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In a well-known passage from the treatiseOn Love (De amore,
ii.7.21), written sometime between the late twelfth and
earlythirteenth century, the still mysteriousauthor known as
Andreas Capellanus, orAndr, le chapelain, considers on whichhand
and which finger a ring presented byones lover should be worn:1
I should like individual knights of love to beinformed that if a
lover has accepted a ring from
his partner as a love-token, he should place it onthe little
finger of his left hand and always keepthe stone of the ring hidden
on the inside of thehand. The reason for this is that the left
handnormally refrains from all dishonourable andbase acts of touch:
a mans life and death aresaid to reside in the little finger more
than inothers: and all lovers are bound to keep theirlove
hidden.2
In his view, therefore, the ring should beworn on the left hand
and placed on the
* This article was researched and written underthe Censimento,
Archivio e Studio di Volgarizza-menti Italiani (CASVI), financed by
the MinisterodellIstruzione, Universit e Ricerca, as one of
theProgetti di Ricerca di Interesse Nazionale (PRIN),2005, in which
are involved the Universities of Lecce(director R. Coluccia),
Catania (M. Spampinato),Basilicata (R. Librandi),Turin (A.Vitale
Brovarone)and SienaUniversity for Foreigners (C. Ciociola).1. De
amore was written between 1174, the date
of a letter cited within the text, and 1238, when itwas quoted
in the treatise De amore by Albertano daBrescia.The identity of
Andreas Capellanus is, how-ever, by no means clear. See J. F.
Benton, The Courtof Champagne as a Literary Center, Speculum,
xxxvi,1961, pp. 55191: The identification of AndreasCapellanus,
author of the celebrated treatise DeAmore, as the chaplain of
Countess Marie is socommonly repeated that it is easy to forget the
un-certain nature of the evidence and doubts of anumber of critics.
The present discussion is intended to show that the question is
still open(p. 578). According to L. A. Vigneras, Chrtien deTroyes
Rediscovered,Modern Philology, xxxii, 1935,pp. 34142, a certain
Andreas, chaplain of a Frenchking, signed seven documents between
1182 and1186; but an Andreas Cambellanus (chamberlain),can be found
in Parisian records of 119091; see P.Dronke, Andreas Capellanus,
Journal of MedievalLatin, iv, 1994, pp. 5163 (52), citing A.
Karnein,De amore in volkssprachlicher Literatur, Heidelberg1985, p.
36.The traditional view was to place AndreasCapellanus at the court
of Champagne, to consider
De amore as a summa of courtly love (see also n. 3below) and to
date it no later than the end of the 12thcentury. According to the
most recent scholarship,however, the treatise should probably be
dated toaround the 1230s (see Dronke, p. 56); and Andreasshould be
shifted from Champagne to the city ofParis, either in the court
(Karnein) or in the univer-sity (Dronke). Finally, Dronke himself
suggests thatAndreas Capellanus is nothing but the witty pseudo-nym
of a cleric imitating Andrea of Paris, a literarycharacter who died
for love in a lost vernacularromance (ibid., pp. 5355).2. Andreas
Capellanus, De amore libri tres, ed. E.
Trojel, Copenhagen 1892; repr. Munich 1964, p. 294:Hoc tamen
singulos volumus amoris milites edoceri,quod, si amans a coamante
anulum amoris causasusceperit, ipsum in sinistra manu et in minuto
debetdigito collocare et anuli gemmam ab interiori manusparte
semper portare absconsa; et hoc ideo, quiasinistra manus a cunctis
magis consuevit tactibusinhonestis et turpibus abstinere, et in
minuto digitoprae cunctis digitis mors fertur hominis et vitamanere
et quia singuli tenentur amantes suumamorem retinere secretum.
Translation (with slightmodifications) from Andreas Capellanus On
Love,ed. and transl. P. G.Walsh, London 1982, pp. 26971. See also
the translation in The Art of Courtly Loveby Andreas Capellanus,
ed. and transl. J. J. Parry, NewYork 1941, pp. 17677. On the use
and custom ofrings in general see A.Ward, J. Cherry, C. Gere andB.
Cartlidge, The Ring from Antiquity to the TwentiethCentury, London
1981.
NOTES
175
JOURNAL OFTHEWARBURG AND COURTAULD INSTITUTES, LXIX, 2006
A RING ONTHE LITTLE FINGER:
ANDREAS CAPELLANUS AND MEDIEVAL CHIROMANCY*
Stefano Rapisarda
11_Rapisarda:JWCI 9/7/07 15:33 Page 175
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little finger (minutus digitus). Moreover, thestone should be
turned inwards so that itis not visible, for secrecy is one of the
keyfeatures of what we refer to, since GastonParis coined the term,
as courtly love.3
The custom of lovers and sweetheartswearing a ring on their
little finger isconfirmed by various Old French
literarysources:4
Chrtien de Troyes, Contes du Graal (c. 1181):Gauvain, requested
by Grinomalant to bring aring to the girl he loves, placed the ring
on hislittle finger and said: Sir, on my faith, trust methat you
have a wise and kind lover 5
Roman de Tristan en prose (c. 1240): On the littlefinger of his
left hand, he wore a gold ring, whichwas very expensive and very
beautiful, with aprecious stone. And you should know that inthose
times no one wore a gold ring unless theypossessed great power and
authority.6
Jean Renart, LEscoufle (120002): The lady puther hand under her
white blouse because shewas swearing an oath; on her little finger
hetouched the ring which was there.7
Nevertheless, when Andreas Capellanusrecommends that a ring
betokening loveshould be placed on the little finger, hecontradicts
a very old tradition prescribingthat rings were to be worn on the
fourthfinger, which therefore became known asthe ring finger. As
Isidore of Sevillewrites:
They are called fingers (digiti) because there areten (decem) of
them or because they are elegantlyjoined together (decenter
iuncti), for they have inthemselves both the perfect number and a
verybeautiful proportion.The first finger is called thethumb
(pollex) because it predominates over(polleat) the others in virtue
and power. Thesecond is called the index (index) and greeting
176 NOTES
3. See J. B. Moore, Courtly Love: A Problemof Terminology,
Journal of the History of Ideas,xc, 1979, pp. 62132, which deals
for the most partwith the problem of interpreting De amore: is it
aserious work or are the authors intentions ironic?The question
remains a matter of discussion, andDronke (as in n. 1), p. 56,
believes that the style ofargument belongs more to a scholastic
than to acourtly milieu.
4. In wedding ceremoniesthe love described byAndreas Capellanus
would usually be adulterous, ofcoursethe situation is more confused
because thereare di`erent local traditions. See, e.g., the account
ofa late medieval Spanish wedding in J.-B. Molin andP.Mutembe, Le
rituel du mariage en France du XIIe auXVIe sicle, Paris 1974, p.
159, where the groom placesa ring on the index finger of the womans
right hand,while the bride places one on the little finger of
hisright hand: Deinde tradet viro ad puellam annulosuo in dextera
manu in digit[o] iuxta pollice[m].Similiter et mulier tradet illi
in extremum dextri.In a Parisian pontifical of the first half of
the 13thcentury, the ring is first placed on the thumb, whilesaying
In the name of the Father (In nomine Patris),then on the little
finger, saying In the name of theSon (In nomine Filii) and finally
on the middle finger,where it remains, saying And of the Holy
Spirit (EtSpiritus Sancti). In some ceremonies the ring remainson
the middle finger of the right hand; in others, onthe ring-finger
of the same hand. It was only with theintroduction of the Roman
rite of 1592 that wear-ing a wedding ring on the fourth finger of
the left
hand became the rule, probably because wearing aring on the
right hand was a bishops prerogative.The preference for the fourth
finger, according toMolin and Mutembe (p. 168), was developed
souslinfluence dun texte de saint Isidore de Sville,souvent cit par
les rituels. See Isidore of Seville, Deecclesiasticis oIciis,
ii.20: quod inprimis anulus absponso sponsae datur, fit hoc nimirum
vel proptermutuae fidei signum vel propter id magis, ut
eodempignore eorum corda iungantur. Unde et quartodigito anulus
idem inseritur quod eo vena quaedam,ut fertur, sanguinis ad cor
usque perveniat. Molinand Mutembe (ad loc.) identify Isidores
source asMacrobius (quoted n. 9 below).
5. Les Romans de Chrtien de Troyes edit daprs lacopie de Guiot
(Bibl. nat., fr. 794), v, Le Conte du Graal(Perceval), ed. F.
Lecoy, 2 vols, Paris 197275, i, p. 82(ll. 880003): Lors a mes sire
Gauvains mis / lanelau son plus petit doit / et dit: Sire, foi que
vos doi, /amie avez cortoiose et sage
6. Le Roman de Tristan en prose, ed. R. L. Curtis,3 vols,
Cambridge 1985, i, p. 55: Et il avoit ou petitdoit de la main
senestre un anel dor mout riche etmout bon a une pierre precieuse.
Et sachiez que aceli tens ne portoit nus hons anel dor, sil nestoit
degrant pooir ou dautorit.
7. Jean Renart, LEscoufle. Nouvelle dition daprsle ms. 6565 de
la Bibliothque de lArsenal, ed. F.Sweetser, Geneva 1974, p. 144
(ll. 447075): Labele a mis por la suour / Sa main sous sa
blanchechemise; / o son petit doit / Senti lanel qui estoitens.
11_Rapisarda:JWCI 9/7/07 14:27 Page 176
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RING ON THE LITTLE FINGER 177
(salutaris) or pointing (demonstratorius) fingerbecause we
generally use it for greeting andfor pointing things out. The third
is called thenaughty finger (impudicus) because it is oftenused to
express an o`ence against decency.Thefourth is called the ring
finger (anularis) becausewe wear a ring (anulus) on it; it is also
calledmedicinal (medicinalis) because doctors use it forcollecting
medicinal powders.The fifth is calledthe ear finger (auricularis)
because we use it toclean our ears (aures).8
But what is the rationale for wearing ringson the fourth finger?
The basis for thislongstanding practice is an anatomical
andphysiological fact, as Macrobius points outin a passage from his
Saturnalia, where oneof the characters says:
A discussion of that very point [i.e., which handand which
finger a ring should be worn] hadcome to us from Egypt, and I was
in doubt fora while whether to call it just an idle tale or atrue
explanation. But later, after consulting somebooks on anatomy, I
discovered the truth: thatthere is a certain nerve which has its
origin inthe heart and runs from there to the finger nextto the
little finger of the left hand ; and thatthis is the reason why it
seemed good to themen of old to encircle that finger with a ring,
asthough to honour it with a crown.9
Isidore as well, in his chapter On Rings,writes: Men have begun
to wear a ring on
their fourth finger starting from the thumb,since there is a
vein here which links it tothe heartsomething which the
ancientsthought worth noting and honouring.10
The tradition of wearing rings on thefourth finger was handed
down fromantiquity to the present day. Yet even inthe late Latin
world there were minorexceptions to this rule. Pliny, for
instance,speaks of a contemporary fashion forwearing rings on the
little finger:
It had originally been the custom to wear ringson a single
finger only, the one next to the littlefinger; that is how we see
them on the statuesof Numa and Servius Tullius. Afterwards
peopleput them on the finger next to the thumb, evenin the case of
statues of the gods; and morerecently, it pleased them to give the
little finger aring as well.The Gallic Provinces and the
BritishIslands are said to have used the middle finger.Nowadays
this is the only finger exempted, whileall the others bear the
burden, and even eachfinger-joint has another smaller ring of its
own.Some people put all their rings on their littlefinger only,
while others wear only one ring evenon that finger and use it to
seal up their signetring, which is kept stored away as a rarity,
notdeserving the insult of common use, and isbrought out from its
cabinet as from a sanctuary.And so even wearing a single ring on
the littlefinger may advertise the possession of a costlierpiece of
apparatus put away in store.11
8. Isidore of Seville, Etymologiarum sive Originumlibri viginti,
ed.W. M. Lindsay, 2 vols, Oxford 1911;at xi.i.7071: Digiti
nuncupati, vel quia decem sunt,vel quia decenter iuncti existunt.
Nam habent in seet numerum perfectum et ordinem
decentissimum.Primus pollex vocatus, eo quod inter ceteros
polleatvirtute et potestate. Secundus index et salutaris
seudemonstratorius, quia eo fere salutamus vel ostend-imus. Tertius
impudicus, quod plerumque per eumprobri insectatio exprimitur.
Quartus anularis, eoquod in ipso anulus geritur. Idem et
medicinalis,quod eo trita collyria a medicis colliguntur.
Quintusauricularis, pro eo quod eo aurem scalpimus.
9. Macrobius, Saturnalia, vii.13.8: De hac ipsaquaestione sermo
quidam ad nos ab Aegypto venerat,de quo dubitabam fabulamne an
verum rationemvocarem; sed libris anatomicorum postea
consultis,verum repperi, nervum quemdam de corde natumpriorsum
pergere usque ad digitum manus sinistraeminimo proximum ; et ideo
visum veteribus, ut
ille digitus anulo tamquam corona circumdaretur.Translation
(with modifications) from Macrobius,The Saturnalia, transl. P. V.
Davies, New York andLondon 1969, p. 498. Molin and Mutembe (as in
n.4), p. 168 n. 22, identify Macrobiuss source as AulusGellius
(quoted n. 13 below).10. Isidore of Seville, Etymologiae (as in n.
8), at
xix.32.2: Anulos homines primum gestare coeperuntquarto a
pollice digito, quod eo vena quedam adcor usque pertingat, quod
notandam ornandamquealiquo insigni veteres putaverunt. For
Macrobius asIsidores source see n. 4 above.11. Pliny the Elder,
Historia naturalis, xxxiii.6.24
25: Singulis primo digitis geri mos fuerat, qui suntminimis
proximi. Sic in Numae et Servi Tullii statuisvidemus. Postea
pollici proximo induere, etiam indeorum simulacris, dein iuvit et
minimo dare. GalliaeBritanniaeque medio dicuntur usae. Hic nunc
solusexcipitur, ceteri omnes onerantur, atque privatimarticuli
minoribus aliis. Sunt qui uni tantum minimo
11_Rapisarda:JWCI 9/7/07 14:27 Page 177
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178 NOTES
Macrobius, again in the Saturnalia, hasanother of his characters
say that heremembers having read in the works of ajurist that in
the past rings were notregarded as decorations but rather wereused
as indications of personal identityand as expressions of will: only
free menhad the right to wear a ring, and they woreonly one. There
was no rule as to itsposition: it could be worn on either handand
on any of the fingers. But then the ageof luxury arrived, and
people began toincorporate precious gems into their rings.At that
point, to avoid the risk of damagingthese valuable rings, they
started to wearthem on their left hand, since it was lessused in
everyday matters.The thumb wasexcluded because even on the left
hand itis frequently employed, so there wouldbe a high risk of
damage to the ring. Norwas the second finger acceptable, since
itwas naked and unprotected (nudus et sinetuitione). The third
finger was ruled out,on account of its large size (magnitudo),
aswas the little finger, due to its smallness(brevitas).12 This
left only the fourth fingeras the natural place to wear a ring.
This custom continued during theMiddle Ages, as a passage from
the Poli-craticus of John of Salisbury (c. 111580)shows:
It is well known that the ancient Greeks wore aring on the
finger of the left hand which is nextto the little one.They say
that the Romans, too,commonly wore their rings in the same
manner.King Apion in his Egyptian books says that thereason for
this practice is that when you cut andopen human bodies, a custom
which the Greekscall anatomas, you find a very fine nerve
con-necting that finger to a persons heart.13 So itseemed that it
was right to honour in this waysuch an important finger, which is
joined andeven appears to be united to the most importantorgan,
that is, the heart.14
There was therefore a consistenttradition, going back to the
Greeks andRomans, of wearing rings on the fourthfinger. We can
observe the persistence ofthis custom in various genres of texts
fromthe Middle Ages:
1) Law books. Decretum Gratiani (twelfthcentury), on wedding
ceremonies:
Item: that a ring is given by the groom to thebride at the
beginning of the ceremony happens
congerant, alii vero et huic tantum unum, quisignantem signent.
Conditus ille, ut res rara et iniuriausus indigna, velut e sacrario
promitur, ut et unumin minimo digito habuisse pretiosioris in
reconditosupellectilis ostentatio sit. Iam alii pondera
eorumostentant. Aliis plures quam unum gestare labor est,alii
bratteas infercire leviore materia propter casumtutius gemmarum
sollicitudini putant, alii subgemmis venena cludunt, sicut
Demosthenes summusGraeciae orator, anulos que mortis gratia
habent.Translation (with modifications) from Pliny theElder,
Natural History, transl. H. Rackham, 10 vols,London and Cambridge
MA 193863, ix, p. 21.12. Macrobius, Saturnalia, vii.13.1116.13. The
reason why John mentions a very fine
nerve instead of a vein is that, in contrast to the restof the
tradition, which relies on Isidore of Seville, heis quoting almost
verbatim from Aulus Gellius,Noctesatticae, x.10.12: Veteres Graecos
anulum habuissein digito accepimus sinistrae manus qui minimoest
proximus. Romanos quoque homines aiunt sicplerumque anulis
usitatos. Causam esse huius reiApion in libris Aegyptiacis hanc
dicit, quod insectisapertisque humanis corporibus, ut mos in
Aegypto
fuit, quas Graeci appellant, repertum estnervum quendam
tenuissimum ab eo uno digito dequo diximus, ad cor hominis pergere
ac pervenire;propterea non inscitum visum esse eum
potissimumdigitum tali honore decorandum, qui continens etquasi
conexus esse cum principatu cordis videretur.For the Egyptian books
of King Apion see F. Jacoby,Die Fragmente der griechischen
Historiker, iii C, Leiden1958, p. 126 (616: Apion von Oasis und
Alexandeia,F 7).14. John of Salisbury, Policraticus, ed. C. C.
I.
Webb, 2 vols, Oxford 1909, ii, p. 30 (vi.12): Veteresquoque
Graecos annulum habuisse in sinistrae manusdigito qui minimo
proximus est celeberrime traditur.Romanos quoque homines aiunt sic
plerumque usi-tatos annulis, causamque hujus rei Apion in
librisAegyptiacis dicit, quod insectis apertisque corporibus,ut mos
fuit, quas Graeci anatomas vocant, compertumest quemdam tenuissimum
nervum ab eo uno digito,de quo diximus, ad cor hominis pertingere,
acpervenire: visumque esse eum potissimum digitumtali honore
decorandum, qui continens, et quasiconnexus cum principatu cordis
videretur.
11_Rapisarda:JWCI 9/7/07 14:27 Page 178
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without doubt as a sign of mutual trust or ratheras a pledge of
love by which their hearts arejoined. For this reason, the ring has
to be placedon the fourth finger because in it there is acertain
vein which, it is said, carries blood to theheart.15
2) Sermons. Martin of Laon (d. 1203), inhis Sermo IV In natale
Domini, repeats thepassage from Gratians Decretum virtuallyword for
word.16
3) Episcopal investiture protocols. EpistolaXXIX of Hincmar,
Archbishop of Reims(c. 80682):
Rules for the ceremony in which the metro-politan and the
diocesan bishop are to beconsecrated. When the consecrator reaches
theplaces in which there are signs of the cross, lethim take the
vase with the anointing unctionin his left hand, and with his right
thumb, ashe sings of what is contained within, let him ineach place
make the sign of the cross with theanointing unction on the head of
the person tobe consecrated; and then the consecration iscomplete.
And when everyone says Amen, letthe Gospels be lifted by the
bishops from hisshoulders, and let him place the ring on his
righthand on the finger which comes before the littleone,
explaining why the ring is given to him.17
4) Homiletic works. Honorius of Autun(fl. 110635), Gemma
animae:
Concerning the ring. It is believed that theGospels accepted the
use of rings, since the guestat the dinner in which the fatted calf
is served isdressed in the best robe and given a ring
(Luke15[2223]). In former times kings used to signletters with a
ring; this was also the custom fornobles and for those who took
wives. It is saidthat a certain wise Prometheus was the first
towear a ring made of iron as a sign of love andthat in it he put a
diamond stone, signifyingthat just as iron dominates everything, so
loveconquers all, and that just as a diamond is un-breakable, so
love is unconquerable. He decidedthat the ring should be worn on
the finger inwhich there is a vein that runs up to the heart,and
for this reason it acquired the name of ringfinger
(annularis).18
It is clear that the practice of wearinga ring from ones lover
on the little finger,as described by Andreas Capellanus,
goesagainst the widespread tradition reflectedin these texts.
Except for Pliny, whomentions a recent fad for loading all
thefingers with rings, it was customary to wearany type of ring,
whether a love token ora religious symbol, on the ring finger,
not
15. Concordia discordantium canonum, canon VII.33 in Patrologia
Latina [hereafter PL], ed. J.-P. Migne,Paris 1850, clxxxvii, col.
1450A: Item, quod inprimis negotiis annulus a sponso sponsae datur,
fithoc nimirum vel propter mutuae fidei signum, velpropter id
magis, ut eodem pignore eorum cordajungantur. Unde et quarto digito
annulus ideminseritur, quod id est quod in eo vena quaedam,
utfertur, sanguinis ad cor usque perveniat. Cf. Gratian,Decretum,
C. XXX, q. 5 c. 7, who refers to Isidore,DeoIciis, ii.16 (cited by
Molin and Mutembe, as in n.4, p. 168 n. 22).16. Martin of Laon,
Sermo IV In natale Domini, in
PL, ccviii, col. 506B: Illud autem quod in primisannulus a
sponso sponsae datur, fit hoc nimirum velpropter mutuae fidei
signum, sive propter id magis,ut eodem pignore eorum corda in amore
jungantur:unde et quarto digito annulus ille inseritur, quod deeo
vena quaedam, ut fertur, sanguinis ad cor usqueperveniat.17.
Hincmar of Reims, Epistola XXIX, in PL,
cxxvi, col. 188. Quo debeant ordine consecrarimetropolitanus
atque dioecesanus episcopus. Ut
autem ventum fuerit ad loca in quibus sunt crucessignatae,
accipiat consecrator vas chrismatis insinistra manu, et cum dextro
pollice, cantans quaeibidem continentur, per singula loca faciat
crucemde chrismate in verticem consecrandi, et
perfectaconsecratione, et respondentibus omnibus Amen,tollantur ab
episcopis Evangelia de collo ejus, etmittat annulum in dexterae
manus digito qui prae-cedit minimum, dicens ad quid illi annulus
datur.18. Honorius of Autun, Gemma animae, in PL,
clxxii, col. 609CD (i.216): De annulo. Annuli ususex Evangelio
acceptus creditur, ubi saginati vituliconviva prima stola vestitur,
annulo insignitur (Luc.XV). Olim solebant reges litteras cum annulo
signare;cum hoc soliti erant et nobiles quique sponsassubarrhare.
Fertur quod Prometheus quidam sapiensprimus annulum ferreum ob
insigne amoris fecerit,et in eo adamantem lapidem posuerit; quia
videlicetsicut ferrum domat omnia, ita amor vincit omnia; etsicut
adamas est infrangibilis, ita amor est insuper-abilis. Quem enim in
illo digito portari constituit, inquo venam ut cordis deprehendit,
unde et annularisnomen accepit.
RING ON THE LITTLE FINGER 179
subarrhare - OK?
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-
on the little one.Why, then, does AndreasCapellanus opt for the
little finger? Andwhy does he say that life and death residein this
finger? The various modern editorsand translators of De amore have
notanswered these questions either.19 Instead,they have simply
annotated the text with areference to the Policraticus, in which,
aswe have seen, John of Salisbury speaks ofthe fourth finger, not
the little one.20
Nor can any answer be found withinthe anatomical tradition,
which similarlyrefers to the fourth finger as privilegedbecause it
is joined to the heart by a veinor nerve. Guy de Chauliac (c.
130068),for example, makes no mention of anyspecial status of the
little finger in hisInventarium sive Chirurgia magna,21 nordoes
Arnold of Villanova (d. 1311) in thesection of his Doctrina Galieni
de interior-ibus where he discusses the anatomy of thelittle
finger.22
We might expect some of thethirteenth-century translators of
AndreasCapellanuss treatise to explain, by meansof annotations or
glosses, why life anddeath reside in the little finger.This
neverhappens, however. Neither of the medievalItalian translators,
for instance, providesan explanation.Why? Either they did not
recognise it as a deviation from the normalconvention or, more
probably, they did notunderstand the passage themselves. One ofthem
records the interesting variant lifeand love (la vita e lamore)
instead oflife and death: the ring ought to be wornon the little
finger because the life and loveof man lies here more than in any
otherfinger.23 Is this a departure from the Latintradition, or is
it an attempt to rectify bymeans of conjectural emendation what
heregarded as a corrupt reading in the Latinbecause it was
incomprehensible to him?We cannot say. The other Italian versionis
substantially the same, except that thistranslator adds one detail:
the life anddeath of man and woman (de luomo edella femmina) reside
more in the littlefinger than the others.24
The Florentine Antonio Pucci (d.1388) includes a simplified
version of thepassage from De amore in his Libro di variestorie;
but he, too, makes no comment,stating merely that:
if one lover receives a ring from the other, he orshe should
wear it, out of love, on the little fingerof the left hand and the
stone should be held inthe inside part of the hand, and it must
behidden.25
180 NOTES
19. In addition to the editions and translations byTrojel,Walsh
and Parry (n. 2 above), see: Des knig-lich frnkischen Kaplans
Andreas 3 Bcher Ueber dieLiebe, introd. and transl. H. M. Elster,
Dresden 1924,pp. 32334; Trait de lamour courtois, ed. and transl.C.
Buridant, Paris 1974, pp. 175 and 248 n. 140 (henotes, however,
that the John of Salisbury passage isnot a suacient explanation);
and De amore, transl. J.Insana, Milan 1992, p. 150.20. See n. 14
above.21. Guy de Chauliac, Inventarium sive Chirurgia
magna, ed. M. R. McVaugh, NewYork and Cologne1997, pp. 4043
(Capitulum quatrum de anathomiahomoplatis et brachiorum seu manuum
magnarum).22. Arnold of Villanova, Doctrina Galieni de inter-
ioribus, ed. R. J. Durling, in his Opera medica omnia,XV,
Barcelona 1985, p. 318.23. Andreas Capellanus,Trattato damore/De
amore
libri tres, ed. S. Battaglia, Rome 1947, p. 337: Maquesto
vogliamo che sappiano gli amanti: che se luno
amante dallaltro, anello per amore prenda, nelminimo dito della
sinistra mano le de portare, e lagemma portare dallato dentro della
mano e semprenascosa. E questo de fare perch la sinistra mano
datutti i liciti toccamenti si suole pi astenere, e nelminimo dito
si dee portare, che pi che li altri sta lavita e lamore delluomo: e
ancora, perch tutti liamanti sono tenuti di tenere loro amore
segreto.24. Ibid., p. 339 [in the apparatus]: quello anello
de portare nella mano manca e nel dito mignolo, e lagemma
dellanello da lato della palma della mano: eper ci adiviene perch
la mano manca si guarda datoccare pi che la diritta ogni brutta
cosa; e nel ditomignolo la vita e la morte de luomo e dellafemmina
pi che negli altri.25. Antonio Pucci, Libro di varie storie (1362),
ed.
A.Varvaro, in Atti della Accademia di Scienze, Lettere eArti di
Palermo, Parte 2, Lettere, s. IV, vol. xvi, parteII, fasc. II,
1957, pp. 3312 (279): e se luno amantericeve dallaltro anella, per
amore debbonlo portare
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RING ON THE LITTLE FINGER 181
Nor, finally, do we find any explan-ation in the versified
French version ofDrouart LaVache (c. 1290):
I want you to learn, you who maintain your lovein good order,
that if a lover gives a ring to hisbeloved, in courtship, the ring
must always beon the little finger of the left hand, and the
stonemust be artfully hidden on the inside of the hand.There is a
good reason for this and here it is:Nature teaches us and says that
the left hand isbetter at keeping itself from touching
uncleanli-ness than the right, and in the little finger, so itis
said, is mans death or life, more than in anyother finger; and
because a woman must keepher love a secret.26
Summing up what we have estab-lished so far, there seem to have
beentwo traditions in the Middle Ages whichco-existed: the majority
view, datingback to classical antiquity and based onanatomical and
physiological fact; and aminority position, which was recent
andmainly French and which, for reasons thatremain obscure,
maintained that life anddeath resided in the little finger.
Where,then, did this latter belief come from?
The most likely explanation, in myopinion, is that the passage
reflects theinfluence of chiromancy, which at the timeattracted
wide attention and was broadlydi`used among the upper classes,
theclergy, at court and at university.27 Underthe name of
palmistry, it survives today,practised by fortune-tellers and
regardedby some as a game and by others assuperstition, quackery
and esotericism. Inthe Middle Ages, by contrast, after thefirst
Latin treatises got into circulationthroughout Europe, chiromancy
was con-sidered a natural science, more closelyrelated to medicine
and physiognomy thanto divination and prophecy. At least in
itsorigins, it was a rational and philosophicaldiscipline, which
spread in theWest follow-ing winding roads, under the banner
ofAristotles authority, treading a narrowpath between the licit and
illicit, betweenthe reading of natural signs and the pre-diction of
future events.28 It helped princesto select their advisers,
clergymen to knowwhether they would gain benefices andepiscopates,
men to determine whether
in dito mignolo della mano sinistra e dee portare lagemma volta
in entro celatamente.26. Drouart la Vache, Li Livres dAmours.
Texte
tabli daprs le manuscrit unique de la Bibliothque delArsenal,
ed. R. Bossuat, Paris 1926, p. 185: Tantweil je que vos aprens, /
Vous qui bonne amourmaintens, / Que, se li amans a ssamie / Donne
.i.anel, par cortoisie, / Ou petit doi touz jors doit estre /Li
aniax, de la mani senestre, / Et doit la pierre estremucie / Par
dedenz la main, par maistrie: / Et raison ia telle et bonne: /
Nature nous aprent et donne / Quemix se garde la senestre / Dordure
touchier que ladestre, / Et ou petit doi, quoi con die, / Est la
morsde lomme ou la vie, / Plus quel nest en nul autredoit, Et por
ce que la fame doit / Samour gardersecreement.27. In Western Europe
the term chiromancy first
occurs in the 12th century, almost simultaneouslyin Plantagenet
England in the Policraticus of Johnof Salisbury, and in Christian
Spain in De divisionephilosophiae by Dominicus Gundissalinus or
Gundi-salvi (Domingo Gonales), archdeacon of Toledo, towhom many
translations and adaptations of Arabictexts are attributed: ed. L.
Baur, Munster 1903, pp.11920, cum enim multae sint sciencie
iudicandi
ut ciromancia in manu. For the oldest survivingtext see C.
Burnett, The Earliest Chiromancy in theWest, this Journal, l, 1987,
pp. 18995: he describesa chiromancy in the so-called Eadwine
Psalter(Cambridge, Trinity College MS R.17.1), whichappears to be
more or less contemporary with thePolicraticus and the treatise of
Gundissalinus. It isaccompanied by an onomancy; the texts are
tran-scribed consecutively, without beginning a new page,soon after
some annotations to the Credo and PaterNoster. The presence of two
divinatory texts in adevotional manuscript might seem at first
sight ratherodd; but the chiromancy was apparently designed
forclergymen, containing a series of predictions aimedat an
ecclesiastical user, such as the gaining of bene-fices and
episcopal oaces.Thomas Beckets interestin divinatory practices is
well known; see John ofSalisbury, Policraticus (as in n. 14), i, p.
144 (ii.27);Manuali medievali di chiromanzia, ed. S.
Rapisarda,transl. and comm. idem and R. M. Piccione, Rome2005, pp.
912. Moreover, the same hand is respon-sible not only for copying
the onomancy and thechiromancy but also for the annotations to the
Credo.28. See Manuali medievali di chiromanzia (as in n.
27), esp. pp. 1820.
11_Rapisarda:JWCI 9/7/07 14:27 Page 181
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182 NOTES
their brides were chaste or promiscuous,women to find out
whether their men werebrave or cowardly, and everyone to dis-cover
whether they would have sons ordaughters, be rich or poor and have
a longor a short life.
In the rubrics on the hands illustratingseveral twelfth-century
chiromancies,29 weread that if a cross is seen under the
littlefinger in a mans right hand (dextra viri), itis a sign of
life and death: This cross goingout, removes life and brings its
opposite[i.e., death]. The more it goes out, thesooner [life]
departs.30 And in relation tothe womans left hand (sinistra
mulieris),which is more or less a mirror image ofthe mans right
hand, we read: This crossgoing out removes life and brings
itsopposite, that is, death.31 In each case,the cross at the base
of the little finger isshown on a drawing which accompaniesthe
prediction (see Figs 1 and 2, no. 21 inboth pictures).
A cross located in the same place canbe observed in similar
works. For example,there is a cross of life and death on thewomans
left hand (manus sinistra queest mulieris) in another illustrated
chiro-
mancy, Palmistria Salomonis (Figs 34).The caption reads: This
cross removeslife and brings its opposite (Fig. 3bis).32
The caption under the mans right hand(manus dextera qui est
masculi) reads: Whenthis cross is present, it removes life; andthe
further it extends, the more death ad-vances (Fig. 4bis).33 The
same statementsappear in an Anglo-Norman version ofthis work, which
depicts a Mayn de femmeand a mans right hand (Figs 56). On
theformer it says Cete crois tout la vie emeyne la mort (Fig.
5bis), while on thelatter, Cete croiz signefie la vie et le pluske
ele ist vint el la mort (Fig. 6bis).34
More structured treatises, such asthe Tractatus ciromancie of
Roderick ofMajorca, provide the same information:
Concerning the middle line. when it is wellarticulated, deep and
clearly visible, and reachesup to the mount of the blade, it means
a longlife; and when it does not traverse the entirehand, it means
a short life; and when it is cutby a line, producing a sort of
cross towards theend, it means a near and imminent death, whichwill
happen within a year.35
Similarly, in the Chiromantia of pseudo-John of Seville, we
read:
29. C. Burnett, Chiromancy: Supplement: ThePrincipal Latin Texts
on Chiromancy Extant in theMiddle Ages, in his Magic and Divination
in theMiddle Ages, Aldershot and Brookfield,VT 1996, pp.129
(1829).30. For text and (slightly modified) translation
see ibid., pp. 2425 (Dextra viri, no. 21), Heccrux exiens vita
removet et eius contrarium inducit.Que quanto plus exierit, tanto
magis mox excedit(London, British Library MS Sloane 2030, fol.
126r).See also the variants in Oxford, Bodleian LibraryMS Ashmole
399, fol. 17r (Dextra viri, no. 21), Heccrux exiens vitam remordet;
and Cambridge,TrinityCollege MS 0.2.5., fol. 130r, Que quanto plus
ex-tenditur, tanto magis mox accedit.31. Ibid., p. 28 (Sinistra
mulieris, no. 21), Hec
crux exiens vitam removet et eius contrarium in-ducit, scilicet
mortem (Oxford, Bodleian LibraryMS Ashmole 399, fol. 16v); variant
in Cambridge,Trinity College MS 0.2.5., fol. 129v, Hec crux
exiensvitam removet. Quanto hec crux extendit, tantomors
propinquior erit; omitted in Oxford, BodleianLibrary MS Ashmole
399, fol. 17r.
32. Cambridge, Trinity College MS 0.2.5, fol.388v, hec crux
vitam removet et eius contrariuminducit.33. Ibid., fol. 389r, hec
crux existens vitam
removet in quanto plus extendit tanto plus morsexcedit.34.
Cambridge, Trinity College MS 0.3.45, fols
59v60r. For an edition of all the Anglo-Normanchiromancies see
S. Rapisarda, Chiromanzie anglo-normanne, forthcoming.35. R. A.
Pack and R. Hamilton, Rodericus de
Majoricis: Tractatus Ciromancie, Archives dhistoiredoctrinale et
littraire du moyen ge, xxxviii, 1971, pp.271305 (28788); and see
now Manuali medievali dichiromanzia (as in n. 27), p. 214, 6. De
linea mediana.quando est bene articulata et profunda et
beneapparens, protensa usque ad montem incisionis,longam significat
vitam, et si pertransit totammanum, brevem significat vitam. Et
quando lineaipsam secat ad modum crucis versus finem,
mortemproximam significat et imminentem, infra annumfuturam.
11_Rapisarda:JWCI 9/7/07 14:27 Page 182
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RING ON THE LITTLE FINGER 183
1. Dextra viri, mans right hand (after Burnett, Chiromancy:
supplement, p. 18)
2. Sinistra mulieris, womans left hand (ibid., p. 19)
11_Rapisarda:JWCI 9/7/07 14:27 Page 183
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184 NOTES
3. Cambridge,Trinity College MS 0.2.5, folio 388v, Palmistria
Salomonis
11_Rapisarda:JWCI 9/7/07 14:27 Page 184
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RING ON THE LITTLE FINGER 185
4. Cambridge,Trinity College MS 0.2.5. folio 389r, Palmistria
Salomonis
11_Rapisarda:JWCI 9/7/07 14:27 Page 185
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186 NOTES
5. Cambridge,Trinity College MS 0.3.45, folio 59v
11_Rapisarda:JWCI 9/7/07 14:27 Page 186
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RING ON THE LITTLE FINGER 187
6. Cambridge,Trinity College MS 0.3.45, folio 60r
11_Rapisarda:JWCI 9/7/07 14:27 Page 187
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188 NOTES
3bis. Detail of Trinity College MS 0.2.5, folio 388v: the cross
under the little finger
4bis. Detail of Trinity College MS 0.2.5, folio 389r (rotated
180): the cross under the little finger
11_Rapisarda:JWCI 9/7/07 14:27 Page 188
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RING ON THE LITTLE FINGER 189
5bis. Detail of Trinity College MS 0.3.45, folio 59v
6bis. Detail of Trinity College MS 0.3.45, folio 60r
11_Rapisarda:JWCI 9/7/07 14:27 Page 189
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190 NOTES
Now it is time to speak about the middle line.When it is well
articulated, clearly visible anddeep, and reaches up to the hands
mount ofthe blade, it means a long life; and when it doesnot
traverse the entire hand, it means a shortlife; and when there is a
line near the end of itproducing a sort of cross, it foretells
death withina year.36
Indications of the length of a personslife and of his or her
sudden transit fromlife to death are thus found at the mountof the
blade, which is located directlybelow the mount of the little
finger, which,for this reason, is more significant than
theothers.
The same belief may also have influ-enced the semiotics of
chiromancy. Somechiromancy books locate the signs of thenumber of
weddings or the quality of acouples relationship or the nobility
ofones partner at the base of the littlefinger, in the folds at the
joint of the palm.For example, in the Chiromantia parva,
weread:
From this line on the side of the hand betweenthe table line and
the little finger, however manylines appear, they signify as many
marriages(apart from the first line); if they are oblique,past
marriages; if straight, future ones.37
Much the same passage is found inpseudo-John of Seville,
Chiromantia:
Concerning the mount of the little fingersomesay thatif the
lines between the table line andthe base of the little finger are
oblique, they meanpast marriages; if straight, future ones.38
And in Roderick of Majorca, Tractatusciromancie:
Concerning the mount of the little finger ifthe lines between
the table line and the base ofthe finger mentioned above [i.e., the
little finger]are oblique, they mean happy marriages; but ifthey
are cut, the prediction changes.39
In conclusion, we can say that thepassage from Andreas
Capellanuss Deamore seems to reflect the influence ofchiromantic
theory. The presence of thisallusion to the modern science of
chiro-mancy is perhaps a further clue to theperceived Aristotelian
naturalism, thevanitates and insaniae falsae which, inthe eyes of
tienne Tempier, bishop ofParis, made the content of Andreas
Capel-lanuss De amore unacceptable and which,it has been claimed,
contributed to theParisian condemnations of 1277.40
36. Ps.-John of Seville, Chiromantia, i: 4. De lineamediana sive
sinistra trianguli nunc est dicendum. et quando est bene
articulata, bene apparens et pro-funda, protensa usque ad montem
incisionis manus,significat longam vitam, et quando non transit
pertotam manum, significat brevem vitam, et quandouna linea ipsam
circa finem in modum crucis,mortem infra annum denunciat futuram,
in R. A.Pack, A Pseudo-Aristotelian Chiromancy, Archivesdhistoire
doctrinale et littraire du moyen ge, xxxvi,1969, pp. 189241 (210);
see now Manuali medievalidi chiromanzia (as in n. 27), p. 134.37.
For the text and translation (slightly modi-
fied), see Burnett (as in n. 29), pp. 1415 (no. 31),Iuxta eandem
a latere manus inter lineam men-salem et auricularem quotcumque
linee apparuerint,totidem designant nupcias, excepta prima linea.
Sioblique fuerint, peractas; si recte, futuras. See alsothe rubrics
below the little finger in The Hands:ibid., p. 20 (Dextra viri, no.
1), [Linee] nupciarum.Quot lineas tales post primam habuerit, tot
uxoribusnubet; et si longiores, nobiliores; and p. 24 (Sinistra
mulieris, no. 1), Quot lineas tales post primamhabuerit, tot
viris desponsabitur. Et si maiores sintsecunde quam prime,
nobiliores erunt mariti quamipsa sponsa.38. Ps.-John of Seville,
Chiromantia, i: 21. De
monte auricularisdicunt aliqui quodlinee intermensalem et
radicem auricularis transversantesnupcias preteritas significant,
sed directe, futuras; sedtedia magis quam impedimenta talium
nupciarumsignificant, in Pack (as in n. 36), p. 223; see nowManuali
medievali di chiromanzia (as in n. 27), p. 160.39. Pack and
Hamilton (as in n. 35), p. 297; and
see now Manuali medievali di chiromanzia (as in n.27), p. 236:
17. De monte auriculariset si intermensalem et radicem digiti
predicti transversantessint linee, nupcias cum summo gaudio
significant; siautem scindantur, mutatur iudicium.40. M. Grabmann,
Das Werk De Amore des
Andreas Capellanus und das Verurteilungsdekretdes Bischofs
StephanTempier von Paris vom 7 Mrz1277, Speculum, vii, 1932, pp.
7579; A. J. Denomy,The De Amore of Andreas Capellanus and the
11_Rapisarda:JWCI 9/7/07 14:27 Page 190
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RING ON THE LITTLE FINGER 191
Condemnation of 1277,Mediaeval Studies, viii, 1946,pp. 10749.
See Epistola scripta a StephanoEpiscopo Parisiensi anno 1277, in La
condemnation
parisienne de 1277, ed. and transl. D. Pich, Paris1999, pp. 7279
(72, 76).
Universit degli Studi di Catania
11_Rapisarda:JWCI 9/7/07 14:27 Page 191
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JOURNAL OFTHE WARBURGAND COURTAULDINSTITUTESWarburg Institute,
University of London, Woburn Square, London WCIH 0AB
Dr Stefano RapisardaDipartimento di F ilo logia Modern a (stanza
| | 4)Universitd degli Studi di CataniaPiazzaDarfie.32CataniaSic i
l ia 95131Italy
Dear Dr Rapisarda,
Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes
I write to confirm formally that your Note, entitled 'A Ring on
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