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A study of poverty profile of Indonesia and its management
Ms. Deepti Kakar1
Abstract
Indonesia is a prominent South East Asian economy whose growth
patterns have been
exemplary. Yet Indonesias poverty at
individual/household/societal level is a critical issue which
is conspicuous in the domain of international developmental
research. After formation of the
Republic of Indonesia in 1945, the country has intermittently
experienced political and economic
turmoil and prosperity till the end of the 20th century.
Reduction of poverty and improvement in
the well being of the people has always been an important issue
that has been given considerable
attention via economic planning. However, it was the financial
crisis of 1997-98 that gave birth
to concerted State interventions in the form of poverty
alleviation schemes. This paper discusses
the causes, measurement and incidence of poverty in Indonesia in
addition to the strength of
economic growth at poverty reduction and also governmental
efforts via various anti-poverty
programmes. The paper closes on a suggestive note of desired
improvements in the strategy to
tackle poverty in Indonesia.
1 Associate Professor ,Jagan Institute of Management Studies,3,
Institutional Area, Rohini Sector 5, Delhi 110085, India
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South Asian Journal of Multidisciplinary Studies (SAJMS)
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Keywords: Economic Planning, Indonesia, Poverty, Poverty
alleviation schemes
JEL Classification: I32
1. Introduction
Placed along the equator in the South East Asia, Indonesia is
believed to have been inhabited as
early as 1.5 million years ago. The worlds largest archipelago,
the present day diverse culture
and life of Indonesia can be attributed to its long history of
migrations, invasions, wars and
international trade. Natural endowments in the form of
resources, biodiversity and its
geographical location historically attracted people from far and
wide and continues to do so in
the present.
Trade relations with India brought Buddhism and Hinduism to the
Indonesian land in as early as
the 4th century. Since the 7th century the Srivijaya Empire
ruled over Sumatra and spread to as far
as West Java and Malay Island. The Sailendra and Mataram
dynasties and the Majapahit
kingdom flourished in most of modern Indonesia and Buddhism and
Hinduism prevailed during
the reign of these empires. Islam entered the region in 12th -
13th century and became the major
religion by the 16th century. It was during this time that the
nutmeg spice (the plant is a native of
Indonesia) brought the colonial Dutch, Portuguese and English
forces and these ruled and
exploited the land draining it of its rich natural
resources.
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An independence movement led by young professionals and students
began in early 20th century
and spread out fast in the time period between the two world
wars. The Dutch rule came to an
end with the end of Second World War. Japanese invasion in 1942
was initially not detested due
to hatred for the Dutch colonists, but the cruel treatment meted
out by the Japanese forces saw
the revival of the independence movement and after Japanese
surrender to the Allied forces,
Republic of Indonesia was formed in August 1945. Normalcy did
not return to Indonesia till
1949 - there were intermittent battles waged between the
independence seeking groups of
Indonesia and the Allied forces, the Dutch made attempts to
regain control, US interventions and
subsequent international pressure led to an end of colonial rule
in Indonesia. Thus the country
gained sovereignty in 1949. A new Constitution was adopted and
Parliamentary system of
government was chosen to run the country which saw its first
national elections in 1955. One of
the early nationalist leaders, Sukarno led the country as the
president for the initial (almost) two
decades after independence. After a military coup and lot of
bloodshed, General Suharto became
the president in 1968 and continued to be elected for successive
terms till 1998. Suharto made a
drastic change from the leftist policies followed by Sukarno. In
1997 the Asian financial crisis
and coupled with a cruel drought, hit the economy of Indonesia
badly. Under lot of pressure,
Sukarno quit and the country again experienced unrest in 1999
following a referendum on the
status of East Timor. In the following years, the country has
experienced largely free and fair
direct presidential elections. Thus, the country followed a
communist pattern during the Sukarno
regime and experienced the right winged policies and alignment
with the West under the Suharto
rule and open policies continue in the post Asian Financial
Crisis period.
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2. Poverty in Indonesia
Poverty in Indonesia has its deep roots in the long history of
the country. When the country
gained independence in 1949, it was largely poor and illiterate.
Broadly till Sukarnos regime,
Indonesia was primarily an agrarian economy backed by a rural
society.
According to Maksum (2004) the problem of poverty was well
recognized by all the
governments in post-independence Indonesia though it gained
greater prominence after the
economic crisis of 1997-98.
2.1 Causes
Present day poverty in Indonesia has different determining
factors as compared to the poverty
experienced by it historically. Historically, Indonesia
experienced plunder and exploitation at the
hands of its colonial rulers similar to India under the British
rule. As discussed earlier,
Indonesians lived under the colonial rule (majorly under the
Dutch and to some extent under the
Portuguese and English) for more than three centuries. The
colonial rulers made every attempt to
benefit from their stay even if it was at the cost of Indonesias
economic and social well-being.
Various writings on the colonial rule in Indonesia are a proof
to the poverty inflicted upon
Indonesians. Beck (2008) in his book titled South Asia 1800-1950
highlights the plundering of
natural resources in Indonesia and how the farmers were forced
to put aside a portion of their
land holding and grow cash crops such as coffee, tobacco,
pepper, sugar etc. In many parts, a
large number of families were involved in growing these crops.
The sad part was that the crops
did not yield food for the natives but instead demanded more
labor. Also, these crops were a
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burden on the natural resources as they required more water and
depleted the land of its natural
nutrients.
Famines in 1840s were caused by dearth of rice as Chinese
traders hoarded huge quantities in
warehouses to create shortages and raise prices making them
unaffordable to the masses. Max
Havelaar: Or the Coffee Auctions of the Dutch Trading Company
written by Eduard Douwes
Dekker (1860) is another significant proof that exposes corrupt
and oppressive practices of the
Dutch rulers in Java, Indonesia. The book lays bare the
testimony to the dismally low wages paid
to the Javanese which were just enough to keep them from
starving. Uprisings, conflicts, slavery
and wars between Dutch and English to gain supremacy over
regions for commercial interests
resulted in loss of life and belongings of many natives. Famines
due to crop failure or flooding,
volcanic eruptions and epidemics not only took heavy toll of
lives, it also pushed many to
penury. Absence of help or relief measures from the colonial
officials was responsible for death
of larger numbers due to famines (Van der Eng, 2004).
Thus poverty was a natural outcome of the despotic Dutch rule.
Natural calamities such as
floods, droughts, volcanic eruptions combined with epidemics
added to the miseries of the
Indonesians putting them into the circle of poverty.
In the post independent years, President Sukarno desired to lead
the country to attain social and
economic progress but political instability marked by sharp
differences between political parties
and frequent dissolution of cabinets did not bring much desired
progress for the country. With
passage of time his rule turned into dictatorship. Around the
end of his term, the country was
reeling under massive foreign debt and hyperinflation and
economic sufferings of the people
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were widespread in the form of hunger and poverty. Various
studies share that there was ample
evidence that falling average income was associated with
increasing income inequalities between
the have and have-nots in many big cities.
The economic contraction that followed the Financial Crisis of
1997-98 was more severe as
compared to the economic troubles faced by the economy in
Sukarnos time. A large number of
people working in the formal sector lost their jobs and were
compelled to move to low paying
work in the primary and the informal sector. This change along
with hyperinflation led to
massive erosion of purchasing power and consequently absolute
poverty in Indonesia rose.
Though there was reduction in the number of absolute poor by
2002, the numbers rose again in
2006 due to State restriction on import of rice which led to its
shortages in the country.
2.2 Measurement of poverty
Indonesian laws have bestowed the responsibility of gathering
and releasing the basic official
statistics in Indonesia to Badan Pusat Statistik (BPS) -
Statistics Indonesia. This central
Statistical Agency makes use of the National Socioeconomic
Survey (SUSENAS) consumption
expenditure data for arriving at the official statistics on
poverty. Till 2010, SUSENAS data was
collected every year and since 2011, quarterly information is
made available.
The official publication of data on poverty has been practiced
since 1984. In 1984, it covered the
data for the years 1976-81. Year 1990 onward, in addition to the
national data, estimation was
expanded and the disaggregated (by province) data have been
released. Since 1999, BPS has
been releasing data further disaggregated to regency/city level.
Interestingly there are demands
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for publication of data disaggregated to the village level. The
information is extremely useful as
it not only serves the monitoring purpose but also enables
targeted state interventions at poverty
alleviation.
Till 1993, BPS made use of the cost of calories method for
calculation of poverty line and
measuring the incidence of poverty in Indonesia. Prior to 1993,
the food poverty line was
constructed using the total expenditure and the corresponding
energy intake in different
expenditure groups, thereafter linear interpolation is applied
to the information. The average
consumption bundle is classified into sub-bundles of food items
and non food items. These
include 52 items and 46 items respectively.
The basic minimum requirement of food for an individual is taken
as 2100 calories per day. This
is in accordance with the recommendation (daily intake for a
person to stay healthy) of the
National Workshop on Food and Nutrition held in 1978. (Maksum,
2004) In monetary terms the
poverty line is taken as the total expenditure in Rupiahs
required to purchase food meeting the
2100 calories benchmark. Thus the poverty line (food) reflected
the total expenditure required to
meet an energy requirement of 2100 calories per person per
day.
The non-food poverty line is the average of the expenditures on
the non food items made by the
reference population. Reference group is a marginal class of
people, whose expenditure is just
above the poverty line. The estimation is based on the data
collected from the Survey of Non
Food Basket Commodities.
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1993 onward, the basic needs approach was used which involved
the calculation of food as well
as non-food poverty line. The basic-needs approach views poverty
as the economic inability to
meet the basic requirements of food items and non-food items.
Being measured from the
expenditure dimension, it classifies a person as poor whose
average monthly per capita
expenditure falls below the defined poverty line. A bundle of
food items generally consumed (by
considering the consumption patterns of the reference group) to
yield the specific energy
requirements (2100 calories) was identified for every province
of the country. The total monthly
average per capita expenditure for each food item in the bundle
helped to set the food poverty
line. Given the diversity in consumption preferences, the
commodity bundles are unique for
every province.
Up-dation of the non-food poverty line is done on the basis of
surveys of non-food consumption
of a reference group. The non-food consumption bundle is unique
for each province and varies
from one to the other. For the non-food bundle, items such as
health, education, housing,
transportation and durable goods were considered. Thereafter,
the monetary conversion of the
basket was done to obtain the average monthly per capita
expenditure. When added to the food
poverty line, this provided the total poverty line. Thus, from
1993 the methodology adopted
incorporated the differences in the preferences of consumption
of both food and non-food items
across various regions of the country.
Initiated at the request made by the government, a poverty
census beginning 2005 has been
conducted every three years 2005, 2008 and 2011. The data
collected is used to arrive at a non-
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monetary measure for poverty for household targeting. It covers
various non-monetary
parameters of deprivation (Iriana, et al., 2012).
2.3 Incidence /Extent of Poverty
Before the financial crisis of 1997-98 hit Indonesia on both
economic and social fronts, the rapid
economic growth experienced, helped it in a remarkable reduction
in poverty with the incidence
falling from as high as 40% in 1970 to about 11% in 1996 (World
Bank, 2006). Along with this
reduction in the proportion of the poor the absolute number of
the poor also declined as
population under the poverty line reduced from 54.2 million to
22.5 million (JICA, 2001)
The financial crisis years saw a spurt in the number of poor and
in 1999 about a fourth of the
country was living in poverty. The official estimates reported
an increase in the incidence of
poverty from February 1996 to December 1998 increased by nearly
50%.
The poverty lines were restructured in 1998 - they were
increased by 153.5 % and 165.5 % in
urban and rural areas respectively to create consistency with
the sharp rise in prices, especially
food commodities, over this period. The financial crisis had an
adverse impact on all the
segments of the society affecting the expenditures of all and
interestingly, the income inequality
gap shrunk with the burden of the crisis proportionately
affecting the middle and the upper
income earners more than the low income earners.
Economic stabilization reduced the poverty levels back to the
pre-crisis times. Concerted efforts
of the government for poverty alleviation yielded results and
the first decade of the twenty first
century saw a gradual decline in poverty and the fall continues
in the present also.
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Year Incidence of National Poverty
(%)
Incidence of Rural Poverty
(%)
1976 40.10 40.40
1978 33.30 33.40
1980 28.60 28.40
1981 26.90 26.50
1984 21.60 21.20
1987 17.40 16.10
1990 15.10 14.30
1993 13.70 13.80
1996 11.30/17.50 12.30/19.78
1998 24.20 25.72
1999 23.40 26.03
2000 19.10 22.38
2001 18.40 24.84
2002 18.20 21.10
2003 17.40 20.23
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2004 16.70 20.11
2005 16.00 19.98
2006 17.80 21.81
2007 16.60 20.37
2008 16.40 18.93
2009 14.15 17.35
2010 13.33 16.56
Table1: Percentage of Population living in Poverty
Source: www.tnp2k.go.id
3. Tackling Poverty in Indonesia
Similar to most other nations, well being of the masses has
always been a prominent item on the
development agenda of Indonesia. However, specific poverty
alleviation programmes run by the
government were almost non-existent till mid 1990s (Sumarto et
al., 2002). As discussed above,
the government used to run general welfare schemes mainly in the
areas of health, education and
development and a few schemes targeted at the handicapped, etc.
In addition the employees in
big organizations, government service and military personnel
were covered by compulsory social
security and health insurance. Till the crisis hit the country,
never was the need felt among the
policy makers to run specific poverty alleviation
programmes.
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3.1 Economic Planning
Similar to India, the government of Indonesia adopted the
instrument of economic planning to
achieve an all rounded development of the country. The
development strategy charted out by
State planning involved Repelita or Pembangunan Lima Tahun, the
five-year development plans
developed by the Government of Indonesia. The government under
General Suharto launched the
first five year plan in 1969 which marked the beginning of
25-year long-term national plan.
The first five year development plan or Repelita focused on
rebuilding of the economy by
improving agriculture, irrigation, and transportation. The
second five year plan or Repelita II
started in fiscal year 1973-74 attempted to raise the standard
of living by provision of better
food, clothing and housing. Expansion of infrastructure,
generation of employment opportunities
and provision of social-welfare benefits were also a part of the
strategy for this plan. The third
five year plan or Repelita III was stated in the year 1978-79.
It ushered the 'trilogy of
development' of high economic growth, stability and equitable
distribution. The fourth five year
plan or the Repelita IV started in 1984-85 and lay focus on
self-sufficiency in rice and industrial
machinery. Repelita V or the fifth five year plan started in the
year 1989-90 and stressed rapid
development in both agricultural and industrial sectors. The
sixth five year development plan or
Repelita VI encouraged foreign investment and eased high tariff
barriers and heavy regulation.
Thus, economic planning in Indonesia aimed at an overall
economic development without
specifically targeting poverty alleviation. The attention
towards poverty as a critical issue
requiring solutions came up in late 1990s.
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3.2 Economic growth inducing poverty reduction
The proposition that economic growth of the country as a whole
was successful in reducing the
incidence of poverty has been studied for a large number of
countries including Indonesia and
the studies have been successful in linking the growth in
incomes to easing of poverty.
As discussed earlier, General Suharto became the president of
Indonesia in 1968. At that time,
Indonesia was reeling under poverty and the nation was largely
in a chaotic state both politically
and in economic terms. Also, it was one of the least
industrialized nations of that time
(Feridhanusetyawan, 2000). The change in the political regime
ushered in reforms bringing about
economic liberalization which attempted to move away from State
interventions to a market led
economy.
The banking system was resurrected, the State spending was
reduced, and balanced budget was
policy adopted, self sufficiency in food production was
encouraged, price controls were
removed, investment laws were liberalized, foreign trade
procedures were simplified. All these
measures facilitated industrial growth of the country (Hofman,
et al, 2004). Increase in oil
production in the 1970s broadened the income stream and the
revenues so generated helped to
lower the reliance on external assistance for capital
investments (Feridhanusetyawan, 2000).
Content with the sufficiency of capital resources, the policy
makers reverted back their focus on
public sector and import substitution was encouraged. A decline
in the oil revenues in early
1980s once again shifted the focus of the policy makers towards
encouraging exports and greater
private participation in economic activities. Subsequently, the
manufacturing sector grew and the
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manufacturing exports also increased at a remarkable rate. This
trend of rapid economic growth
continued in the 1990s.
According to Timmer (2004), the income of the bottom 20 % of the
income earners increased at
the same rate as the rate of growth of the average per capita
income over the period 1967 to
2002, barring some variations in the sub-periods. However,
Feridhanusetyawan (2000) found
that the reduction in income inequality was not remarkable over
1964 to 1996 and the Gini
coefficient stayed between 0.32 and 0.38 over these years.
Studies by Cornia and Kiiski (2001)
show that rural development and subsequent reduction in income
inequality came about due to
greater investments in rural infrastructure and public health
and education made out of oil
revenues. Thus the period stretching from mid-1970s to the late
1980s was characterized by rapid
economic growth and reduction in poverty. But, Cornia and Kiiski
(2001) find that beyond this
period till the onset of the financial crisis of mid 1970s, the
emphasis of economic development
was largely urban, and the slow growth in agriculture increased
the rural urban divide and thus
the overall inequality worsened. Importantly, the overall
economic growth was accompanied by
decline in the national poverty rates in this period.
According to Hofman, et al. (2004), the per capita income
increased to $3346(PPP) in 1995 from
$817(PPP) in 1965 and a major proportion of the population
gained from this growth and
poverty rates reached a low of 11% (poverty headcount rate) in
1996.
Sala-i-Martin (2002) in his study World Distribution of Income
attempts to construct a world
income distribution by combining the income distribution of the
individual component nations.
Studying the income levels and income changes for 125 countries
for the period over 1970 to
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1998, he explores the relation between income growth and income
inequality. Martin has
highlighted the experience of 9 heavily populated countries
including India, Indonesia and
Brazil. For Indonesia, his findings corroborate the views
discussed above - growth in income in
Indonesia was accompanied with reduction in extreme poverty.
To further the understanding of the existence and strength of
the linkage between economic
growth and poverty reduction in Indonesia, various researchers
have calculated the growth
elasticity of poverty. According to estimates by Warr (2001) the
growth elasticity of poverty
reduction for Indonesia over 1976 to 1999 was -1.38 implying
that a 1% increase in the real GDP
per capita resulted in a 1.38% reduction in the absolute poverty
incidence. Also, the study
covering a small sample of six south Asian economies - upholds
the proposition that open trade
brings about a higher rate of economic growth and a pattern
which is poor-friendly. The
calculation of the study by Warr (2001) explains that only about
40% of the annual variation in
the rate of poverty decline is explained by variation in the
rate of growth, thereby making it an
important variable determining poverty alleviation.
Interestingly, in Warrs study, all the six
countries (namely, India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Taipei (China),
Thailand and Philippines, the
sectoral distribution and contribution to the GDP was different.
Therefore over the sample of
countries studies Warr, awards a lesser importance to the
sectoral composition of growth as a
contributor to poverty alleviation.
Thus, the economic growth experienced by Indonesia has been a
significant contributor in
improving the status of the poor - increases in income caused a
decline in poverty rates.
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Though well-being of the masses has always been a prominent item
on the development agenda
of Indonesia (similar to other nations), specific poverty
alleviation programmes run by the
government were almost non-existent till mid 1990s (Sumarto et
al., 2002). As discussed above,
the government used to run general welfare schemes mainly in the
areas of health, education and
development and a few schemes targeted at the handicapped, etc.
In addition the employees in
big organizations, government service and military personnel
were covered by compulsory social
security and health insurance.
3.3 Poverty Alleviation Programmes
Till the crisis hit the country, never was the need felt among
the policy makers to run specific
poverty alleviation programmes. The economic and social impact
of the crisis of mid-1997 was
tremendous as it pulled many below the poverty line and plunged
the poor deeper into poverty.
Also, the existing welfare schemes of the government were
insufficient to help the poor
population as the majority in the unorganized sector was not
covered by the social security
schemes. Thus in 1998 programmes were specifically directed at
the poor via Social Security
Nets or the JPS or Jaring Pengaman Sosial. The funds directed
for these were largely influenced
by the ongoing macro economic conditions and the political
intentions and capabilities. Due to
the lack of experience of the government in designing and
implementing such programmes on a
large scale, the task that lay ahead was undoubtedly big.
In Indonesia social assistance is extended via a number of
social welfare programmes that range
from improving access to healthcare to generating additional
employment opportunities. These
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programmes are coordinated, implemented and overseen by various
line ministries. The broad
classification of these programmes is in the form of three
clusters -
1. Household based social protection, for example Rice for Poor
Household programme
2. Community based empowerment, for example Community
Conditional Cash Transfer
3. Micro and small enterprise empowerment, for example People's
Business Credit
The first cluster of programmes attempts to lessen the burden on
the poor by means of improving
their access to education, healthcare, nutritious food, clean
drinking water and sanitation. The
second cluster includes programmes that try to develop and
strengthen poor communities,
empower them and help them to be gainfully engaged in
progressive economic activities. This is
expected to increase their incomes and improve the standard of
living. The third cluster is also an
attempt to empower by providing credit facilities to the micro
and small enterprises.
In 2011, the government via a Presidential decree brought in a
fourth cluster of six programmes
that intend to strengthen the existing pro-poor programmes by
improving and expanding their
coverage. The six programmes making up this cluster include -
Very Cheap Home Program,
Clean Water Program for People, Cheap Public Transport Program,
Cheap and Save Electric
Program, Fisherman Life Improvement Program and Urban Poor
Community Life Improvement
Program. The Master Plan for the Acceleration and Expansion of
Indonesia Poverty Reduction
sought to change the ongoing poverty alleviation programs into a
comprehensive set of actions
that would rescue the poor and enable them sustainable means of
livelihood (OECD, 2013). The
Master Plan has set the long term strategy over 2012-2025. The
Master Plan, popularly known as
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MP3KI makes a specific description of the poverty reduction
policy, strategy and design over
these years.
Social Security Nets/Jaring Pengaman Sosial (JPS):
The programme covered five major areas intending to mitigate the
adverse impact of the crisis.
The five areas covered under the JPS included affordable food,
employment generation, access
to healthcare, access to education, and credit facilities at the
village level.
Subsidized rice was made available to households that met the
eligibility criterion of falling in
either of the two lowest rungs of the prosperity ranking as done
by the National Family Planning
Coordinating Agency. The labour creating programmes were diverse
and handled by a number
of ministries. The programmes ranged from drought relief works
to urban construction
programmes and the payment in them varied from cash to kind.
Access to healthcare facilities
included entitled households to avail free medical services from
the assigned healthcare centers.
Eligibility for households was determined by the village level
lists that incorporated some
modifications over the criterion set by the National Planning
Agency. Access to education was
improved via scholarships to individual students and grants to
schools. The scholarships were
extended by means of direct cash transfers to the students or
their families and covered the
primary, lower secondary and the upper secondary levels of
school education. Here also the
targeting was of students - who belonged to the lowest two
categories of the prosperity ranking
by the family planning agency, had a greater probability of
dropping out and half of the
scholarships were reserved for the girl students. The community
block grants were provided
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directly to the villages for undertaking public works or served
as a revolving fund for extension
of credit at their end.
Each of these five dimensions of social security programme was
implemented under separate
specific names with varying coverage and eligibility criterion
for beneficiaries. These are
discussed in the following sections.
Backward Village Programme/ Impres Desa Tertinggal (IDT):
The programme was launched in 1994 in accordance with a
presidential instruction made in 1993
to financially help the backward or the so called 'left behind'
villages. The scheme ran for three
years and aimed to close the gaps in regional development that
had arisen in the normal course of
growth of the Indonesian economy. It was estimated that about 27
million poor Indonesians were
concentrated in these villages (Rigg, 1997).
The targeted villages were provided funds to develop physical
infrastructure and also enable the
poor to use credit as capital for setting up their small scale
ventures and thus grow their incomes.
The targeted villages (decided upon by the local authorities
using various social and economic
parameters) made almost one third of the total villages in
Indonesia. According to Robinson
(2002) about 3.3 million people had participated and availed the
benefit of this programme by
mid-1997.
Special Market Operations/ Operasi Pasar Khusus/ OPK:
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The Special Market Operations program was introduced in 1998 to
ensure food security to the
poor who were pushed into greater difficulty due to the
financial crisis. The programme aimed at
provisioning rice to the needy at prices much below the market
prices (Hardjono, et. al. 2010). In
addition to the subsidized rice, the poor households had the
opportunity of receiving cooking oil,
milk powder and soybean free of cost under the OPK
programme.
Rice for poor households/Beras untuk Rakyat Miskin (Raskin):
The Raskin program is a continuation of the food security
programme being run under the name
of OPK from its origination in 1998 to 2002. In 2002 the
programme was rechristened as Raskin.
Raskin accounted for almost 53% of all the household-targeted
social assistance State
expenditure in 2010 (World Bank, 2012b). Till 2005, the
targeting of households for the
programme was done on the basis of the economic classifications
as done by the National Family
Planning Agency (BKKBN). However 2006 onward, the target
beneficiaries have been
determined on the basis of the Household Socio-economic Survey
of 2005.
Health Insurance/Askeskin:
Askeskin or the social health insurance scheme in Indonesia was
launched in 2005. At that time
only 10% of the population of the country enjoyed health
insurance coverage (ILO, 2010) which
was via compulsory coverage of the government servants, armed
personnel and those employed
in organized in private sector. Thus the coverage excluded the
vast majority engaged in the
unorganized sector.
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With the intention of covering the unorganized sector, the
Askeskin scheme was introduced and
it included the basic outpatient care, third class hospital care
in specified hospitals, an obstetric
service package, mobile health services and special services for
remote areas, immunization
programs in addition to medicines. Askeskin provided universal
health coverage through
mandatory public health insurance.
In 2008, the Askeskin scheme which was designed to help the poor
was evolved into the
Jamkesmas that in addition to the poor, provided help the
near-poor. Official claims put forward
coverage of more than 76 million Indonesians (Langenbrunner, et
al., 2011). The program is
fully financed out of central government revenues and is
administered by the Ministry of Health.
Unconditional Cash Transfer/Bantuan Langsung Tunai (BLT):
The scheme of unconditional cash transfer was launched in 2005
as an instrument to help
households adversely affected by the reduction of subsidies on
fuel. The increase in fuel prices
due to calling off of the earlier subsidy increased the number
of poor by 12% in 2006 (Sutiyo and
Maharjan, 2011). These transfers had no conditions attached to
them and therefore the receiving
beneficiaries enjoyed freedom of choice with respect to spending
the transfer money.
In March 2005 and subsequently in October 2005, the government
of Indonesia reduced the
subsidies on gasoline, automotive diesel and kerosene, till then
enjoyed by the consumers. The
policy makers justified their decision on grounds of equity and
efficiency and pro-development
in nature. Stretching over a period of twelve months in 2005-06
and nine months in 2008-09, the
scheme targeted nearly 19 million poor and near poor households
determined by the BPS (using
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14 indicators of poverty). The beneficiaries received a cash
equivalent of USD 10 per month so
as to improve their purchasing power. The fund comprised nearly
245 of the total monthly
expenditure of the poorest households in the rural areas.
Conditional Cash Transfer/Hope Family Programme/Program Keluarga
Harapan (PKH):
Conditional cash transfer to the eligible households was
extended by the Indonesian government
under the name of Program Keluarga Harapan in 2007. Initially
the program was launched in
seven provinces namely West Sumatra, DKI Jakarta, West Java,
East Java, North Sulawesi,
Gorontalo and East Nusa Tenggara. An additional 6 provinces were
covered by the scheme in
2008.
The programme aims to enhance the quality of life through
improvement in education and health
and nutrition in poor communities especially amongst the
children. Eligibility of the beneficiary
households has been made contingent on geographical and
household level targeting. A number
of criteria such as incidence of poverty, incidence of
malnutrition, transition rate from primary to
secondary school education, supply of health and education
facilities and approval from the local
government. Intended to lay the foundation of social security
schemes of the future, the
programme PKH is expected to run till 2015 and benefit almost
6.5 million chronically poor
Indonesian households each of which is expected to receive the
funds for a six year period.
The immediate advantage of the scheme is seen in terms of
benefiting the poor households
improve their incomes. Additionally the scheme was expected to
build an informed poor
population that would make the right choice of opting education
and good health for their
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children over child labour. The scheme is expected to yield a
long lasting improvement in health
and nutrition and education of the children to improve their
income earning capacity in the time
to come and thus help them escape the generational poverty
trap.
The scheme imposed on the beneficiaries to ensure that their
children go to school, obtain a
health check at the health center, and receive adequate
nutritional intake. The mother or the
female adult member was extended the cash transfer every three
months through the post office
as long as they would meet the health and education related
pre-specified requirements.
Healthcare centers and schools regularly reported non compliance
of the services to the sub-
district PKH management office and after a few warnings, the
cash transfers were terminated.
Community Conditional Cash Transfer/ Program Nasional
Pemberdayaan Masyarakat or PNPM
Generasi:
The programme of conditional cash transfer to communities was
initiated along with the PKH
(discussed above) but covered a different set of regions. Cash
transfers in this programme are
made in the form of block grants to communities instead of
individual targeted households.
The underlying condition making the participating communities
eligible for the cash transfer
involves a commitment towards improvement in health and
education conditions. The scheme
focuses on investment in these areas.
Cash Transfer for the Poor Students Program/Bantuan Siswa Miskin
(BSM):
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The government started the programme in 2008 with the aim to
extend assistance in the form of
cash transfers to poor students covering all levels - primary
education to university education.
The scheme is tax financed by the central government. The
targeted students from poor
households were identified by the school administration. The
school administration decides on
the selection making use of various objective and subjective
parameters such as a minimum
attendance percentage, good behavior, praise-worthy personality
- disciplined, diligent, etc.
In 2008, the programme targeted and covered 2.7 million students
across all level of education
and in 2010 the official coverage was of about 6 million
students the coverage increased to 6.3
million students. The cash transfer was extended to all public
schools and transferred in the form
of an annual one time lump sum help. The transfer was
conditional upon completion of the
ongoing academic year and was given to the students in the
subsequent year of studies.
According to the World Bank (2012) the BSM consists of 10
independent initiatives with
responsibilities and budgets delineated by type and level of
education. Fragmented
implementation of the scheme at the level of the individual
schools makes the monitoring and
evaluation of the programme a difficult task. The BSM programme
was renamed as Subsidies for
Poor Students (SSM) in 2012. Subsidies are transferred directly
to students, mainly via post
service, in several tranches a year.
School operational assistance/Bantuan Operasional Sekolah
(BOS):
The programme initiated in 2005, was designed in tune with the
mandate of the National
Education System that every citizen in the age group 7 to 15
years must have access to
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compulsory basic education free of cost. Thus, the BOS program
aims to ease the financial load
of public education in the context of 9-year compulsory
education.
The programme involves transfer of block grants to schools to
fund the basic schooling of poor
students from standard one to nine. The scheme extends free
education to the target group and
ensures that they achieve basic education of good quality. Under
this scheme since 2010, the
schools in rural areas receive a per capita grant of IDR 397,000
per annum and IDR 570,000 per
annum for the primary level and junior secondary school level
respectively. According to ILO
(2012) 34.5 million students benefitted from this scheme in 2005
while more than 44 million
students benefitted from the schemes coverage in 2012.
Children's social welfare programme /Program Kesejahteraan
Sosial Anak (PKSA):
The programme involves a conditional cash transfer for children
with social problems. The
targeted children are classified in five groups, namely -
abandoned infants/infants with special
needs (five years or younger), abandoned children (6 -18 years
old), street children (6 -18 years
old), children with criminal charges (6 -16 years old) and
children with disabilities (0 -18 years
old). The programme thus has five sub-programmes supporting each
of these five categories. The
scheme extends a saving account which can be withdrawn on demand
for any necessity with due
approval. The beneficiaries are encouraged to utilize the cash
assistance for fulfillment of basic
necessities and access social services (World Bank, 2012).
School feeding programme/Program Makanan Tambahan Anak Sekolah
(PMTAS):
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The programme was launched in 2010 by the Government's Ministry
of Education along with six
other ministries to provide additional food for primary school
level students in 27 backward
districts of Indonesia. The targeted students are provided three
meals every week. The
coordinating agency from each sub-district transfers the funds
directly to the bank accounts of
the respective schools which manage and implement the programme
at their own end. Nearly 1.4
million students in various public and Islamic schools were
targeted under this programme in
2011.
3.4 Other Programmes
In addition to the above a number of poverty alleviation
programmes are being run by the State
with international funding. For example the Kecamatan
(sub-district) Development Programme
(PPK) that aims at rural areas and the Urban Poverty Reduction
Programme (P2KP) whose
coverage is restricted to the urban areas. The Indonesian
Government combined these two
schemes in 2007 and named it the National Community Empowerment
Programme/Program
Nasional Pemberdayaan Masyarakat (PNPM) which was implemented on
a larger scale. This
programme enjoys financial support of the World Bank. The PNPN
aims to reduce poverty by
strengthening community institutions and local governance. In
2008, additional programmes
related to community development were added to it such as, the
Special Area Development
Programme for the Disadvantaged with the help of loan from the
World Bank; the Rural
Infrastructure Services with the help of assistance from the
ADB; Social and Economic
Infrastructure Program that operated with a loan from JICA /
JBIC.
National Health Insurance/Jaminan Kesehatan Nasional (JKS):
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The scheme inaugurated by the President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono
came into effect from
January 01, 2014. The programme is a nationwide health insurance
for the poor with initial
service for about half of the population. By 2019, the programme
is intended to extend health
cover to all residents and by 2029 a single health employment
benefit system will come into
force. The programme attempts to make healthcare affordable to
all the sections of the society
and at the same time bring the coverage of social security
benefits under one umbrella namely
Badan Penyelenggara Jaminan Sosial (BPJS)
People's Business Credit/Kredit Usaha Rakyat (KUR):
The programme was started in 2008 This programme is a financing
scheme that extends credit
for investment or meeting working capital requirements of micro,
small, and medium enterprises
and also cooperatives involved in productive activities which
are viable but lack the eligibility
criterion for availing loan from a bank (due to absence of any
bankable collateral) (OECD,
2012). The People's Business Credit scheme originated as an
integration of several credit
guarantees schemes which were already in progress being run
under various ministries. Under
the scheme, the government provides guarantee up to 70% of the
loan which can be at maximum
be IDR 500 million. The implementing bank accepts 30% of the
risk.
Rural Agribusiness Development Programme/Pengembangan Usaha
Agribisnis Perdesaan
(PUAP):
As only 16% of the credit demand under the KUR scheme was for
agribusiness, the government
launched a separate programme - PUAP in 2008, to overcome the
capital shortages in this area.
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3.5 Issues with the anti-poverty programmes
Assessment of these poverty alleviation programmes by various
individual and institutional
researchers indicates that each of the schemes was less than
perfect and poor targeting and
monitoring kept the desired results much desired. For instance,
Raksin programme offered too
little rice to the households and the cost of delivery was very
high and the performance of PHK
programme was not up-to the mark (Widianto, 2013). The
researcher explains poor targeting of
anti-poverty programmes as one of the reasons for lower impact
of these schemes in reducing
poverty. The study shows that the benefit of the programmes has
been uneven with some
communities gaining more than some others. Sumarto and Bazzi
(2011) have also discussed the
difficulty of anti-poverty programme targeting due to
sub-standard data, poor accountability and
lack of coordination across various agencies involved in
delivery of services.
According to Manning (2011) Indonesia's progress in lowering
poverty and improving the
general standard of living has been commendable even though
uneven. Perdana (2004) in a study
has commented that employment related programmes were
ineffectively run. In all the
programmes monitoring has been raised as an important issue
which was temporary and
awareness of the programmes at a number of places was low.
Thus the programmes have faced serious issues including - poor
coverage and targeting, lack of
awareness, improper scheme designing, ineffective and sporadic
monitoring and leakages.
4. Suggestions and conclusion
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There is broad agreement that over the last two decades, the
significance of economic growth in
contributing towards poverty reduction has been accentuated by
the presence of concerted and
targeted efforts in improving the status of the poor. The social
protection programmes launched
after the onslaught of the financial crisis were implemented in
an untargeted manner and these
were too broad based and not sustainable. As a result the
Government decided to revamp them
with a targeted approach. These have proved to be better in
improving the condition of the poor
in Indonesia.
A study by Asian Development Bank shows that economic reforms
which have brought about
greater fiscal decentralization have been instrumental in
improving the economic growth rates at
the local level and have in turn reduced poverty. Also, in 2011,
the Government set up a new
system for targeting the poor beneficiaries (Widianto, 2013).
This involved a new survey for
identification of poor and a comprehensive and centralized
databank of the same which would
help improve the delivery mechanism of the poverty
alleviation/social assistance schemes.
Some improvements which can enhance the effectivity of poverty
alleviation programmes
include the following-
Increase in resource allocation by the government towards
poverty alleviation and social
assistance schemes. Currently Indonesia spends less than 1% of
the national GDP on
social assistance programmes. This is less as compared to other
countries in the same and
lower income group (World Bank, 2009, 2012a).
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Countries with instable macro-economies not only suffer lower
economic growth but also
fare poorly as far as tackling the issue of poverty is concerned
(Ames et al., 2001). A
number of Indonesians live close to the poverty line and any
adverse situation/shock is
disturbing enough to throw them below the poverty line. A very
significant adversity is
inflation which is a prominent cause of transient poverty. Thus
it is significant to keep the
countrys economy stable and resilient to any external shock.
Greater effort is desired in the direction of increasing
awareness of the various anti-
poverty schemes prevailing among the masses.
Amongst all the programmes being run to improve the condition of
the poor, skill
development and job creation should be emphasized the most.
Improvement in decentralized financial management has been a
facilitator in improving
economic growth at regional or local level and this has
subsequently helped in poverty
reduction. This decentralized mechanism should be further
strengthened.
Though the Government of Indonesia follows a multi-pronged
approach to reducing poverty, by
strengthening each of the effort - by enhancing the targeting
and plugging the leakages,
Indonesia would be able to get rid of poverty.
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