THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY SPECIAL NUMBER JULY 1959 Social Anthropology And the Study of Historical Societies A M Shah I SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY em- erged as a separate discipline in the last quarter of the nineteenth century. Before this period, it formed a part of Ethnology (the study of peoples). The new disci- pline of Social Anthropology was conceived of as a branch of Socio- logy which studied primitive socie- ties. Sociology was regarded, first- ly, as the discipline which studied modern, civilized societies and their problems, and secondly, as theoretical science of human socie- ty. This distinction between Socio- logy and Social Anthropology is however beginning to disappear nowadays. The commercial and colonial ex- pansion of Europe, which began in the sixteenth century, had led to a great increase in the knowledge about peoples inhabiting the various parts of the world. Prom the seventeenth century onwards, an- thropological writers cited primitive societies in support of their argu- ments about the theory of human progress of evolution. Various so- cieties in the world were first com- pared and then arranged on a scale, showing the emergence of man from savagery to civilization. Primitive Societies in Africa, America, Ocea- nia, etc, were supposed to represent the earliest stages in the evolution of human society. The earliest ancestors of the civilized peoples were supposed to be similar to the newly-discovered savages, Evolutionary Anthropology Thanks to the theory of evolu- tion, the discovery of the origin and development of social institu- tions was the dominant interest in the researches of the anthropolo- gists of eighteenth and nineteenth century. There were theories of origin of everything in society, of totemism and exogamy, of religion and law, of family, language and State, and of society itself. A com- mon theory regarding the origin and development of family, for in- stance, was that there was first promiscuity everywhere, then there was matriliny and matriarchy, and finally there was patriarchy and monogamy. Religion was believed to have developed from magic, science from theology, mo- notheism from animism, property from communism, and contract from status. The evolutionary anthropologists thought they were writing the 'his- tory' of human society. This is evident in the titles of their books, such as Adam Ferguson's 'An Essay on the History of Civil Society', H S Maine's 'Early History of In- stitutions', Tylor's 'Researches into the Early History of Mankind', and McLennan's 'Studies In Ancient History'. The history written by evolutionary anthropologists was, however, conjectural history based on circumstantial evidence, and not critical history based on docu- ments and monuments. Primitive tribes have had no tradition of writing, and there was therefore no means of knowing the nature of their past social institutions. On the other hand, the knowledge about the earliest stages of the history of mankind was confined almost entirely to the items of ma- terial culture discovered by the prehistoric archaeologists. Only because the material culture of pre- historic man was similar to that of primitive tribes, the prehistoric archaeologists conjectured that the social institutions of the former must also have been like those of the latter. Evolutionary anthropo- logists often disagreed among them- selves about their historical recon- structions, but they ail followed the same method of conjectural history. Evolutionary anthropology was recast and re-presented in the be- ginning of twentieth century by a few writers such as Westermarck and Hobhouse. It also influence- ed Marx and Engels. The latter wrote 'The Origin of Family, Pri- vate Property and the State' al- most entirely on the basis of Mor- gan, Bachofen, Lubbock and McLen- nan. The influence of evolutionary anthropology is also seen in the writings of that eminent archaeo- logist, Gordon Childe. Diffusion of Cultures In the middle of the nineteenth century there developed a school, usually called "diffusionist", which considered the aim of anthropology was to trace the movement and mixture of peoples and the diffusion of cultures. The diffusionists cri- ticized the evolutionists, because once it was shown that a social institution was borrowed from ano- ther society due to some historical accident, it could hardly be consi- dered as a stage in an inevitable unilinear evolution. The diffusion- ists were, however, quite often as conjectural as the evolutionists in their 'historical' reconstructions. They often failed to take account of the possibility of independent development of culture. Secondly, the evidence for their historical reconstructions usually consisted of racial and linguistic affinities and of what were called culture paral- lels. The whole concept of race as based upon skeletal measurements, hair-colour, skin pigmentation, co- lour of eyes, etc is now regarded as of doubtful validity, in view of the great advances made in the science of Genetics. The linguistic and cultural classifications, how- ever, if carefully used, may supple- ment the work of the archaeolo- gist. They may suggest hypotheses which may be confirmed by the dis- covery of documents and monu- 953 In this article I will first discuss in brief the relation between Social Anthropology and Ethnology, and how modern social anthropologists regard the latter as a kind of conjectural or pseudo-history. I will then show how the ethnological approach has obstructed the growth of scientific study of Indian his- tory and sociology. Finally, I will discuss how social anthropology can help the study of local history and thus contribute to a comprehensive understanding of Indian history.
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A M Shah...unilinear evolution. The diffusion-ists were , however quite often as conjectural a s the evolutionist in their 'historical' reconstructions. They often failed to take account
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THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY SPECIAL NUMBER JULY 1959
Social Anthropology And the Study of Historical Societies
A M Shah
I S O C I A L A N T H R O P O L O G Y em
erged as a separate discipline in the last quarter of the nineteenth century. Before this period, i t formed a par t of E thno logy (the study of peoples). The new discipline of Social An th ropo logy was conceived of as a branch of Sociology w h i c h studied p r imi t i ve societies. Sociology was regarded, f i rs t ly , as the discipline which studied modern, civi l ized societies and thei r problems, and secondly, as theoret ical science of human society . Th i s d i s t inc t ion between Sociology and Social An th ropo logy is however beginning to disappear nowadays.
The commercia l and colonial expansion of Europe, which began in the sixteenth century, had led to a great increase in the knowledge about peoples i n h a b i t i n g the various parts of the w o r l d . P r o m the seventeenth century onwards, anthropological wr i t e r s ci ted p r i m i t i v e societies in support of thei r a rguments about the theory of human progress of evolut ion. Var ious societies in the w o r l d were f irs t compared and then a r ranged on a scale, showing the emergence of m a n f r o m savagery to c iv i l i za t ion . P r i m i t i v e Societies in A f r i c a , Amer ica , Oceania, etc, were supposed to represent the earliest stages in the evolut ion of human society. The earliest ancestors of the civi l ized peoples were supposed to be s imi la r to the newly-discovered savages,
Evolutionary Anthropology
T h a n k s to the theory of evolut ion , the discovery of the o r ig in and development of social i n s t i t u t ions was the dominan t interest in the researches of the anthropologists of eighteenth and nineteenth century. There were theories of o r i g i n of eve ry th ing in society, of t o t emi sm and exogamy, of re l ig ion
and law, of f ami ly , language and State, and of society itself. A common theory regard ing the o r i g in and development of f ami ly , for i n stance, was t h a t there was first p romiscui ty everywhere, then there was m a t r i l i n y and ma t r i a r chy , and f inal ly there was pa t r i a rchy and monogamy. Re l ig ion was believed to have developed f r o m magic, science f r o m theology, monotheism f rom an imism, proper ty f r o m communism, and contract f r o m status.
The evolut ionary anthropologis ts thought they were w r i t i n g the 'hist o ry ' of h u m a n society. This is evident in the t i t les of the i r books, such as A d a m Ferguson's ' A n Essay on the H i s t o r y of C i v i l Society', H S Maine's ' E a r l y H i s t o r y of I n s t i tu t ions ' , Ty lo r ' s 'Researches in to the E a r l y H i s t o r y o f M a n k i n d ' , and McLennan ' s 'Studies In Anc ien t H i s to ry ' . The h i s to ry w r i t t e n by evolu t ionary anthropologis ts was, however, conjectural h i s to ry based on c i r cums tan t i a l evidence, a n d not c r i t i c a l h i s to ry based on documents and monuments . P r i m i t i v e tr ibes have had no t r a d i t i o n of w r i t i n g , and there was therefore no means of k n o w i n g the nature of the i r past social ins t i tu t ions . On the other hand, the knowledge about the earliest stages of the h i s to ry of m a n k i n d was confined almost en t i re ly to the i tems of m a t e r i a l culture discovered by the prehistoric archaeologists. Only because the m a t e r i a l culture of prehis tor ic m a n was s imi l a r to t h a t o f p r imi t ive tribes, the prehistor ic archaeologists conjectured t h a t the social ins t i tu t ions of the former must also have been l ike those of the la t ter . E v o l u t i o n a r y anthropologists often disagreed among themselves about thei r h i s tor ica l reconstructions, but they a i l fo l lowed the same method of conjectural h i s tory .
E v o l u t i o n a r y anthropology was
recast and re-presented in the beg i n n i n g of twent ie th century by a few wr i t e r s such as Wes te rmarck and Hobhouse. I t also influence-ed M a r x and Engels. The la t te r wrote 'The Or ig in of F a m i l y , P r i vate Proper ty and the State' a l most en t i re ly on the basis of Mor gan, Bachofen, Lubbock and M c L e n nan . The influence of evolut ionary anthropology is also seen in the w r i t i n g s of t ha t eminent archaeologist, Gordon Childe.
Diffusion of Cultures In the middle of the nineteenth
century there developed a school, usual ly called "diffusionist", wh ich considered the a im of anthropology was to trace the movement and mix tu re of peoples and the diffusion of cultures. The diffusionists c r i ticized the evolutionists, because once it was shown t h a t a social i n s t i t u t i o n was borrowed f r o m another society due to some h is tor ica l accident, i t could ha rd ly be considered as a stage in an inevitable uni l inear evolut ion. The diffusion-ists were, however, quite often as conjectural as the evolutionists in thei r 'h i s tor ica l ' reconstructions. They often fa i led to take account of the possibil i ty of independent development of culture. Secondly, the evidence fo r the i r h is tor ica l reconstructions usual ly consisted of rac ia l and l inguis t ic affinities and of w h a t were called cul ture para l lels.
The whole concept of race as based upon skeletal measurements, hair-colour, sk in p igmenta t ion, colour of eyes, etc is now regarded as of doubt fu l va l id i ty , in view of the great advances made in the science of Genetics. The l inguist ic and cu l tu ra l classifications, however, if careful ly used, may supplement the w o r k of the archaeologist . They may suggest hypotheses w h i c h m a y be confirmed by the discovery of documents and monu-
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In this article I will first discuss in brief the relation between Social Anthropology and Ethnology, and how modern social anthropologists regard the latter as a kind of conjectural or pseudo-history.
I will then show how the ethnological approach has obstructed the growth of scientific study of Indian history and sociology.
Finally, I will discuss how social anthropology can help the study of local history and thus contribute to a comprehensive understanding of Indian history.
SPECIAL NUMBER JULY 1959 T H E E C O N O M I C W E E K L Y
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ments. A h i s to r ica l p robab i l i t y m a y thus be tu rned i n to a ce r ta in t y . By and large, however, d i f fu -sionist an th ropology has provided at best probabil i t ies , and at the wors t , w i l d guesses. Rivers ' ' H i s t o r y of Melanesian Society' a n d E l l i o t Smith ' s 'Anc ien t Egyp t i ans ' are monuments to the u n c r i t i c a l use of the idea of diffusion.
Structure-Function There is also another po in t : evo
lu t ionis t s and diffusionists endeavoured not on ly to reconstruct the h i s to ry of social ins t i tu t ions but also to ' expla in ' t hem in te rms of such h i s to ry . This tendency to exp la in social ins t i tu t ions by the i r hypothe t ica l past was s t rong ly c r i ticized by the anthropologis ts of the "s t ructure f u n c t i o n " school— and most modern anthropologis ts belong to this school. One of the fundamenta l proposit ions in funct iona l i s t an th ropo logy is t h a t the f irs t step t o w a r d unders tanding a society is to find in ter re la t ions among i ts var ious parts , jus t as a physiologist understands the funct i o n i n g of a h u m a n body by studyi n g the in te r re la t ions a m o n g i ts var ious par ts .
The h i s to ry of a society, where I t i s k n o w n for ce r ta in and In some detai l , does help one in understandi n g the society. The knowledge of h i s tory , however, is never a subst i tute for the knowledge of society as a func t ion ing system. E v o lu t ion i s t and diffusionist an thropologists were doubly at f au l t ; f i rs t ly, they t r i ed to unders tand society solely in terms of h is tory , and secondly, the i r h i s to ry was conjectur a l . As a result of the recogni t ion of this v iewpoint , the discipline of funct ional i s t anthropologis ts was considered as Social An th ropo logy , and t h a t o f evolut ionis t a n d d i f fu sionist anthropologis ts as E thno logy .
I I The e thnological approach in f lu
enced, and un fo r tuna t e ly continues to influence, the study of I n d i a n society. One of the fundamenta l problems in I n d i a n Sociology is t h a t o f unders tanding the u n i t y and d ive r s i ty of I n d i a . Th i s pro-b lem is usual ly explained away by a simple e thnological theory : I n d i a is diverse because it is a deep net i n t o w h i c h var ious races a n d peoples have d r i f t e d a n d been caught , a n d there is u n i t y because the cu l t u r a l character is t ics of one of the races, the A r y a n s , have spread a l l
over the count ry . The theory is a l l r i g h t so f a r as i t goes, but i t does not t e l l us how u n i t y and d ivers i ty are expressed in the social l i fe of the people at the present day. The s tudy of this empi r ica l r ea l i ty is obstructed by the e thnological approach.
A n o t h e r e thnologica l theory t h a t has g rea t ly obstructed the g r o w t h of scientific s tudy of I n d i a n society is the i m a g i n a r y d iv is ion of I n d i a n cul ture in to A r y a n and D r a v i d i a n . His to r ians , archaeologists, l inguis ts , Indologis ts , Oriental is ts , Sociologists, anthropologis ts and ethnologists, have a l l accepted this dichot o m y and in terpreted a lmost every aspect of I n d i a n society in terms of i t . The result is t h a t the theory is no longer confined to the learned, but has become current even among schoolboys and laymen, and is also un fo r tuna te ly a gu id ing fac to r in ce r ta in po l i t i ca l movements in the count ry . W r o n g academic theory has thus become a pa r t of the dynamics of caste system.
Ethnological Approach to Caste The e thnologica l approach has
guided the s tudy of caste system in I n d i a for about a century. A l l the w e l l - k n o w n students of caste, belong ing to the older generat ion, such as Ghurye, H u t t o n , I r a w a t i K a r v e and D N Majumdar , have an e thnological bias. A n d i t seems they are not in a mood to budge an Inch f r o m thei r o ld approach. W h e n Professor Ghurye changed the t i t l e of his book f r o m 'Caste and Race' to 'Caste and Class', a n d also dropped the chapter "Race and Caste" in the second edi t ion, one was led to hope t ha t he had become less e thnological . In the latest edi t ion of the book, however, the chapter "Race and Caste" is reinstated, w h i c h shows the r e v i v a l of Professor Ghurye's interest in old-fashioned r ac i a l classifications based on inadequate data . In the same way, Professor D N M a j u m d a r has repeated in his paper "Caste and Race" in 'Ghurye Fel ic i ta t ions Vo lume ' (ed K M Kapadia , Bombay, 1955) w h a t he had w r i t t e n previously in his book 'Races and Cultures o f I n d i a ' (Lucknow, 1944). Dr Karve ' s e thnological bias is evident even in her recent papers on caste in 'The Economic Week ly ' (see pa r t i cu l a r l y the ar t ic le " W h a t I s Caste?—Caste A s Extended K i n " i n the A n n u a l Number , January, 1958).
I n his f i r s t book ' H i n d u K insh ip ' (Bombay, 1947) Dr K M K a p a d i a
preferred the ana ly t ic method to the ethnological one. In the I n t r o duct ion to t h a t book he c lear ly mentions his doubts r ega rd ing the quest i o n o f the A r y a n o r ig in , and quotes M a l i n o w s k i , a funct ional is t , to support his reject ion of hypothet i ca l h i s to ry ( though in the body o f the book we do find some ethnological in te rpre ta t ions) . In his recent book 'Mar r i age and F a m i l y in I n d i a ' (Bombay, 1958), however we find a reversal to e thnology. He wri tes in the In t roduc t i on , "E thno log ica l analysis of cul ture is the basic need of I n d i a n sociology. E thno log ica l analysis has been cr i t ic ized by M a l i n o w s k i and his school, but, to our m i n d at least, the quarrel between the t w o schools has not much of substance i n i t . " I n the f i r s t book M a l i n o w s k i is quoted to support the ana ly t ic method, and in the second, his c r i t i c i sm of the ethnological approach is dismissed as of no substance ! Dr Kapadia now tries to support his v iewpoint by quo t ing Rivers ' study of Melanesian society, which is, as I have a l ready stated, a monument of conjectural h i s to ry .
I t i s no wonder tha t Dr Kapadia 's book contains a number of patent a rguments of evolu t ionary and diffusionist anthropology. Only a few instances may be given here. In the discussion of Khasa kinship , there is a we l l -known general isat ion of evolut ionary anthropology, " L a x i t y in sex is associated w i t h m a t r i -loca l i ty , and regulated sex w i t h pa t r i l oca l i t y and pa t r i a rcha l f a m i l y organiza t ion ." This is fol lowed by a question about Khasa k insh ip , "Can i t be t h a t the o r ig ina l m a t r i -local i ty , sex l a x i t y and perhaps m a t r i l i n y of the Khasas have come to be replaced by polyandrous sex life, pa t r i loca l i ty and pa t r i a r cha l f a m i l y organiza t ion?" (p 70). S imi l a r l y , we are t o ld about the Nayar s o f Malabar , " N a i r mar r i age had no legal or religious basis. There was no agreement between the contrac t i n g parties, and there was no l aw of divorce or cus tomary convent ion to regulate divorce. Such sexual relat ions dissociated f r o m economic relat ions and social sanct ion , represent the most p r im i t i ve sexual o rgan iza t ion" (p 82). A n d about the Todas, " I n short , marriage is superimposed on the o r ig i na l condi t ion of unregulated sex l i fe , bu t it. has not evolved so fa r as to impose the sexual ethics of a monogamous pa t r i l inea l communi t y " (p 91) .
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E t h n o l o g y v i a M a r x and Engels .Professor D D Kosambi ' s ' A n
I n t r o d u c t i o n to the Study o f I n d i a n H i s t o r y ' (Bombay, 1950) is another recent a t t empt to revive the ethnologica l approach. Kosambi c la ims t h a t he is p u t t i n g f o r t h "a modern approach to the s tudy of I n d i a n h i s t o ry" (p v i i ) . In so f a r as the book emphasises the need for a h i s to ry of the I n d i a n society as a whole, it is indeed a good antidote to the usual h i s t o r y — o f k ings , queens, minis ters , and generals. B u t Kosambi ' s approach is by no means a modern or correct one. It is not h i n g bu t an appl ica t ion of evolut i ona ry anthropology of eighteenth and nineteenth century to I n d i a n h i s to ry v i a M a r x and Engels. K o sambi h imse l f states, " w h a t has to be done is to take stock of la te r studies under Marx ' s direct inspi rat i o n by his colleague Engels, on the nature and decay of t r i b a l organ iza t ion . These, applied to modern discoveries in the f ield, w i l l g ive us new results" (p 13). It has been pointed out above tha t Engels der ived his ideas on t r i b a l organizat i o n f r o m contemporary anthropologists w h o were a l l evolutionists .
K o s a m b i also repeats the same old a rgument about the re la t ion between archaeology and ethnography, "To w o r k back f r o m the houses, grave-goods, tools, and utensils found by the archaeologist to the former product ive relat ions, usually relat ions between classes and groups, needs a s tudy of e thnography. The principle has been used by modern archaeologists, who ut i l ize studies o f modern but s t i l l p r i m i t i v e A f r i can or A u s t r a l i a n tribes to evaluate finds in Europe" (p 7 ) N a t u r a l l y , th is method leads Kosambi to make such conjectural statements as: "Cer ta in types of j o i n t bur ia l wou ld indicate whether the society was p redominan t ly m a t r i a r c h a l , pa t r i a rchal , in t r ans i t i on f r o m the former to the la t te r , or in the pre-cian stage preceding both"' (p 7) and "The vas t m a j o r i t y of country-side gods are s t i l l daubed w i t h a red p igment t h a t is palpable substi tute fo r long-vanished blood sacrifices" (p 8) . A l l this shows no th ing but r a n k ignorance o f modern an thropology.
Ethnology in Indology In Vedic studies, an a t tempt is
a lways made to disentangle A r y a n character is t ics f r o m the n o n - A r y a n o r p r e -Aryan . I t i s doubt fu l to w h a t extent th is a t t empt i tself i s just i f iable , because the supposedly
dif ferent character is t ics m i g h t act u a l l y be f o r m i n g an organic whole. B u t t h a t apart , the d i s t inc t ion between the t w o types of characterist ics is usual ly made on the basis of the notions of w h a t is 'c ivi l ized ' or 'advanced' and w h a t Is ' p r i m i t i v e ' o r ' t r i b a l ' . Frequent ly , the A r y a n s themselves are also described as h a v i n g t r i b a l o rganiza t ion . I ndo -logists have usual ly derived these not ions o f ' p r imi t ive ' o r ' t r i b a l ' f r o m older anthropology. S imi l a r ly , they use several terms and concepts, such as to temism, an imism, taboo, clan and lineage, in the same w a y as d id the older an thropologists.
In the works on ancient I n d i a n po l i ty , considerable a t t en t ion is g iven to the problem of the o r ig in of the ancient I n d i a n State, and th is problem is usual ly discussed w i t h i n the general f r amework of evo lu t ionary anthropology. Dr A S A l t e k a r begins the chapter "Or ig in and Types of the State" in 'State and Government in Anc ien t Ind i a ' (Delh i , 1958) w i t h the s tatement: "The modern speculation (on the or ig in of the State) is la rge ly i n fluenced by the scientific method and the theory of evolut ion, and seeks to f o r t i f y i ts conclusions by such analogies as can be d r a w n f r o m the k n o w n condi t ion of societies w h i c h are more or less in an uncivi l ized condi t ion at the present t ime." A n d then Dr A l t e k a r piles up evidence to show that , "as fa r as the Indo-European communit ies are concerned, the i n s t i t u t ion of pa t r i a r cha l j o in t f a m i l y seems to have been the germ out of wh ich State was g radua l ly evolved" (p 34). S imi l a r ly , the long chapter on the evolut ion of k ingship among the I n d o - A r y a n s in N N Law ' s 'Ancient I n d i a n Po l i t y ' (Oxford , 1921) is based on the ideas borrowed main ly f r o m Spencer, Frazer, Maine and the end of a l l the discussion is to reject a l l evolu t ionary theories except t ha t of the author 's , viz, the theory of the o r i g i n of k ingship in pa t r i a rcha l f a m i l y . P r a m a t h n a t h Banerjea also subscribes to the same view in 'Public A d m i n i s t r a t i o n in Anc ien t I n d i a ' (London , 1916, p 38).
Other Indologists , such as D R B h a n d a r k a r ('Some Aspects of A n cient H i n d u Po l i ty ' , Benares, 1929, pp 129-168) and K P Jayaswal ( H i n d u Po l i ty ' , Calcut ta , 1924, P a r t I I , pp 4-6), fo l lowed the social cont rac t theories of Hobbes and Locke, and t raced the o r i g i n of
k ingship in a state of w a r or of perfect ha rmony . Even such a careful scholar as Dr U N Ghosal cannot help speculat ing on "the t rue o r i g i n " of Vedic monarchy ; he traces i t " i n the m i l i t a r y and other necessities of the people d u r i n g the I n d o - I r a n i a n or even earl ier t imes" ( 'A H i s t o r y o f H i n d u Public L i f e ' , Calcut ta . 1945, p 9 ) . We find bo th the pa t r i a rcha l and the w a r theory even in 'The Vedic Age' , w h i c h is one of a series of books p romis ing to provide a modern h i s to ry of I n d i a ( B h a r a t i y a I t i has Samit i ' s ' H i s t o r y and Culture of the Ind i an People', V o l I , E d M a j u m d a r and Pusalkar , London , 1952, p 352).
Origin of Vedic Religion
One of the preoccupations in the studies of Vedic re l ig ion is a search for its o r ig in , and this search is usually based on the general theories of the o r i g in of re l ig ion formulated by anthropologists and sociologists, .such as Frazer, T y l o r , Spencer. D u r k h e i m and Codr ing ton . I t is no tewor thy tha t one of the t renchant cr i t ic isms against the search for the o r ig in of re l ig ion has come f r o m tha t great Indologis t , A B K e i t h (see his Rel ig ion and Philosophy of the Veda and Upa-nishads', H a r v a r d Oriental Series, V o l 31, Cambridge, Mass, 1925, Chapt 4) . S t i l l , however, in 'The Vedic Age ' (op c i t ) we f i n d crude evolutionist statements about the o r ig in of Vedic re l ig ion. F o r instance: "We find in the Rigveda thoughts, beliefs, and practices t ha t one would associate w i t h the most p r imi t ive grades of society and w i t h an unsophisticated age." "Thei r hymns reflect in places tha t p r im i t i ve a t t i tude of m i n d wh ich looks upon a l l nature as a l i v i n g presence, or an aggregate of animated ent i t ies" (p 360). " A l t h o u g h Rigvedic m y thology is not as p r imi t ive as some scholars once believed it to be, in no other l i t e r a ry monument of the w o r l d do we come across th is p r i m i t i v e phase of the evolut ion of r e l i gious beliefs w h i c h reveals to us the very process of personification by wh ich na tu ra l phenomena developed in to gods" (p 361).
Older anthropology also influenced the a t tempts to f ind the o r ig in o f I n d i a n vi l lage commun i ty and of j o i n t f ami ly . I t would indeed be very useful to review the whole of Indo log ica l l i t e ra ture f rom the v iewpoint of modern social anthropology. At the present moment, however, the discussion of methods and con-
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cepts seems to be a taboo a m o n g moat Indologis ts , and a m o n g moat of those sociologists and an thropologists who have the i r moor ings In Indology . As long as th i s s i tuat i o n prevails they w i l l cont inue t o use concepts and methods w h i c h they consider to be modern but w h i c h are ac tua l ly out-of-date.
III I t has a l ready been r emarked t h a t
social anthropologis ts r ega rd the h i s t o r y of a society as re levant to i ts unders tanding, where h i s to ry IN k n o w n for cer ta in and in some det a i l , To k n o w a society's past gives one a deeper unders tand ing of the nature of i ts social l i fe a t the present t ime . Some social an thropologists even consider social an thropology as a b ranch of h i s tor ica l scholarship, the o n l y difference being t h a t social anthropologis ts make f leld-studies whi le h is tor ians depend upon documents and monuments . Even th is d i s t inc t ion is now being b lur red . I t applied on ly so l ong as anthropologis ts studied p r i m i t i v e societies w h i c h had no recorded h i s to ry . W i t h the extension o f the f ie ld of social an thropology to countries w i t h a long and recorded past, such as I nd i a , Japan, Ch ina and A r a b i a , anthropologis ts feel more a n d more the relevance of h i s to ry to an thropologica l studies. They also feel t h a t the i r monographs on t r i b a l societies are fast becomi n g source books fo r modern hist o r y on account of rap id social change t r i b a l societies are undergo ing in a l l parts o f the w o r l d . The same would happen to the studies made at present,
W h i l e social anthropologis ts are thus becoming more a n d more aware of the usefulness of h i s t o r y to an thropologica l studies, they are a t the same t i m e disappointed to f ind t h a t the h i s to ry books as they are w r i t t e n a t present in I n d i a do no t help t h e m much . Th is happens because few his tor ians in I n d i a have sociological a ims in the s tudy o f I n d i a n h i s to ry . I t i s diff icul t t o k n o w f r o m the i r books the pa t t e rn of in ter - re la t ions between var ious aspects of society at different per i ods of t ime . N a r r a t i n g the l i fe of k ings , governors and m i l i t a r y genera ls i s w h a t i s most common in h i s to r i ca l w o r k s . V e r y l i t t l e a t t empt is made to in ter re la te the da ta presented in different chapters on po l i t i ca l h is tory , re l ig ion , philosophy, economy, l i t e ra tu re , admin i s t r a t i on , l aw , k insh ip , etc. In the chapter
on social l i fe we wou ld f ind the names of several castes, bu t f r o m the discussion on mar r i age I t would appear as though a single k insh ip system prevailed in a l l the castes. Regard ing law, we are no t t o ld whether i t was observed by a l l sect ions of society. The t rea tment of the subject of posi t ion of women is a lways p a r t i a l ; i t i s fo rgo t t en tha t divorce and remar r i age of women are common a m o n g the lower castes. The problem of l i fe in the vil lages and o f the re la t ion o f vi l lages w i t h the la rger society, is dismissed w i t h a facile assumption t h a t vi l lages were l i t t l e republics w i t h self-sufficient economy, and t h a t they neither influenced nor were they influenced by w h a t happened in the larger society. Faci le a l l - I n d i a statements are made about food and d r i nk , dress and toi le t te , amusements and games, beliefs and supersti t ions, customs and manners , and est imate o f character. We f ind l i t t l e awareness of the fac t t h a t I n d i a n society was a lways d iv ided in to numerous groups, some of w h i c h differed widely f r o m one another .
Records Neglected by Historians His to r i ans m i g h t r e to r t t ha t there
are not enough da ta to s tudy the k i n d o f problems social anthropologists are interested i n . This is, however, not en t i re ly t rue as far as the more recent periods of I n d i a n h i s to ry are concerned. Social an thropologis ts themselves have found records w h i c h have fai led, un fo r tu nately, to a t t r a c t the a t t en t ion of h is tor ians and archivis ts . Professor M N Sr inivas has used the records of caste panchayats in his s tudy of dominan t caste in Mysore (see his paper "The D o m i n a n t Caste in R a m p u r a " i n 'The A m e r i c a n A n t h r o pologist ' , Feb 1959, V o l 61, pp 1-16). D r B e r n a r d Cohn o f Chicago U n i vers i ty is s tudy ing the re la t ion between social change and legal change in four d is t r ic ts o f eastern U t t a r Pradesh f r o m the late eighteenth century to the present t ime . He has a l ready w o r k e d on the records in the I n d i a Office L i b r a r y , London , and at the Cent ra l Record Office, A l l ahabad . He has also p lanned to s tudy the ac tua l w o r k i n g of courts a t the present t ime. Dr F G Bai ley has made use of published records i n his s tudy o f a v i l lage in Orissa ('Caste and the Economic Fron t ie r ' , Manchester, 1957).
My f r iend Shr i R G Shroff and I are us ing records in our study of social change In vi l lages in Cent ra l
Guja ra t . A m o n g the records we are s tudying, there are genealogical and other records kept by the Barots , a caste of professional bards and genealogists. We have g iven an idea of the nature of these records in a paper "The V a h i v a n c h a Baro ts of Guja ra t : A Caste of Genealogists and Mythographers" i n T r a d i t i o n a l I n d i a : St ructure and Change' ( M i l ton Singer, Ed , Philadelphia, 1958).
We are also s tudying the records of the Revenue and Topographical Survey o f Ahmedabad and K a i r a Dis t r i c t s conducted in 1820-26 A D . These records lie neglected in t a l u k a offices. They are voluminous, and on ly a superficial idea of their contents can be given here.
Jarif Books in Gujarat F o r every vi l lage and t o w n there
is a b u l k y book called J a r i f no Chopdo w r i t t e n i n Gu ja ra t i ( J a r i f
l and survey, chopdo = book) . A J a r i f book contains the f o l l o w i n g k inds o f i n f o r m a t i o n :
( 1 ) A census g i v i n g the fo l lowi n g details for each f a m i l y : name of the head of the f ami ly , the number of men, women and servants in the f ami ly , and the number of houses, l ivestock, ploughs, carts and wells owned by the f a m i l y . The names of heads of famil ies are l is ted accord ing to caste and re l ig ion, so t h a t we get f igures of populat ion, l ivestock, ploughs, etc for each caste and religious group. At the end of the census, the houses are classif ied according to bu i ld ing mater ia ls .
(2) A table of b i r ths , deaths and marr iages for f ive years preceding the year of the survey,
(3) A land register showing the f o l l o w i n g details for each plot of land in the v i l lage: name, area, boundaries, nature of soil, owner, tenant, crops g r o w n in each season, acreage and yield of each crop, fac i lit ies for i r r i g a t i o n , the number of each k i n d of tree, and disputes reg a r d i n g ownership, passage or i r r i ga t ion .
(4) A l i s t of wells showing, for each wel l , the name of the owner, whether the we l l i s bu i l t w i t h br icks , and whether equipped w i t h i r r i g a t i o n devices, an estimate of the amount of water in the wel l , and an est imate of cost for repair or for cons t ruc t ing i r r i g a t i o n devices.
(5) A table showing the area of l and under different tenures, and the amoun t of revenue realized by the government from each category o f l a n d .
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(6) A s ta tement of rules, inc ludi n g the rates of revenue, for different l a n d tenures.
(7) A statement of the rates of taxes and ceases other t h a n l a n d tax , and of heredi tary dues and fines. As an example, in one v i l lage there were, a plough-cess v a r y i n g accord ing to the cu l t iva tor ' s caste, a hered i ta ry fine on turbulen t R a j puts and Kol i s , cesses on ar t isans such as rope-makers and tanners, a n d a wedding-cess on the lower castes,
(8) A statement of the sources of miscellaneous income to government , such as income f r o m trees, manure, and licence for sel l ing opium.
(9) A table of cur rent prices or var ious grains ,
(10) A balance sheet of v i l lage accounts kept by the v i l lage accountant . On the credi t side, the most i m p o r t a n t entries were r ega rd ing money realized f r o m different taxes, On the debit side, the most impor t an t entries were regard ing money sent to the government t reasury, a n d the expenditure fo r admin i s t r a t ion , for protect ion f r o m thieves, robbers, marauders , etc, for enterta inment , and for social and r e l i gious act ivi t ies of the v i l lage comm u n i t y .
(11) A br ie f account of the revenue a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of the v i l lage , year by year, f r o m the date the v i l lage came under B r i t i s h admin i s t ra t i o n (i e, f r o m 1802, 1803 or 1817, as the case m a y be) to the year in w h i c h the v i l l age was surveyed. I t ment ions who ruled over the v i l lage before the B r i t i s h acquired i t . Then It shows for each year, whether the revenue was collected t h r o u g h a revenue cont rac tor or t h r o u g h the government officers, the amount of revenue assessed or contracted, the net amount realized, and reasons fo r an increase or decrease in revenue.
(12) Miscellaneous i n f o r m a t i o n , such as disputes r ega rd ing vi l lage boundaries, and the names of v i l lage headman, v i l l age accountant , v i l lage leaders, and d i s t r i c t accountant .
Village Records
In add i t ion to the J a r i f book, the Surveyors also wro te r emarks in E n g l i s h about every v i l lage . We saw t w o b u l k y volumes of such rem a r k s a m o n g the archives in the Secretar iat Record Office, Bombay . The r e m a r k s refer to the general economic condi t ion of the vi l lage,
the general nature of agr icul ture , the condi t ion of wells, bunds and canals, a h i s t o ry of the vi l lage, i m m i g r a t i o n and emigra t ion , bounda r y disputes between villages, head-manship disputes, and the character and social status of the headman, o f b ig landlords, and of other v i l lage leaders.
Capta in Cru ikshank , the Superintendent of the Survey, wro te general reports on the different sub-d is t r ic t s (purgunnahs and tuppas) o f Ahmedabad and K a i r a dis t r ic ts , on the basis of the above-mentioned r emarks on vi l lages. The reports of some sub-distr icts are published in two volumes, 'Selections f r o m the Records of the Government of B o m bay', No X and XI (Bombay, 1853). The unpublished reports are found among the archives in the Secret a r i a t Record Office, Bombay .
Cru ikshank ment ions in his reports t h a t the Surveyors prepared a map of each vi l lage , and of each sub-dis t r ic t on the basis of v i l lage maps. Bishop Heber, who v is i ted Gujara t whi le the Survey was goi n g on, had seen these maps, and commented on their accuracy ( 'Heber's Na r r a t i ve ' , V o l I I , L o n don, 1828, p 140). Governor M a l co lm also though t h igh ly of them ( 'Bombay Gazeteer', V o l I I I , 1879, p 99). We have, however, not yet been able to locate these maps in any office.
A n o t h e r i m p o r t a n t k i n d o f v i l lage records in t a l u k a offices in Cent ra l Gu ja ra t are k n o w n as K a l a m b a n d h i books. A K a l a m b a n d h i book is a record, under different heads, of the details of v i l lage organiza t ion in general and admin i s t r a t ive o rgan i za t ion in par t icu la r . Fo r almost every vi l lage there are three or four K a l a m b a n d h i books, each w r i t t e n in a. different year at an i n t e r v a l of sometimes one and sometimes more than one year. Most of them were w r i t t e n before the Survey, but there are several w r i t t e n af ter i t . Changes were also made in the ka lams or heads f r o m one year to another. In general, however, the K a l a m b a n d h i books give i n f o r m a t ion about rules and regulat ions for different l and tenures and taxes and cesses, about the modes of remunera t ion paid to a r t i s an and serv i c i n g castes and to v i l lage officials and servants, about pro tec t ion-money pa id to marauders, about the management of v i l lage shrines, about popula t ion of different caste and rel igious groups, and about the
customs of mar r iage payment, funer a r y expenses, and inheri tance of an heirless person's property, among different castes. A K a l a m b a n d h i also contains a sketch map of the vi l lage site.
Sources of Local History
Some other sources of local hist o r y are the commercial correspondence and account books of local merchants , records of caste pancha-yats, caste consti tut ions, and caste puranas. F i n a l l y , a l l the local records have to be studied in re la t ion w i t h the al ready we l l -known arch i ves, the published collections of records, and l i t e r a r y works .
A m o n g the official archives, men t ion m a y be made here about the records r e l a t i ng to female i n fant icide. The B r i t i s h t r ied to stop infant ic ide because they considered i t an i nhuman practice. On the other hand, i t was related w i t h the social system, pa r t i cu la r ly the k i n ship system, of the people prac t i s ing i t . The correspondence between o f f i cials concerned w i t h the w o r k of s topping female infant ic ide , and between officials and people, has been preserved in several record offices, and is a useful source for the s tudy of social l i fe . A pa r t of these records have been published, such as 'Suppression of In fan t ic ide in K a t t y w a r ' , Bombay Selection N o X X X I V - - N e w Series, P a r t I I . 1856, and 'Repression of Female I n fanticide in Bombay Presidency', Bombay Selection No C X L V I I — N e w Series, 1875. I have found f r o m my w o r k on the infant ic ide records in Bombay Secretariat Record Office tha t the published records f o r m only a f rac t ion of the extant records.
The records I have mentioned provide i n f o r m a t i o n not only about the late eighteenth and the early nineteenth century, but about the earlier periods also, I m a y give one instance. Acco rd ing to the Survey records of 1820-26. Ra jpu t lineages in several vi l lages in Gujar a t held l and under W a n t a tenure. W a n t a l and usual ly fo rmed one-f o u r t h of t o t a l l and in a v i l lage . The r ema in ing three-fourths was called Ta lpad land. W a n t a l a n d was charged a f ixed qui t - ren t or salamI, whi l e Ta lpad l and was charged a regular l and t ax according to assessment made by government officials. The records ment ion tha t the W a n t a holders had been enjoying these privileges since the t ime of the Badashahs, i e, M u s l i m k ings .
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Persian Chronicles The i n f o r m a t i o n g iven by the
Survey records is corroborated by the Persian chronicles M i r a t - i -S ikandar i ( t rans Faz lu l l ah L a t i f i , p 239) and M i r a t - i - A h m a d i (Supple-ment, t rans, A l l and Seddon, Baroda, 1928, pp 193-4). They ment ion the same one-to-three ra t io between W a n t a and T a l p a d l a n d d u r i n g the rule of the Sultans of Gu ja ra t (1391-1572) and of the Moguls (1572-1757). The chronicles fu r the r i n f o r m t h a t the W a n t a a n d T a l p a d divisions were made ou t of the Gras estates of Rajput chieftains, and the holders of Gras estates were called Grasiyas. The Sultans of Guja ra t seized three-fourths of each Gras estate as a punishment fo r the Grasiyas ' rebellions against the Sultans d u r i n g the years 1411-1442 and i n 1551.
I t can be infer red f r o m this evidence t h a t the ancestors of each lineage group h o l d i n g a W a n t a estate in 1820-26 were ho ld ing the ent ire v i l lage as a Gras estate before the rule of the Sultans of Gujara t . This inference is also confirmed by the B a r o t genealogies w h i c h a lways refer to the ancestors of Wanta-holders as v i l lage chiefta ins d u r i n g the Rajput Per iod (789-1300).
Inscr ip t ions , shrines a n d sculptures in vil lages m a y also help reconstruct local h i s to ry . I discovered a s ignif icant epigraph f r o m the ruins of a shrine on the ou t sk i r t s o f Radhvana j , the v i l lage o f my f ie ld-s tudy. The epigraph, inscr ibed a t the base of an image of Mah i s -m a r d i n i , reads: R a j a Jagdev Sam-v a t Shree 1290 Shravan (Samvat 1290 - 1234 A D ) . The name Jag-dev also occured at about the same date in the genealogy of the R a t h o d Rajputs of the v i l lage . The genealogy also in fo rms t h a t Jagdev was the chief ta in of Radhvana j . He m a r r i e d the daughter of the Ra jpu t chief of M a t a r , a ne ighbour ing t own , and received Vansar , an ad jo in ing vi l lage , as dowry . Jagdev thus became a chief of two vil lages. In 1820-26, the descendents of Jagdev held W a n t a estates i n b o t h the v i l lages. A l l th i s evidence fu r the r confirms the inference regard ing W a n t a estates ment ioned earl ier .
Solid Basis for Study I t i s very probable t h a t sources
of local h i s t o r y exist in every p a r t of Ind ia , t hough they m a y not be as r i c h as in Cen t ra l Gujara t . A
proper s tudy o f these sources w i l l enable us to ob t a in a f a i r l y comprehensive v iew of v i l lage and t o w n l ife du r ing the late eighteenth and ea r ly nineteenth century. Such knowledge w i l l provide a sol id basis for unders tanding social changes t h a t have been occur ing in the count ry since the a r r i v a l of the B r i t i s h . Moreover i t w i l l provide a n ins ight in to the earlier periods of h is tory . A study of local h i s to ry w i l l provide a l ive ly dimension to the whole of I n d i a n h i s to ry .
I t i s quite ce r ta in t h a t local hist o r y can be studied w i t h ins ight by one who has made a field-study of the local area, or who has at least a knowledge of the results of such a s tudy. I can do no more t h a n quote the words of Professor S r i -nivas in th is connection: "His tor ians have stated t h a t a knowledge of the past is helpful In the unders tanding o f the present i f no t i n forecast ing the future. I t i s not , however, realized t h a t a tho rough unders tanding of the present f requen t ly sheds l i g h t on the past. To put i t i n other words, the i n t i m a t e knowledge w h i c h results f r o m the intensive f ield-survey of ex tan t socia l ins t i tu t ions does enable us to in te rpre t better, da ta about past
social ins t i tu t ions . H i s t o r i c a l da t a are neither as accurate nor as r i c h and detai led as the da ta collected by field-anthropologists, and the s tudy of cer ta in exis t ing processes increases our unders tanding of s imi l a r processes in the past. I t is necessary to add here t h a t great caut ion has to be exercised in such a task, for otherwise h i s to ry w i l l be twis ted out of a l l recogni t ion. There is no doubt t ha t our k n o w ledge of the w o r k i n g of h i s to r ica l processes w i l l be enhanced by this method" . ( "Vi l l age Studies and Thei r Significance", 'The Eas tern A n t h r o pologist ' , March-Augus t , 1955, p 227)*.
* Shr i R G Shroff and I wou ld l i ke to t h a n k the Direc tor o f Archives and H i s t o r i c a l Monuments , Government o f Bombay, fo r g i v i n g us permission and faci l i t ies to s tudy records in the Secretariat Record Office, Bombay . We also t h a n k the officials of the Revenue Depar tment , Government of Bombay, for s imi l a r help regardi n g records in t a l u k a offices. T h a n k s are also due to Professor M N Sr in ivas fo r his comments on the paper.