A STUDY OF BUILDING & IDENTITY
A STUDY OF BUILDING
& IDENTITY
IN PLACEA STUDY OF BUILDING
& IDENTITY
© INTBAU 2015
HARRIET WENNBERG
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DEFINING ‘PLACE IDENtIty ’
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tHE IMPACt OF GLOBALISAtION
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LO CAL VALUE
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REFLECtING PLACE IDENtIty
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CASE StUDIE S
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ANALySIS & CONCLUSIONS
BIBLIOGRApHY Pg. 35
Sponsored by:
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DEFINING ‘PLACE IDENtIty ’
Research on place has proliferated since
the 1970s, when phenomenological geographers Yi-Fu
Tuan, Edward Relph, and Anne Buttimer realised “the
need to explore the topic in terms of its everyday lived
dimensions” (Seamon, 2012). Beyond the current broad
trans-disciplinary agreement that place identity is an
important concept, its precise definition varies from one
field of study to another.
While from an architectural perspective a
particular identity is seen as arising from and belonging
to a particular place, environmental psychology considers
place identity to be a feature of a person rather than
‘Place’ is a phenomenon always
present in human life: “to be is to be in
place” (Casey, 1993). Having emerged at
the end of the 20th century, the term
‘place identity’ focuses on the significance of
place, people, and meaning. Place identity
is acknowledged as an important topic
in the fields of geography, environmental
psychology, urban and ecological sociology,
urban design, and architecture.
This study will examine
developments in the expression of place
identity in architecture, giving a brief
multidisciplinary overview of the concept
of place identity, establishing the meaning
of place identity in a rapidly globalising
world, and providing examples of the
diverse ways in which the locality and
specificity of place are represented in
contemporary architecture.
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of a place. Harold Proshansky, for example, argues that
place identity derives from ‘self theory’ as a sub-structure
of an individual’s self-identity, which consists broadly
of cognitions about the physical world representing
“memories, ideas, feelings, attitudes, values, preferences,
meanings, and conceptions of behaviours and experience”
(Proshansky et al., 1983). To environmental psychologists,
individuals define who and what they are in terms of
highly subjective “affective ties” to home, neighbourhood,
and community. Through attachment to places, individuals
derive a sense of belonging and purpose that gives meaning
to their lives (ibid.). It has also been hypothesised that an
individual’s identification with place can be causally linked
to their sense of coherence and their health (Hull, 1994).
In architecture and urban design, place identity
is distinct from self-identity, and can be more literally
defined. A place can embody a clear identity to be
perceived collectively by groups of inhabitants and users by
encompassing “a set of features that guarantee the place’s
distinctiveness and continuity in time. The concept of
‘genius loci’, used to describe the impalpable but generally
agreed upon unique character of a place, reflects this
meaning of ‘place identity’” (Lewicka, 2008). Place exerts its
influence through “physical features and symbolic meanings,
with the former often being a cue to the latter” (Stedman,
2003). Stokols (1981) defines these place-based meanings
as “the nonmaterial properties of the physical milieu –
the socio-cultural ‘residue’ (or residual meaning) that
becomes attached to places as a result of their continuous
association with group activities”.
“[P]lace is space endowed with meaning”
(Lewicka, 2008), while identity involves two things:
sameness, or continuity; and distinctiveness, or uniqueness
(Jacobson-Widding, 1983). Place identity in the built
environment arises from both continuity and “distinctive
characteristics” (Gospodini, 2002), and concerns the
meaning and significance of places for their inhabitants
and users. Place identity is simultaneously straightforward
and complex: place is afforded a unique identity through
a “persistent sameness and unity which allows [it] to be
differentiated from others” (Relph, 1976); yet the process
of how a place has achieved and retains its sameness and
unity, and how a place’s distinctiveness is perceived and
interpreted by its inhabitants and users is many-layered
and evolving.
The process of identity formation, it is argued,
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“can never start from scratch; it always builds upon a pre-
existing set of symbolic materials which form the bedrock
of identity” (Thompson, 1996). Numerous studies have
been conducted to establish what forms the bedrock of
identity for specific communities. Given place identity’s
in-built need for distinctiveness, its precise nature varies
from one place to another. In an architectural sense,
however, it is possible to define the fundamental, material
components of place identity, which all observers of place
can recognise: shape, or form; texture; material; colour; and
detail.
The complex ties that bind people to place
arise through interaction with the distinct physical and
visual elements of place, which combine to give a place
its individual identity. This identity is not static; it can shift
and evolve depending on the social, political, and economic
climate, which can in turn affect how a place’s inhabitants
and users engage with it. Architecture and urban design are
stable environmental symbols because they are harder and
slower to change, which means that significant shifts and
evolution in place identity can occur relatively slowly over
years or generations. This allows for a balance between
change and the continuity of the particular set of features
that guarantee the place’s distinctiveness.
In the architectural sense, place identity is the
sum of specific material components and features, which
provoke non-material symbolic meanings for collective
groups of inhabitants and users. The existence and
essential role of these material components and features
mean that the generally agreed upon distinct identity of a
place can be literally perceived and defined.
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As we all come from and reside in a place, we
are all to some extent able to recognise when a place has
become unrecognisable as itself. This can occur when the
continuity in time of the distinct material components
of place identity – shape, texture, material, colour, and
detail – is overtaken or overwhelmed by broad societal
change. Globalisation is by nature a homogenising
force in economics, politics, culture, and consequently
in architecture, and has presented a challenge to the
perceivable and definable uniqueness of place.
The current age allows unprecedented levels
of movement of people, capital, ideas, and styles. Despite
globalisation’s many obvious and significant benefits, it
also threatens to replace local distinctness with global
sameness. However, many sociologists, scholars, and
historians have observed that “globalisation, rather than
homogenising society, has been an agent of fragmentation”
(Adam, 2012). It would appear that the processes of
globalisation and localisation are “inextricably bound
together”: the doubts and anxieties that the inherent
complexities of globalisation engender precipitate “the
desire to remain in a bounded locality or return to some
notion of ‘home’” (Featherstone, 1995). The connection
between globalisation and localisation stems in part
from the increased collective awareness of place identity
and bonds to place that occurs when “sense of place is
threatened” (Proshansky et al., 1983). As anthropologist
Marc Augé (1995) has noted, “[a]t the very same moment
when it becomes possible to think in terms of the unity of
terrestrial space, and the big multinational networks grow
strong, the clamour of particularisms rises”. Communities
have to drop “their heaviest cultural anchors” during
periods of intensive social change “in order to resist the
currents of transformation” (Cohen, 1985).
t HE IMPACt O F G L OBA LISAtIO N
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Creating place identity has emerged as a
solution to the destabilising effects of modern, globalised
societies. This can be observed in contemporary
architecture that seeks to connect people with their
environment and “increase the sense of attachment and
belonging in architectural spaces” (Noormohammadi,
2012). Environmental psychologists have pointed out
the importance of belonging to or in a certain place,
and there is widespread agreement that the primary
function of place is to “engender a sense of belonging
and attachment” (Proshansky et al., 1983). The results
of studies have promoted the encouragement of
development practices that promote and exploit place
identity “and hence encourage (or at least do not
discourage) people’s psychological investment in their
local, physical communities” (Hull, 1994). These theories
for counteracting alienation and homogeneity in a
globalised world have also found support in UNESCO’s
2001 Universal Declaration on Cultural Diversity, which states
that “cultural diversity is as necessary for humankind as
biological diversity”.
The International Style, or Modernism, became
the dominant architectural style after World War II.
Modernism’s principles applied the same or similar
physical components of shape and material to buildings,
regardless of the places in which they were built. In the
late 1970s, Postmodernism emerged and made fashionable
“the inclusion of historical elements in the name of
local identity” (Adam, 2012). A strand of Modernism
began to recognise the importance of place identity
and the representation of the locality and specificity of
place in the early 1980s. In 1981, architectural historians
Alexander Tzonis and Liane Lefaivre published an essay
entitled ‘The Grid and the Pathway’, which called this
localising tendency ‘Critical Regionalism’. Following texts
LO CA L VA LU E
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by architect, critic, and historian Kenneth Frampton that
have expanded the theory supporting Critical Regionalism,
it has become increasingly the norm for architects to
describe their work as locally responsive. One revealing
example is the language employed on the websites of
prominent modernist architects – many of whom have
become internationally renowned for designing icons with
a deliberate lack of ties to any particular place – which
describes projects as “inspired by”, “responding to”,
“evocative of”, “in sympathy with”, and “in harmony with”
existing built fabric and place identity.
There is currently widespread agreement, in
architectural discourse and in other disciplines, concerning
the importance of reflecting locality and contributing
to place identity. This agreement is at a broad level. In
practice, a spectrum of ways exists in which local and
regional features are referenced and represented in
architecture, ranging from the very literal to the highly
allegorised, abstracted, and metaphorical.
According to Kenneth Frampton (1985), Critical
Regionalism “is regional to the degree that it invariably
stresses certain site-specific factors, ranging from the
topography, considered as a three-dimensional matrix
REFLECtING PLACE IDENtIty
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into which the structure is fitted, to the varying play
of local light across the structure”. Critical Regionalism
tends towards the “paradoxical creation of a regionally
based ‘world culture’” and is “opposed to the sentimental
simulation of the local vernacular”, but will on occasion
“insert reinterpreted vernacular elements as disjunctive
episodes within the whole” (ibid.). Tzonis and Lefaivre
(2003) outline Critical Regionalism’s interest “in specific
elements from the region, […] the place-defining elements,
[which it] incorporates ‘strangely’, rather than familiarly;
it makes them appear strange, distant, difficult, even
disturbing”.
We can identify two current and widely-
employed techniques for giving architecture “an identity
that relates a building to its locality”: site-specific design,
which is embodied in Critical Regionalism’s use of local
idiosyncrasies of place to define design; and symbolic
identity, or the architect’s “personal discovery of local
symbolism” (Adam, 2012). However, despite the intentions
of any architect to create works that achieve a sense of
place, no method exists to guarantee that a building will be
considered to reflect locality and contribute to the identity
of the place in which it has been built. There is agreement
that making a building locally responsive is important; there
is no agreement on how to measure whether a design’s
local responsiveness has been meaningfully and effectively
achieved.
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CASE StUDIE S
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CASE STUDY
‘ tHE RO OMS’
ST JOHN’S, NEWFOUNDLAND, CANADA, 2004
PHB Group — St. John’s, Canada [no longer practising]
The Rooms in St John’s, Newfoundland, is a
cultural facility housing an art gallery, the provincial
archives, and the provincial museum for Newfoundland
and Labrador. The building’s name and its architecture
reference the simple gable-roofed sheds, or ‘fishing rooms’,
which were used historically by Newfoundlanders in
outport communities to process their catch.
Fishing rooms were a common sight in these
outport communities prior to the steep decline in fishing
that followed the 1992 moratorium on catching northern
cod. Many former residents of outports now reside in
St John’s and The Rooms, visible from almost any point in
the city, is designed as a larger-than-life reminder of their
former way of life.
“It’s as unique as we are.”
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A distinct place identity has been transposed into a new
environment, enlarged, and adapted to house archives,
artefacts, and art.
As The Rooms now competes with the Basilica of
St John the Baptist for dominance of the St John’s skyline, a
saying has developed amongst local residents: “there’s the
basilica; and there’s the box it came in” (Brodkorb, 2014).
CASE STUDY
SCOttISH PARLIAMENt
EDINBURGH, UNITED KINGDOM, 2004
Enric Miralles and Benedetta Tagliabue (EMBT) — Barcelona, Spain
Scotland’s Parliament at Holyrood in Edinburgh
was built to house the devolved Scottish Parliament
following the 1997 referendum. The complex incorporates
the debating chamber building, four tower buildings
containing committee rooms, briefing rooms, and staff
offices, the Members of Scottish Parliament (MSP) building,
the Cannongate buildings, a media building, and a large
foyer. The Arcspace website describes the project as
having drawn inspiration “from the surrounding landscape,
flower paintings by Charles Rennie Mackintosh, and
upturned boats on the seashore”.
On their practice’s website, Miralles and Tagliabue
express their hope that the Scottish Parliament fosters “a
series of identifications between the building and the land,
land and citizens, citizens and building”. Some layers of
meaning, however, proved too obscure to be identifiable.
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The building’s facades have an irregular pattern of a
repeated abstract shape, for which local residents supplied
their own interpretation.
The shape was alternately referred to as anvil,
hammer, and hairdryer, before it was made clear that the
shape was “Miralles’ highly abstracted profile of Henry
Raeburn’s 18th century painting, The Skating Minister”
(Adam, 2012).
“The building design should be like the land, built out
of the land and carved into the land.”
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The Menara Mesiniaga Tower houses IBM’s
headquarters in Subang Jaya, near Kuala Lumpur. It is the
first ‘bioclimatic’ tower that provides regional identity by
responding to regional climatic conditions. The singular
appearance of the tower is the result of Ken Yeang’s
ecologically and environmentally conscious design
strategies, which optimise the use of the locality’s ambient
energies. The tower is lauded on the Aga Khan Award for
Architecture’s website as a singular, innovative landmark;
yet it is also claimed that the tower is essentially of its
place and expressive of its place, because of its regional
bioclimatic adaptations.
CASE STUDY
MENARA ME SINIAGA tOwER
KUALA LUMPUR, MALAYSIA, 1992
Ken Yeang (Hamzah and Yeang) — Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia
“a building in [the] context of its place – reflecting
cultural and climatic influences.”
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CASE STUDY
NAtIO NAL MU S EUM O F QAtAR
DOHA, QATAR, 2016 (ExPECTED)
Jean Nouvel (Ateliers Jean Nouvel) — Paris, France
Conceived as growing out of the ground,
the design for the National Museum of Qatar in Doha
uses sand-coloured concrete rings to form low-lying,
interlocking pavilions, encircling a large courtyard. It is
being built around the historic Fariq Al Salatah Palace,
which since 1975 had been serving as a heritage museum.
The form of the enclosed courtyard symbolises
a ‘caravanserai’: the traditional resting places that formed
part of desert trade routes. According to E-Architect’s
website, Jean Nouvel’s design “gives concrete expression
to the identity of a nation in movement” and manifests the
“crystallisation of Qatari identity”. Nouvel’s own likening
of the design to a “bladelike petal of the desert rose”
refers to a mineral formation of crystallised sand, which
is found in the briny layer that lies beneath the desert’s
surface.
“like the bladelike petals of a desert
rose, growing out of the ground as if it
was one with it.”
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ANALySIS & CON CLUSIO NS
The preceding case studies are examples of
Critical Regionalism that claim a connection to the places
in which they have been built. These examples can all be
sited on the spectrum of ways in which local and regional
features are referenced and represented in architecture,
with a range of symbols, allegories, metaphors, and
references to built and unbuilt elements of local place
identity being deployed to contend that these buildings are
natural expressions of their contexts.
It could be argued that some elements of local
identity do not work when expressed architecturally,
perhaps particularly those that have been subjectively
selected by the architect, or that are highly abstracted,
symbolic, or immaterial. A dividing line must exist, on one
side of which references to locality are understood and
appreciated by the local community, and on the other side
of which the chosen symbolism has become so abstracted
as to cease to bear any relevance for the local community.
The purpose of this study is not to come to
definite conclusions regarding contemporary architecture’s
relative success or lack of success at expressing place
identity. The purpose is rather to point to the need for
further research into this subject, to determine whether an
architect’s written or verbal claims to a building’s being ‘in
place’ are enough to make it so, and to develop a method
through which examples of contemporary architecture
claiming a local connection can be assessed against the
literal definition of a place’s distinct identity. Success at
representing something of such past, present, and future
significance as place identity is surely best measured by the
local community whose identity is being represented.
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BIBLIOGRApHY
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ARtICLES
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wEBSItES
Aga Khan Award for Architecture. ‘Menara Mesiniaga’. Accessed 31 January 2015. http://www.akdn.org/architecture/project.asp?id=1356
Arcspace. ‘Scottish Parliament’. Accessed 1 February 2015. http://www.arcspace.com/features/enric-miralles-benedetta-tagliabue-embt/scottish-parliament
E-Architect: Architecture News – World Buildings. ‘National Museum of Qatar – Jean Nouvel Building’. Accessed 1 February 2015. http://www.e-architect.co.uk/qatar/national-museum-qatar
EMBT. ‘New Scottish Parliament’. Accessed 31 January 2015. http://www.mirallestagliabue.com/project.asp?id=55
Memorial University of Newfoundland. ‘Outports’. Accessed 1 February 2015. http://www.heritage.nf.ca/society/outports.html
INtERVIEwS
Brodkorb, M. Interviewed by the author 29 December 2014.
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‘PL ACE ’ IS A PHENOMENON
ALWAYS PRESENT IN HUMAN LIFE:
“TO BE IS TO BE IN PLACE” (CASEY, 1993).