A PROPOSAL TO BUILD THE CAMPAIGN TO STOP SOUTH …kora.matrix.msu.edu/files/50/304/32-130-2619-84-proposal coal 75.pdfA PROPOSAL TO BUILD THE CAMPAIGN TO STOP SOUTH AFRICAN COAL I.

A PROPOSAL TO BUILD THE CAMPAIGN TO STOP SOUTH AFRICAN COAL

I. POLITICAL PERSPECTIVE

The struggle that we seek to build against the importation of coaL from South Africa, must be seen within a world context. As a direct blow against i mper ialism it is part of the world wide united front against the two super­powers --- the United States and the Soviet Union -~- as they divide and re­divide the world. Strategically, the campaign is part of the . broad united front against imperialism in our own country, a part of the protracted strug­gle against the U.S. ruling class. In addit ion, as we develop the campaign correctly by building the leadership of the working.class within this strug­gle to support t he liberation fight in Southern Africa~ we . will be pushing forward the revolutionary struggle, consciousness and unity of the U.S. work­ing class as well.

Southern Africa is an important link in the strategy of the. U.S . imper­ialis ts to mai ntain hegemony over the people and resources of the Third World. The regimes of South Africa (Azania) ; Rhodesia (Zimbabwe), Southwest Africa (Namibia) and until recently, the Portugu@se colonies ~ act as client states of U.S. imperialism and hold the door open to U. S. capital investment. Eagerly allowing the exploitation of Ratura l resources by U.S . corporations , they attempt as well to provide a cheap, submissive~ easily exploitable labor force. In addition, on the continent ~f Africa, South Africa's re­gime acts as a sub-imperialist power by i tself subjugating other peoples, taking an aggressive, hostile stance toward the i ndepP-ndent African coun­tries~ and exporting capital and pol itical control to the other settler reg i mes.

The keystone of the regime's power is the eX'tr eme national oppression of Sout h Africa's majori ty Black population. by the white settler regime and rests in addition on the brutal exploitation of the labor of the Black South African workers . Living in conditions of semi~slavery, Black workers in South Africa earn from 1/5 to 1/20 what white workers do, The country is strictly divided according to racial classifications : "White," "African," "Asian.," and vicolored. 11 These classifications are based on family back­ground and appearance, and are stated in the "pass 11 which must be carried at all times by non-whites. If a pass book is not in perfect order, an African can be deported to a tribal "homeland" (which he may never have seen before).

White South African working people suffer from this system . of.. apartheid as well, although no where nearly as much as the Africans •. The white settl er regime in South Africa represents only the interests of the ruling class and not the interests of the white workers in South Africa. It is a fascist government which has suppressed the demo cratic rights of all working people to assembly ll to speech, to freedom of p:ress 2 etc. Under the "Suppression of Conununism Act ~ " anywone~ white or Black, under suspicion can be thrown in prison for an unlimited time with no trial or public hearing.

The South African people have struggled long and hard against the colo­nialists and their i mperialist masters, Their resistance has continued al­though it is generally met with the full military might of the South African fasci st state, In spite of laws that make trade unions, strikes and poli ti­cal organizations illegal, the Azanian people daily uti 1i ze strikes, peaceful demonstrat ions and armed resistance,

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Coal is a strategi c and developing part of South Africa's economy. As the Southern Company and other U.S. corporations search for a way out of the genera l crisis of i mperial ism, they go dire ctly after a cheaper and growing source of coal: Sout h Afri ca .. In spite of the treinccndous distance this coal must be transported --- some 9 , 000 miles -·-- it remains comparable i n price to coal mined i n t he U,S . because of t he slave"labor conditions under which it is produced , At the same time , South African coal is uniformly low in sulfur content wh ich all ows t he corporations to skip costly environmental procedures to eliminate t h is pollutant fr-nm the energy source.

The basis of t he oppression and exploitation of the South Africa peop le is the i mperialist system . Imperialism is the f inal stage of. capital ism i n which all the contradictions of the capi ta l ist system are sharpened while the ability of t he i mperialist powers to deal with these contradictions is more and more limited to mechanical doctoring and intensified attacks on the proletariat of the imperialist country and the peoples of the oppressed na­tions. And still another fact r limiting the abil ity of the imperialists to deal with t hese contradictions i s the struggles of t he masses of people t hemse lves ag ains t explo i tat ion and oppression wherever it exists. The con tradiction between t h e proletariat and the monopoly ruling class and be t ween t he oppressed nations and the two superpowers lies at the base and at t he same time is shar pened cy the internat ional crisis of imperialism.

At t he heart of the crisis is a chronic falling rate of profit which is char acterized by a two-sided contradiction. On the one hand are the constant­ly rising production costs which cut into t he rate of profit, This downward tendency is combatted by intensified exploitatfon and oppres sion of the i mperialist country's proletariat , whi le at the same t i me the imperialists increas e t heir profits abroad as they pursue cheaper raw materials, and especially lower l abor costs.

On the ot her hand is the need for the imperialists to "realize" their surp lus value by selling t heir fini s hed commodities once the cos't of produc­tion has been minimi 2.ed , But if they have been too successful in cutting costs, especial l y labor, the people are unabl e to buy back t heir products, and the cl assi c cyc le of t he crisis of overproduction commences again .

To resolve this basic contradiction the imperialists must at the same t i me both cut and expand t he ability of the masses of people to consume t he commodities produced . Obviously they camot do both- - .,the essence of t heir contrad iction and eventually their inability to ru l e, Hoiever, each indi­vidua l capitalist must fi ercely compete with the othe r capitalists by trying to cut hi s cost of pr oduct ion or he goes out of business, Thus as each capitalist does what he must do to try to es cape 'the fate of his class, he only makes the situation worse for the class as a whole,

It i s t he natu re of the Imperialist system that no sooner does it move to solve one aspect of its contradictions, than it intensifies the antagonism of its ot her aspect , dr iving the crisis still deeper and making it more uncontrol­lable

,·an see th i s at wo r k in t he i mport ation of Sou t h African coal , The attacks corning down en ~ c'op l e at home cannot be s epar ated from the attacks that come down on the oppressed nations and peoples of the worl d because i m­perialism i s no t a 11po licy" preferred by the ruling class, The manifestations

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of imperialism---the economic . and pol i tical attacks . it brings. down, the.wars it i nitiates, t he crises and depressions it brings .. ,., .• are· results of the economic laws that drive the system, Faced with the rising costs of production at home which depresses t he rate of surplus value~ the Southern Comp.any like the other monopo ly capitalists, has turned to the. cheap.er raw. mate·rials and labor costs in t he oppressed nations---in this case South Africa, At the same time however, the cuts in labor costs and raw materials are offset by the increas-ing costs of dis tribution , Because of this South African .coal co.sts $22 a t on once . it has arrived here ~ while Alabama coal costs $24 a ton to produce, Thus the Southern Company gains a temporary $2 a ton edge whi .ch ammo.unts. to $7 million over the three year cont ract they've signed forthis coal, But the overall affect is to further int ensify the crisis of the entire i mperialist system ,

The i mperialist solution turns into, its opposite, paving_ the wa.y for even more extensive and destructive crises and leading to depression with its all­sided and unsparing attacks on the mas.ses of people of both the oppressor and oppressed nations. To bring an end to the oppre;sion and exploitation that bot h suffer we must clearly i dentify the common enemy~--the imperialis t system--­and mus t build our revolutionary unity~ consciousness and struggle to bring down imperialism the world over,

In order to make clear the role of the monopoly cap1 talists . in South Africa and t hroughout t he wo rld, our campaign. should f ocus. on ·the Southern Company as an example, I n doing this we should expose through our propaganda and actions the i mperialist i nterests that control the Southern Company, The Southern Com­pany goes in and steals t he natural. resources of Azania, and the , corp,orat ions t hat control it and benefit from its profits are ·the. same . that exploit Third World countries around th e world.., (For example$ the Chase Manhattan Bank---a major Southern Company s:tockholder-. - -made millions in Vietnam) It is these same blood suckers t hat exploi t and oppress the people hereat hom.eand . parti­cularly t he working class o Our main blow programatically should be dire.cted at the Sout hern Company in the context of a clear and precise delineat ion of t his corporation as an example of the monopo ly capitalis t class we seek to get rid of forever o

The role of the U,S , and South African governments as representatives for the corporate interests in aidi ng and abetting exploitation and oppression should also be devel oped in the course of t he struggle . The racist South Af­r ican government ~ with the aid of the U,S, and other imperialist powers, main­tains the slave ~aborsystem and its support of other reactionary governments, But it is increasingly isolated in the world among small and medium sized countries seek;_ng i ndependence from the !1egemony of the two superpowers, the U, S, and the U,S,S .R. This government, l i ke others in Southern Africa~ depends for its existance on continued U.S. diplomatic~ military and economic support .

Political Errors on the Issue of South African Coal

It has been our experience that without a clear understanding 0£ what South Afr ican coal means there are several political errors we all can easily fall prey to. Both in the work we have done ·in Birmingham and in the planning meetings for this conference, certain lines have been put forward which if adopted would mislead and misdirect the whole fo cus of this campaign.

Withi n the United Mineworkers union leadership, the line on South African coal has become clear, Despite a feint to the left in the early stages of the struggle> the bureaucrats have actually Eut into Eractace a basic protectionist

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line which amounts to saying that the only reas.on to be against South African coal imports is because it supposedly takes away 400 jobs from U,S, miners (UMW members).

If these ideas only existed in the minds of trade union bureaucrats our task would be much easiero But the bureaucrats are actively pushing this line and in the real world. ideas aren 1 t the property of one particular group of peopleo There is a material basis for this thoroughly bourgeois llne to have influence in the working class as well as among other forces, Under capitalism the ruling class constantly forces t:he working class to compete for jobs. UndeT imperialism this compet:ltion is taken to a world scale, The bourgeoisie uses this fact to drive wages down. and generally as a check on militant working class struggles at home. They will always threaten that if you don't want 1:0 do the job for the pay and under the conditions that: t hey dictate~ theyPlJ go overseas and get it done cheapero But the working class can never defend itself by pitting itself against the workers of other countries. l t i.s the capitalist class which must. be made t:o pay the price o

lt 0 s the erroneous line above that drives a wedge between working class struggles in t hi s country and liberation struggles around the worldo In this case it pits U,S. miners here against the South African miners. It reinforces the idea that it's foreign workers who are the enemy of U,S. workers and in dealing with South Africa, reflects the chauvinist stand of the bureaucrats as the aristocracy of laboro In addition, this line lies not only to the miners but to the masses of people as well, because the implication is that if the import at ion of South African coal is stopped, it will either protect or somehow create 400 jobs for miners .

In reah ty of course, the source of prohlem;:, like lay-offs~ unemployment , speed-upp productivity drives, etc., i the system we live under which is driven by the search for profits and in particularv for a way to escape the problem or a falling rate of profit . If t.he businessmen, fore:x.ample, who own the Southern Company, believe t hat they can maKe more profit by importing coal from Som:h Africa or Australia---they' 11 do i to The importation of this coal is linked to increased attacks comi ng down on the working class and other oppressed peop le rn the UOS, But there is no direct cause and effect relation­ship between South African coal and 400 miners ' jobs . Ihe main thing this importation of coal represents is an increased attack on and exploitation of the thLrd world nations---specifical ly of Azania.

A similar 1 me is reflected by those who see the importation of South African coal a.s an attack on the UMW organizing drives and moves for democracy Wl t hin the uniono In fact this line which has been ra'.Lserl hy certain forces in thP planning meetings for tlis conference ,ls the more dangerous for us, because it is being pushed hy some so-called ''communis ts",

This 1 ine views the importation of coal as basically a poll ti cal at:tack on a section of the U,S . working class. But the principal way this coal affect s the whole cl ass is as an economic attack , part of the general imperialist crisis. This erroneous line in fact is trying to "lend t.he economic struggle a po li tical character."

By saying that the i mportation of South African coal is basically a politi­cal attack on the UMW you are forced to say that imperJ.alism is not governed by a set of econom1 c laws but by po lici es created by evil men who want to do some damage to the vvd emocratic and progress i ve forc eslY . It sees impeI'ialism at this time as being able to pick and choose its economic options instead of being forced into certain choices by the very crisis that grips it now"

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As we have said before, the importation of South African coal is primarily an attemnt by the Southm Company to raise their rate of profit and strengthen t heir economic positiono It becomes an attack on the working class here as part of the general imperialist crisiso

This is not to say that the capitalists don't attack the working cl ass and oppressed peop le politically, but the importation of South African coal is not a political attack on the UoS. working class . It is a natural outgrowth of the imperialist system governed by definite economi c laws,

Our stand must be that we oppose this coal because it comes from South Africa, a major prop for UoSo imperialism and through this stand, wage a political and anti-imperialist struggle against ito We do not need to tack onto its tail a bourgeois-democratic struggle so that we can sucker people into taking it up . We believe it is in the interest of the masses of workrs in this country to concretely support Azanian liberation --- and we believe that the working class can be won to this and in fact take up the leadership of this struggle.

The struggle to or ganize the unorgani zed in any industry and the fight for militant fighting democratic unions is an important task within the overall class struggle, but it is not and should not be the task of this coalition to JtR}' e this fight programaticallyo

Lastly we should see that the line which says that racism and imperialism are a two headed monster and should be fought by focusing our attack equally on both heads should not be the line of t~,i.s campaigno Racism and white chauvinism flow directly from class society, which in the U.So today takes the form of imperialism. They should be seen as weapons in the hands of the bourgeoisie with which they promote divisions among the masses and provide a prop for national oppression~ not only of people in the Third World, but of Black and other nationally oppressed people within the U.So

To place racism on the same level as imperialism can lead you to directing your main blow against backward ideas irrespective of what class holds them, insteacrof against the system and ruling class which is the source of and perpetuator of these ideas.

The campaign, by giving concrete aid and support to the liheration struggles of South Africa, will deal a concrete blow to the imperialists o In the course of this campaign, propaganda and political education should be the main way we take up the fight against national oppression at home~ and we should recognize that it is through the concrete struggle against national oppression that backward ideas like white chauvinism can be successfully fought and defeated.

IIo PROGRAM

A. STRATEGY AND FORCES

In the campaign we should focus our act ivity to support the struggles of the freedom fighters in Azania. We should seek to draw links between their national liberation struggles and the struggles of the multinational working class and oppressed nationalities in the U.S. by striki ng a concrete blow against our common enemy.

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Our strategy i~ :his carr~aign is to build a united front under proletarian leadership with the .iultiJ111Lional working class and oppressed nationalities at the core of this struggle We seek to build proletarian leadership because it is the mult1natlmal working class, itself explojted and oppressed hy the im­perialists: wh1ch is the only thoroughly revolutionary class and is ahle to lead this ~truggle as a fight against all oppression. Only the ~orkers have no class interest in promoting oppression and exploitation and in fact, have the most complete interest in wiping it from the face of the earth.

Black people of all classes in the U,S •. and particulctrly the Black liber­ation struggle? can be looked to as a driving force in this campaign. Because the imp';-rialists seek to intensify national oppression in times of crisis, at home and ::hrough the increased exploitation of third world nation.:;? the attacks on Black people in the U,S , and the continued support for this racist regime in South Africa are linkedo

We believe that the trade union officials and the trade union organizations themselves cannot be relied on as a main force in thi:s campaign, If we can gain some unity with chese forces 1 we should do so as it would be to the advantage of the strugglec But we must develop methods of work, forms of organization: and a clear and correct political line that represents the point of view of the revolu­tionary proletariat on the issue and maintains the independence and in1t1ative of the proletariat and its forces in whatever work we do in unity with the trade unions.

It h obvi0us that par1:icularly the trci.de union offi..:ials will attempt· to diluc.e~ divide and divert the campaign from its real goals, Any vielv to1•,trds our work with them that does not recognize this fact can only lead us hacY-wards towards reformL,m and unity with the bourgeoisie and away f-rom developing a revolutionary movernento

Consumer groups have shown themselves to be most particularly interested in the issue of utility rate hikes. They should be encouraged to link up this fight with the campaign against South African coal and to unite under our goals, slogans and demands. We should seek to unite with them while broadening their understandiHg of the whole system of imperialism and d.,~velnping their recognition of the leading role of the working class in fighting i l~ apa·rst all attacks the people face,

Other pro gr e.ss ive forces~--such as liberal chut ch es, student,s, comrnunl ty organirntionss 0tc.---can also be united in a campaign against South African coal, and in some places these forces have already taken up this issueo Some of these elements will and have in the past viewed this .issue as a moral one,, They may try to appeal to people on the basis of l t being "goodl• to support oppressed peoplesi struggles and the nimmoral" i nst itutions like "slavery11 must be opposed strictly on moral groundso We must be ready and abie to progTamatically unite with these forces while maintaining our poll ti cal indepcndenceo In the course of this. we should draw out the nature of the whole system and not be side­tracked into a na:rrow single issue campaign. We must unite all who c:an he united while continuing to strike the main blow at the monopoly capltahst class and n8t at vague ideas of good and evil.

B, GOALS DEMANDS AND SLOGANS

The campaign itself should have two goals,

1,. We snould allll to give concrete aid and support to the liberation struggl es o-F

the South African people by struggling to implement the following two demands

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L Stop South African Coal! Stop All South African Imports! 2, End U<So Government, Military and Corporate Support to the Racist Regime

of South Africa~

and by raising the following slogan:

1. Support the Struggles of the Azanian people for Liberation!

2, Our second goal should be to educate the American people about the nature of imperialism as a sys tern by linking the struggles of the multinational working class and other oppressed people in the U. S. to that of the Azanian peop l e, by exposing the imperialist system as the source of the increased attacks on our living standards and working conditions. Additionally} we should link the str uggles against nat ional oppression in the U.S. to that of the Azanian people and expose the imperialist system as the source of all national oppression~~

This goal will primarily be carried out through propaganda Organizations formed around the coal campaign may at times link up with local struggles around these two areas (in defense of living standards and working conditions and against national oppression) to make joint demands and struggle around them. In the con­text of doing this we should raise as slogans of the campaign~

'

1. End all attacks on the living standards and working conditions of the~ American people! -z ~1 ·~tYJ-~yra: :Vni te to fight national oppress ion! ;];,' r . ir ·+I 5:<.JL 0 &;{;(/'J . · '( d · {) ......._ fUJ-u;x. d/~ VI ,; )--t~vr ~ - ""/ ~ / l7' . ,

In developing this campaign it is important to recognize that the tactics, S ~{~~­organizational forms, etc., of the fight in defense of the living standards and t

working conditions of the working class and other oppressed people in the U.S. as well as in the fight against national oppression at home 5 have unity with those we wi 11 use in the movement to support African liberation struggles. At the same time, they ar e not exactly the sameo They have unity be cause they oppos e a common enemy and they are different because they are weapons on two different, but related battlefieldso We want to state clearly that we feel the primary organizing, mobilizing, and fighting of this campaign should revolve around the first set of goals and demands above.

C ORGANIZATIONAL FORMS AND METHODS OF STRUGGLE

Organizational forms and methods of work which represent concretely the poli­tical thrust of the campaign should be developed" Specifically, on the one hand we should seek to develop broad coalitions in our local areas of groups and indi­viduals that come together to take up this issue of stopping South African coal around a general program that includes the demands and slogans ahove, This should be the basis of unity for these coalitions . Within this, of course 1 the proletar­iat and organizations of the proletariat will seek to raise the consciousness of the groups and indiv iduals to a revolutionary, anti - imperialist consciousness of the nature of t he whole system" We should seek to build hroad unity with church groups, community organizations, civic groups, trade unions and trade union locals, students and student organizations, etco , while at the same time hringing forward rank and file workers as part of developing the leading role of the proletariat in these groups.

At the same time our political understanding tells us that developing forms of organi zation~ methods of work., . demands .• and slogans that only reach out and bat a reformist stick at the bourgeoisie will do nothing but lead the people into demoral-

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ization and defeato To build a revolut ionary movement in support of African liber­ation and against the common enemy of t he world 1 s people~ we need to develop t he leading role of the proletariat, unite it closely with its main allies from among the oppressed nations and national minorities~ and seek to unite still hroader forces from this standpoinL

Therefore, forms of organizat i on should also be developed that can bring for ­ward rank and file workers p develop their initiatives. teach them lessons about imperialism and the leading role of the- working class~ and develop them into the leading fighters against all oppres s ion o The formation of workers 1 colnmi ttees to stop the coal that feed into and support the broader coalition should be investi­gated and developed in t he light of l ocal conditions and the forces doing the work on this issue in each area . Deve loping these forms and a core of active, militant rank and file workers who can develop around themselves the broad unity needed to build a mass campaign from among all sections of the people is key in preventing the issue from being sidetracked into a single issue reformist campaigno

D. TACTICS

In directing our main blow at the Southern Company within our overall strategy, tactics will have to vary according to local conditions. We see three prongs to the basic approach that peop le could be united to take up. 1) We should be specific with suggest ions on what people who live in port cities could <loo 2) Also involved are states where utilities are furnished by the Southern Company . 3) Areas which have nei ther a port nor Southern Company affiliates (TVA area» etco) should have a specifi c focus within the general perspective.

In port cities we suggest peopl e draw on the wealth of experience learned in the struggle against Rhodesian imports. The political relationships that have developed and common struggle with do ckworkers is an important lesson for us all to learn o ln addition we would suggest that people in port cities not simply wait for the ships to arrive, but s eek to unite all who c:an be united in the struggle possibly focusing either on the Southern Company offices or South Af­rican consulates trade offices, etc .

As we have said before, we beli eve t hat for those of us that live in areas covered by the Southern Company , thi s should be our main focus of attack.

For those people who neither live in a port town or in a Southern Company area~ the struggle could be fo cused on U.S . government offices , l ocal representa­tives of corporations direct ly linked to the exploitation and oppression of countries in Southern Africa , etc. AdditionallyD boycotts of stores carrying South African imports may be developed i n all areas.

Part of our immediate work on returning from the conference should be to develop visible action around th i s is sue that can spark consciousness~ interest and further str-ugg1 e around t he issue. For example~ we may set up informational picket lines~ hold street corner ra llies, give soap box raps at plant gates or in communities~ develop skits to put on i n shopping centers~ or in schools, etco A portable display that can be taken t o schools, community centers~ local union halls, as well as used on t he streets or i n parks can be developed. And propa­ganda that discusses conditions in South Africa~ raises the issue of coal im­portation in the context of imperialism' s world wide exploitation and oppression of peoples, raises demands in support of t he national liberation struggles of t hose peoples and ties this issue wi th our fights against a common enemy should be

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developed, The campaign's coalition steering committee (see proposed Structure) should centralize the propaganda and facilitate exchange between the local areas of leaflets, pamphlets, etc., and aid in developing other forms such as slide shows~ skits etco In addition, this steering committee should help develop a coalition news letter for which the various local areas would writeo

In the course of developing these organizational forms~ initiating these actions~ and devel oping this propaganda, we will lay the groundwork for at least one~ severa1 9 or a series of demonstrations (regional) held on the same day or week-end in the various cities undertaking the woTk with joint demands and slogans (as well as demands related to local conditions).

The coalition should sponsor Tapson Maweret ZANU representative to North America, ina tour of the areas developing this work or interested in doing so, (Mr. Mawere has expressed an interest in doing this for two or three weeks immediately following this conference.) Around Mr, Mawere is talks~ other activities such as teach-ins, forums, as well as struggles in the form of demo­nstrations~ picket lines, rallies, etco , should be developed, The idea here is for Mawere to move through the South, leaving behind in each place he visits a more developed consciousness of the issue and a broader and higher level of unity based on more developed struggle.

All these activities should build for a Southwide demonstration held in May in one central location. In planning for this demonstration~ we should seek to coordinate our work with the African Liberation Support Committee's month of activities and link up locally where possible to do this.

Following this demonstration, in the early part of the summer~ a second conference with the focus on education should be held to which the broader forces we have been able to unite with programatically around this issue to this point, would be brought. Here we would seek t o strengthen our unity, raise the level of understanding as a whole» develop new tactics~ and review our strategy to continue to develop this campaign. In this way 9 before the initial Southern Com­pany contract expires in 1976, we can build a broad revolutionary movement that forces them to break their contract and stop all imports 9 and builds our strug­gle around the other demands we raise as well.

Eo STRUCTURE

A southwide coalition of groups and individuals initiating and developing work around this issue should be formed at the current conference. This should be a democratic and open organization united programatically around the demands and slogans set forth above. Within this, the anti-imperialist forces must continual­ly struggle to put forward an analysis which makes clear the source of the pro­blems of the oppressed and exploited people of the world as the imperialist system. All organizations and individuals within this coalition have the right to continue to express their own particular viewpoints~ both politically and programatically, i ncluding viewpoints which disagree with the actions or positions of the coalition as a whole, as long as these are expressed in a manner that does not seek to destroy the coalition or its work.

A representative body of two people from each area (to be decided at the conference)~ but which is also open to anyone interested in attending~ should be formed from this general coalition that can direct and plan the southwide activities of the campaign and give support and guidance for local activities.

STOP SOUTH AFRICAN COAL! STOP ALL SOUTH AFRICAN IMPORTS!

END UoS o DIPLOMATIC, MILITARY AND CORPORATE SUPPORT TO THE RACIST REGIME

OF SOUTH AFRICA !

SUPPORT THE STRUGGLES OF THE AZANIAN PEOPLE FOR LIBERATION !

END ALL ATTACKS ON THE LIVING STANDARDS AND WORKING CONDITIONS OF THE

AMERICAN PEOPLE!

UNITE TO FIGHT NATIONAL OPPRESSION~

proposal by a group of the Birmingham Coalition to Stop South African Coal