A Review of Bullying Prevention and Intervention in South Korean Schools: An Application of the Social–Ecological Framework

SUBSTANTIVE/THEORETICAL REVIEW

A Review of Bullying Prevention and Intervention in SouthKorean Schools: An Application of the Social–EcologicalFramework

Jun Sung Hong • Chang-Hun Lee • Jungup Lee •

Na Youn Lee • James Garbarino

� Springer Science+Business Media New York 2013

Abstract School bullying is a serious social problem that

results in potentially severe and long lasting consequences

for youth, parents, teachers, and school officials. Com-

mensurate with the serious nature and outcomes of bully-

ing, there has been a number of bullying prevention and

intervention programs and measures in schools. The cur-

rent review provides a synthesis and evaluation of the

existing research on bullying prevention and intervention

strategies in South Korean schools, set within Bronfen-

brenner’s social–ecological contexts, including the micro-

(i.e., family, peer, school), meso- (i.e., family–school), and

macro- (i.e., religion, policies) systems. We also discuss

the strengths and limitations of the research reviewed and

provide directions for future research focusing on major

empirical gaps in the literature on bullying prevention and

intervention strategies in South Korea.

Keywords Bullying � Intervention � School � South

Korea � Youth

Introduction

School bullying has been recognized as a pervasive social

problem in many countries [1], including South Korea [2].

Indeed, a number of South Korean researchers have

examined the prevalence of school bullying, risk factors,

and associated consequences [3–6]. Koo et al. [7] reported

from a sample of 2,926 students, aged between 11 and

16 years, that 5.8 % of South Koreans in that age range

reported being socially excluded by their peers, while

10.2 % reported socially excluding their peers. In contrast,

Kim et al. [3] found that, among 1,756 middle school South

Koreans, as many as 40 % reported participating in bul-

lying in school. Children and adolescents involved in

bullying and peer victimization are at a heightened risk of

behavioral, emotional, and social problems [8–13]. Studies

have consistently found that, compared to uninvolved

students, those involved in school bullying displayed sig-

nificantly more suicidal/self-injurious behaviors [9, 11].

Considering the harmful effects of bullying on children

and adolescents’ physical, emotional, and psychosocial

health and well-being, over the years, South Korean

researchers have developed and implemented various

school violence prevention programs. Regrettably, how-

ever, there has been little evidence of systematic strategies

for bullying prevention and intervention. Many of the

bullying prevention and intervention programs have not

addressed relevant factors outside the school environment

Both Jungup Lee and Na Youn Lee contributed equally to this work.

The first author wishes to express his deepest gratitude to Mr. Al

Acker for his revisions and suggestions.

J. S. Hong (&)

School of Social Work, Wayne State University, Detroit,

MI 48202, USA

e-mail: [email protected]

C.-H. Lee

Department of Police Administration, Hannam University,

Daejeon, Republic of Korea

J. Lee

College of Social Work, Florida State University, Tallahassee,

FL, USA

N. Y. Lee

School of Social Work, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, MI,

USA

J. Garbarino

Department of Psychology, Loyola University Chicago,

Chicago, IL, USA

123

Child Psychiatry Hum Dev

DOI 10.1007/s10578-013-0413-7

that may potentially influence peer victimization. Addi-

tionally, a lack of school support and knowledge of

appropriate classroom management have hindered South

Korean teachers and school officials from becoming

actively involved in preventing and intervening in bullying

situations [14]. In sum, both proximal (e.g., family, peers,

school) and distal factors (e.g., religious beliefs, policy) for

bullying and peer victimization are important consider-

ations in the creation of effective prevention and inter-

vention strategies. Effectively addressing and preventing

bullying is also an urgent clinical and school health

priority.

In this article, we systematically review research on the

existing bullying prevention and intervention strategies in

South Korea using Bronfenbrenner’s [15] social–ecological

framework. We describe and evaluate the state of the

research literature on bullying prevention and intervention

in South Korea and to summarize the evidence for the

efficacy of these programs across multiple domains.

Understanding prevention and intervention programs in

South Korea, using this framework, is particularly impor-

tant because bullying and peer victimization have tradi-

tionally been viewed largely as an individual-level

phenomenon. Consequently much effort has been expen-

ded on enhancing our understanding of the individual-level

factors. Subsequently, intervention efforts have targeted

individual-level factors as a way of achieving behavioral

change. However, solely examining these individual-level

determinants in isolation provides a limited perspective on

a complex issue and also precludes a more in-depth

understanding of the variables at other levels of the social

ecology (e.g., family, peers, school, community, and

society), which may be independently associated with

bullying involvement. An ecological review can address

major empirical gaps in prevention and intervention strat-

egies and can be a critical resource for teachers, practi-

tioners, and school officials working with children and

adolescents involved in bullying ([16, p. 166]). Finally, we

suggest directions for future research to address major

empirical gaps in the literature on bullying prevention and

intervention in South Korea.

Social–Ecological Framework

Many factors can increase the risk that children will engage

in bullying. Among these factors are harsh parenting

practices and family conflict/violence [17–22]; negative

peer relationships and poor friendship quality [23–25]; and

lack of teacher involvement [26–28]. Indeed, there have

been numerous empirical studies that articulate the asso-

ciation between these factors and bullying and peer vic-

timization in South Korea [14, 29]. However, a major

challenge for teachers and school officials there has been to

identify and understand the antecedents to bullying and

peer victimization within multiple contexts. A vast body of

research on the risk factors has been devoted to providing a

basis for the development of effective prevention and

intervention strategies in schools that seek to reduce bul-

lying behavior by modifying the antecedents. In reviewing

the antecedents, from a prevention and intervention per-

spective, it is necessary to recognize that the risk factors go

beyond the individual level, and that many of them are

amenable to modification.

Many research studies on bullying intervention in South

Korea have primarily targeted individual-level antecedents

of bullying and peer victimization, such as behaviors and

personality traits of bullies and victims [30–41]. In recent

years, intervention researchers have recognized the

importance of a theoretical framework that transcends the

individual level (e.g., behavior and personality traits). A

constellation of factors exists representing a web of cau-

sality influencing adolescent behaviors and peer relations

in school. Emerging evidence suggests that certain envi-

ronmental factors may have equal, if not greater, effect

than individual level factors on school bullying and vic-

timization. Prevention and intervention strategies that do

not target the multiple environments are highly unlikely to

be effective [42]. The social–ecological framework can

facilitate our understanding of the multi-layered influences

in bullying and victimization, a necessary precondition for

the development and implementation of effective preven-

tion and intervention strategies in South Korean schools.

Bronfenbrenner [15, 43] conceptualized the social envi-

ronment as an interactive set of systems, which are con-

ceived as the major dynamic shaping the context in which

the individual experiences social reality [44]. Despite the

fact that, by definition, the individual is not a part of the

exo- and macro-systems, the individual is influenced by the

various levels of the social environment (meso-, exo-, and

macro-systems). However, exosystem research is not

included in this review, because there is very little litera-

ture on that subject. The focus is thus on micro-, meso-,

and macro-systems.

Method of Selection

Identification of Relevant Literature

For this review, we carried out a literature search

employing electronic bibliographic databases without data

specification. We used Korean and English databases,

including RISS for Higher Education (Korean), Google-

Scholar.com, Medline, ProQuest, PubMed, and PsycINFO

(English). The search terminology for the Korean database

Child Psychiatry Hum Dev

123

included wang-tta (a socially excluded student), jipdan

ttadollim (social exclusion perpetrated by group of stu-

dents), jipdan gwaerop’im (peer harassment), and hak’kyo

pong’nyeok (school violence). For the English databases,

key words for the search included bullying, peer aggres-

sion, relational aggression, youth aggression, peer vic-

timization, peer abuse, peer harassment, school violence,

social exclusion, ostracism, prevention, intervention, and

South Korea.

Titles, authors and abstracts from all studies identified

by electronic searches were reviewed to determine whether

they met the inclusion criteria: (a) the age of the study

participants is equal to or younger than high school age

(17–19 years of age in South Korea), (b) the site of the

study was in South Korean schools, and (c) the measures

for bullying or victimization were described. Our search

was limited to empirical studies on bullying and school

violence prevention and intervention strategies using

quantitative, qualitative or mixed methods research. Stud-

ies conducted on Koreans residing in other countries (e.g.,

‘‘Korean Americans’’) were excluded. Our review was also

limited to studies that were written in the Korean or Eng-

lish language. The preliminary literature search resulted in

82 articles and theses, which we narrowed down to 43 that

met the inclusion criteria. Of these, 38 programs referred to

the microsystem level (family, peer, and school), one

referred to the importance of the mesosystem (parent–tea-

cher cooperation), and four referred to the macrosystem

(religious beliefs and policy). Forty-one studies reviewed

used quantitative research methods, one mixed methods

[45], and one qualitative method [46].

Findings on Social–Ecological Factors

Microsystem

Bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems analysis suggests that

assessments of bullying and peer victimization need to

consider the microsystem of the individual—namely the

immediate environments (e.g., home, classroom, and

school), as well as the relationship dynamics occurring

within these environments (e.g., youth–peer). Both the

microsystem environment and the relationship dynamics

are important targets for bullying intervention.

Family

Bullying and victimization are associated with youth’s

interactions and socialization in the family, and more

specifically, parenting practices. Parenting practices in

South Korea have been characterized as harsh or neglect-

ful [47, 48], psychological controlling [48], or overly

permissive [49]. For instance, Kim and Doh’s [47] study

examined the effects of parenting behaviors, marital con-

flict and sibling relations on children’s aggression from a

sample of 301 6th grade children in South Korea. The

researchers found that children were aggressive toward

their classmates when parents frequently used physical

punishment and psychological control, and parents’

behaviors were most highly correlated with children’s

aggression for both boys and girls. Theoretically-speaking,

children whose caregivers engage in abusive and harsh

disciplinary practices in the home are at an elevated risk of

bullying and peer victimization in school, as evidenced by

several research findings [50–52]. On the contrary, care-

givers who provide emotional support can buffer youth

against negative peer relationships that encourage bullying

and aggressive behaviors.

As such, several bullying intervention programs in South

Korea have targeted parenting behaviors and practices.

These include psychodynamic art therapy [53–55], parent

education [56, 57], and family therapy [38]. One example is

Chun’s [53] research on the effects of psychodynamic art

therapy on bullying behavior. The researcher examined

whether psychodynamic art therapy influences childrearing

attitudes, mothers’ emotion expression, and mothers’

understanding of bullied and victimized children’s behav-

ior. The subjects consisted of two mothers and two peer

victimized children. The psychodynamic art therapy

included 30 50-min sessions for the mothers and 20 sessions

of 45 min for the children. Results indicated that this ther-

apy was effective in reducing aggressive and maladjusted

behaviors among students identified as bullies. The therapy

targeted both the individual behavior of the youth and the

parenting practices of the mothers. Prior to this therapy, the

mothers of the bullies displayed aggression/hostility,

neglect/indifference, and rejection toward their own chil-

dren. After the therapy sessions, both of these mothers were

reportedly less aggressive and hostile, and displayed greater

warmth and affection to their children. In addition, inter-

vention strategies that are inclusive of parent education

have been effective in decreasing aggressive behaviors

among young children. An aforementioned study, Kim et al.

[57] also discovered that, although social skills training

decreased young children’s aggressive behavior, partici-

pants in the intervention, which combined social skills

training and parent education (for the mothers), displayed

significantly less aggressive behaviors than children in the

control group or the intervention group that had only social

skills training.

Peers

Considering that bullying involves peer dynamics, the

ecological analysis focuses on the peer microsystem of the

Child Psychiatry Hum Dev

123

individual child. The peer microsystem involves children

interacting with, influencing, and socializing with one

another [58]. Children’s peer relationships are critically

important to their sense of well-being and adjustment [59],

and South Korea has been characterized as collectivist,

which places primary emphasis on peer group awareness

over individual concerns, sensitivity to others, and the

minimization of conflicts [60, 61]. Thus, it is no surprise

that bullying intervention programs in South Korea have

focused specifically on peer groups of bullied students [62–

67], as well as students in the general population [65, 68,

69]. One such program is FRIENDS, a didactical approach

to improve peer relationships of elementary school students

who are identified as bully victims in school. Kim’s [69]

study, evaluated the effectiveness of the program through

various qualitative mechanisms, such as interviews, par-

ticipant observation, diaries, pictures, and video recording.

Participants in the program, which consisted of 29 fifth-

graders, were taught how to form positive peer relation-

ships, which increased their self-esteem and self-confi-

dence and decreased the likelihood of victimization. These

students also reported better school adjustment than non-

participants.

Other intervention researchers in South Korea have

targeted children’s social skills [57, 70–74], which suggests

that bullies and victims lack social skills or qualities that

ease every day social interactions [75, 76]. A study con-

ducted by Fox and Boulton [76] found that a convenience

sample of 330 students (ages 9–11) had social skills

problems which were significantly higher among bullying

involved youth than among non-involved youth, in both

self- and teacher-reports. Becoming aware that intervention

strategies which improve social skills and social accep-

tance have reportedly been effective in reducing bullying

and peer victimization, developmental psychologists in

South Korea have begun using similar techniques. South

Korean researchers have consistently reported that inter-

vention programs that emphasize social skills training have

shown to enhance children’s prosocial behaviors and

inhibit aggressive behaviors [64, 77, 78]. Moreover, bul-

lying victims who participated in programs that foster

children’s social skills, such as the social skills improve-

ment program and interpersonal training program dis-

played higher levels of self-esteem and self-confidence

compared to non-participants. Participants are also less

likely than non-participants to be bullied in school subse-

quently [79, 80]. For instance, Kim and Kim [72] found

from a sample of seven fifth-grade children identified as

bullying victims that students who participated in the

program showed an improvement in their social skills, in

their relationships with their peers, and were less likely to

be victimized by their peers. Chung’s [71] study, which

evaluated the effectiveness of Interpersonal Training

Program from a sample of 44 middle school students in

Daegu, also reported that participants displayed higher

levels of social skills and were less likely to be victimized,

compared to non-participants. However, we should also

note that the relatively small sample sizes and low statis-

tical power in Chung [71] and Kim and Kim’s [72] studies

are major concerns, which result in a reduced chance of

detecting the true effects of the program.

Early intervention strategies that target social skills of

aggressive toddlers and young children have also been a

major focus of research in South Korea in recent years [70,

81, 82]. In an effort to prevent negative outcomes (e.g.,

bullying behaviors during childhood and adolescence)

predicted by lack of social skills and poor peer relation-

ships, these researchers have pursued intervention strate-

gies to improve children’s social acceptance and behaviors

at an early age [57]. Using a sample of 20 young children

(ages 4–5), Kim et al. [57] found that aggressive young

children who participated in a social skills intervention

program were less likely to engage in aggressive peer

interaction and showed improvement in social skills,

emotion regulation, and peer relationships.

In a number of studies, positive friendship and peer

support have also been commonly identified as protective

factors that can potentially buffer the effects of bullying.

This is no surprise, given that friendships and peer support

are crucial for many adolescents [83, 84]. Empirical find-

ings consistently reveal that children with a reciprocated

best friendship were significantly less likely to be victim-

ized than were their peers who did not have a best friend

[85]. In a sense, this reciprocal friendship constitutes a

microsystem which buffers the child from the aggression

of other individuals and microsystems. Consequently,

friendship and peer support of students involved in bullying

and victimization have become major targets in prevention

and intervention research in South Korea [86]. Hong’s [86]

study, which included a sample of 200 elementary school

students in Daegu city, examined the effectiveness of an

intervention program that promotes friendship using a pre-

post design with a control group. Children in the experi-

mental group participated in the program, which consisted

of four steps in ten sessions, such as introduction to the

program, understanding oneself, sharing experiences in

peer victimization, social skills training for peer-victimized

children, and reflections on the outcome of the program.

Results indicate that children who participated in the pro-

gram showed a significant decrease in peer victimization

and an increase in social skills, compared to the control

group. The results seem to show that programs which focus

on developing and enhancing positive friendships among

bullying victims can protect them [45, 87].

In recent years bullying prevention programs also have

included sensitivity and empathy training to promote peer

Child Psychiatry Hum Dev

123

support for bullying victims [87–94]. The underlying goal

of these programs is to teach uninvolved students to be

aware of the bullying and social exclusion and to provide

caring support for bullying victims, which can alleviate

their distress and enable them to better resist. Such pro-

grams are essential because they raise students’ awareness

and concerns about bullying situations, which can result in

more positive and respectful behaviors among all students

[95]. One of the few studies that specifically address

empathic responding and bullying behavior in South Korea

was conducted by Shim [88], who reported that empathy

training programs foster positive peer interaction among

all students, and, consequently, bullying behavior is

decreased. On the other hand, Yun [92] and Yun and Lee’s

[93] study, which evaluated the effectiveness of a peer

support program for non-involved students, revealed that

although such program raised students’ awareness of bul-

lying and empathy towards bullying victims, there were no

major changes when it came to assisting the victims or

speaking out against bullies. Clearly, creating preventative

action is a tough challenge to meet, much more difficult

than simply creating ‘‘awareness.’’

School

Due to frequent interactions between students and teachers

in school, teachers might reinforce bullying behaviors by

failing to promote respectful interactions among students

or take disciplinary action against bullying or other related

misbehaviors [16]. Although teachers’ involvement can

protect students from bullying, teachers’ attitudes and

involvement have rarely been addressed in research [46,

96]. Moreover, South Korean studies have shown that

teachers do not recognize bullying as a serious social

concern in school [27]; nor are they effective in handling

students’ peer relationship problems [28]. The findings of

existing research, suggest that programs which target

teachers are theoretically feasible and practically viable

[97]. To illustrate, a bullying intervention model developed

by Choi [96] suggests that teachers play a critical role in

decreasing bullying. Choi’s [96] intervention study, which

focused on the characteristics, awareness, and problem

solving strategies for bullying and peer victimization,

concluded that students involved in bullying situations

need to develop a close relationship with teachers and there

is a critical need for teachers to be involved in bullying

situations. We should note however that the effectiveness

of the intervention has not been rigorously evaluated, and it

is difficult to ascertain whether the findings lend empirical

support for the effectiveness of teacher involvement in

decreasing bullying and peer conflicts. Nevertheless,

numerous research findings outside of South Korea lend

empirical support for the importance of teachers’ role in

handling bullying situations [16]. A close assessment of

teachers’ attitudes toward bullying and how they relate to

students, as well as education about bullying for teachers

are imperative [16].

Mesosystem

Mesosystem refers to the connections and processes occur-

ring between two or more settings in which the individual is

embedded (e.g., the relationship between home and school;

[98]). The mesosystem consists of a network of relationships

between and among the microsystems in a person’s life [99].

Healthy development and peer relationships are most likely

to occur when there are congruent and consistent messages

delivered across contexts [100]. Regrettably, we were unable

to locate any South Korean research that emphasized the

importance of home–school collaborations in bullying pre-

vention. This might be because school officials there dis-

courage parental involvement in their children’s social

activities. However, a limited number of South Korean

researchers have emphasized the importance of the rela-

tionship between family and school. For instance, Kim [101],

whose research on the effects of a school-based counseling

program on peer victimization from a sample of two-fifth-

grade classes in Daejeon (n = 132), found that participants

in the program did not result in a significant improvement in

social skills or a decrease in victimization. Given that chil-

dren’s relations with their parents (one microsystem)

invariably affects their relations with their peers and class-

mates in school (another microsystem), the researcher pro-

posed that the formation of a solid relationship between and

among family and school may be necessary, which can

enhance the effectiveness of school-based programs [101].

The researcher argued that parents’ awareness and under-

standing of children’s interactions with their peers and their

collaboration with teachers and school counselors is critical,

not only in mitigating children’s victimization and peer

conflict situations in school, but also in their developing

social skills [101]. However, South Korean researchers have

yet to develop and test the effectiveness of school-based

programs involving parents and school.

Macrosystem

The macrosystem is the most distal and broadest level of

influence. It is commonly referred to as a ‘‘cultural blue-

print’’, which may determine the social structures and

activities occurring in the micro-, meso-, and exo-system

levels [15]. The macrosystem comprises an overarching

pattern of the micro-, meso-, and exo-systems that are

characteristic of a particular culture, subculture, or other

broader social context [102]. Religious beliefs and policies

Child Psychiatry Hum Dev

123

are examples of macrosystems that can influence the social

structures and activities [15]. They can shape youth’s

behaviors and their relationships with their peers [103].

Youth’s religious beliefs, and more specifically Chris-

tianity, have also been a focus of bullying interventions in

South Korea. Although Confucian values and ethics have

traditionally guided the moral systems, ways of life, and

social relations, Christianity is one of South Korea’s pre-

dominant religions today, exerting a significant amount of

influence in youth behaviors and interpersonal relation-

ships. Research also shows that youth with higher levels of

religious participation were less frequently at risk of being

victimized, exhibiting behavioral problems and acting as

bullies than were their non-religious peers [104]. Recog-

nizing the significant role of churches, South Korean

researchers have also developed church-based bullying

prevention and intervention strategies. For instance, Kim

[105] developed and evaluated a church education program

aimed at assisting peer-rejected children to cope with peer

pressures and social exclusion by teaching them to better

understand the importance of mutual respect and empathy.

The first session consisted of introducing the program and

information on peer rejection. The second session consisted

of teaching the participants what factors underlie peer

rejection. And the third session provided participants with

steps for overcoming peer rejection through Christian

teachings of love and mutual understanding. Results from

the study suggest a significant decrease in peer rejection

among the participants in the program. Yeom [106] also

implemented a therapeutic intervention that combined

Christian principles with cognitive-behavioral counseling

to address school bullying. Participants in the intervention

displayed greater self-cognition and were able to better

cope with peer conflicts and bullying situations, compared

to non-participants. However, given the absence of a con-

trol or comparison group in these studies, it is difficult to

ascertain whether these programs are indeed effective or

what would have happened without participation in the

program.

Policy (or lack thereof) represents another macrosystem

level and is an important focus for school bullying pre-

vention [107]. Recognizing the serious consequences of

school bullying, the South Korean government has estab-

lished a number of bullying and school violence prevention

measures in school districts. In 2004, the nationwide

School Violence Prevention Act was enacted, modeled

after the Safe and Drug-Free School and Community Act in

the US and the Crime and Social Disorder Act in the UK.

The legislation stipulated that victims must report their

cases to the school authorities or the police, and school

districts are mandated to organize an Autonomous School

Violence Solution Committee. Moreover, the local gov-

ernment must ensure that school districts are taking steps to

prevent school bullying. However, Kim and Rim [108]

point out that enforcement of the Act has been ineffective

and argue that the effectiveness of such legislation depends

on collaborative efforts of homes, schools, and communi-

ties. Interestingly, a recent study by Yoon et al. [109] also

found that enforcement of an anti-bullying policy and/or an

anti-bullying program at school, were not significantly

related to the differences in teacher responses.

Discussion

Many studies in South Korea have identified a number of

risk factors related to bullying, and prevention and inter-

vention programs were developed to mitigate those risks,

although there currently is a dearth of empirical data that

supports whether intervening across multiple ecological

levels is effective in preventing and reducing children and

adolescents’ bullying involvement. The risk factors iden-

tified in these programs have primarily focused on indi-

vidual antecedents of bullying and peer victimization, and

how they invariably affect the interactions in the micro-

system. As a result, bullying and school violence programs

in South Korea have targeted the home and school envi-

ronments, particularly those involving classroom and

school-based activities [110–113]. Although there is evi-

dence supporting the efficacy of programs targeting indi-

vidual-level and microsystem level antecedents, these

interventions appear to be insufficient in sustaining newly

adopted preventative behavioral changes over a protracted

period of time. Likewise, although researchers in South

Korea have reported promising results for these programs,

there appears to be a serious dearth of studies that use a

randomized control trial design to test their efficacy.

Considering that children and adolescents’ behaviors,

thoughts, and emotions are influenced by interpersonal

contexts [95], bullying prevention and intervention pro-

grams in South Korea have also focused on identifying

protective factors in the peer microsystems, such as posi-

tive friendships and prosocial peer groups. These efforts

have also been reported to reduce bullying behavior among

youth identified as aggressive and to increase social skills

and friendship among those identified as peer victims.

Despite the reported effectiveness of these programs, they

have primarily focused on individual-level (e.g., social

skills deficit) of children and adolescents involved in bul-

lying and victimization, rather than a school climate that

may reinforce bullying behaviors, such as lack of moni-

toring and involvement among teachers. As the afore-

mentioned review suggests, there has been a lack of school-

based prevention and intervention programs that target

teachers’ understanding and understanding of students’

peer relations and bullying dynamics. It is imperative that

Child Psychiatry Hum Dev

123

researchers also investigate the potentially positive role of

teachers and the importance of teachers’ involvement in

preventing bullying and negative peer interactions among

students in school. Teachers, school administrators and

other staff members can influence the social climate of

their schools, and play a prominent role in students’ aca-

demic performances and social life.

Relevant mesosystems, such as parent–teacher cooper-

ation have largely been overlooked in bullying prevention

and intervention programs in South Korea. Close cooper-

ation between the home and school, which involves parents

being informed in how to prevent or counteract bullying

situations through discussions with teachers, has been

found to be effective in several studies conducted in

Western societies [100]. We should also point out however

that South Korean culture encourages parents to be

involved in their children’s academics, while discouraging

them from being involved in their children’s social activ-

ities in school. This paradox makes cooperation between

the home and the school difficult. Productive, constructive,

collaborative relationships between the home and school

are essential for maximizing children’s potential and social

activities [100]. Thus, researchers in South Korea might

develop and evaluate an intervention strategy that consider

parental involvement in children’s social activities and peer

relationships in school.

Studies on bullying in different countries have acknowl-

edged the importance of a multifaceted approach to bullying.

Despite this, relatively few studies on bullying prevention

and intervention in South Korea have targeted multiple level

factors outside the immediate environment, such as home and

school. Most recently, however, studies conducted by Lee [4,

107, 114] reported that children who bullied others in schools

were influenced by both immediate and distal factors, such as

school policies and social norms, such as collectivism.

Regrettably, we were able to locate few prevention and

intervention strategies that targeted the broader levels of the

social–ecology (e.g., religion). The few that were done

reported the effectiveness of church education programs,

which combine Christian doctrines and therapeutic approa-

ches to bullying prevention [105, 106]. However, empirical

support for the effectiveness of these programs is in question,

as they have not been rigorously evaluated (e.g., using a

randomized control trial design). Moreover, there is a critical

need for comparative research on the effectiveness of bully-

ing prevention and intervention. Several recent studies

examined risk factors and outcomes of bullying and victim-

ization across different cultural groups [114–116]. However,

few studies have investigated bullying prevention and inter-

vention cross-nationally, which is essential, considering the

importance of targeting cultural contexts of bullying.

This review suggests that there is a critical need for

more appropriate methods of assessment and development

of interventions to prevent occurrence of bullying and

victimization in South Korean schools; one that harnesses

the potential power of systems beyond the individual-level

and microsystem that have currently been the main focus of

research attention. Bullying prevention and intervention

programs in South Korean schools needs to target multiple

levels of influences, involving multiple stakeholders (e.g.,

perpetrators, victim, parents, school officials, and law

enforcement) [117].

Summary

This article reviews research on school bullying prevention

and intervention programs in South Korea. Bullying and

peer victimization are serious concerns in South Korean

schools. These problems have resulted in the development

of effective prevention and intervention programs and

strategies. However, many of these programs have focused

primarily on individual and microsystem level antecedents

of bullying and peer victimization, such as home and

school environments and peer relations. But beyond those,

it is also essential that various systems levels of the youth’s

social–ecology, such as meso- (family–school), and macro-

systems (religion, policies) are considered in prevention

and intervention efforts. Only when researchers and prac-

titioners apply this social–ecological perspective to bully-

ing prevention and intervention efforts, will the rate of

bullying and associated outcomes (e.g., depression, sui-

cide) decrease.

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