A STORY OF SIENA: DOMENICO DI BARTOLO’S FRESCOES FOR THE PELLEGRINAIO OF SANTA MARIA DELLA SCALA A thesis submitted to the College of the Arts of Kent State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts By Piper L. Mathews August 2022
A STORY OF SIENA: DOMENICO DI BARTOLO’S FRESCOES FOR THE PELLEGRINAIO OF SANTA MARIA DELLA SCALA
Mar 30, 2023
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FOR THE PELLEGRINAIO OF SANTA MARIA DELLA SCALA
A thesis submitted to the College of the Arts
of Kent State University in partial fulfillment of the
requirements for the degree of
Master of Arts
Approved by
Diane H. Petrella, D.M.A., Dean, College of the Arts
iii
CHAPTER II.
II. Background of Lo Spedale di Santa Maria della Scala………………………………10
CHAPTER III.
III. Analysis of The Care of the Sick by Domenico di Bartolo…………………………..19
CHAPTER IV.
IV. Analysis of The Distribution of Alms by Domenico di Bartolo……………………...31
CHAPTER V.
V. Analysis of The Marriage of the Foundlings by Domenico di Bartolo……………...42
CHAPTER VI.
2. Francesco di Giorgio Martini, Angel, 1495-97. ……………………………………………….59
3. Master of the Osservanza, Harrowing of Hell, c. 1445. ………………………………………60
4. Sassetta, The Madonna of the Snow Altarpiece, 1432. ……………………………….………61
5. Il Vecchietta, The Dream of Beato Sorore’s Mother, 1441. …………………………………..62
6. Priamo della Quercia, Beato Agostino Novello Conferring the
Augustinian Habit on a Rector of the Hospital, 1442. …………………………………………..63
7. Domenico di Bartolo, Pope Celestine granting Privileges to
the Hospital, 1442. ……………………………………………………………………………….64
8. Domenico di Bartolo, The Enlargement of the Hospital, 1442-43. …………………………...65
9. Domenico di Bartolo, The Feeding of the Poor, 1443-44. ……………………………………66
10. Domenico di Bartolo, The Care of the Sick, 1440-41. ……………………………………….67
11. Domenico di Bartolo, The Distribution of Alms, 1441. ……………………………………...68
12. Domenico di Bartolo, The Marriage of the Foundlings, 1441-42. …………………………..69
13. Domenico di Bartolo, Virgin and Child Enthroned with SS Peter
and Paul, c. 1430. ……………………………………………………………………………….70
14. Domenico di Bartolo, Madonna of Humility, 1433. …………………………………………71
15. Detail: Masaccio, Pisa Altarpiece, 1426. …………………………………………………….72
16. Map of the Santa Maria della Scala Museum Complex………………………………………73
v
17. Ambrogio Lorenzetti, Presentation in the Temple, 1342…………………………………….74
18. Pietro Lorenzetti, Birth of the Virgin, 1335-42……………….………………………………75
19. Detail: Domenico di Bartolo, The Care of the Sick, 1440-41. ……………………………….76
20. Detail: Domenico di Bartolo, The Care of the Sick, 1440-41. ……………………………….77
21. Detail: Domenico di Bartolo, The Care of the Sick, 1440-41. ……………………………….78
22. Detail: Masaccio, Baptism of the Neophytes, 1426-27. ……………………………………...79
23. Detail: Hubert van Eyck and Jan Van Eyck, Ghent Altarpiece, c. 1425-1432……………….80
24. Detail: Domenico di Bartolo, The Care of the Sick, 1440-41………………………………...81
25. Detail: Domenico di Bartolo, The Care of the Sick, 1440-41………………………………...82
26. Map of the Cathedral Level of Santa Maria della Scala……………………………………...83
27. Detail: Domenico di Bartolo, The Distribution of Alms, 1441……………………………….84
28. Detail: Domenico di Bartolo, The Distribution of Alms, 1441……………………………….85
29. Andrea di Bartolo, Joachim and Anna Giving Food to the Poor
and Offerings to the Temple, c. 1400-1405………………………………………………………86
30. Detail: Domenico di Bartolo, The Distribution of Alms, 1441. ……………………………...87
31. Masolino, The Baptism of Christ, 1435. ……………………………………………………..88
32. Piero della Francesca, The Baptism of Christ, after 1437…………………………………….89
33. Paolo Uccello, The Flood, 1436-1440. ………………………………………………………90
34. Detail: Domenico di Bartolo, The Distribution of Alms, 1441. ……………………………...91
35. Detail: Domenico di Bartolo, The Distribution of Alms, 1441. ……………………………...92
vi
37. View of the Pellegrinaio……………………………………………………………………...94
38. Masaccio, Birth of the Virgin, c. 1427-28. …………………………………………………...95
39. Detail: Domenico di Bartolo, The Marriage of the Foundlings, 1441-42……………………96
40. Domenico di Bartolo, Perugia Polyptych, 1438……………………………………………...97
41. Detail: Domenico di Bartolo, The Marriage of the Foundlings, 1441-42. …………………..98
42. Detail: Domenico di Bartolo, The Marriage of the Foundlings, 1441-42. …………………..99
vii
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I would like to thank my dad for encouraging me to pursue my passions. I would also like to thank my
mom for always supporting me during stressful times. Finally, I want to thank Dr. Laura Fenelli for
introducing me to the world of art history and Dr. Gustav Medicus for inspiring me to research this
fascinating project.
CHAPTER I
It has become increasingly popular within the field of Italian Renaissance studies to
reconsider the artistic contributions of the cities that exist within the periphery of more
historically venerated centers of art, such as Florence, Rome, or Venice. One Italian city that has
garnered particular attention is Siena, whose artists have been diminished in the past for their
tendency to embrace Gothic traditions and reluctance to fully implement the new, more
naturalistic artistic trends being set by their Florentine neighbors.1 Some scholars assert that
Siena had no renaissance at all, while others only discuss the city’s artistic accomplishments
during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries in relation to how they compare to those of
Florence.2 In order to fully appreciate the achievement of Sienese artists during this pivotal time
period, it is vital to understand why they are often considered unworthy of proper recognition, as
well as the political, social, and economic factors that contributed to the development of their
distinct style. Further, to discourage the further marginalization within the art historical discourse
of this so-called “peripheral” city, scholars and educators must begin to reconsider the manner in
which the art of Renaissance Siena is analyzed and discussed.3
From 1287 until 1355, Siena was ruled by the Nine Governors and Defenders of the
Commune and People of Siena, also known as the Nine. The Nine consisted of nine members of
the popolo, a select group of highly elite citizens whose leaders included wealthy bankers,
1 Judith Hook, Siena: A City and its History (London: Hamish Hamilton Limited, 1979), 148-
149. 2 A. Lawrence Jenkins, “Introduction: Renaissance Siena, the State of Research,” in Renaissance
Siena: Art in Context, ed. A. Lawrence Jenkins (Kirksville, Missouri: Truman State University
Press, 2005), 1-3. 3 Ibid.
2
traders, merchants, and manufacturers.4 This regime engendered a period of stability and
prosperity for the people of Siena. These favorable conditions fostered an environment in which
many vocations were able to flourish, including the visual arts. During this period, influential
artists such as Giovanni Pisano, Simone Martini, and Duccio were active in Siena, producing
notable and innovative works of art.5 Duccio’s Maestà (Fig. 1), created between 1308 and 1311,
is a painting of an enthroned Madonna and Child surrounded by saints and angels commissioned
by the government of Siena to decorate the high altar of the city’s cathedral.6 While the work is
primarily painted in the Gothic tradition, Duccio demonstrates his artistic prowess and
innovation through the use of solid figures, lively expressions, convincing movement, and bold,
elegant colors. Because of this, the work had a powerful impact on the Sienese school of painting
and is now recognized as a landmark of Sienese and European art.7 Until its dismantling in 1771,
the Maestà served as an object of great devotion for the Sienese, encouraged by its subject, the
Virgin Mary, whom the city held in particularly high regard. Some even believed the work
possessed magical qualities, indicated by a chronicler who witnessed the procession of the
painting through the Piazza del Campo before its installation in the church: “To our advocates,
Our Lord and His Mother, prayers went up entreating Her in Her infinite mercy to preserve us
from all evil and disaster and to protect Siena from the hands of traitors and enemies.”8 This
4 Judith Hook, Siena: A City and its History, 13-14. 5 Ibid., 38.
6 Robert Langton Douglas, A History of Siena (London: John Murray, 1902), 147.
7 Keith Christiansen, Laurence B. Kanter, and Carl Brandon Strehkle, Painting in Renaissance
Siena 1420-1500 (New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1988), 4. 8 Hook, Siena: A City and its History, 43.
3
altarpiece serves as a useful example of two trends that can be observed throughout the artistic
production of Siena during the Renaissance. First, its public nature demonstrates Siena’s
proclivity towards communal commissions over private ones. Second, its chiefly Gothic style
will continue to influence Sienese artists even after the rise of naturalism in cities such as
Florence.9
There are several explanations as to why the art of Siena did not develop in the same
manner as Florentine art. In 1348, the Black Death struck Siena, killed many of its prominent
artists, and heavily reduced artistic patronage. According to cultural historian Judith Hook, the
pandemic “is held to signal the end of the most creative period in Sienese civilization,
subsequent artistic developments simply marking the decline from the marvellous years of the
early fourteenth century.”10 Ensuing artistic contributions are diminished in value by art
historians due to the fact that they display attributes of the Gothic tradition that had gone out of
fashion in cities such as Florence in favor of a new, more naturalistic style that displayed
developments such as linear perspective, secularization, and humanism.11 This does not seem to
be the result of the Sienese being ignorant of these developments, but a conscious rejection of
them. Sienese artists had been made privy to the new Florentine mode, but they may have
resisted them because of the political and economic rivalry that existed between the two cities.12
Additionally, Sienese artists are known for replicating famous prototypes instead of generating
9 Virginia Lee Owen, "The Florentine and Sienese Renaissance: A Monopsonistic Explanation,"
Journal of Cultural Economics 1, no. 1 (1977): 44-49.
10 Hook, Siena: A City and its History, 148.
11 Virginia Lee Owen, "The Florentine and Sienese Renaissance: A Monopsonistic Explanation,"
33.
12 Keith Christiansen, Laurence B. Kanter, and Carl Brandon Strehkle, Painting in Renaissance
Siena 1420-1500, 3.
4
fresh subjects, which gave rise to a visual coherence amongst their works.13 However, this
tendency is not explained by a lack of innovation. Rather, it is a consequence of the patrons’
demands. Most of the significant artworks created in Siena during the Renaissance were public
commissions paid for by the government to promote ecclesiastical messages and create a strong
civic identity.14 Virginia Lee Owen suggests that economic factors influenced the tastes of these
Sienese patrons and, in turn, led to the divergence between their art and the Florentines’. She
explains that both cities once derived most of their wealth from banking and commerce, but,
during the early Renaissance, Siena’s major banking house, the Buonsignori, failed, and the
aristocracy began to focus more on agriculture. According to Owen, this caused Siena to become
more introspective and conservative. This contrasts with the situation in Florence, where banks
thrived, and travel and the sharing of ideas blossomed. As a result, while Florentine artists were
exploring intellectualism and humanism in their work, the Sienese favored nostalgic and
religious images.15 Some scholars insist that because artists in Siena preferred to adhere to the
Gothic style, their work may only be appreciated for its old-fashioned, naive, and charming
manner. This diminishes the significance of Sienese art during the Renaissance and suggests that
critical inquiry must be relocated to and focused on Florence. It is true that the Black Death had
disastrous impacts on Sienese art, and it is also true that Sienese artists did not utilize certain
aspects of naturalism to the extent that the Florentines did. However, this does not mean that
Siena did not experience important cultural and artistic developments during this period.16 The
13 Benjamin David, "Past and Present in Sienese Painting: 1350-1550," RES: Anthropology and
Aesthetics, no. 40 (2001): 77. 14 David, "Past and Present in Sienese Painting: 1350-1550," 90.
15 Owen, "The Florentine and Sienese Renaissance: A Monopsonistic Explanation," 47-48.
16 Hook, Siena: A City and its History, 149.
5
problem with the treatment of Siena within the field of Italian Renaissance studies lies in the fact
that its artistic production is often understood in relation to that of Florence instead of through its
own, specific cultural framework.
The history of Sienese art has been largely ignored by scholars, and when it is discussed,
the implications are often rather negative. Historical attitudes towards Siena suggest that the art it
produced during the Renaissance is largely inconsequential and even that it did not experience a
renaissance at all. This stems largely from comparisons made between Florence and Siena. The
positioning of Florence as the center of the Italian Renaissance within popular scholarship has
roots going back as far as the sixteenth century. Giorgio Vasari’s The Lives of the Most Excellent
Painters, Sculptors, and Architects, originally published in 1550, has been described as “the first
important book on art history.”17 Vasari’s Lives exalts the artistic production of Florence and
principally celebrates Florentine artists such as Michelangelo, contributing to the notion that
outlying cities, including Siena, failed to reach such heights of artistic achievement.18 In 1555,
the Republic of Siena fell and, by 1570, became part of the Grand Duchy of Tuscany, whose
capital was none other than Florence. This has helped solidify Siena’s subordinate position to
Florence in history, stripping it of much of its cultural significance and dignity.19 By the
eighteenth century, the classicizing manner demonstrated by the Florentines had become a major
influence in Europe, causing Siena’s Gothic style to be largely ignored and even ridiculed.
Travelers to Italy were advised to stop in Siena only to sleep and eat, and if they did stay long
17 Linda Murray and Peter Murray, Art of the Renaissance (New York: Praeger, 1963), 14. 18 Paul Barolsky, "The Ultimate Paradox of Vasari’s "Lives"." Notes in the History of Art 31, no.
1 (2011): 10. 19 Hook, Siena: A City and its History, 197.
6
enough to explore the city, they were not likely to appreciate its art. One eighteenth century
French traveler described Siena’s city hall, the Palazzo Pubblico, as “an old building with
nothing to recommend it, or even to evoke curiosity, apart from a few paintings which are even
more ancient and ugly than the palace itself.”20 Another visitor to the city believed that
Francesco di Giorgio’s bronze angels (Fig. 2), which are located on the high altar of the
cathedral, were “executed in a dry and arid manner such as one might expect from a sculptor to
whom the sublime works of Michelangelo were as yet unknown.”21 Scholarly literature on the
quattrocento has described Sienese art, specifically painting, as “‘archaistic,’ ‘gothicizing,’
‘backward-looking,’ [and] even ‘diseased.’”22 In addition to belittling the artists of Siena and
marginalizing them within the Renaissance canon, this disparaging attitude led to the neglect and
destruction of many works of art in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, making it even more
difficult for the art historians of today to accurately assess and appreciate the trajectory of
Sienese art.23
Despite its perceived marginal position within Renaissance art history, the Sienese did in
fact contribute significant and innovative works during the period. Art historian Benjamin David
claims, “Sienese painting of the fifteenth century is not so much marginal to the Italian
Renaissance as it is different from what we expect Italian Renaissance painting to look like. The
assertion, however, that Sienese painting of the fifteenth century has nothing new to offer can
20 Ibid., 209-210.
21 Ibid., 210.
22 Benjamin David, "Past and Present in Sienese Painting: 1350-1550," 80. 23 Hook, Siena: A City and its History, 211.
7
only be made by ignoring the visual evidence.”24 He asserts that this evidence can be found in
the Harrowing of Hell, painted by the Master of the Osservanza in the mid-fifteenth century.
(Fig. 3). Using Duccio’s Maestà as a model, the artist builds upon Sienese artistic trends in a
manner that is hardly conventional or archaistic. The Osservanza Master switches out the
traditional Byzantine style of Duccio’s chrysography for a ring of golden light around Christ,
implements a more convincing depiction of space, and conveys a variety of expressions amongst
his figures. The work is an example of the Sienese artist’s unique ability to blend the traditional
style with new artistic developments, an ability for which they should be recognized, not
criticized, according to David.25 The Osservanza Master was a follower of Sassetta, who also
demonstrated great artistic ability. His altarpiece, The Madonna of the Snow (Fig. 4),
commissioned in the 1430s for a chapel in Siena’s cathedral, is a notable achievement in the
development of perspective in art. In this painting, which was also modeled after the
aforementioned Maestà, Sassetta places “a rigorous viewing point at the center of the panel, so
that everything above it is seen from below, and everything below it is seen from above.”26
Sassetta was ostensibly aware of the developments in linear perspective being made in Florence,
such as Masaccio’s frescoes in the Brancacci Chapel, but he chose to modify his altarpiece so
that it still contained elements of the beloved Sienese tradition set forth by Duccio. Because of
this, Sassetta’s work can be described as both innovative and distinctively Sienese, two attributes
that do not have to be mutually exclusive.27 This impressive duality is also observed in the
24 David, "Past and Present in Sienese Painting: 1350-1550," 82. 25 Ibid.
26 Christiansen, Kanter, and Strehkle, Painting in Renaissance Siena 1420-1500, 6.
27 Ibid., 7.
8
oeuvre of Domenico di Bartolo, who created works such as the Virgin and Child Enthroned with
SS Peter and Paul, the Madonna of Humility, and the fresco cycle in the Pellegrinaio of Lo
Spedale di Santa Maria della Scala.
The politics, economics, and cultural interests of Siena during the fourteenth and fifteenth
centuries had effects on the city’s artistic production that has led to its marginalization within the
canon of Renaissance art. The Sienese style is marked by a loyalty to Gothic traditions, which
came to be seen as outdated due to the focus on realism, humanism, and secularism that arose in
more historically esteemed centers of art, particularly Florence. Due to Siena’s relative
conservatism, some scholars opine that the city never experienced a true renaissance. However,
when the art of Siena is considered on its own, instead of in the context of how it measures up to
Florentine art, it becomes clear that the Sienese were in fact exploring new ideas and creating
compelling works during this period. In order to achieve a greater appreciation for the art of
Siena and other peripheral cities, Benjamin David proposes that scholars rethink the ways in
which the progression of Sienese art is conceptualized. He claims that instead of defining the art
of Siena during this time period as a series of triumphs and failures, it would be more beneficial
to think of it as “a continuous series of tendencies that coexist and collide and are added to and
adapted as time goes on.”28 Further, he suggests that the use of periodizing vocabulary such as
“Gothic” and “Renaissance” limits our ability to understand art in Siena.29 If the abandonment of
these terms altogether seems too radical, Anna Brzyski presents an alternative. She insists that
the construction of canons is inevitable, but that it is also vital to remember that all fields and
28 David, "Past and Present in Sienese Painting: 1350-1550," 97.
29 Ibid.
subfields of art history produce their own, individualized canons.30 Therefore, although the art of
Renaissance Siena may not fit perfectly within the canon of that of Renaissance Florence, that
does not mean the city did not experience its own form of a renaissance, and scholars should
continue to explore its unique and inventive artistic style.
One artist in particular that may be analyzed as a case study of the achievements made by
Sienese artists during the fifteenth century is Domenico di Bartolo, painter of the aforementioned
fresco cycle for Santa Maria della Scala. This largely overlooked project has much to offer
scholars seeking to understand the Sienese Renaissance. This thesis will provide a
comprehensive and contextualized analysis of the cycle, shedding light on an artist from Siena
who demonstrably deserves a prominent place within the canon of Italian art history.
30 Dan Ewing, "Art History Forward, and Back," The Sixteenth Century Journal 40, no. 1 (2009):
246.
10
CHAPTER II
Lo Spedale di Santa Maria della Scala, situated opposite the cathedral in Piazza del
Duomo, is a valuable site when it comes to understanding Sienese art and culture. The hospital,
which is named after the stairs or scala of the cathedral that one must descend…
A thesis submitted to the College of the Arts
of Kent State University in partial fulfillment of the
requirements for the degree of
Master of Arts
Approved by
Diane H. Petrella, D.M.A., Dean, College of the Arts
iii
CHAPTER II.
II. Background of Lo Spedale di Santa Maria della Scala………………………………10
CHAPTER III.
III. Analysis of The Care of the Sick by Domenico di Bartolo…………………………..19
CHAPTER IV.
IV. Analysis of The Distribution of Alms by Domenico di Bartolo……………………...31
CHAPTER V.
V. Analysis of The Marriage of the Foundlings by Domenico di Bartolo……………...42
CHAPTER VI.
2. Francesco di Giorgio Martini, Angel, 1495-97. ……………………………………………….59
3. Master of the Osservanza, Harrowing of Hell, c. 1445. ………………………………………60
4. Sassetta, The Madonna of the Snow Altarpiece, 1432. ……………………………….………61
5. Il Vecchietta, The Dream of Beato Sorore’s Mother, 1441. …………………………………..62
6. Priamo della Quercia, Beato Agostino Novello Conferring the
Augustinian Habit on a Rector of the Hospital, 1442. …………………………………………..63
7. Domenico di Bartolo, Pope Celestine granting Privileges to
the Hospital, 1442. ……………………………………………………………………………….64
8. Domenico di Bartolo, The Enlargement of the Hospital, 1442-43. …………………………...65
9. Domenico di Bartolo, The Feeding of the Poor, 1443-44. ……………………………………66
10. Domenico di Bartolo, The Care of the Sick, 1440-41. ……………………………………….67
11. Domenico di Bartolo, The Distribution of Alms, 1441. ……………………………………...68
12. Domenico di Bartolo, The Marriage of the Foundlings, 1441-42. …………………………..69
13. Domenico di Bartolo, Virgin and Child Enthroned with SS Peter
and Paul, c. 1430. ……………………………………………………………………………….70
14. Domenico di Bartolo, Madonna of Humility, 1433. …………………………………………71
15. Detail: Masaccio, Pisa Altarpiece, 1426. …………………………………………………….72
16. Map of the Santa Maria della Scala Museum Complex………………………………………73
v
17. Ambrogio Lorenzetti, Presentation in the Temple, 1342…………………………………….74
18. Pietro Lorenzetti, Birth of the Virgin, 1335-42……………….………………………………75
19. Detail: Domenico di Bartolo, The Care of the Sick, 1440-41. ……………………………….76
20. Detail: Domenico di Bartolo, The Care of the Sick, 1440-41. ……………………………….77
21. Detail: Domenico di Bartolo, The Care of the Sick, 1440-41. ……………………………….78
22. Detail: Masaccio, Baptism of the Neophytes, 1426-27. ……………………………………...79
23. Detail: Hubert van Eyck and Jan Van Eyck, Ghent Altarpiece, c. 1425-1432……………….80
24. Detail: Domenico di Bartolo, The Care of the Sick, 1440-41………………………………...81
25. Detail: Domenico di Bartolo, The Care of the Sick, 1440-41………………………………...82
26. Map of the Cathedral Level of Santa Maria della Scala……………………………………...83
27. Detail: Domenico di Bartolo, The Distribution of Alms, 1441……………………………….84
28. Detail: Domenico di Bartolo, The Distribution of Alms, 1441……………………………….85
29. Andrea di Bartolo, Joachim and Anna Giving Food to the Poor
and Offerings to the Temple, c. 1400-1405………………………………………………………86
30. Detail: Domenico di Bartolo, The Distribution of Alms, 1441. ……………………………...87
31. Masolino, The Baptism of Christ, 1435. ……………………………………………………..88
32. Piero della Francesca, The Baptism of Christ, after 1437…………………………………….89
33. Paolo Uccello, The Flood, 1436-1440. ………………………………………………………90
34. Detail: Domenico di Bartolo, The Distribution of Alms, 1441. ……………………………...91
35. Detail: Domenico di Bartolo, The Distribution of Alms, 1441. ……………………………...92
vi
37. View of the Pellegrinaio……………………………………………………………………...94
38. Masaccio, Birth of the Virgin, c. 1427-28. …………………………………………………...95
39. Detail: Domenico di Bartolo, The Marriage of the Foundlings, 1441-42……………………96
40. Domenico di Bartolo, Perugia Polyptych, 1438……………………………………………...97
41. Detail: Domenico di Bartolo, The Marriage of the Foundlings, 1441-42. …………………..98
42. Detail: Domenico di Bartolo, The Marriage of the Foundlings, 1441-42. …………………..99
vii
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I would like to thank my dad for encouraging me to pursue my passions. I would also like to thank my
mom for always supporting me during stressful times. Finally, I want to thank Dr. Laura Fenelli for
introducing me to the world of art history and Dr. Gustav Medicus for inspiring me to research this
fascinating project.
CHAPTER I
It has become increasingly popular within the field of Italian Renaissance studies to
reconsider the artistic contributions of the cities that exist within the periphery of more
historically venerated centers of art, such as Florence, Rome, or Venice. One Italian city that has
garnered particular attention is Siena, whose artists have been diminished in the past for their
tendency to embrace Gothic traditions and reluctance to fully implement the new, more
naturalistic artistic trends being set by their Florentine neighbors.1 Some scholars assert that
Siena had no renaissance at all, while others only discuss the city’s artistic accomplishments
during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries in relation to how they compare to those of
Florence.2 In order to fully appreciate the achievement of Sienese artists during this pivotal time
period, it is vital to understand why they are often considered unworthy of proper recognition, as
well as the political, social, and economic factors that contributed to the development of their
distinct style. Further, to discourage the further marginalization within the art historical discourse
of this so-called “peripheral” city, scholars and educators must begin to reconsider the manner in
which the art of Renaissance Siena is analyzed and discussed.3
From 1287 until 1355, Siena was ruled by the Nine Governors and Defenders of the
Commune and People of Siena, also known as the Nine. The Nine consisted of nine members of
the popolo, a select group of highly elite citizens whose leaders included wealthy bankers,
1 Judith Hook, Siena: A City and its History (London: Hamish Hamilton Limited, 1979), 148-
149. 2 A. Lawrence Jenkins, “Introduction: Renaissance Siena, the State of Research,” in Renaissance
Siena: Art in Context, ed. A. Lawrence Jenkins (Kirksville, Missouri: Truman State University
Press, 2005), 1-3. 3 Ibid.
2
traders, merchants, and manufacturers.4 This regime engendered a period of stability and
prosperity for the people of Siena. These favorable conditions fostered an environment in which
many vocations were able to flourish, including the visual arts. During this period, influential
artists such as Giovanni Pisano, Simone Martini, and Duccio were active in Siena, producing
notable and innovative works of art.5 Duccio’s Maestà (Fig. 1), created between 1308 and 1311,
is a painting of an enthroned Madonna and Child surrounded by saints and angels commissioned
by the government of Siena to decorate the high altar of the city’s cathedral.6 While the work is
primarily painted in the Gothic tradition, Duccio demonstrates his artistic prowess and
innovation through the use of solid figures, lively expressions, convincing movement, and bold,
elegant colors. Because of this, the work had a powerful impact on the Sienese school of painting
and is now recognized as a landmark of Sienese and European art.7 Until its dismantling in 1771,
the Maestà served as an object of great devotion for the Sienese, encouraged by its subject, the
Virgin Mary, whom the city held in particularly high regard. Some even believed the work
possessed magical qualities, indicated by a chronicler who witnessed the procession of the
painting through the Piazza del Campo before its installation in the church: “To our advocates,
Our Lord and His Mother, prayers went up entreating Her in Her infinite mercy to preserve us
from all evil and disaster and to protect Siena from the hands of traitors and enemies.”8 This
4 Judith Hook, Siena: A City and its History, 13-14. 5 Ibid., 38.
6 Robert Langton Douglas, A History of Siena (London: John Murray, 1902), 147.
7 Keith Christiansen, Laurence B. Kanter, and Carl Brandon Strehkle, Painting in Renaissance
Siena 1420-1500 (New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1988), 4. 8 Hook, Siena: A City and its History, 43.
3
altarpiece serves as a useful example of two trends that can be observed throughout the artistic
production of Siena during the Renaissance. First, its public nature demonstrates Siena’s
proclivity towards communal commissions over private ones. Second, its chiefly Gothic style
will continue to influence Sienese artists even after the rise of naturalism in cities such as
Florence.9
There are several explanations as to why the art of Siena did not develop in the same
manner as Florentine art. In 1348, the Black Death struck Siena, killed many of its prominent
artists, and heavily reduced artistic patronage. According to cultural historian Judith Hook, the
pandemic “is held to signal the end of the most creative period in Sienese civilization,
subsequent artistic developments simply marking the decline from the marvellous years of the
early fourteenth century.”10 Ensuing artistic contributions are diminished in value by art
historians due to the fact that they display attributes of the Gothic tradition that had gone out of
fashion in cities such as Florence in favor of a new, more naturalistic style that displayed
developments such as linear perspective, secularization, and humanism.11 This does not seem to
be the result of the Sienese being ignorant of these developments, but a conscious rejection of
them. Sienese artists had been made privy to the new Florentine mode, but they may have
resisted them because of the political and economic rivalry that existed between the two cities.12
Additionally, Sienese artists are known for replicating famous prototypes instead of generating
9 Virginia Lee Owen, "The Florentine and Sienese Renaissance: A Monopsonistic Explanation,"
Journal of Cultural Economics 1, no. 1 (1977): 44-49.
10 Hook, Siena: A City and its History, 148.
11 Virginia Lee Owen, "The Florentine and Sienese Renaissance: A Monopsonistic Explanation,"
33.
12 Keith Christiansen, Laurence B. Kanter, and Carl Brandon Strehkle, Painting in Renaissance
Siena 1420-1500, 3.
4
fresh subjects, which gave rise to a visual coherence amongst their works.13 However, this
tendency is not explained by a lack of innovation. Rather, it is a consequence of the patrons’
demands. Most of the significant artworks created in Siena during the Renaissance were public
commissions paid for by the government to promote ecclesiastical messages and create a strong
civic identity.14 Virginia Lee Owen suggests that economic factors influenced the tastes of these
Sienese patrons and, in turn, led to the divergence between their art and the Florentines’. She
explains that both cities once derived most of their wealth from banking and commerce, but,
during the early Renaissance, Siena’s major banking house, the Buonsignori, failed, and the
aristocracy began to focus more on agriculture. According to Owen, this caused Siena to become
more introspective and conservative. This contrasts with the situation in Florence, where banks
thrived, and travel and the sharing of ideas blossomed. As a result, while Florentine artists were
exploring intellectualism and humanism in their work, the Sienese favored nostalgic and
religious images.15 Some scholars insist that because artists in Siena preferred to adhere to the
Gothic style, their work may only be appreciated for its old-fashioned, naive, and charming
manner. This diminishes the significance of Sienese art during the Renaissance and suggests that
critical inquiry must be relocated to and focused on Florence. It is true that the Black Death had
disastrous impacts on Sienese art, and it is also true that Sienese artists did not utilize certain
aspects of naturalism to the extent that the Florentines did. However, this does not mean that
Siena did not experience important cultural and artistic developments during this period.16 The
13 Benjamin David, "Past and Present in Sienese Painting: 1350-1550," RES: Anthropology and
Aesthetics, no. 40 (2001): 77. 14 David, "Past and Present in Sienese Painting: 1350-1550," 90.
15 Owen, "The Florentine and Sienese Renaissance: A Monopsonistic Explanation," 47-48.
16 Hook, Siena: A City and its History, 149.
5
problem with the treatment of Siena within the field of Italian Renaissance studies lies in the fact
that its artistic production is often understood in relation to that of Florence instead of through its
own, specific cultural framework.
The history of Sienese art has been largely ignored by scholars, and when it is discussed,
the implications are often rather negative. Historical attitudes towards Siena suggest that the art it
produced during the Renaissance is largely inconsequential and even that it did not experience a
renaissance at all. This stems largely from comparisons made between Florence and Siena. The
positioning of Florence as the center of the Italian Renaissance within popular scholarship has
roots going back as far as the sixteenth century. Giorgio Vasari’s The Lives of the Most Excellent
Painters, Sculptors, and Architects, originally published in 1550, has been described as “the first
important book on art history.”17 Vasari’s Lives exalts the artistic production of Florence and
principally celebrates Florentine artists such as Michelangelo, contributing to the notion that
outlying cities, including Siena, failed to reach such heights of artistic achievement.18 In 1555,
the Republic of Siena fell and, by 1570, became part of the Grand Duchy of Tuscany, whose
capital was none other than Florence. This has helped solidify Siena’s subordinate position to
Florence in history, stripping it of much of its cultural significance and dignity.19 By the
eighteenth century, the classicizing manner demonstrated by the Florentines had become a major
influence in Europe, causing Siena’s Gothic style to be largely ignored and even ridiculed.
Travelers to Italy were advised to stop in Siena only to sleep and eat, and if they did stay long
17 Linda Murray and Peter Murray, Art of the Renaissance (New York: Praeger, 1963), 14. 18 Paul Barolsky, "The Ultimate Paradox of Vasari’s "Lives"." Notes in the History of Art 31, no.
1 (2011): 10. 19 Hook, Siena: A City and its History, 197.
6
enough to explore the city, they were not likely to appreciate its art. One eighteenth century
French traveler described Siena’s city hall, the Palazzo Pubblico, as “an old building with
nothing to recommend it, or even to evoke curiosity, apart from a few paintings which are even
more ancient and ugly than the palace itself.”20 Another visitor to the city believed that
Francesco di Giorgio’s bronze angels (Fig. 2), which are located on the high altar of the
cathedral, were “executed in a dry and arid manner such as one might expect from a sculptor to
whom the sublime works of Michelangelo were as yet unknown.”21 Scholarly literature on the
quattrocento has described Sienese art, specifically painting, as “‘archaistic,’ ‘gothicizing,’
‘backward-looking,’ [and] even ‘diseased.’”22 In addition to belittling the artists of Siena and
marginalizing them within the Renaissance canon, this disparaging attitude led to the neglect and
destruction of many works of art in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, making it even more
difficult for the art historians of today to accurately assess and appreciate the trajectory of
Sienese art.23
Despite its perceived marginal position within Renaissance art history, the Sienese did in
fact contribute significant and innovative works during the period. Art historian Benjamin David
claims, “Sienese painting of the fifteenth century is not so much marginal to the Italian
Renaissance as it is different from what we expect Italian Renaissance painting to look like. The
assertion, however, that Sienese painting of the fifteenth century has nothing new to offer can
20 Ibid., 209-210.
21 Ibid., 210.
22 Benjamin David, "Past and Present in Sienese Painting: 1350-1550," 80. 23 Hook, Siena: A City and its History, 211.
7
only be made by ignoring the visual evidence.”24 He asserts that this evidence can be found in
the Harrowing of Hell, painted by the Master of the Osservanza in the mid-fifteenth century.
(Fig. 3). Using Duccio’s Maestà as a model, the artist builds upon Sienese artistic trends in a
manner that is hardly conventional or archaistic. The Osservanza Master switches out the
traditional Byzantine style of Duccio’s chrysography for a ring of golden light around Christ,
implements a more convincing depiction of space, and conveys a variety of expressions amongst
his figures. The work is an example of the Sienese artist’s unique ability to blend the traditional
style with new artistic developments, an ability for which they should be recognized, not
criticized, according to David.25 The Osservanza Master was a follower of Sassetta, who also
demonstrated great artistic ability. His altarpiece, The Madonna of the Snow (Fig. 4),
commissioned in the 1430s for a chapel in Siena’s cathedral, is a notable achievement in the
development of perspective in art. In this painting, which was also modeled after the
aforementioned Maestà, Sassetta places “a rigorous viewing point at the center of the panel, so
that everything above it is seen from below, and everything below it is seen from above.”26
Sassetta was ostensibly aware of the developments in linear perspective being made in Florence,
such as Masaccio’s frescoes in the Brancacci Chapel, but he chose to modify his altarpiece so
that it still contained elements of the beloved Sienese tradition set forth by Duccio. Because of
this, Sassetta’s work can be described as both innovative and distinctively Sienese, two attributes
that do not have to be mutually exclusive.27 This impressive duality is also observed in the
24 David, "Past and Present in Sienese Painting: 1350-1550," 82. 25 Ibid.
26 Christiansen, Kanter, and Strehkle, Painting in Renaissance Siena 1420-1500, 6.
27 Ibid., 7.
8
oeuvre of Domenico di Bartolo, who created works such as the Virgin and Child Enthroned with
SS Peter and Paul, the Madonna of Humility, and the fresco cycle in the Pellegrinaio of Lo
Spedale di Santa Maria della Scala.
The politics, economics, and cultural interests of Siena during the fourteenth and fifteenth
centuries had effects on the city’s artistic production that has led to its marginalization within the
canon of Renaissance art. The Sienese style is marked by a loyalty to Gothic traditions, which
came to be seen as outdated due to the focus on realism, humanism, and secularism that arose in
more historically esteemed centers of art, particularly Florence. Due to Siena’s relative
conservatism, some scholars opine that the city never experienced a true renaissance. However,
when the art of Siena is considered on its own, instead of in the context of how it measures up to
Florentine art, it becomes clear that the Sienese were in fact exploring new ideas and creating
compelling works during this period. In order to achieve a greater appreciation for the art of
Siena and other peripheral cities, Benjamin David proposes that scholars rethink the ways in
which the progression of Sienese art is conceptualized. He claims that instead of defining the art
of Siena during this time period as a series of triumphs and failures, it would be more beneficial
to think of it as “a continuous series of tendencies that coexist and collide and are added to and
adapted as time goes on.”28 Further, he suggests that the use of periodizing vocabulary such as
“Gothic” and “Renaissance” limits our ability to understand art in Siena.29 If the abandonment of
these terms altogether seems too radical, Anna Brzyski presents an alternative. She insists that
the construction of canons is inevitable, but that it is also vital to remember that all fields and
28 David, "Past and Present in Sienese Painting: 1350-1550," 97.
29 Ibid.
subfields of art history produce their own, individualized canons.30 Therefore, although the art of
Renaissance Siena may not fit perfectly within the canon of that of Renaissance Florence, that
does not mean the city did not experience its own form of a renaissance, and scholars should
continue to explore its unique and inventive artistic style.
One artist in particular that may be analyzed as a case study of the achievements made by
Sienese artists during the fifteenth century is Domenico di Bartolo, painter of the aforementioned
fresco cycle for Santa Maria della Scala. This largely overlooked project has much to offer
scholars seeking to understand the Sienese Renaissance. This thesis will provide a
comprehensive and contextualized analysis of the cycle, shedding light on an artist from Siena
who demonstrably deserves a prominent place within the canon of Italian art history.
30 Dan Ewing, "Art History Forward, and Back," The Sixteenth Century Journal 40, no. 1 (2009):
246.
10
CHAPTER II
Lo Spedale di Santa Maria della Scala, situated opposite the cathedral in Piazza del
Duomo, is a valuable site when it comes to understanding Sienese art and culture. The hospital,
which is named after the stairs or scala of the cathedral that one must descend…
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