A multiple motives approach to tobacco dependence: The Wisconsin Inventory of Smoking Dependence Motives (WISDM-68) In Press at the Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology Megan E. Piper, M.A. 1,2 , Thomas M. Piasecki, Ph.D. 3 , E. Belle Federman, Sc.D. 4 , Daniel M. Bolt, Ph.D. 5 , Stevens S. Smith, Ph.D. 1,6 , Michael C. Fiore, M.D., M.P.H. 1,6 , and Timothy B. Baker, Ph.D. 1, 2 1 Center for Tobacco Research and Intervention, University of Wisconsin Medical School, Madison, WI 2 Dept. of Psychology, University of Wisconsin-Madison, Madison, WI 3 Dept. of Psychological Sciences, University of Missouri-Columbia, Columbia, MO 4 RTI International, Research Triangle Park, NC 5 Dept. of Educational Psychology, University of Wisconsin-Madison, Madison, WI 6 Section of General Internal Medicine, Dept. of Medicine, University of Wisconsin-Madison, Madison, WI Acknowledgements The authors would like to thank Thomas H. Brandon, Ph.D., David G Gilbert, Ph.D., Jack Henningfield, Ph.D., John Hughes, Ph.D., Raymond Niaura, Ph.D., and Stephen Tiffany, Ph.D. for their assistance in developing and reviewing the 13 motivational domains. This research was supported in part by grant P50-CA84724 from the National Cancer Institute. Thomas M. Piasecki was supported in part by a grant from the University of Missouri Research Board.
59
Embed
A Multiple Motives Approach to Tobacco Dependence: The Wisconsin Inventory of Smoking Dependence Motives (WISDM-68)
This document is posted to help you gain knowledge. Please leave a comment to let me know what you think about it! Share it to your friends and learn new things together.
Transcript
A multiple motives approach to tobacco dependence:
The Wisconsin Inventory of Smoking Dependence Motives (WISDM-68)
In Press at the Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology Megan E. Piper, M.A.1,2, Thomas M. Piasecki, Ph.D.3, E. Belle Federman, Sc.D.4, Daniel M. Bolt, Ph.D.5, Stevens S. Smith, Ph.D. 1,6, Michael C. Fiore, M.D., M.P.H.1,6, and Timothy B. Baker, Ph.D.1, 2
1Center for Tobacco Research and Intervention, University of Wisconsin Medical School, Madison, WI 2Dept. of Psychology, University of Wisconsin-Madison, Madison, WI 3Dept. of Psychological Sciences, University of Missouri-Columbia, Columbia, MO 4RTI International, Research Triangle Park, NC 5Dept. of Educational Psychology, University of Wisconsin-Madison, Madison, WI 6Section of General Internal Medicine, Dept. of Medicine, University of Wisconsin-Madison, Madison, WI
Acknowledgements
The authors would like to thank Thomas H. Brandon, Ph.D., David G Gilbert, Ph.D., Jack Henningfield, Ph.D., John Hughes, Ph.D., Raymond Niaura, Ph.D., and Stephen Tiffany, Ph.D. for their assistance in developing and reviewing the 13 motivational domains. This research was supported in part by grant P50-CA84724 from the National Cancer Institute. Thomas M. Piasecki was supported in part by a grant from the University of Missouri Research Board.
2
Abstract
The dependence construct fills an important explanatory role in motivational accounts
of smoking and relapse. Frequently used measures of dependence are either atheoretical or
grounded in a unidimensional model of physical dependence. This research creates a
multidimensional measure of dependence, that is based on theoretically-grounded motives
for drug use, and is intended to reflect mechanisms underlying dependence. Data collected
from a large sample of smokers (N=775) indicated that all 13 subscales of the Wisconsin
Inventory of Smoking Dependence Motives (WISDM-68) have acceptable internal
consistency, are differentially present across levels of smoking heaviness, and have a
multidimensional structure. Validity analyses indicated the WISDM-68 subscales are
significantly related to dependence criteria such as smoking heaviness, and DSM-IV
symptoms of dependence and relapse.
3
Despite the well-publicized dangers of smoking, some 46.5 million American adults
currently smoke cigarettes (CDC, 2002). Smoking prevalence rates remain fairly high
because once an individual smokes regularly it is unlikely that he or she will be able to quit
easily. In 2000, 15.7 million adult smokers tried to quit smoking but only 4.7% of smokers
who reported daily smoking during the previous year were abstinent for 3-12 months in 2000
(CDC, 2002). It is estimated that, on average, adolescent boys who start smoking now will
smoke for approximately 16 years and adolescent girls who start smoking now will smoke
for at least 20 years before being able to quit (Pierce & Gilpin, 1996). What is it that makes
smoking so refractory despite the high personal costs that are eventually exacted by
smoking?
Since the 1980s, broad scientific consensus has developed around the idea that
smokers become dependent upon nicotine, and that tobacco dependence is in fact the primary
factor maintaining smoking behavior among adult smokers (USDHHS, 1988). Consequently,
tobacco dependence has been assigned a heavy explanatory and clinical burden – it is
invoked to account for smoking withdrawal symptoms and relapse, individual differences in
the nature of tobacco motivation, and as a guide to treatment assignment (e.g., Breslau &
Table 5. Zero-Order Correlations Between Validation Criteria, the WISDM-68 Subscales and the FTND for All Smokers
TDS CO
(ppm) Cigarettes Per Day
Affiliative Attachment .59 .46 .54
Automaticity .61 .56 .60
Behavioral Choice/Melioration
.66 .55 .59
Cognitive Enhancement .56 .42 .49
Control .70 .64 .68
Cravings .73 .57 .60
Cue Exposure/ Associative Processes
.66 .39 .45
Negative Reinforcement .63 .39 .45
Positive Reinforcement .53 .34 .42
Social/Environmental Goads
.31 .15 .23
Taste/Sensory Properties .43 .26 .33
Tolerance .65 .70 .76
Weight Control .44 .32 .30
Total WISDM-68 .72 .55 .63
FTND .61 .74 .79
TDS -- .49 .54
CO (ppm) .49 -- .70
48
Figure 1. Logistic Regression Curves Predicting Scores on the WISDM-68 Subscales from Cigarettes Smoked Per Month – Examples of an Early-Emergent Motive (Social/Environmental Goads) and a Late-Emergent Motive (Tolerance)
Log(cigs/mo + 1)
Mea
n Ite
m S
core
0 1 2 3
12
34
56
7
10 = Social/Environmental Goads12 = Tolerance
Figure 1. This figure illustrates the different curves of the early emergent motives and late emergent motives, using Social/Environmental Goads and Tolerance as prototypes of each motive, respectively. The early emergent motive has a higher intercept at low rates of smoking than the late emergent motive and has consistent linear growth as smoking rates increase. The late emergent motive is not endorsed by light smokers but as smoking rates increase, there is an exponential increase in the rate of endorsement.
49
Appendix A.
Affiliative Attachment.
This motive arises from evidence that psychomotor stimulants like nicotine
activate neural systems involved in the motivational impact of social cues (e.g.,
Panksepp, Siviy, & Normansell, 1985; Wise, 1988). These neuropharmacologic data are
supported by self-report data from addicted smokers that cigarettes come to share many
of the same affective and motivational properties as attractive social stimuli (i.e.,
“friends”) and that withdrawal from tobacco is tantamount to social loss/mourning
(Baker, Morse, & Sherman, 1987). The more attached a smoker is to his or her
cigarettes, the harder cessation will be, suggesting stronger dependence. Some examples
of questionnaire items are: 1)“Cigarettes keep me company, like a good friend.”; or
2)“Sometimes I feel like cigarettes are my best friends.”
Automaticity.
Tiffany (1990) suggested that there is insufficient evidence that self-reports of
urges are strongly linked to either physiological measures or drug consumption,
indicating that, “Urges may not be necessary for the initiation or maintenance of drug-use
behavior.” (p. 151). The automaticity theory proposed by Tiffany posits that, like any
activity an individual practices, smoking eventually becomes automatic and is controlled
by automatic processes. Subsequently, urges, or subjective awareness of wanting to
smoke, will result when the automatic ritual of smoking is blocked, resulting in non-
automatic cognitive processes. For example, if a smoker automatically reaches for a pack
of cigarettes, only to find that there are none left, the smoker will experience a craving or
an urge to smoke. Smokers with highly automatic smoking processes will find it harder
50
to quit, either due to a stronger dependence or an inability to counter their automatic
behavior. Examples of questionnaire items tapping automaticity are: 1) “I often smoke
without thinking about it.”; and 2) “I smoke without deciding to.”
Behavioral theories of choice (Vuchinich & Tucker, 1988) suggest that drug use
is inversely proportional both to constraints on the access to drug and the availability of
other reinforcers. It has been suggested that the latter may play a more important role in
drug behavior (Vuchinich & Tucker, 1988). According to this theory, smokers who are
more dependent will be more likely to smoke even in the presence of constraints on
cigarettes, and when other reinforcers are available. In addition, more dependent
smokers may also have fewer reinforcers available to them.
Melioration theory (Heyman, 1996), based on Herrnstein’s matching law, refers
to the use of a “local bookkeeping strategy” for deciding among competing reinforcers
that emphasizes the current value of each. Therefore, rather than maximizing the long-
term reinforcement by construing the choice problem in terms of competing groups of
reinforcers, combining rather than comparing options, the person focuses only on the
immediate value of the different options. This results in a discounting of future
reinforcers. Therefore, smokers who are more dependent will report being unwilling to
give up cigarettes even when confronted with negative consequences such as cigarette
taxes or illness. Two sample items that tap the behavioral choice/melioration motive are:
1) “Very few things give me pleasure each day like cigarettes.”; and 2) “Few things
would be able to replace smoking in my life.”
Cognitive Enhancement.
51
Studies have shown that nicotine can improve attention and vigilance (Bell,
Taylor, Singleton, Henningfield, & Heishman, 1999). Therefore, smokers may be
smoking to increase their cognitive abilities either above their baseline ability or to
restore their cognitive abilities after nicotine deprivation. Questions that address this
motive ask about the perceived cognitive impact of smoking. Smokers were asked to rate
how much they agree or disagree with sentences such as: 1) “I smoke when I really need
to concentrate.”; and 2) “I frequently smoke to keep my mind focussed.”
Craving.
This is a very traditional theoretical motive for drug use. Craving is an aversive
state that motivates relapse and self-administration of drug. While this motive reflects
negative reinforcement, it is such a crucial motive for drug use, that we will attempt to
assess it separately from the negative reinforcement motive. The stronger the
dependence, the stronger the cravings may be. An item that would assess craving
frequency is, “I frequently crave cigarettes.” An item such as, “When I haven’t been able
to smoke for a few hours, the craving gets intolerable,” assess craving intensity. Finally,
craving controllability was assessed using items such as, “It’s hard to ignore an urge to
smoke.”
Cue exposure/associative processes.
This motive reflects basic associative learning processes. The smoker learns to
associate certain cues with smoking or withdrawal and these cues gain the capacity to
elicit smoking behavior either by increasing the perceived motivation for a cigarette or
through automatized self-administration. Smokers who are more dependent will be
exposed to more salient cues more frequently than less dependent smokers. Some sample
52
items from this domain include: “My life is full of reminders to smoke.”; “There are
particular sights and smells that trigger strong urges to smoke."
Loss of Control.
Loss of control is not a motive to smoke per se, however it does provide an
important measure of how addicted a smoker feels; how compulsive the smoker feels his
or her drug use is. The assessment of control may provide important information
regarding the smoker’s ability to quit smoking. If a smoker endorses significant loss of
control, it is hypothesized that he or she will be less likely to quit smoking than will the
smoker who feels that they still have some control over his or her drug use. Sample items
to assess level of control include: “Cigarettes control me.”; “Sometimes I feel like
cigarettes rule my life.”
Negative reinforcement.
This motive for drug use is based on the operant conditioning learning theory that
operant behaviors that alleviate an aversive physical or psychological state are
reinforcing and increase the probability that those behaviors will be repeated. Within this
domain the aversive state may be due to life events such as stress or may be due to
withdrawal symptoms. Smokers may differ in the severity or frequency of their aversive
states, such that more dependent smokers will have more severe and/or more frequent
aversive states either due to withdrawal symptoms or negative life events and stress,
causing them to utilize cigarettes more frequently to alleviate these states. Smokers have
also been shown to differ on their expectancies that smoking will alleviate their distress
(e.g., Brandon & Baker, 1991). This suggests that the operant conditioning model may
be paralleled by subjective awareness. Therefore, questionnaire items attempted to assess
53
these individual differences within the negative reinforcement domain. Some sample
items include: “Smoking a cigarette improves my mood.” and “Smoking helps me deal
with stress.”
Positive Reinforcement.
This motive is based on Thorndike’s law of effect, which states that behaviors
followed by positive outcomes are strengthened and more likely to reoccur. Therefore,
behaviors that result in positive experiences, such as a high or a buzz, are reinforcing and
are more likely to be repeated. Items address the following: the perceived intensity of
appetitive effects, the reliability between smoking and appetitive effects, and the nature
of appetitive effects. It is important to note that items were written so as to preserve the
distinction between the appetitive positive reinforcement and negative reinforcement
models. It is predicted that more dependent smokers will report more positive
reinforcement motives for smoking than less dependent smokers. An example of sample
items designed to tap positive reinforcement motivation would be: 1) “Smoking makes a
good mood better.”; and 2) “Smoking makes me feel content.”
Social and Environmental Goads.
This motive also plays an important role in motivating drug use and it may be
especially important in the initiation as well as the maintenance of drug behavior. Social
learning theory, proposed by Bandura, posits that individuals can learn by observing the
behavior of others. Modeled smoking behavior may not only influence initiation, but if
there is a lack of abstinence behavior modeled; it may be very difficult for smokers to
quit. Additionally, social or occupational environments may promote smoking, making
cessation difficult. Therefore, smokers with more smokers in their environment or
54
smokers who interact with other smokers who don’t value cessation will have a harder
time quitting. Examples of questions to assess social and environmental goads include:
1) “I’m around smokers much of the time.”; and 2) “Most of the people I spend time with
are smokers.”
Taste and Sensory Properties.
The taste and sensory properties of smoking are being considered as separate
motives from positive reinforcement, although the law of effect and operant conditioning
principles are relevant to these motives as well. The more positive the experience of
smoking a cigarette is, the more that behavior will be strengthened. Therefore, even if
the taste and sensory properties weren’t reinforcing initially, every time a smoker has a
cigarette and enjoys the taste, smell, etc., these positive sensations will increase the
likelihood that the smoking will be repeated. Smokers who are more dependent will have
a stronger appreciation for the taste and sensory properties of smoking. Some examples
of questions to assess this domain are: 1) “I enjoy the taste of cigarettes most of the
time.”; and 2) “I love the feel of inhaling the smoke into my mouth.”
Tolerance.
This motive is a necessary component of dependence and is frequently considered
to be one of the defining characteristics of dependence. Tolerance theory is based upon
the idea that homeostatic adaptations to the presence of drug in the body oppose the drug
effect, rendering the tissues less sensitive to the drug. This enables the individual to
tolerate higher doses of drug without suffering its toxic effects and individuals require
higher doses of the drug in order to achieve the same subjective high. Tolerance is a very
physiological construct and is probably best measured using some sort of physiological
55
assay. However, this questionnaire can tap into some aspects of tolerance that are
available through self-report. Smokers who are dependent will no longer experience the
toxic effects of nicotine, such as nausea, that novice smokers experience. Additionally,
more dependent smokers will report smoking more now than they used to. Some sample
items include: 1) “I usually want to smoke right after I wake up.”; and 2) “I can only go a
couple hours between cigarettes.”
Weight control.
Finally, smokers may be motivated to continue using drug for the purposes of
controlling their weight. Cigarettes do appear to increase metabolism and serve as an
appetite suppressant. This weight control motive may occur in response to weight loss
that occurred after smoking was initiated or it may be driven by a fear of gaining weight
once the smoker quits. People who are concerned about their weight or concerned about
controlling and/or suppressing their hunger may have more trouble quitting smoking.
Items that tap into the weight control motive include: 1) “Smoking keeps me from
gaining weight.”; 2) “I rely upon smoking to control my hunger and eating.”
It is important to acknowledge the limitations of this assessment strategy. First,
there are many general limitations to using a self-report measure to assess motives (Baker
& Brandon, 1990). It is possible that the items written to tap specific constructs may
activate different or altered constructs in participants. Item wording may present
problems in the consistency of interpretation across participants. There is a certain
amount of response reactivity inherent in self-report measures. Self-report measures are
likely to increase attentional focus on the construct being measured, which, in turn,
influences that construct. Specifically for smoking, answering questions regarding
56
smoking motivations may activate certain motivations and make those motivations more
salient than they would be if the participant were not answering questions regarding their
smoking. Individual differences, such as personality variables or social desirability will
also influence participants’ responses to self-report measures. In addition to these more
global limitations to self-report assessment, there is one additional caveat specific to this
proposed questionnaire. It is possible that the constructs we are asking participants to
report on may not be accessible to self-awareness (e.g., Automaticity), however we have
done our best to ask questions that tap conscious processes but that also assess the latent
motive of interest. Despite these limitations, given the necessities of clinical research and
the past research indicating that self-report measures can produce valid and reliable
results, we believe that a self-report measure is appropriate (Baker & Brandon, 1990).
In each domain the presence of the motive was assessed, as were characteristics of
the motive. For example, cravings may vary along a variety of dimensions, such as
frequency, intensity, and controllability of cravings. Some smokers may have frequent
mild cravings while others may have very intense cravings less often. It is important to
examine each of these dimensions in relation to drug motivation and dependence. In
addition, smokers may differ in the number of cues they encounter, the frequency with
which they encounter smoking cues, and the salience of these cues. Therefore, individual
characteristics of each motive were assessed along with the presence of the motive itself.
57
Appendix B. The Wisconsin Inventory of Smoking Dependence Motives (WISDM-68) Below are a series of statements about cigarette smoking. Please rate your level of agreement for each using the following scale:
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Not True of Extremely True
Me At All of Me 1. I enjoy the taste of cigarettes most of the time. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 2. Smoking keeps me from gaining weight. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 3. Smoking makes a good mood better. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 4. If I always smoke in a certain place it is hard to be there 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 and not smoke. 5. I often smoke without thinking about it. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 6. Cigarettes control me. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 7. Smoking a cigarette improves my mood. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8. Smoking makes me feel content. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 9. I usually want to smoke right after I wake up. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 10. Very few things give me pleasure each day like cigarettes. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 11. It’s hard to ignore an urge to smoke. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 12. The flavor of a cigarette is pleasing. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 13. I smoke when I really need to concentrate. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 14. I can only go a couple hours between cigarettes. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 15. I frequently smoke to keep my mind focussed. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 16. I rely upon smoking to control my hunger and eating. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 17. My life is full of reminders to smoke. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 18. Smoking helps me feel better in seconds. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 19. I smoke without deciding to. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 20. Cigarettes keep me company, like a close friend. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 21. Few things would be able to replace smoking in my life. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 22. I’m around smokers much of the time. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 23. There are particular sights and smells that trigger 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 strong urges to smoke. 24. Smoking helps me stay focussed. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 25. Smoking helps me deal with stress. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 26. I frequently light cigarettes without thinking about it. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 27. Most of my daily cigarettes taste good. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 28. Sometimes I feel like cigarettes rule my life. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 29. I frequently crave cigarettes. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 30. Most of the people I spend time with are smokers. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 31. Weight control is a major reason that I smoke. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 32. I usually feel much better after a cigarette. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 33. Some of the cigarettes I smoke taste great. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 34. I’m really hooked on cigarettes. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 35. Smoking is the fastest way to reward myself. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 36. Sometimes I feel like cigarettes are my best friends. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7
58
37. My urges to smoke keep getting stronger if I don’t smoke. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 38. I would continue smoking, even if it meant I could spend 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 less time on my hobbies and other interests. 39. My concentration is improved after smoking a cigarette. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 40. Seeing someone smoke makes me really want a cigarette. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 41. I find myself reaching for cigarettes without thinking about it. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 42. I crave cigarettes at certain times of day. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 43. I would feel alone without my cigarettes. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 44. A lot of my friends or family smoke. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 45. Smoking brings me a lot of pleasure. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 46. Cigarettes are about the only things that can give me a lift 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 when I need it. 47. Other smokers would consider me a heavy smoker. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 48. I feel a strong bond with my cigarettes. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 49. It would take a pretty serious medical problem to make me 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 quit smoking. 50. When I haven’t been able to smoke for a few hours, 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 the craving gets intolerable. 51. When I do certain things I know I’m going to smoke. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 52. Most of my friends and acquaintances smoke. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 53. I love the feel of inhaling the smoke into my mouth. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 54. I smoke within the first 30 minutes of awakening in the morning. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 55. Sometimes I’m not aware that I’m smoking. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 56. I’m worried that if I quit smoking I’ll gain weight. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 57. Smoking helps me think better. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 58. Smoking really helps me feel better if I’ve been feeling down. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 59. Some things are very hard to do without smoking. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 60. Smoking makes me feel good. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 61. Smoking keeps me from overeating. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 62. My smoking is out of control. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 63. I consider myself a heavy smoker. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 64. Even when I feel good, smoking helps me feel better. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 65. I reach for cigarettes when I feel irritable. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 66. I enjoy the sensations of a long, slow exhalation of smoke. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 67. Giving up cigarettes would be like losing a good friend. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 68. Smoking is the easiest way to give myself a lift. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7
To calculate the scores of the subscales, take the mean of the items that load onto each subscale. The total scale score is the sum of all of the subscale scores, or a sum of the means for each subscale.