times there are twelve kings among the Arabs who are namesakes of the sons of Abraam. {GLAJJ 1, 150)

Abraham is seen as the forefather of the Arabian kings. Abraham is equally the forefather of the Jewish nation, as Apollonius makes him out to be the grandfather of Joseph and the great-great- grandfather of Moses.

Nicolaus of Damascus and Pompeius Trogus mention Abraham in connection with the rule of Damascus. Nicolaus says that “ Abrames reigned in Damascus, a foreigner who had come with an army from the country beyond Babylon called the land of the Chaldees” {GLAJJ I, 233). Pompeius Trogus mentions Abraham in a list of Assyrian kings who ruled from Damascus. “ After [King] Damascus, Azelus, and then Adores, Abraham, and Israhel were their kings. But a felicitous progecy of ten sons made Israhel more famous than any of his ancestors” {GLAJJ I, 337).

c) Certainly the most widespread view of Abraham within Graeco-Roman paganism was his reputation as an astrological expert. Berossus refers to Abraham as “ experienced in celestial affairs” (Ant. I, 158). It is possible that this portrait is picked up in

١٠) The current cunsensus identifies this fragment as the work of an anonym ous Samaritan writer flourishing in the m id-second century BCE, now designated as Pseudo-Eupolem us. See the discussion by c. H o l l a d a y , ed. ه tr.. Fragments from Hellenistic Jewish Authors, vol. 1 (Scholars Press, 1983; hereafter FHJA), pp. 157ff.


an Orphic hymn relayed in a fragment from Eusehius attributed to the Jewish writer Aristobulus (late second century BCE). Although the hymn does not explicitly mention Abraham, while speaking of God it says:

Him in His power no mortal could behold.Save one, a scion of Chaldaean race:For he was skilled to mark the sun’s bright path,And how in even circle round the earth The starry sphere on its own axis turns.And winds their chariot guide o ’er sea and sky;And showed where fire’s bright flame its strength displayed11).

Eurther references to the astrological prowess of Abraham are found in the writings of Vettius Valens, Firmicus Maternus, and the Emperor Julian. Vettius Valens (second century CE) appeals to Abraham as an astrological authority especially in regard to travelling. He writes:

On travelling...the most wonderful Abramos has shown us about this position in his books... and he himself on his part invented other things and tested them, especially on genitures inclined to travelling.

(مءلمحعء11, 174)

Most striking about this passage is the claim that Abraham himself wrote books of astrological significance based on his own in- vendons and testing. In one other place Vettius Valens appeals to the authority of Abraham, again in relation to travelling:

On travelling... At which seasons and times the travels of such genitures will take place is made clear by the c o n fig u r a tio n s said to be drawn by Abramos... Following the division of times of action according to Abramos... (G L A J J 11, 1?5)

In this passage the appeal of Vettius to the authority of Abraham appears to be second hand. The configurations are “ said to be drawn by Abramos” {ta hypo Abramou legomena). The configurations are attributed to Abraham, but there is not the same kind of surety that Abraham has himself invented and tested them, as is the case with the prior passage.

n ) Praep. Evang. 13.12.5. The translation is b y E .H . G i f f o r d , Eusebius: Prepara- tionfor the Gospel, vol. 2 (Oxford, 1 0 3 و ; reprinted b y Baker Book H ouse, 1981), p. ?19. Bee also Clem ent of Alexandria, Stromata 5 .132.2 .

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The significance of Abraham for astrology can be seen just as clearly some 200 years later in the writings of Firmicus Maternus (early fourth century CE). In his astrological treatise, the Mathesis, Firmicus Maternus appeals to the astrological authority of Abraham four times. The importance Abraham holds for him is evident from those he associates with Abraham:

All the things that Mercury and Chnubis transmitted with difficulty to Aesculapius and those that Fetosiris and Nechepso disentangled, and those that Abram, Orpheus and Critodemus and all others who are experts in this profession related, we have read through in equal degree... {GLAJJ II, 493)

Fetosiris, Nechepso, and Critodemus were famous for their astrological works^). Elsewhere Firmicus Maternus refers to ،،that divine Abram” (divinus lile Abram; GLAJJ II, 494). W hile Abraham was an authority on travelling in particular for Vettius Valens, Abraham seems to have held special authority in regard to the position of the Sun and the M oon for Firmicus Maternus:

From this position it is possible to disclose the quality of life, the richness of the patrimony and the progress of both happiness and unhappiness. Also from this position... It is called, as Abraham defines it, the position of the Moon. ... The position of the daemon we deduce by this calculation; we inserted it into this book because Abraham has shown by a similar calculation that this is the position of the Sun, and it seemed unfair to the position of the Sun to be separated from that of the Moon. {GLAJJ II, 494)

Finally, the writings of the Emperor ي ر1س ال show Abraham both as an astrological expert and as one skilled in sacrifice and proper worship. According to Julian, Abraham ،،used the method of divination from shooting stars,” which Julian notes is probably <،an Hellenic custom ” {GLAJJ II, 543). God showed Abraham the stars ،،so that as a visisble pledge of his words he might offer to Abraham the decision of the heavens that fulfills and sanctions all things” {GLAJJ \ \ This pledge was confirmed ،،by means of .(ל 543the augury from birds,” which Abraham practised “ for higher things” {GLAJJ II, 543). Abraham’s response to this divine pledge was proper worship, consisting largely of sacrificial offerings to God. Julian complains to the Christians that ،،you do not imitate

12) See A. B o u c h e - L e c l e r c q , L Astrologie Grecque (Paris, 1899), pp. 563ff.


Abraham by erecting altars to him [God] or building altars of sacrifice or worshipping as Abraham did, with sacrificial offerings” {GLAJJ II, 543). And lest anyone should think that Julian’s interpretation is forced, he even quotes from Genesis 15:7ff to show the significance of the stars, augury from birds, and proper sacrifice for Abraham. The extent of the esteem with which Julian held Abraham is reflected in accounts of him recorded in the Historia Augusta, where we read:

His [Julian’s] manner of living was as follows: . . . in the early morning hours he would worship in the sanctuary of his Lares, in which he kept statues of the deified emperors—of whom, however, only the best had been selected—and also of certain holy souls, among them Apollonius, and according to a contemporary writer, Christ, Abraham, Orpheus and others of the same character and, besides, the portraits of his ancestors. (GLAJJ 11, 631)

How cohesive are these various portrayals of Abraham? Can we discern any kind of development in Graeco-Roman pagan views of Abraham? The cleanest connections are between portrayals of Abraham’s wisdom and righteousness with his astrological expertise. Never, however, is his role as a political ruler mentioned in connection with his place as an astrological authority. It is difficult to see any specific lines of development in the conception of Abraham. £arly on his most significant place is in relation to astrology, which continues to be the dominant picture of Abraham in later traditions. His role as a political ruler appears only in con- junction with Damascus, and only in two authors (Nicolaus of Damascus and ?ompeius Trogus). Thus the picture of Abraham as a political ruler was not widespread.

4. Abraham and the Jews

The question naturally arises how Graeco-Roman pagan authors pictured the relationship between Abraham and the Jews. Several authors directly refer to the connection between Abraham and the Jews. Abraham is never identified as a Jew, but is mentioned as a forefather to the Jews. Apollonius Molon traces the heritage of Moses back through Joseph to Abraham. Moses was the grandson of Joseph and the great-great grandson of Abraham ( ,GLAJJ Iا150). Appealing to Artapanus, Alexander Polyhistor refers to much the same tradition by noting that ، ؛Joseph, the son of Jacob, was

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descended from Abraham” {FHJA 1, 204Í). Pompeius Trogus, who refers to the tenure of Abraham as king of Damascus, also says that “ the origin of the Jews was from D am ascus,” hooking up Abraham with both the Jews and with “ Israhel” (GLAJJ I, 332). On several occasions Abraham is identified in a general way as the forefather of the Jews as a whole. A reference from Claudius Charax of Pergamum reads: “ Hebrews. Thus are called Jews after Abramon, as Charax says” (Hebraioi. Houtös Ioudaioi apo Abrámonosر

hôs phësi Charax. GLAJJ II, 161). A fragment ftom Damascius also calls Abraham the “ father of the old Hebrews” (Abramos ho tön palai Hebraiön progonos— GLAJJ 11, 674)13). Julian refers casually to “ Abraham the patriarch” ( GLAJJ II, 543), an appellation whichاwas clearly formulaic well before Ju lian’s time.

Twice an explicit connection is made between Abraham and the Jews in regard to the sacrifice of Isaac. According to £usebius, Alexander Polyhistor, in his work about the Jews, wrote:

Shortly afterwards God commanded Abraam to bring him Isaac as a holocaust. Abraam led the child up the mountain, piled up a funeral pyre and placed Isaac upon it; however, when he was on the point of slaying him, he was prevented ftom doing so by an angel, who provided him with a ram for the offering. Abraam, then, remov- ed fee child ftom the pyre, and he sacrificed the ram. {GLAJJ I, 161)

Unfortunately, Eusebius does not elaborate on fee context in which Alexander Polyhistor relayed this account, nor any com- ments telling us what Alexander thought of this sacrifice. A brief reference to fee sacrifice of Isaac as part 0 { Ioudaion historia also oc- curs in the writings of fee Neoplatonic thinker Alexander of Lycopolis (c. 300 CE) against the Manichaeans {GLAJJ II, 486Í).

In addition to these direct linkings of Abraham and the Jews, there are also many indirect connections. Statements about the wisdom of Abraham find parallel expression in several early traditions about the Jews. Theophrastus (c. 372— 288 BCE) regards fee

13) ft is difficult to ascertain whether any difference was understood between the terms “J ew s” and “ H ebrew s” . (See the com m ents of S t e r n in GLAJJ II, 161.) There does seem to be a distinction made between Jew s and Chaldaeans, although again it is not exactly clear what the distinction was. Julian refers both to Jew s and Chaldaeans, and in his com mentary on V irgil, Servius remarks that “ the Chaldaeans as well as the Jews were expelled ftom R o m e” {GLAJJ II, 653Í). An- tonius D iogenes says that Pythagoras came to “ the Chaldaeans and the Hebrews, ftom whom he learnt the exact knowledge of dream s” {GLAJJ, I, 537).


Jews in a favorable light as ،،a race of philosophers” who know how to sacrifice correctly {GLAJJ I, 10). Megasthenes (c. 300 BCE) also refers to the Jews as a philosophical group, and specifies that they come from Syria {GLAJJ I, 45f), which is associated with Abraham’s origin according to Apollonius Molon and Pompeius T rocís. The tradition that the Jews were wise philosophers is found also in Clearchus of Soli, who says they were descended from India (GLAJJ l, 47).

A further connection can be seen between Abraham and the Jews in terms of being versed in astrology and magic. Posidonius refers to the Jews negatively as “ sorcerers” {GLAJJ I, 14?). Pliny the Elder also sees magic as originating with Moses and the Jews, among others {GLAJJ I, 498). Valerius Maximus mentions the ex- pulsion of the Jews from Rom e in connection with an edict ordering astrologers to leave also.

Although neither of these indirect connections provides direct evidence for the view which Graeco-Roman pagan authors had regarding the relationship between Abraham and the Jews (which, one must admit, must have been of no interest whatsoever to these authors), still it shows that similar qualities were attributed to both Abraham and the Jews. The one difference is that with reference to the Jews, these are sometimes negative attributes, whereas we find no specifically negative estimates of Abraham**).

What is surprising are the connections which are not made between Abraham and the Jews. This is especially the case when it comes to circumcision, the sacrifice of Isaac, and Sodom and Gomorrah. Each of these forms an important part of the biblical account about Abraham, and each played a significant role in rabbinic writings in particular. It is surprising that while the connections between Abraham and circumcision and the sacrifice of Isaac (and to a lesser degree, Sodom and Gomorrah) were cen- tral to the Jewish understanding of Abraham, they played almost no role in the Graeco-Roman pagan conception of Abraham, even when at times these authors clearly used Jewish sources (e .g ., Alex- ander Polyhistor’s use of Artapanus).

Graeco-Roman pagan authors are well known for their disparag- ing remarks about the Jewish practice of circumcision. Not once,

T (ل4 he closest criticism is by Celsus, although he does not m ention Abraham by name ( Contra Celsum IV .33). Celsus attacks the Chaldaeans as sorcerers in an attempt to discredit the ancestry of the Jews.

JEFFREY S. SIKER200

however, is Abraham ever connected with this practice, although according to the biblical account circumcision was introduced by Abraham15)، Rather, circumcision is described as com ing on the scene after M oses1®).

As noted above (p. 12) only Alexander Polyhistor and Alexander of Lycopolis refer to the sacrifice of Isaac. But these are little more than passing references, and neither author is represented as making any qualitative statements about this sacrifice. More surprising is the silence of the Emperor Julian about the sacrifice of Isaac. He obviously knows the biblical account since he cites parts of the Abraham story. Julian even reserves special praise for the way Abraham offered worship and sacrifice, pointing in particular to his building of altars and how he approached the sacrifice with fire (GLAJJ II, 543). He appeals to Abraham as a model to follow in offering sacrifices. And yet the sacrifice of Isaac, the sacrifice par excellence in Jewish and Christian tradition, does not figure at all into Julian’s presentation of Abraham’s exemplary worship. Beyond noticing the absence of any significant mention of the sacrifice of Isaac by Graeco-Roman authors, not much can be said about it.

Less surprising, but still noteworthy, is that while in Jewish traditions Abraham is intimately linked to the destruction of Sodom and Gomorrah, both in the biblical account and in later Jewish reflection, this connection is never made in the writings of Graeco- Roman pagan authors who mention Sodom and Gomorrah. Along with the Dead Sea and bitumen, Sodom and Gomorrah were regular features in accounts describing the history and geography of Palestine. As early as Eratosthenes (c. 275— 194 BCE) special attention was called to the destruction of Sodom and Gomorrah17).

15) T he Emperor Julian is the lone exception (GLAJJ II, 543), and he passes the responsibility off on the Egyptians. Neither does Julian seem to have a negative view o f circum cision.

*٠) See the m any remarks about circum cision in GLAJJ'. Strabo (I, 300), Persius (I, 436), Petronius (I, 443), M artial (I, 525ff), Tacticus (II, 26f), Juvenal (II, 103), and Rutilius Nam atianus (II, 663). I think the most original reason for why the Jew s practise circumcision com es from Pseudacro {GLAJJ, 656), who writes: “ The circum cised Jews: Therefore circum cised because M oyses the king of the Jew s, by whose laws they are ruled, became so by the negligence of the physician, and in order not to be the only person conspicuous by this he wanted all to be circum cised .”

’7) See several accounts in GLAJJ: Eratosthenes (I, 89f); Strabo (I, 303); Tacitus (II, 26 ج Celsus (II, 274); and Solinus (II, 420).

201ABRAHAM IN GRAEC<>ROMAN P A G A N I S M

An<l yet the eGnnection bcfwccu Abraham and the Sodom and Gomorrah tradition is nowhere refleeted in the various aeeounts by pagan authors,

5. Abraham and Magic

So far our examination of the eonception of Abraham in Graeeo- Roman paganism has been carried out primarily within the literary range of historical/geographical and arologieal/philosophieal writings. But Abraham also had a plaee in the more popular magieal traditions o f the Graeeo-Roman world, and it is to these traditions that we now turn*®).

Regarding the issue of when the magieal traditions are more Jewish or Christian than pagan in origin, 1 have followed the lead of Goodenough and others, who stress the syneretistie nature of all the magical traditions, which at any rate were collected and used by pagans^). Thus I present here all the magical traditions which make mention of Abraham, since they functioned on a popular level in Graeco-Roman paganism.

An indication of the common occurrence of Abraham within the magical traditions comes from Origen in his Contra Celsum. In the process of defending the Jews against attacks from Celsus, the subject of circumcision arises. Interestingly enough, Origen says that Celsus does not attack the custom of circumcision, but only notes that the custom came to the Jews from the Egyptians. Origen then launches into Celsus for believing the Egyptians rather than Moses regarding the origin of circumcision. In this context Origen takes the opportunity in an aside to attack Egyptian use of foe name of Abraham in magical formulas*®):

18) The bulk of the materials eom e from the Papyri Graecae Magicae. T he transía- fions of the various texts from the PGM are mine.

19) See E .R . G o o d e n o u g h (ed .), Jewish Symbols in the Greco-Roman Period, 13 vols. (N ew York, 1953-1968), especially vol. 2, p. 206; and j . G a g e r , Moses in Greco-Roman Paganism (Abingdon, 1972), p. 136, where he puts the situation well: * ‘. ..the distinction between Jewish and pagan in m any cases presents a false alter- native. T he magical papyri and amulets reveal such a com plex interpenetration o f different religious vocabularies and ideas that traditional distinctions break down under the overwhelm ing weight of syncretism .”

20) The passage is from Contra Celsum 1:22; from the edition by H . C h a d w i c k ,

Origen: Contra Celsum (Cam bridge, 1953).

JEFFREY S، SIKER202

He believed the Egyptians rather than Moses, who says that Abraham was first among men to be eireumeised. Now Moses is not the only one who reeords the name of Abraham and says that he was related to God; for many also of those who ehant incantations for daemons use among their formulas ،the God of Abraham’؛ they do this on account of the name and the familiarity between God and this righteous man. It is for this reason that they employ the expression ‘the God of Abraham’ although they do not know who Abraham is. The same may be said of Isaac and Jacob and Israel; although these names are generally known to be Hebrew they have been inserted in formulas in many places by the Egyptians who claim to produce some magical effect. However, it is not my task here to explain the meaning of circumcision which began with Abraham and was stopped by Jesus...

Origen expresses the same thoughts in another passage, where he defends the patriarchal heritage of the Jews recorded in Genesis against an attack by Celsus:

After this Celsus attacks the first book of Moses entitled Genesis, saying that “ they shamelessly undertook to trace their genealogy back to the first offspring of sorcerers and deceivers, invoking the witness of vague and ambiguous utterances concealed in some dark obscuri- ty, which they misinterpreted to uneducated and stupid people, in spite of the fact that throughout the length of past history such an idea has never even been claimed. ’’ In these words he seems to me to have expressed his meaning very obscurely. . . . In any event, it is clear that the Jews trace their genealogy back to the three fathers Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob. Their names are so powerful when linked with the name of God that the formula ،the God of Abraham, the God of Isaac, and the God of Jacob’ is used not only by members of the Jewish nation in their prayers to God and when they exorcise daemons, but also by almost all those who deal in magic and spells. For in magical treatises it is often to be found that God is invoked by this formula, and that in spells against daemons His name is used in close connexion with the names of these men. (יContra Celsum IV:33)

Origen’s complaint is that they employ the name of Abraham (and Isaac and Jacob) in magical formulas without even knowing who Abraham is. All they know is that a special connection exists between Abraham and the divine world. Although Isaac and Jacob also find a place in the formulas of invocation, Abraham has a more prominent role. Origen refers first to formulas invoking ،،the God


of A b rah am /’ and mentions Isaae and Jacob in the same connection seemingiy as an afterthought.

According to Origen, the name of Abraham was used to invoke the divine power especially in relation to spells against demons. This observation finds confirmation in the magical texts in which Abraham is used to invoke divine power, as we will see below. Origen also seems correct in noting that the formulas using the name of Abraham are simply inserted in long strings of invocations trying to get the attention of the gods, without any obvious sense as to why the Abraham formulas get plugged in where they do. As T. ÏÏOPFNER has observed, ،،Je höher und mächtiger der Gott war, desto kräftiger und wirksamer musste auch sein wahrer Name sein; daher war der Name des höchsten Gottes, des Urgottes und Schöpfers, für Menschen überhaupt unerträglich und tötete den, der ihn hörte’’^).

The most common occurrence of Abraham within the magical texts comes in invocations, as Origen pointed out. Sometimes his name alone appears in the invocations of ،،the God of Abraham’ص), although more frequently Isaac and Jacob join him to round out the trilogy of patriarchs^). The invocations employing the name of Abraham arise particularly where divine power for protection is sought. In PGM 21.31 the petitioner exudes con- fidence that “ behind me is Iao, Sabaoth, Adonai, to my right and left the God of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob ,” who will daily provide protection from all enemies. In PGM V 11.315 a phylakterion reads: “ Iao Sabaoth, Adonai [then a series of magical words]: protect so and so, son of so and so, against every threat from horrible dreams and from all spirits of the air, through the great, honored name Abraam .” Again, in PGM X III .795-819 we read:

... I have your name as sole protection in my heart, and no fleshly creature will prevail against me that is mentioned. No spirit will be set against me, no daemon, no spectre and no other evil thing from Hades, on account of your name, which I have in my soul and I invoke, and you are always with me, for my salvation, gracious in [my] welfare, protecting me against charms, giving me health, salvation, abundance, fame, victory, power, elegance. Bind the eyes of all who

21) “ M a g e i a ,” Pa u ly - W issowa X IV , 1, p. 338.22) See PG M V .481; or Abraham alone, P G M X X X V I .310.23) See PGM X II. 287; X III.8 1 7 X ؛ III .976; X X X V .and 21:31 ؛14.

JEFFREY S. SIKER204

oppose me, but give sueeess to me in all of my dealings [then a long series of magical words], because I have gained the power of Abraam, Isaac, and Jacob, and of the great God...

The power of Abraham is invoked to protect the petitioner against enemies and evil spirits. Another example of this comes from a Jewish Christian(?) phylactery used in an entranceway to a house, which reads {PGM 2a): ‘،The power of our God is strong, and the Lord patrols the door and does not allow the Destroyer to enter in. Abraham lives here. Blood of Christ, let evil come to an end . ’ This phylactery is striking in the way the dwelling of أAbraham within the household is on a par with the power of the blood of Christ in keeping evil away from the house, ?erhaps this is an offshoot of the hospitality for which Abraham was famous.

In addition to the use of Abraham in invocations for protection, his name itself finds use within magical incantations and not just as part of the invocations which often serve only to introduce the magical words. While describing a series of magical formulas used by Orphic writings, Zoroaster, ?yrrhos, Ptolemy, and others, an appeal is made to the writing of Moses on archangels, and then to another formula which reads; ،،In the Law in Debrew the solution runs: ،Abr^am, Isaac, Jacob ,” ’ followed by another series of magical words {PGM X III.976). No doubt, one reason the names are used is their Debrew origin, which is here pointed out (also see PGM V .460-485). The foreign words enhanced the power of the magical formulas, and in general it seems that the conception was the more foreign terms used, the stronger the magic. Abraham’s name also formed the basis for word plays within magical formulas: ،‘Indeed, Lord, because I call upon your secret name, which ex- tends from the firmament to the earth... Ambrami Abraam [and other magic words]...rescue tne in my hour of need” {PGM

1.2ل6־220مةر.)Abraham also appears once as a magical name in the Demotic

Magical Papyrus of London and Leiden^). In a passage regarding divination by a lamp, in a series of invocations, the text reads:

24) Als© see PGM IV .2209, where “ Abraa” ©ecurs, and PGM X I II .778, where we find the f©rmula “ Abraarm A rapha.” It is less clear whether these are plays ©٨ the name ٠٢ Abraham ©٢ n©t.

25) The Demotic Magical Papyrus of London and Leiden, 3 v©ls., ed. F.L. G r i f f i t h

and H. T h © m p s o n (L©nd©n, 1904-09).

205ABRAHAM IN G R A E C O ROMAN P A G A N I S M

Come in, ?iatoou, Khitore; ho! Shop, Shope, Shop, Abraham, the apple (?) of the Eye of the Uzat, Kmr, Kmr, Kmr, Kmr, Kmro, so as to ereate, Kom, ^ om wot, Sheknuch (?) is thy real name, let־wer־answer to be told to me as to everything about which 1 ask here today, (col. 8, lines 8-10)

The name of Abraham appears as a Coptie gloss written between the lines as abracham. Although the meaning of the passage is unclear, the use of Abraham within an invocation, as seen above, is common.

Finally, in his collection of magical amulets, c. B g n n e r records three instances in which Abraham appears, all of them presenting the sacrifice of Isaac^). One amulet (from the Newell collection) is a limonite pendant which B g n n e r describes in the following manner:

At the extreme right, on a higher level than the human figures, stands an altar with three horns. Approaching it is the child Isaac, behind whom Abraham walks, grasping a sword, point upward, in his right hand, which is held across his body. He has turned his head to look behind him at a ram standing under a small tree, which bends over sharply, and at a hand which points downward at the ram from a line representing the vault of heaven. At the upper right is a star. The reverse has four lines of a Hebrew or a Samaritan script, of which the first line is almost entirely obliterated and the second considerably damaged by abrasion, (p. 226)

The picture on the amulet has all the elements from the biblical account of the sacrifice of Isaac, with the addition of the star in the upper right hand corner, perhaps an indication of the astrological significance of Abraham. As B g n n e r points out (p. 2 2 6 f ) , artistic representations of the sacrifice of Isaac were popular. It was painted on the wall of the synagogue at Dura-Europus, and a mosaic of it is preserved from the synagogue of Beth Alpha.

The other two amulets portray the same picture with slight varia- tions. One amulet, an ivory pyxis in Berlin (from the fourth century), adds ،،an angel touching Abraham to hold back his fatal blow and show him the ram .” Neither of the latter includes the star.

In summary, Abraham makes several appearances in the magical papyri, primarily in invocations. There seem to be few

26) Studies in Magical Amulets Chiefly Graeco-Egyptian (The University o f M ichigan Press, 1950), p. 171, 226f.

JEFFREY S. S؛ KER206

connections between the presentation of Abraham in the magical traditions and his portrayal in the Graeco-Roman literary sources. The only parallel is the sacrifice of Isaac, mentioned by Alexander Polyhistor and Alexander of Lycopolis, and evident in magical am ulets.

6. Pagan Views Reflected in Jewish Writings

That various Jewish authors were aware of the pagan use of Abraham and were sensitive to it is apparent in several respects, almost all having to do with Abraham as an astrological figure. Some Jewish authors mention Abraham’s ties to astrology with pride. Ac- cording to Pseudo-Eupolemus (second century BCE), quoted by Alexander Polyhistor, Abraham ،‘discovered both astrology and Chaldean science” (FHJA I, 17Iff). He further says, “ After Abraham had been instructed in the science of astro lo^ , he first came into Phoenicia and there taught the Phoenicians astrology” {FHJA I, 177). Artapanus (second century BCE) preserves a similar tradition: “ Abraham came with his entire household into Egypt to Pharethothes, the king of the Egyptians, and taught him astrology” {FHJA I, 205). Josephus glows warmest in relating the same, going so far as to say: “ before the coming of Abraham the Egyptians were ignorant of these sciences, which thus travelled from the Chaldaens into Egypt, whence they passed to the Greeks” (Ant. 1.160). Josephus would have his readers attribute to Abraham all knowledge of mathematics and astronomy, upon which even the Greeks rely.

Such a positive evaluation of Abraham’s expertise in astrology, however, is not shared across the board by other Jewish authors. A generation or so earlier than Josephus, Philo does his best to sever the connections between Abraham and astrology27). In his work De Abrahamo, Philo notes Abraham’s Chaldaean heritage, but denigrates it. According to Philo the word came to Abraham: “ Dismiss, then, the rangers of the heavens and the science of Chaldea, and depart for a short time from the greatest of cities, this world, to the lesser ...” {De Abrahamo, 71). And in his De Migratione Abrahami, by way of allegorical exegesis, Philo portrays on a larger

27) See the d i s c u s s i o n i n s. S a n d m e l , Philo }s Place injudaism ^ U C P , 1956), pp. 96-211.


scale the movement of Abraham away from the falsehoods of his Chaldaean heritage to true knowledge of God،

At times, ر ewish authors appear to be embarrassed over Abraham’s connections with astrology, and they present a chastised Abraham. In the Genesis Rabba 44:8-12 Abraham says to God: ‘،I have read it in the stars, ‘Abraham, thou wilt beget no children.’” “ Thereupon God raised Abraham above the vault of the skies, and H e said, ‘Thou art a prophet, not an astrologer’^ )” ! This shows, even in later rabbinic traditions, th a ^ ew s were still very sensitive and defensive about Abraham’s ties to astrology. Earlier roots of this can be seen already in the pseudepigraphal book o f J u b i l e e s

(second century BCE), where Abraham’s astrological practices are shown to be futile:

And in the sixth week, in its fifth year, Abraham sat up during the night on the new moon of the seventh month, so that he might observe the stars from evening until daybreak so that he might see what events of the year would eome to pass with respect to rain. And he was sitting alone and making observations. And a voice came into his head, saying: “ All of the signs of the stars and the signs of the sun and moon are in the hand of the Lord. Why am I seeking? If He desires, He will make rain morning and evening. And if He desires He will not send (it) down; and everything is in his hand.” jubilees 12:16-18)

Thus Jewish defensiveness about Abraham’s ties to astrology are about as old as the appeal by Graeco-Roman pagan authors to Abraham’s astrological expertise. How popular traditions about Abraham and astrology arose from the biblical accounts is not difficult to imagine. But this connection became increasingly problem- atic for Jews wanting to maintain both a radically monotheistic faith, in the midst of Graeco-Roman religious syncretism, and close ties to Abraham as their exemplary forefather, in the midst of pagan notions about Abraham as an astrological figure as much as the progenitor of the Jews. The two ways of negotiating this prob-

28) G inzberg n©tcs: “ T he statement that God com m anded Abraham not to rely on astrology is very frecjuently met with in rabbinic literature” , Legends V , 227. See other rabbinic literature cited there. Also se e J .H . C h a r l e s w o r t h , “Jewish Astrology in the Talm ud, ?seudepigrapha, the Dead Sea Scrolls, and Early ?alestinian Synagogues,” Harvard Theological Review 70 (1977), 183-200; and G. M a v e r , “ Aspekte des Abraham bildes in der hellenistisch-jüdischen Literatur,” Evangelische Theologie 32 (1972), 1 18-127.

JEFFREY S. SIKER208

lem were either to make Abraham’s Chaldaean heritage and astrological knowledge a boon, showing the dependenee of other nations on his wisdom (so Pseudo-Eupolemus, Artapanus, and Josephus), or to sever the ties between Abraham and astrology, in favor of stressing the radical monotheism for whieh the Jews were famous (so Jubilees, Philo, and the rabbis).

Although the astrologieal signifieance of Abraham within Graeeo-Roman paganism finds confirmation in Jewish writings, this is not the case when it comes to the place of Abraham in the magical traditions. The only mention of Abraham’s role in magic comes from O rigen’s Contra Celsum, presented above. However, as several of the magical traditions about Abraham are probably Jewish in origin to begin with, and functioned more within the popular arena than in more literary circles, it should come as no surprise that such parallels are not to be found in Jewish sources.

7. Summary

In brief, the following picture of Abraham in Graeco-Roman paganism emerges. He is not widely known, although many may well have recognized his name as having something to do with astrology and/or magic. The links to astrology and magic are almost as strong as the connection between Abraham and Judaism. In general, those familiar with the name of Abraham had a positive evaluation of him as an ancient wise man from somewhere in the East, probably Chaldaea or Syria, who was an astrological authority. This figure may also have been a ruler in the region of Damascus. And he has something to do with the Jews, an ancestor of some kind. But Abraham was not so closely identified with the Jews or Israel that the pagan criticism of the Jews ever rubbed off on him. As Graeco-Roman paganism slowly gave way to the rise of Christianity, of course, the legacy of Abraham took on more clarity, with new directions, but that will have to be the subject of another study.

آلمآورلم؛

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Abraham in Graeco-Roman Paganism

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