A Grammar of Dogul Dom

A Grammar of Dogul Dom

Dogon Language Family

Mali

Brian L. Cansler

The University of North Carolina at Chapel Hillemail: [email protected]

draft dated November 27, 2011

fragmentary early draft:do not cite without consulting the author

mailto:[email protected]

Contents

Author’s Note . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . x

1 Introduction 11.1 Dogon Languages . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11.2 Dogul Dom . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1

1.2.1 Dogulu Multilingualism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21.2.2 A Note on Dialectology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2

1.3 Environment . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21.4 Previous and Contemporary Work . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3

1.4.1 Previous Studies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 31.4.2 Fieldwork . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 31.4.3 Acknowledgements . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3

2 Sketch 42.1 Phonology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4

2.1.1 Segmental Phonology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 52.1.2 Prosody . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 52.1.3 Key Phonological Processes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5

2.2 Verbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 52.2.1 Derivative Morphology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 52.2.2 Inflectional Morphology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6

2.3 Nouns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 62.4 Case Marking and Adpositions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6

2.4.1 Case Marking . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 62.4.2 Adpositions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7

2.5 Main Clauses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 72.6 Nominalized Clauses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 72.7 Relative Clauses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 72.8 Interclausal Syntax . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7

3 Phonology 83.1 Phonological Structure . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8

3.1.1 Syllables . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 83.1.2 Metrical Structure . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8

3.2 Consonant Inventory . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 83.2.1 Voiceless Labials . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 93.2.2 Labial Approximants . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 103.2.3 Sibilants . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 103.2.4 Postalveolars . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 103.2.5 Glottals . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10

i

ii A Grammar of Dogul Dom: CONTENTS

3.2.6 Nasal Sonorants . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 103.2.7 Consonant Clusters . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10

3.3 Vowel Inventory . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 113.3.1 Length Contrast in Oral Vowels . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 123.3.2 Nasal Vowels . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 123.3.3 Initial Vowels . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 123.3.4 Stem-Final Vowels . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 123.3.5 [atr] Harmony . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 133.3.6 Vocalism of Verb Stem Alternations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13

3.4 Segmental Phonological Processes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 133.4.1 Trans-Syllabic Consonantal Processes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 133.4.2 Vocalism of Derived Verbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 133.4.3 Other Vocalic Processes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 143.4.4 Apocope . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 143.4.5 u-Apocope . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 143.4.6 Consonant Sequence Processes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 153.4.7 Vowel-Vowel and Vowel-Glide Sequences . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 163.4.8 Vowel-Consonant Interactions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16

3.5 Cliticization . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 173.6 Tones . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17

3.6.1 Lexical Tone Batterns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 173.6.2 Grammatical Tone Patterns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 183.6.3 Tonal Morphophonology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 183.6.4 Low-Level Tone Processes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 183.6.5 Final-CV R-to-H Reduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19

3.7 Intonation Contours . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 193.7.1 Phrase- and Clause-Final Terminal Contours . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 193.7.2 Expressive Elements with Prolongation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19

4 Morphology of NP Constituents 204.1 Nouns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20

4.1.1 Regular Nouns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 204.1.2 Irregular Nouns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 214.1.3 Dative Case Marking . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 214.1.4 ‘So-and-So’ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 224.1.5 Initial Reduplication . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 224.1.6 Final Reduplication . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 224.1.7 Frozen Initial a- or aN- in Nouns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 224.1.8 Nouns with Full Reduplication . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22

4.2 Derived Nominals . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 224.2.1 Characteristic Derivative . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 224.2.2 Gerunds . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 224.2.3 Instrumental Nominals . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 234.2.4 Uncompounded Agentives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 234.2.5 Expressive Iteration . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23

4.3 Pronouns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 234.3.1 Nominative Pronouns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 234.3.2 Accusative Pronouns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 244.3.3 Dative Pronouns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 244.3.4 Possessive Pronouns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 24

4.4 Determiners . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 254.4.1 Definite Morpheme Ngı . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25

A Grammar of Dogul Dom: CONTENTS iii

4.4.2 Demonstrative Adverbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 264.4.3 Presentatives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26

4.5 Adjectives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 264.5.1 Types of Adjectives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26

4.6 Participles . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 264.7 Numerals . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26

4.7.1 Cardinal Numerals . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 274.7.2 Ordinal Numerals . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29

5 Nominal and Adjectival Compounds 315.1 Nominal Compounds . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 31

5.1.1 Compounds of [n n] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 315.1.2 Compounds of [n n] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 315.1.3 Compounds with a Final Gerund ([n v-g]) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 315.1.4 Possessive Compounds ABC, DEF, etc. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 315.1.5 Agentive Compounds ABC, DEF, etc. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 315.1.6 Compounds with egu ‘child (and fruit)’ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 315.1.7 Compounds with ana ‘man’ and yaagu ‘woman’ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 325.1.8 Compounds with nnn ‘owner’ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 325.1.9 Loose and Tight Compounds with nnn ‘authentic, entire’ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 325.1.10 Natural Species Compounds of X-nnn-X . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 325.1.11 Instrumental Relative Compounds . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 325.1.12 Other Phrasal Compounds . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 325.1.13 Unclassified Nominal Compounds . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 32

5.2 Adjectival Compounds . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 325.2.1 Bahuvrihi Compounds of [n â] or [n nûm] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 325.2.2 Compounds with nnn- ‘Very’ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 33

6 Noun Phrase Structure 346.1 Organization of NP Constituents . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 34

6.1.1 Linear Order . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 346.1.2 Headless NPs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 356.1.3 Bifurcation of Head NP of a Relative Clause . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 356.1.4 Internal Bracketing and Tone-Dropping in Unpossessed NPs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35

6.2 Core NP . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 356.2.1 Noun-Adjective Relationship . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 356.2.2 Adjective nnn ‘Certain’ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 366.2.3 Adjective Expansions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36

6.3 Possessives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 366.3.1 Alienable Possession . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 376.3.2 Inalienable Possession . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 386.3.3 Recursive Possession . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39

6.4 Numeral Phrase . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 396.4.1 Typical NumPs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 396.4.2 Adjective-Numeral Inversion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39

6.5 NPs with Determiners . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 396.5.1 Prenominal nnn ‘the (Afore-Mentioned)’ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 396.5.2 Postnominal Demonstratives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 396.5.3 Definite Morphemes with Nouns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39

6.6 Universal and Distributive Quantifiers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 406.6.1 ‘All’, ‘Each’ (fu) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 406.6.2 Quantifiers with Negation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 40

iv A Grammar of Dogul Dom: CONTENTS

7 Coordination 417.1 Conjunction (yaN ‘and’) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 41

7.1.1 Phrase-Level Conjunction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 417.1.2 Clause-Level Conjunction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 41

7.2 Disjunction (maa ‘or’) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 427.2.1 Phrase-Level Disjunction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 427.2.2 Clause-Level Disjunction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 42

8 Postpositions and Adverbials 438.1 Dative and Instrumental . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43

8.1.1 Dative . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 438.1.2 Instrumental . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43

8.2 Locational Postpositions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 438.2.1 Locative, Allative, and Ablative Functions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 438.2.2 Simple and Complex PPs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 438.2.3 Locative ‘in, on’ (nnn) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 448.2.4 Locative nnn with Place Names . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 448.2.5 ‘On (the Head of) X’ (nnn) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 448.2.6 ‘Next to, beside X’ (nnn) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 448.2.7 ‘In front of X’ (nnn) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 448.2.8 ‘Behind/after X’ (nnn) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 448.2.9 ‘Over X’ (nnn), ‘under X’ (nnn) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 448.2.10 ‘Between X and Y’ (nnn) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 448.2.11 ‘From X to Y’ (nnn) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 44

8.3 Purposive-Causal ‘for’ (nnn) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 448.4 Other Adverbs (or Equivalents) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45

8.4.1 Similarity (nnn ‘like’) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 458.4.2 Extent (‘a Lot’, ‘a Little’) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 458.4.3 Specificity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 458.4.4 Evaluation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 458.4.5 Manner Adverbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 458.4.6 Spatiotemporal Adverbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 468.4.7 Expressive Adverbials . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 468.4.8 ‘Flat and Wide’ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 468.4.9 Reduplicated Adverbials . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 47

9 Verbal Derivation 489.1 Reversive Verbs (-lE) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 489.2 Causative Verbs (-mE) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 499.3 Mediopassive Verbs (-nnn) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 499.4 Transitive Verbs (-nnn) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 499.5 Passive Verbs (-nnn) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 499.6 Unergatives and Unaccusatives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 499.7 Obscure Verb-Verb Relationships . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 499.8 Deadjectival Incohative and Factitive Verbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 499.9 Denominal Verbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 49

10 Verbal Inflection 5010.1 Verb Stem Shapes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 50

10.1.1 CVV Stems . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5110.1.2 NCV Stems . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5110.1.3 Irregular Monosyllabic Verbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 51

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10.1.4 Regular Bisyllabic Stems . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5110.1.5 Irregular Bisyllabic Stems . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5210.1.6 Trisyllabic and Quadrisyllabic Stems . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 52

10.2 Inflection of Regular Indicative Verbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5310.2.1 Overview of Tense-Aspect-Negation (TAN) Categories . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 53

10.3 Positive Indicative TAN Categories . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5410.3.1 Perfect Positive System . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5510.3.2 Progressive Positive System . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5610.3.3 Imperfective Positive . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5710.3.4 Experiential Positive . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 57

10.4 Negative Indicative TAN Categories . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5810.4.1 Perfect Negative System . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5810.4.2 Progressive Negative System . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5910.4.3 Present Imperfective Negative . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6010.4.4 Present Experiential Negative . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 60

10.5 Pronominal Inflectional Affixes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6010.5.1 Vowel-Consonant Interactions with TAN . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6110.5.2 Tones of Subject Pronominal Affixes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 61

10.6 Stative Forms of Verbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6110.6.1 Stative Positive . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6110.6.2 Stative Negative (-nnn-) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 61

10.7 Temporal Clitics and Particles . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6110.7.1 Past Clitic/Cartical (-nnn) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6210.7.2 ‘Still’, ‘up to Now’, ‘(Not) Yet’ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 62

10.8 Imperatives and Hortatives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6210.8.1 Imperatives and Prohibitives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6210.8.2 Hortatives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6310.8.3 Special Hortatives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 64

11 Structure of Clauses and Predicates 6511.1 Clausal Constituents . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 65

11.1.1 Subjects . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6511.1.2 Simple Transitives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6611.1.3 Clauses with Additional Arguments and Adjuncts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6611.1.4 Verb Phrases . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 66

11.2 Statives and Inchoatives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6611.2.1 Presentative Clitics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6711.2.2 Existentials and Locatives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6711.2.3 ‘Become’, ‘Happen’, and ‘Remain’ Predicates . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6711.2.4 Mental and Emotional Statives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6811.2.5 Quotative Verb nnn ‘say’ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 68

11.3 Adjectival Predicates . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6811.3.1 Positive . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6811.3.2 Negative . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 68

11.4 Possessive Predicates . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6811.4.1 ‘X Have Y’ (nnn) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6811.4.2 ‘Y Belong to X’ Predicates . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 69

11.5 Uninflected Verb Iteration . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 69

12 Comparatives 7012.1 Asymmetrical Comparatives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 70

12.1.1 Predicate Adjectives with Comparandum . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 70

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12.1.2 Verbal Predicate with nnn ‘than’ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7012.1.3 ‘Surpass’ (nnn) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7012.1.4 ‘Be Better, Be More’ (nnn) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7012.1.5 ‘Best’ (nnn) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 70

12.2 Symmetrical Comparatives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7112.2.1 ‘Equal, Be as Good as’ (nnn) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7112.2.2 ‘Same (Equal)’ (nnn) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7112.2.3 ‘Attain, Equal’ (nnn) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 71

12.3 ‘A Fortiori’ (nnn) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 71

13 Focus and Interrogation 7213.1 Focus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 72

13.1.1 Basic Syntax of Focus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7213.1.2 Subject Focus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7313.1.3 Object Focus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7313.1.4 PP or Adverb Focus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7313.1.5 PP Complement Focus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7313.1.6 Verb or VP Focus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 73

13.2 Interrogatives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7313.2.1 Polar Interrogatives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7313.2.2 ‘Who?’ nnn . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7313.2.3 ‘What?’ nnn, ‘with What?’, ‘Why?’ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7313.2.4 ‘Where?’ nnn . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7413.2.5 ‘When?’ nnn . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7413.2.6 ‘How?’ nnn . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7413.2.7 ‘How Much/Many?’ nnn . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7413.2.8 ‘Which?’ nnn . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7413.2.9 ‘So-and-So?’ nnn . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7413.2.10Embedded Interrogatives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 74

14 Relativization 7514.1 Overview of Relative Clauses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7514.2 Head NumP . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 75

14.2.1 Relative Clause Tone-Dropping . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7514.2.2 Relative Clause Head Restcrictions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7514.2.3 Conjoined NP as a Head . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7514.2.4 Headless relative Clause . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 75

14.3 Preverbal Subject Pronoun in Non-Subject Relative Clauses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7614.4 Verbs in Relative Clause . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 76

14.4.1 Participles of Positive Verbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7614.4.2 Participles of Negative Verbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7614.4.3 Participle of Past Clitic (-nnn) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 76

14.5 Relative Clauses with Verb Chains . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7614.6 Late-NP Elements . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 77

14.6.1 Determiners . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7714.6.2 Free Plural Particle (nnn) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7714.6.3 Quantifiers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 77

14.7 Syntactic Relationship to NP . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7714.7.1 Subject Relative Clauses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7714.7.2 Object Relative Clauses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7714.7.3 Possessor Relative Clauses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7714.7.4 Relativization on a PP Complement . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 77

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15 VP Chaining and Adverbial Clauses 7815.1 Direct Chains . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 78

15.1.1 Gerunds of Chained Verbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7815.1.2 Presence of TAN Morphemes in Direct Chains . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7815.1.3 Arguments of Chained Verbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7815.1.4 Negation of Chained Verbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7815.1.5 Chains including bOlE ‘Leave’ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7815.1.6 Chains with Motion Verbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7815.1.7 Durative Verb Iterations Chained to Motion Verbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7915.1.8 Chains Including nnn ‘Be/Do Together’ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7915.1.9 Chains Including nnn ‘Go with, Take Along’ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 79

15.2 Overt Subordinating Morphemes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7915.2.1 Temporal Simultaneity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7915.2.2 Adverbial Clauses with Chronological Sequencing . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8015.2.3 Chronological Reversal (‘before. . . ’) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 80

15.3 Spatial and Manner Adverbials . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8015.3.1 Spatial Adverbial Clause (‘Where. . . ’) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8015.3.2 Manner Adverbial Clause (‘How. . . ’) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8015.3.3 Headless Adverbial Clause . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8015.3.4 ‘From X to (until, All the Way to)’ Y . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8015.3.5 ‘As Though. . . ’ Clauses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 81

16 Conditional Constructions 8216.1 Hypothetical Conditionals with nnn ‘if’ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 82

16.1.1 Antecedent Clause with Pronominal Subject Suffix . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8216.1.2 ‘Unless’ Antecedent . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 82

16.2 Alternative ‘if’ Particles . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8216.2.1 ‘Even if. . . ’ (nnn) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8216.2.2 ‘As Soon as...’ (nnn) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 82

16.3 Disjunctive Antecedents . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8316.4 Counterfactual Conditionals . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 83

17 Complement and Purposive Clauses 8417.1 Quotative Complement . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 84

17.1.1 Direct vs. Indirect Speech . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8417.1.2 ‘Say that. . . ’ with Inflectable ‘Say’ (nnn) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8417.1.3 Quotative Particle (wa) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8417.1.4 Jussive Complement . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 84

17.2 Factive Complement . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8517.2.1 ‘Know that. . . ’ Clauses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8517.2.2 ‘See (Find, Hear) that. . . ’ Clauses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 85

17.3 Gerund Complement . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8517.3.1 Structure of Gerund Phrase . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8517.3.2 ‘Prevent’ (nnn) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8517.3.3 ‘Dare’ (nnn) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8517.3.4 ‘Consent’ (nnn) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8517.3.5 ‘Cease, Stop’ (nnn) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8617.3.6 ‘Want’ (nnn) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8617.3.7 ‘Forget’ (nnn) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8617.3.8 ‘Have to’, ‘Must’ (nnn) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8617.3.9 ‘Be Afraid to’ (nnn) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8617.3.10 ‘Begin’ (nnn) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 86

viii A Grammar of Dogul Dom: CONTENTS

17.3.11 ‘Finish’ (nnn) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8617.4 Locative Gerund and Other Nominal Complements . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 86

17.4.1 ‘Help’ (nnn) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8617.5 Direct Chain Complements . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 86

17.5.1 ‘Be Able to’, ‘can’ (nnn) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8717.6 Purposive, Causal, and Locative Clauses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87

17.6.1 In PPs with nnn ‘For’ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8717.6.2 With Imperfective Participle . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8717.6.3 With Verbs of Motion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8717.6.4 Causal Clause with ‘Because’ (nnn) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8717.6.5 ‘Because of’ (nnn) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87

18 Anaphora 8818.1 Reflexives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 88

18.1.1 Reflexive Object (kııgu poss) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8818.1.2 Reflexive PP Complement (nnn, nnn) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8918.1.3 Reflexive Possessors (nnn, nnn) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8918.1.4 Antecedent-Reflexive Relationships in Conjuncts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 89

18.2 Emphatic Pronouns (nnn, nnn) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8918.3 Reciprocals . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 89

18.3.1 Simple Reciprocals (noo fu nabO) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8918.3.2 ‘Together’ (nnn) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 89

18.4 Logophoric and Indexing Pronouns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8918.4.1 Third Person Logophoric Function . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9018.4.2 Topic-Indexing Function . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 90

19 Grammatical Pragmatics 9119.1 Topic . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 91

19.1.1 Topic (nnn) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9119.1.2 ‘Now’ (nnn) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9119.1.3 ‘Also’ (nnn) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9119.1.4 ‘Even’ (nnn) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 91

19.2 Preclausal Discourse Markers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9119.2.1 ‘As Much as. . . ’ (nnn) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9219.2.2 ‘Well,. . . ’ (nnn) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9219.2.3 ‘So,. . . ’ (nnn) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9219.2.4 ‘But,. . . ’ (nnn) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9219.2.5 ‘Lo,. . . ’ (nnn) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 92

19.3 Pragmatic Adverbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9219.3.1 ‘(Not) Again’, ‘on the Other Hand’ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 92

19.4 ‘Only’, ‘Just (One)’ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9219.5 Final Emphatics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 92

19.5.1 Confirmative ‘Exactly’ (nnn) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9219.5.2 Agreement ‘Sure’ (nnn) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9319.5.3 Admonative (nnn) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 93

19.6 Phatic Discourse Markers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9319.7 Greetings . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 93

19.7.1 Time of Day Greetings . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9319.7.2 Situational greetings . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9419.7.3 Condolences . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9419.7.4 Benedictions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9419.7.5 Islamic greetings . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 94

A Grammar of Dogul Dom: CONTENTS ix

20 Texts 9520.1 Conventions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9520.2 Text A: Title . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9520.3 Text B: Title . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 95

A Dogulu Villages 96

B Inflectional Category Paradigms 98B.1 Present Indicative Positive Paradigms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 99

B.1.1 Present Perfect Positive Paradigm . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 99B.1.2 Past Perfect Positive Paradigm . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 100B.1.3 Present Progressive Positive Paradigm . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 101B.1.4 Past Progressive Positive Paradigm . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 102B.1.5 Present Imperfect Positive Paradigm . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 103B.1.6 Present Experiential Positive Paradigm . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 104

B.2 Present Indicative Negative Paradigms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 105B.2.1 Present Perfect Negative Paradigm . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 105B.2.2 Past Perfect Negative I Paradigm . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 106B.2.3 Past Perfect Negative II Paradigm . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 107B.2.4 Present Progressive Negative Paradigm . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 108B.2.5 Past Progressive Negative Paradigm . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 109B.2.6 Present Imperfective Negative Paradigm . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 110B.2.7 Present Experiential Negative Paradigm . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 111

B.3 Imperative and Hortative Paradigms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 112B.3.1 Imperative Paradigm . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 113B.3.2 Prohibitive Paradigm . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 114B.3.3 Hortative Positive Paradigm . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 115B.3.4 Hortative Negative Paradigm . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 116

C Verb Class Paradigms 117C.1 Monosyllabic Verbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 118C.2 Bisyllabic Verbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 120C.3 Trisyllabic/Quadrisyllabic Verbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 122

Index 125

Bibliography 126

Todo list 127

Author’s note

Please be advised that this grammar is currently a draft, and they call it a “rough draft” for a reason! WhileI have fleshed out most of the most important aspects of the grammar, there are still many dozens of sectionsthat need to be written (and for which data still needs to be collected!). These unfinished tinkerings havebeen dragged behind the curtain in order to make this document as “pretty” as possible. As a result, manyof the cross-references (like “see §2.1”) won’t work, and they’ll show up as “§??.”

For the most part, I stand pretty behind what I’ve included in this draft publication, but it’s not perfect.I apologize in advance for any inaccuracies (of which I hope there are few) and internal inconsistencies (ofwhich I’m sure there are several); they will be worked out as quickly as possible. If you find any things ofthis nature, I invite you to email me and let me know.

My goal is to produce a descriptive grammar, fully faithful to the language, which has thorough analysesthat are in line with the most recent theories and schools of thought. Furthermore, I want to produce agrammar which goes beyond a simple description of a language most will never hear; I want to create aresource that will be accessible to as many people as possible. To this end, my plan is to include topics,notes, theories, and analyses particular to:

• historical and comparative linguistics• language acquisition• sociolinguistics and dialectology• syntax, phonology, and the Dogon interface between the two (tonosyntax)• phonetics, morphology, semantics, typology, discourse analysis. . .

While clearly not all of these have been included so far, I hope to be able to provide a well-rounded grammarin the end. I believe this is a necessary step forward that will make field linguistics an active part of themainstream theoretical discussion once again.

I’d like to add a quick note of thanks to a few people in a way that isn’t quite appropriate for the “Acknowl-edgements” section. First, thank you to my roommate Kline Gilbert, my T. A. Emily Moeng, and my divaMeghan Reutzal, who helped me keep my head above water as I prepared for this research during the springsemester of 2011. A huge thank you to my dear, dear friends Melanie Baucom and Jessica Zigler, who keptme whole from afar while I was in Mali. Thank you to my advisor, Dr. Misha Becker, for showing so muchinterest in my work, and to all of the professors in UNC’s linguistics department, who prepared me in thebest way imaginable for this experience—I’ll be the first to admit that this would not have been possiblewithout your endless guidance. Thank you to Dr. Fhunsu, who taught me how to say so much with so fewwords, and to Dr. Mamarame Seck for his unconditional support and care. And special thanks to my familyand friends for believing in my outrageous pursuit of knowledge across the Atlantic.

As I say later in the document: Thank you. You are the giants on whose shoulders I have stood.

x

Chapter 1

Introduction

1.1 Dogon Languages

The Dogon language family comprises more than 20 languages spoken primarily on the plains and plateausof Mali (with some crossover into northern Burkina Faso). The family itself belongs to the Niger-Congophylum, but its location relative to the other Niger-Congo families (e.g. Mande, Gur) is still unknown.Because there has been no thorough, systematic study of the Dogon family prior to our own Dogon andBangime Linguistics Project, the internal classification of the Dogon languages is not yet clear. Our workaims to fill this gap.

For more information on the Dogon family or on individual languages, please consult our project’s web siteat www.dogonlanguages.org.

1.2 Dogul Dom

Dogul Dom is spoken in a contiguous block of the high plateau that begins a short distance north ofBandiagara. The Dogul Dom-speaking villages known at this time are between W 03°29’ (Benndieli) and W03°42’ (Tinngourou), and between N 14°26’ (Boro) and N 14°40’ (Banguel Toupe). The high plateau is wellseparated from the low plateau to its south, which includes Bandiagara.

The name “Dogul Dom” is an endonym comprised of the ethnic term ‘Dogulu’ and the word doom ‘language’.Throughout the grammar it will be referred to by its less formal name, Dogulu.

To the west, the Dogulu area extends to the edge of the high plateau and overlooks a wide sandy valley thatruns roughly north to south. The largest village cluster at this edge is Banguel Toupe. Following the edgefarther north, near the headwaters of the valley river, are Fulfulde-speaking villages. Across the valley, onanother section of the high plateau, are villages where other Dogon languages are spoken.

To the south, Dogulu does not quite reach the edge of the high plateau, as Kalibombo and a few othervillages near the edge speak Donno-sO (also known as Kamma-sO). There is also a Mombo-speaking village,Vaou, and a TOmmO-sO outlier, Diommo, on the southwestern fringe.

To the east, there are more Donno-sO villages. To the north, Dogulu country is bounded by TOmmO-sO

villages, including the important market town of Kendie. The main road in the high plateau runs northto south from Kendie to Bandiagara, passing diretly through the Dogon villages of Pelani, Sogodougou,Koundialan, and Benndieli. The Wednesday market in Kendie is served by buses, vans, and trucks from

1

http://www.dogonlanguages.org

2 A Grammar of Dogul Dom: Introduction

Bandiagara, with some originating as far away as Sikasso or even Bamako. A list of the known villages whereDogulu is the primary language can be found in appendix A.

1.2.1 Dogulu Multilingualism

Native speakers of one Dogon language are almost always fluent in another, and this is certainly the casewith Dogulu. Dogulu speakers typically also speak TOmmO-sO (although this is not always the case), anda fair number speak Donno-sO, as well. Hochstetler of SIL International remarked (somewhat jovially) in aDogon sociolinguistic survey that:

Dogulu-dom speakers take pride in the fact that, “We understand everybody; nobody understandsus.” Some probing revealed that “everybody” here means the people from the “so” varieties:TOrO-sOO, TOmmO-sO, and Donno-sO. . . When we played the [stories we recorded in] TOmmO-sO,Donno-sO, and Tomo-kan. . . the first two were understood by at least some people, wehreas thelast one was not even recognized as being Dogon. (Hochstetler, 2004, p. 29)

1.2.2 A Note on Dialectology

This grammar draws on data from two relatively distinct dialects of Dogulu. The primary consultant is fromthe village of Koundialan, and his dialect will be referred to as the Koundialan dialect (abbreviated Koun.)when the data necessitates a meaningful distinction. Much of the elicitation work was done in situ in thevillage of Benndieli, and the people there contributed in a number of ways to the grammatical and lexicaldata. Their dialect will be referred to as the Benndieli dialect (abbreviated Benn.) when necessary. Thisgrammar reflects data from each dialect in equal parts as much as possible.

1.3 Environment

The high Dogulu plateau is remarkably flat. Some cultivated fields can be found on the high plateau itself,but in many places the earth is hard and strewn with rocks. The rocky rubble in the western part of theplateau (around Irigili and to the east of Douro) makes vehicular travel difficult. Irigili itself is on one of thefew rocky elevations taht rise slightly above the rest of the plateau.

Although virtually all of the villages are up on the high plateau, they are strategically located near rockyravines or wider sandy valleys that provide water and arable land. There are seasonal rivers in the ravinesand valleys, and dams have been built to hold water to allow gardening in the dry season.

Much of the high plateau is a wooded savanna, with Combretum being the dominant family of trees. Typicaltrees and shrubs are the drier areas are gusa (Combretum glutinosum) and tunu (Combretum micranthum),followed by seNe (balanzan, Faidherbia albida), mOOlO (wild date, Balanites), somee (tamarind), kurEE (wildgrape, Lannea microcarpa), sımu (borassus palm, Borassus aethiopum), bıı (Sclerocarya birrea), and OrO

(baobab, Adansonia). Many other species are represented mor sparsely or more locally.

The rainy season from June to September is the main farming season, as it is across most of Mali and withthe Dogon in particular. The main staple crop is millet (Pennisetum glaucum). Other cereals grown aresorgum and fonio (Digitaria exilis), along with a few pockets of maize and rice. Cow-pea (Vigna unguiculata),peanut, roselle, and a little sesame are also grown in the rainy season. The primary dry-season cash cropgrown in gardens during the dry season is onion, followed (in no particular order) by lettuce, cabbage,cucumber, tomato, African eggplant (Solanum aethiopicum), chili pepper, and calabash (gourd).

A Grammar of Dogul Dom: Introduction 3

1.4 Previous and Contemporary Study of Dogulu

1.4.1 Previous Studies

The first known publication that includes data from Dogulu was a sociolinguistic survey by Bertho (1953),who compared and classified 14 different Dogon varieties. Dogulu was mentioned in a more recent andcomprehensive sociolinguistic study by SIL International, which investigated 19 varieties and providedcomparative wordlists of each (Hochstetler, 2004). The only other known publication with reference toDogulu is by Plungian, the most prolific author of papers on the Dogon languages prior to our project.Plungian and Tembiné (1995) discussed the results of their own survey administered to Dogon speakers.Whereas Bertho’s survey focused on comparison, Plungian and Tembiné asked questions pertaining to speak-ers’ attitudes with regard to the sociolinguistic landscape and development of their languages.

Neither of these publications included significant comments on the grammar or a large amount of data. Thisgrammar is the first comprehensive documentation and analysis of the Dogulu language.

1.4.2 Fieldwork

The data in this grammar were collected in Mali from speakers from the Dogon villages of Benndieli andKoundialan from May to August 2011. Fieldwork was done both in situ (in the case of Benndieli) and inthe nearby city Sevare (in the case of the Koundialan informants).

Recordings were made using an Olympus LS-10 linear PCM recorder and analyzed using Praat. Othersoftware that facilitated this research include Scrivener for the organization of the documentation project,Apple Numbers for the organization of phonological and paradigmatic data, and Microsoft Excel for Macfor organization of the lexicon. The grammar (this document) was written on a Mac with LATEX.

1.4.3 Acknowledgements

This research has been conducted under the aegis of the Dogon and Bangime Linguistics Project, which re-ceives its funding from grant BCS 0853364 through the Documenting Endangered Languages (DEL) programof the National Science Foundation.

I am deeply indebted to our project director, Dr. Jeffrey Heath. Without his support, knowledge, and endlesspatience, this research would not be what it is today. I would also like to thank our support network inMali, including Minkailou Djiguiba, Boukel Togo, and Seydou Moro for their dedication to our project andtheir facilitation of our work. I am very grateful to the chief and people of Benndieli for warmly welcomingme into their lives for much of my time in Mali.

For my first trip to the field, I was lucky to have an outstanding primary grammatical consultant, MalickNantoumé, who persevered my feeble attempts to speak French with constant kindness and good humour.Also thanks to my additional informants Mouctar Nantoumé, Amadou Tapily, and Garibu Tapily.

Special thanks to Dr. Misha Becker and Dr. Mamarame Seck, my advisors at the University of North Carolinaat Chapel Hill, who prepared me in the best way possible for this research. Three colleagues in particularhave helped me more than they realize. First, thanks to Dr. Christopher Green (University of Maryland)and Abbie Hantgan (Indiana University), who, from the very outset, never hesitated to answer my questionsand give me advice. Thanks in particular to Laura McPherson (UCLA), who gave me the idea to begin thisresearch, the courage to follow through, and the sanity to make it back. Finally, thanks to my friends andfamily, who never wavered in their faith and support.

To all of the above: Thank you. You are the giants on whose shoulders I have stood.

Chapter 2

Sketch

This chapter aims to provide a basic outline of the main features of Dogulu while introducing the notationsand conventions that will be used throughout the document.

Throughout this grammar, particularly the electronic version, there is some colour-coding to assist thereader. Blue is used to make words and sounds in Dogulu stand out from the text; however, his conventionis not used in tables and examples because the Dogulu forms are more distinguishable here. Green is usedfor construction formulae (as with the NP constituent ordering formula in example (19)), examples fromother Dogon languages (see §3.4.6.8 on nasal harmony in Toro-Tegu), or hypothesized reconstructions fromproto-Dogon (see §4.1.2 on the word for ‘child’).

2.1 Phonology

This grammar uses primarily the transcription system of the IPA, but it does deviate in certain instances,detailed in table 2.1.1

IPA transcription>dZ j>tS cj y

r and R r

Table 2.1: Transcription conventions and their IPA equivalents

Nasalization is marked with a tilde (v) and tone by the use of diacritical accents (high v, low v, rising v, andfalling v). Long vowels are notated as two consecutive vowels (vv) rather than by the use of the IPA symbol(v:). If a long vowel has a contour tone (rising or falling), the contour is split between the two vowels (vv,vv).

To refer to the two mid front vowels /e E/ as a class collapsed over the [atr] feature, the symbol E will beused. Similarly, O stands for the class of mid back vowels /o O/.

Tones have an extremely important role in every aspect of Dogulu grammar. High tones will be referred toas “H,” low tones as “L.” Rising and falling contour tones are notated as <LH> and <HL>, respectively.

1See §3.2.2 for a note on the notation of /w/.

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A Grammar of Dogul Dom: Sketch 5

Angular brackets (as in <HL>) indicate the tones on a single syllable, while curly braces (as in {HL}) denotethe tonal shape of an entire stem or word.

2.1.1 Segmental Phonology

Dogulu has 20 phonemic consonants and seven phonemic vowels. The Dogon languages (including Dogulu)are typically marked by the presence some or all of the nasal sonorants /w y r/. In Dogulu, /w/ and /y/have been observed. For a detailed look at the consonant inventory, see §3.2.

Vowes are distinguished by a number of features, including length (short and long), nasality (oral and nasal),and [atr] ([+atr] /e o/ and [-atr] /E O/). §3.3 provides a thorough investigation of vowel phonology.Throughout the grammar, the symbols E and O refer to a mid vowel that is underspecified for the [atr]feature. An example of this is the -wÈ suffix for plurality in the human class, which takes its value for [atr]from the noun stem (§4.1.1).

2.1.2 Prosody

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2.1.3 Key Phonological Processes

One of the most salient processes in Dogulu phonology is the apocope of final /u/, referred to as u-apocope. Add more aboutapocopeIn these instances, word-final -u is deleted after any consonant except /n/. The tone may or may not be

preserved on the preceding mora. See §3.4.5 for more information and examples of this in action.

2.2 Inflectable Verbs

Inflectable verbs have a rich morphology, and this can be divided into two primary categories: derivativemorphology and inflectional morphology.

2.2.1 Derivative Morphology

Derivative affixes create new, fully-inflectable verbs from existing verbs, and these new verbs fall into verydistinct classes. The reversive suffix -lE functions very much like the English prefix ‘un-’, and it’s used tocreate verbs like ‘untie’ from ‘tie’ (kOmma-lE from kOmmE) and ‘unfold’ from ‘fold’ (munno-le from munne).It’s also used to create some less transparent verbs that are lexicalized in English, as in ırE-lE ‘remember’derived from ırE ‘forget’. The causative suffix -mE functions in much the same way, turning bunde ‘hit’ intobundo-me ‘make hit’. Causatives are often less transparent than reversives, with derivations like ñaa-mEfeed(from ñEE ‘eat’) and tıgı-mE ‘inform’ (from tıgıyE ‘know’).

For more information on verbal derivation and a full list of derivational classes (e.g. transitive, mediopassive),see chapter 9.

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2.2.2 Inflectional Morphology

Throughout the grammar, the term “inflectional categories” will be used to refer to paradigmatic tense-aspect-negation conjugations of verbs, since referring to a category as a “tense” doesn’t capture all of itsimportant features (or isolate it from the other categories). In Dogulu, the inflectional morphology is verycomplex and affixes are chained on the end of a stem in succession. Chapter 10 describes this inflection inextensive detail.

Dogulu has three moods: indicative (the most common, used for typical speech and questions), imperative(for second-person commands), and hortative (for first-person “Let’s. . . ” exhortations). The indicativemood (§10.2) is divided into four aspects: perfect, progressive, imperfective, and experiential. The formertwo aspects are subdivided into two tenses (past and present), while the latter two are undivided. Each ofthese inflectional categories has an unmarked positive form and a marked negative form. In addition, all ofthese categories have full inflection with regard to the person of the subject, described in §10.5.

The imperative mood (§10.8.1) is comprised of imperative forms (in the positive) and prohibitive forms (inthe negative). Each of these has a singular and a plural form, and all have an understood second-personsubject.

The hortative includes the hortative positive and the hortative negative, both in a first-person dual form (forthe speaker and one other entity) and a first-person plural form (for the speaker and two or more entities).

2.3 The Noun Phrase (NP)

Nouns have remarkably little morphology, which contrasts directly with the heavily concatenating mor-phology of verbs. The only morphosyntactic change to nouns is optional plural marking: -wÈ for humannouns and -ya for everthing else. Marking plurality is significantly more common on human nouns than onnonhuman nouns, although the distinction is made to avoid ambiguity. NP morphology is handled in §4.1.

The typical linear order of a noun phrase can be found in (1).

(1) (possessor) noun (adjective)* (numeral) (demonstrative) (quantifier)

If there is a postnominal possessive pronoun rather than a possessor NP (or preposed possessive pronoun), itfits in between the numeral and the demonstrative. See §6.1.1 for examples and a discussion on the orderingof NPs.

An NP takes on an all-low tonal contour, referred to as the ptc, when it’s modified by a reference-restrictingelement (possessor NP, adjective, or demonstrative). The reference-restrinct element, however, keeps itslexical tones. A full description of this aspect of the tonosyntax can be found in chapter 6.1.

2.4 Case Marking and Adpositions (PP)

2.4.1 Case Marking

Case-marking is very different between nouns and pronouns. The five cases represented in the data arenominative (for subjects), genitive (possession), dative (indirect object), accusative (direct object), andallative (adposition complements).

All cases are unmarked on nouns with the exception of the dative case. In instances of the dative of recipientand addressee, the dative case is marked with a -y or -i case-marker, which is described in more detail in

A Grammar of Dogul Dom: Sketch 7

§4.1.3. Case marking on pronouns is much more complicated, with tonally or morpholoically distinct forms ineach person and number for the nominative, genitive, dative, accusative, and allative cases. The morphologyof pronouns is explained in §4.3.

2.4.2 Adpositions

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2.5 Main Clauses and Constituent Order

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2.6 Nominalized Clauses and Constituent Order

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2.7 Relative Clauses

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2.8 Interclausal Syntax

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Chapter 3

Phonology

This chapter describes the phonology (and to an extent, the phonetics) of Dogulu. §3.1 provides an account ofthe possible syllable and mectrical structures of lexical stems. §§3.2 and 3.3 describe the phonemic inventoryof the language and provide a cursory overview of important phonetic ideosyncrasies and processes. Thediscussion then turns to phonological processes (§3.4) and cliticization (§3.5). §3.6 is particularly importantbecause it gives a thorough description of tones and the way they pattern; this will be relevent when thegrammar investigates the tonosyntax of Dogulu in later chapters. Finally, the last section gives an overviewof the intonational features of the language.

See §2.1 for information on the phonological and tonal notation particular to this grammar.

3.1 Internal Phonological Structure of Stems and Words

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3.1.1 Syllables

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3.1.2 Metrical Structure

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3.2 Consonant Inventory

Dogulu has 20 phonemic consonants, with four other segments occuring as allophones. In table 3.1, thecategories of postalveolar and palatal have been condensed, the lateral approximant has been grouped withother oral approximants, and both bilabial and labiodental sounds are included under labials. The presenseof (some or all of) the cannonical nasal approximants /y w r/ is a marked feature of the Dogon languages,so nasal approximants have a dedicated row in the chart below. Segments in parentheses are allomorphs ofa different phoneme, and they are explained in the appropriate subsections that follow.

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A Grammar of Dogul Dom: Phonology 9

labial alveolar palatal velar glottalplosive p b t d k g P

nasal m n ñ N

fricative f s (z) (S) haffricate (c) j

approximant w l ynasal approx. w

trill/tap r

Table 3.1: The consonant inventory of Dogulu

Table 3.2 shows examples of each phoneme in use. Allophones are included at the bottom in a phonetictranscription of the (typical) pronunciation.

Phoneme Example Gloss Phoneme Example Gloss

p pùró ‘village’ f fú ‘all’b bé ‘they’ s sálá ‘bad’t tOmO ‘one’ h haaN ‘other’d dààrá ‘mother’ j júúgù ‘week’k kàndá ‘now’ w wáàl ‘work’g égù ‘child’ y yáágà ‘night’m mmO ‘my’ l léésù ‘uncle’n nóó ‘person’ r árá ‘rice’ñ ñEE ‘eat’ P Pñı ‘water’N aNa ‘where’ w wEE ‘see’

S Somu ‘horse’ z sızıN ‘line’c lácìrì ‘couscous’

Table 3.2: Dogulu consonant phonemes in context

Occasionally, speakers who have been educated in French will produce French loan words with their originalpronunciation; in these instances, it is not unsual to find phonemes not listed above. For example, ‘Algeria’is pronounced [alZeri]. These sounds have been omitted because they are completely unattested in nativeDogulu words.

3.2.1 Voiceless Labials /p f/

Although they were probably distinct phonemes, there is now a free variation between [p] and [f] in wordswhich probably have a lexical /f/. When presented with two forms, for example [fu] and [pu] for ‘all’, speakerswill accept either form as correct. This is perhaps because local schools teach that the Dogon languages haveno /f/ phoneme, so it is often “edited” out of their speech. However, it is worthy to note that even when[p] occurs in the surface representation of one of these words, it is very highly aspirated. It should also benoted that this variation is one-way: all words that have underlying /f/ may have a heavily aspirated [p] inthe output, but words with an underlying /p/ are produced faithfully.

10 A Grammar of Dogul Dom: Phonology

3.2.2 Labial Approximants [w Bfl]

The labiovelar approximant /w/ has two outputs that have been observed consistently in each dialect ofDogulu. Most of the time, it is produced as a cannonical labiovelar approximant [w]. However, before frontvowels [i e E], it loses the [dorsal] feature and becomes a bilabial approximant. This sound is representedin the IPA as [B

fl], a lowered voiced bilabial fricative, but the distinction has not been made in the notation

throughout the grammar.

3.2.3 Sibilants [s S z Z]

Of these fricatives, only /s/ appears to be lexical. In the data, [S] and [z] occur as allophones of /s/, but nominimal or near-minimal pair has been found to date for either form. The sound [S] occurs primarily beforehigh vowels, but occasionally makes an appearance in front of high-toned back vowels, as well, as in Somu

‘horse’. The sound [z] tends to occur intervocalically. It should be noted that these allophones do not occurall the time; words with an /s/ in these positions will sometimes be produced with an [s] and sometimeswith the allophone.

The sound [Z] only occurs in the data in French loan words.

3.2.4 Postalveolars [c j]

The voiceless postalveolar affricate [c] occurs only as an allophone of /k/ before front vowels. Its voicedcounterpart [j] is not overwhelmingly represented in the data, but it doesoccur in environments sufficientlycontrastive to other similar sounds that they may be considered independent phonemes from each other andother segments. It may also be an allophone of [g] before front vowels, as words that satisfy this environmentmay be produced with either segment. The [j] is often replaced by [g] if the speaker is asked to repeat theword many times.

3.2.5 Glottal Consonants [P h]

The glottal stop often occurs phonemically before a nasal, as in Pñı ‘water’. If the word is pronouncedwithout a strong [P] before the nasal, it is rejected by native speakers.

A few words have [h], such as haaN ‘other’.haaN

3.2.6 Nasal Sonorants /w y/

The Dogon languages tend to be marked by the presence of phonemically nasal sonorants from the set /w yr/. Interestingly, Dogulu lacks all of these segments both in the lexicon and in derived environments (suchas nasal harmony).

3.2.7 Consonant Clusters

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3.2.7.1 Word- and Morpheme-Initial CC Clusters

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3.2.7.2 Medial Geminate CC Clusters

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3.2.7.3 Medial Non-Geminate CC Clusters

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3.2.7.4 Medial Triple-Consonant Clusters

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3.2.7.5 Final CC clusters

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3.3 Vowel Inventory

Dogulu has seven phonemic vowels, which are plotted in the vowel chart (skewed to reflect human perception)in figure 3.1. The values plotted were taken from many repetitions of each vowel in many environments.The difference between H/L for tone and short/long for length were not found to have an important effecton the vowel formants and so were not distinguished in the chart below.

Figure 3.1: A vowel chart for Dogulu’s seven phonemic vowels, skewed to reflect human auditory perception

The vowels /e/ and /E/ and the vowels /o/ and /O/ often show a regular alternation in certain morphemeswith regard to [atr]. The vowels /e/ and /o/ are [+atr], while /E/ and /O/ are [-atr].


3.3.1 Length Contrast in Oral Vowels

Although vowels can be characterized as being short or long, the data contain no minimal pairs based solelyon vowel length. Monosyllabic words are either CVV or NCV in shape, perhaps because there is a restrictionthat words must be bimoraic in the input (even if one of these morae is deleted in the output). The soleexceptions to this rule that have been found are the quantifier fu ‘all’ and certain functional categories likesome determiners (§4.4) and the quotative particle wa (§17.1.3).

3.3.2 Nasal Vowels

Vowels are often phonetically nasalized by nasal harmony, which is triggered by another [nas] segment. Thedata contain only one word with nasal vowel without another nasal segment: bÈÉ ‘beard’. Even so, this doesnot seem to suggest a set of vowels phonemically distinguished by nasality, as bÈÉ has no minimal pair, suchas *bEE.

Perhaps the existence of this word is explained by historical change. While all of the Dogon languagesstudied so far have a very similar word for ‘beard’, and many of them contain a [nas] segment. CompareDogulu bÈÉ with Najamba bEE-Ngo, Ben Tey and Bankan Tey bEE`y, and Mombo béé kule.

3.3.3 Initial Vowels

All seven vowels are attested in word-initial position, as shown in table 3.3 with examples.

Vowel Example Gloss

i ìsígú ‘sun’e ébà ‘market’E EnnE ‘wind’a ámbá ‘god’O OsO ‘chin’o ósùgù ‘road’u uwuN ‘honey’

Table 3.3: Inventory and examples of word-initial vowels in Dogulu

Vowels in word-initial position may be lexically either H- or L-toned; the examples above are all H forconsistency. Most vowels (/i e a o/) can be either long or short in this position, but it should be noted thatthe [-atr] vowels /E O/ occur only as short vowels. Furthermore, the vowel /u/ is never long in word-initialposition (although this seems to be the case with all Dogon languages).

3.3.4 Stem-Final Vowels

While all vowels may appear stem-finally (see table 3.4 for examples), only non-high vowels may be long inthis position (except in monosyllabic words).

As a result of u-apocope, word-final -u is often deleted. See §3.4.5 for a discussion and examples.


Vowel Example Gloss

i páyì ‘old’e ííyè ‘today’E amErE ‘chief’a áálà ‘rain’O gEnO ‘good’o dúlò ‘tail’u júrù ‘upside down’

Table 3.4: Inventory and examples of stem-final vowels in Dogulu

3.3.5 [atr] Harmony

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3.3.6 Vocalism of Verb Stem Alternations

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3.4 Segmental Phonological Processes

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3.4.1 Trans-Syllabic Consonantal Processes

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3.4.1.1 Forward Nasalization

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3.4.1.2 Consonantal Metathesis in Suffixal Derivatives of Verbs

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3.4.2 Vocalism of Derived Verbs

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3.4.2.1 Stem Vowel-Spreading to Suffix

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3.4.2.2 Presuffixal V2-Raising

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3.4.3 Other Vocalic Processes Sensitive to Syllabic or Metrical Structure

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3.4.3.1 Epenthesis

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3.4.3.2 Syncope

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3.4.4 Apocope

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3.4.5 u-Apocope

In Dogulu, the high back vowel /u/ is extraordinarily common in stem-final position underlyingly, but it isu-Apocopealmost always lost on the surface. This is a phenomenon that has also been observed in numerous otherDogon languages. McPherson (2010) describes the process of u-apocope very thoroughly in her grammarof TOmmO-SO, and one of the interesting aspects of Dogulu is how different the process is in comparison.In TOmmO-SO, final high vowels are typically lost after a sonorant, and their tone shifts onto the precedingsyllable (often creating a contour tone) to preserve the contour.

In Dogulu, the process is much more widespread. u-Apocope can happen after any segment, regardless ofwhether it’s a sonorant or not. Therefore, the words naagu ‘cow’ and Somu ‘horse’ are almost always realizedas naag and som. As the former example shows, the tone may be preserved on the preceding mora, whichmay create a contour tone. However, it should be noted that this is not always the case, and the tone isoften lost.

Interestingly enough, u-apocope almost never happens after an -n-; for example, mınu ‘deep’ doesn’t losethe final vowel. For this reason, the imperfective and present progressive negative inflectional categories (see§10.4.3 and §10.4.2.1), with a negation morpheme in -nn-, have a personal ending in -u in the 3sg. Thisis intriguing morphophonologically because all other 3sg forms of a verb in any category have a personalending in -ø. It’s very likely that at one point, all 3sg verbs took the -u personal ending, but it has sincebeen lost to u-apocope.

3.4.5.1 Apocope across Word Boundaries

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3.4.6 Local Consonant Sequence Processes

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3.4.6.1 Derhoticization (/r/ to [n])

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3.4.6.2 Rhotic Assimilation

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3.4.6.3 Rhotic Cluster/Sequence Lateralization

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3.4.6.4 Rhotic Fortition

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3.4.6.5 Rhotic Cluster Fortition

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3.4.6.6 Glide Fortition

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3.4.6.7 Glide Assimilation

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3.4.6.8 Alternations of /l/ with /r/ and /l/

While dialects of Dogulu each tend to maintain consistency within themselves with regard the underlyinglexical form of a word or morpheme, the phoneme /l/ tends to be affected by intra-dialectal alternations.For example, an alternation between /l/ and /r/ has been observed between the dialects of Benndieli andKoundialan. In the Benndieli dialect, the present progressive positive morpheme is -ra-; the same morphemein Koundialan is -la-. This alternation is not absolute (i.e., not all words and morphemes with Ben. /l/become /r/ in Koun.), but the affected forms are affected quite consistently within the dialect.

This alternation is not confined to being an inter-dialectal environment; at times it can occur across speakersof the same dialect. Two speakers from Koundialan and within the same age group consistently produced alocative particle differently from each other: The first speaker gave [ra] while the second gave [la] in identicalenvironments.


There is a marked alternation between these two dialects with regard to the presence of a lexical /l/ or /n/.For example, many nouns that begin with an /l/ in Ben. begin with /n/ in Koun. Examples include Ben.leesu (Koun. neesu) ‘uncle’ and Ben. legeegu (Koun. negeegu) ‘bird’.

This is certainly not the only time an alternation between /l/ and /n/ has been observed in the Dogonlanguages. In Toro Tegu, backward nasalization affects SV syllables (where “S” refers to the nasalizablesonorants, see §3.2.6) when followed by a nasal segment (i.e., in pattern SVNV where “N” refers to nasalsegments) (Heath, 2010c). Backward nasalization does not affect /w y/ if syncope or deletion creates thisenvironment, but it does affect /l/ under these circumstances; in these instances, the nasalized /l/ ([l])becomes [n].

Furthermore, Heath argues that words that can undergo this backward-nasalization alternation were histor-ically */n/ instead of /l/, and many of the other languages retain the historical nasal in their modern form.For more information, see Heath (2010c) and Cansler (2011).

3.4.6.9 Alternation of m with w w

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3.4.6.10 Alternation of Stem-Final [y y]

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3.4.7 Vowel-Vowel and Vowel-Glide Sequences

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3.4.7.1 Hiatus between Vowels in Reduplications

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3.4.7.2 Vowel Coalescence

Vowel coalescence plays a vital role in Dogulu phonology, particularly across morpheme boundaries in verbs.wel CoalescenceIt’s also one of the most phonologically-intriguing phenomena because of the way it patterns with tone-association.

3.4.8 Local Vowel-Consonant Interactions

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3.4.8.1 Vowel-Glide Assimilation

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3.4.8.2 Monopthongization

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3.5 Cliticization

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3.6 Tones

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3.6.1 Lexical Tone Batterns

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3.6.1.1 At Least One H in Each Stem

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3.6.1.2 Lexical Tones of Verbs

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3.6.1.3 Lexical Tones of Unsegmentable Noun Stems

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3.6.1.4 Lexical Tones of Adjectives and Numerals

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3.6.1.5 Tone Contours or H-Tone Accent?

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3.6.1.6 Possibly Lexically {L}-Toned Stems

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3.6.1.7 Tone-Component Location for Bitonal Noun Stems

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3.6.1.8 Tone-Component Location for Tritonal Noun Stems

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3.6.2 Grammatical Tone Patterns

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3.6.2.1 Grammatical Tone Patterns for Verb Stems

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3.6.2.2 Grammatical Tone Patterns for Noun Stems

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3.6.2.3 Grammatical Tone Patterns for Adjectives and Numerals

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3.6.3 Tonal Morphophonology

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3.6.3.1 Autosegmental Tone Association

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3.6.3.2 Phonology of {HL} Tone Contour

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3.6.3.3 Tonal Changes in Decimal Numerals

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3.6.3.4 Tone-Spreading onto Underspecified Morphemes

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3.6.4 Low-Level Tone Processes

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3.6.4.1 Rising-Tone Mora Addition

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3.6.4.2 Contour-Tone Stretching

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3.6.4.3 Final Tone Resyllabification

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3.6.4.4 Rightward H-Spreading

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3.6.4.5 Stranded-Tone Relinking

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3.6.5 Final-CV R-to-H Reduction

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3.7 Intonation Contours

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3.7.1 Phrase- and Clause-Final Terminal Contours (↑ ↓ →)

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3.7.2 Expressive Elements with Lexically Specified Prolongation (→)

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Chapter 4

Morphology of NP Constituents

This chapter describes the basic morphology of nouns, pronouns, and adjectives in Dogulu and highlightsthe most interesting patterns or unusual irregularities. Section 4.1 explains the affixal morphology of bothregular and irregular nouns, and the following section extends the discussion to derived nominals (likegerunds). Section 4.3 details the pronominal system of the language. The final sections describe the structure,morphology, and use of categories that modify nominals, including determiners, adjectives, participals, andnumerals.

4.1 Nouns

Nominal morphology in Dogulu (as in most of the other Dogon languages) is fairly simple; in fact, theDogon family is marked by the stark contrast between this and its very complex verbal morphology. Thissection is limited to a discussion of the affixal morphology that affects noun stems. For the morphosyntaxof compounds that include a nominal element, see §5.1. For the morphosyntax of NPs as a larger unit, seechapter 6.

4.1.1 Regular Nouns

The two noun classes in Dogulu exhibit minimal morphology. The class lines are drawn between human nounsand nonhuman nouns.1 Both human and nonhuman nouns have an unmarked singular, but the marking ofplurality is different for each class.

Only human nouns may be marked with the plural affix -wÈ (which exhibits [atr] harmony).

(2) Human Nounsa. írù-ø

‘blacksmith’

b. írù-wèblacksmith-pl

‘blacksmiths’1The Dogon languages differ with regard to where these lines are drawn. Some languages (e.g. Najamba, Nanga) divide

animates and inanimates, for example, which lumps human nouns and animal terms together (Heath, 2010a,b). Still others (e.g.Yanda Dom) make a somewhat fuzzy three-way distinction between humans, non-human animates, and inanimates (Heath,2011).

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A Grammar of Dogul Dom: Morphology of NP Constituents 21

Any noun (regardless of of its place on the animacy hierarchy) may take the -ya suffix in the plural. Thismarking can be used for human nouns, but these instances are rare. Furthermore, marking nonhuman nounsat all is exceptionally uncommon and is used only when it’s necessary to make the distinction for emphasisor to avoid ambiguity.

(3) a. Human Animate Nouns

i. dààrá-ømother-sg

‘mother’

ii. dààrá-wèmother-pl

‘mothers’

iii. dààrá-yàmother-pl

‘mothers’

b. Nonhuman Animate Nouns

i. ínàà-øgoat-sg

‘goat’

ii. ínàà-yàgoat-pl

‘goats’

c. Inanimate Nouns

i. kunnO-øcalabash-sg

‘calabash’

ii. kunnO-yàcalabash-pl

‘calabashes’

Again, it should be noted that this plural affixal morphology is rarely necessary. It is often omitted, partic-ularly in heavily-modified NPs.

4.1.2 Irregular Nouns

The nouns yaa ‘woman’, ana ‘man’, and noo ‘person’ are regular. The only noun in the data which exhibitsirregular morphology is egu ‘child’ (sometimes also eeg). It appears to be a frozen form that was oncesegmentable (i.e., *é-gù). This may be related to the singular definite -gu affix in, for example, Nanga(Heath, 2010b).2

A few plural forms for egu ‘child’ exist. The most common is e-we, which supports the hypothesis that egu

was once e-gu. However, there are a few other methods of pluralizing ‘child, including eg-ya and e-we-ya.

2This idea is backed by a number of other words ending in the unsegmentable -gu in Dogulu and many other Dogon languages.For example, when Dogulu yaa ‘woman’ is used in compounds, it becomes yaagu. See §5.1.7.

22 A Grammar of Dogul Dom: Morphology of NP Constituents

4.1.3 Dative Case Marking

Nouns are marked for the dative case when they are used as the recipient, beneficiary, or addressee. Table4.1 lists the allomorphs of the dative case marker.

Allomorph Environment Example Gloss

-ı consonant-final nouns ıbrahım-ı ‘to/for Ibrahim’-ı nouns ending in -u aamad-ı ‘to/for Amadou’-y nouns ending in -i, -a, -e, and -E anda-y ‘to/for Anda’-ø nouns ending in -o and -O noo-ø ‘to/for a person’

Table 4.1: Allomorphs of the dative case marker in Dogulu with examples of their environments

For dative case-marking on pronouns, see §4.3.3.

4.1.4 ‘So-and-So’

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4.1.5 Initial Reduplication

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4.1.6 Final Reduplication

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4.1.7 Frozen Initial a- or aN- in Nouns

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4.1.8 Nouns with Full Reduplication

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4.2 Derived Nominals

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4.2.1 Characteristic Derivative

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4.2.2 Gerunds

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4.2.3 Instrumental Nominals

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4.2.4 Uncompounded Agentives

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4.2.5 Expressive Iteration

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4.3 Pronouns

Dogulu has a full pronominal paradigm and exhibits four morphologically-distinct classes of independentpronouns (nominative, accusative, dative, and postnominal possessive) and one class of suffixal pronouns(inflectional verb endings). Table 4.2 shows these prominal classes for comparison.3

Nominative Accusative Dative Possessive SuffixalSg Pl Sg Pl Sg Pl Sg Pl Sg Pl

1 mí í mì ì mìý ìý mmO ıN -N -i2 ó é ò è òý èý oN eN -o -e3 ná bé nà bè nàý bèý naN beN -ø, -u -iya, -n

Table 4.2: The six pronominal classes of Dogulu

4.3.1 Nominative Pronouns

The nominative pronouns occur in two forms in Dogulu: high-toned independent and toneless suffixal. Theindependent forms are used as the subject of an inflected verb and of a participial verb in a relative clause.They are optional as the subject of a main verb because the verbal inflection carries the information ofperson and number.

(4) óyou.sg

ínààgoat

bún-tìj-òhit-exp.perf-2sg

‘Have you ever hit a goat?’

(5) yààgùwoman

óyou.sg

nama-N

like-ptcpyE

therewEE-N

see-1sg

‘I saw the woman you love.’3The abbreviations used are as follows: Nom = Nominative, Acc = Accusative, Dat = Dative, Poss = Possessive, Sg =

Singular, Pl = Plural, 1 = first person (I/we), 2 = second person (you/you [all]), 3 = third person ([s]he, they).


The suffixal endings are not optional, however. They are required to complete the inflection of the verb,as seen in the examples above. Lexically, these suffixal pronouns are underspecified for tone, and they arespecified by the tonal contour of the full inflected verb. [atr] harmony occurs with these endings; see §3.3.5for examples.

For an analysis of the environments in which the allomorphs of the 3sg and 3pl endings are found, see §10.5.

4.3.2 Accusative Pronouns

The accusative pronouns, which are always independent morphemes, are identical to the nominative pronounsexcept that they are all L-toned.

(6) mìme

búndè-øhit-3sg

‘He hit me.’

4.3.3 Dative Pronouns

Dative pronouns are essentially formed by affixing -y to the accusative pronouns. This gives them the tonalcontour {LH}. The -y is likely a weakened form of the dative case marker for nouns (see §4.1.3).

(7) ì-ýus-dat

Ngoon

whatpól-ìyàtell-3pl

‘What did they tell us?’

Because relative clauses cause tone-dropping of their head noun (see §14.2.1) and because their verbs arein the form of the impersonal participal (§14.4), ambiguity can arise when using the L-toned accusativepronouns in a relative clause. For this reason, the dative pronouns are used instead of the accusative fordirect objects in relative clauses.

(8) a. ègùchild

náhe

búndò-Nhit-ptcp

‘the child who he hit’

b. ègùchild

nà-ýhe-dat

búndò-Nhit-ptcp

‘the child who hit him’

4.3.4 Possessive Pronouns

Although table 4.2 has only one column for possessive pronouns, there are actually two forms found inDogulu. The most common—the postnominal forms—are shown in the table. With the exception of theirregular 1sg form mmO, they are formed by affixing a genitive case marker -N.

(9) dààrámother

ò-Nyou.sg-gen

bOlE-øleave-3sg

‘Your mother left.’


Some nouns, particularly those which are considered to incur inalienable possession (see §6.3.2), form asubset which take a prenominal possessive pronoun. These are identical to the H-toned nominative casepronouns, and they are impervious to the tonosyntactic overlays incurred by reference-restricting modifiersthat affect nouns (chapter 6). In this way, they act like prenominal possessor NPs, as shown in (10).

(10) a. mímy

tììcousin

páyìold

‘my old cousin’

b. áándàAnda

tììcousin

páyìold

‘Anda’s old cousin’

For more information, see §6.3.2.1.

4.4 Determiners

Dogulu exhibits a number of distinct determiners with particular functions. The most common is theall-purpose definite morpheme, but there are also two deictic demonstratives (with many allomorphs), adiscourse-definite determiner, and anaphoric/logophoric demonstratives. This section also includes a discus-sion of adverbial determiners and presentatives.

4.4.1 The Definite Morpheme Ngı

Definiteness in Dogulu is expressed by a single morpheme Ngı. It does not agree with nouns along thehumanness class lines (§4.1), but it does agree in number. The plural from is Ngıya.

(11) yááwoman

ègùchild

ánàmale

Ngı

defwEE-øsaw-3sg

‘The woman saw the boy.’

(12) kunnO

calabashndéfather

o-N

you.sg-gennama-N

want-ptcpNgı-ya

def-plEbE-N

buy-1sg

‘I bought the calabashes your father wants.’

The definite morpheme is typically used much more often with objects than with subjects, and it tends tomodify the subject of a relative clause more often than that of a main clause. If it modifies a noun that isalso modified by a relative clause, the definite morpheme follows the entire relative clause as seen in (12).

4.4.1.1 Deictic Demonstrative Dronouns

Deictic demonstrative pronouns in Dogulu come in two flavors: the proximal Ngu and ogu (with more commonallomorphs4 og and ok) and the distal ko. The plural forms for the proximal are ogubele (also ogıya) andNgubele, for the distal kobele.

4It is thought that ogu is the underlying form because both allomorphs can be derived from it based on u-apocope (§3.4.5)and final obstruent devoicing.


(13) Somu

horseókthat

‘that horse’

(14) kunnO

calabashNgu-bele

this-pl

‘these calabashes’

Unlike the simple definite morpheme in §4.4.1, demonstratives do incur tone-dropping on the noun theymodify. This is discussed in more detail in chapter 6.

4.4.1.2 Discourse-Definite Prenominal (nnn ‘that (same)’

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4.4.1.3 Anaphoric/Logophoric Pronouns

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4.4.2 Demonstrative Adverbs

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4.4.2.1 Locative Adverbs

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4.4.2.2 Emphatic and Approximinative Modifiers of Adverbs

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4.4.3 Presentatives (‘voici’, ‘voilà’

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4.5 Adjectives

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4.5.1 Types of Adjectives

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4.6 Participles

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4.7 Numerals

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4.7.1 Cardinal Numerals

4.7.1.1 ‘One’ and ‘Same’

In both sequential counting (e.g. 1, 2, 3. . . ) and as a cardinal adjective (e.g. ‘one goat’), the word for ‘one’ istOmO. In Dogulu, it’ss the only numeral that acts tonosyntactically like an adjective, as shown in (15). Thismeans that a noun modified by tOmO will be tone-dropped because ‘one’ is a reference-restricting controller(§6.2). It should be noted that tOmO is also the word for ‘(the) same’.

(15) ınaa

goattOmO

one

‘one goat,’ ‘the same goat’

4.7.1.2 ‘1’ to ‘10’

The cardinal numerals up to 10 can be found in table 4.3. The special treatment of ‘one’ has been handled

Numeral Dogulu

1 tOmO

2 neegu

3 taandu

4 kEEsO

5 nno

6 kulE

7 sOOwE

8 seele

9 tuuwO

10 pEEl

Table 4.3: The cardinal numerals 1–10 in Dogulu

in the previous section, because it behaves differently with regard to the tonosyntax of the NumP. None ofthe numerals after ‘one’ are tone controllers, which means that they do not affect the tonosyntax of modifiednouns. (This includes those numerals which involve the word ‘one’, like ‘eleven’ or ‘sixty-one’.) The formsthat modify nouns do not differ from those used in counting sequences.

(16) ínààgoat

nnófive

‘five goats’


4.7.1.3 Decimal Multiples (‘10’, ‘40’, etc.) and Their Composites (‘11’, ‘76’, etc.)

The remaining numerals are composed with relative simplicity. Multiples of ten (from 10 to 90) are shownin table 4.4. When two forms are shown, the first is more common.

Numeral Dogulu

10 pEEl

20 peneege

30 pıraandu

40 dEE

50 pEnno

60 pEEl kulE

70 pEEl sOOwE

80 sııN, pEseele

90 pEttuwa, sııN yaN kElEpEEl

Table 4.4: The decimal multiples from 10–90 in Dogulu

To form composite numerals (e.g. ‘eleven’, ‘seventy-six’), the decimals above (e.g. 10, 70) are followed by thecombining form of the second digit (e.g. one, six). These combining forms are shown in table 4.5. Essentially,the suffix -sıga is affixed to the original one-through-nine numeral, and any long vowels are shortened tocompensate for the added syllables.5

Numeral Dogulu

1 tOmOsıga

2 negesıga

3 tandusıga

4 kEsOsıga

5 nnosıga

6 kulesıga

7 sOwEsıga

8 selesıga

9 tuwOsıga

Table 4.5: The combining forms of the numerals 1-9 in Dogulu

Therefore, the number ‘eleven’ is a combination of ‘ten’ and ‘one’: pEEl tOmOsıga. ‘Seventy-six’ is ‘seventy’and ‘six’ combined: pEEl sOOwE kulesıga. This pattern holds for every composite number between 11 and 99(sııN yaN kElEpEEl tuwOsıga).

4.7.1.4 Large Numerals (‘100’, ‘1000’, etc.) and Their Composites

As in most Dogon languages, the word for ‘100’ is a loan word from Fulfulde: tEEmdErE. The word ‘hundreds’(used in composite forms) is tEmE,6 followed by the number of hundreds (e.g. tEmE taandu ‘three hundred’).To form a composite in the hundreds, the conjunction yaN ‘and’ is used between the hundred form and

5Note that nno ‘five’ does not shorten its moraic nasal, however. This may be because ‘five’ is the only monosyllabic numeralin this set, or perhaps because this mora is crucial to the word’s tonal contour.

6It’s worth noting that tEEmdErE can substitute for tEmE to mean ‘hundreds’, but tEmE can’t stand for tEEmdErE to mean‘100’.


a composite decimal greater than nine; however, composite hundreds without a tens place (e.g. 101–109,201–209) have no conjunction. A few examples are shown below:

(17) a. tEEmdErE

one.hundredsele-sıga

eight-combine

‘one hundred eight’

b. tEEmdErE

one.hundredyaN

andpEEl

tentOmO-sıga

one-combine

‘one hundred (and) eleven’

c. tEmE

hundredskEEsO

fouryaN

andpEEl sOOwE

seventynno-sıga

five-combine

‘four hundred (and) seventy-five’

d. tEEmdErE

hundredssOOwE

sevenyaN

andpEEl

tennege-sıga

two-combine

‘seven hundred (and) twelve’

Observe that in (17a), the word yaN is missing; example (17b) and those following do include the conjunction.Furthermore, notice that in (17c), tEmE is used for ‘hundreds’. Example (17d) shows that tEEmdErE can alsofill this role.

Much larger decimals are similarly patterned. In Dogulu, ‘thousand’ is muñju. This is the form used for‘1000’ (kElE muñju) and larger thousands like ‘6000’ (muñju kule). Notice that kElE precedes muñju for ‘1000’,while in all multiples the numeral follows muñju. There is no chaining conjunction between thousands andhundreds. as there is between hundreds and tens.

(18) muñju

thousandnno

fivetEEmdErE

hundredsOwE

sevenyaN

anddEE

fortytuwO-sıga

nine-combine

five thousand, seven hundred (and) forty-nine

It should be noted that perhaps kElE is an obsolete form for ‘one’. Notice that it also appears in the lesscommon form for ‘90’: sııN yaN kElEpEEl. This makes sense if the phrase for ‘90’ is translated, quite logically,as ‘eighty and one ten’.

The word for ‘million’ is borrowed from French: mılıyoN.

4.7.1.5 Currency

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4.7.1.6 Distributive Numerals

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4.7.2 Ordinal Numerals

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4.7.2.1 ‘First’ and ‘Last’

In Dogulu, ‘first’ is kosaa and ‘last’ is sakde.

4.7.2.2 Other Ordinals (-nnn)

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4.7.2.3 Fractions and Portions

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Chapter 5

Nominal and Adjectival Compounds

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5.1 Nominal Compounds

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5.1.1 Compounds of [n n]

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5.1.2 Compounds of [n n]

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5.1.3 Compounds with a Final Gerund ([n v-g])

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5.1.4 Possessive Compounds ABC, DEF, etc.

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5.1.5 Agentive Compounds ABC, DEF, etc.

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5.1.6 Compounds with egu ‘child (and fruit)’

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32 A Grammar of Dogul Dom: Nominal and Adjectival Compounds

5.1.7 Compounds with ana ‘man’ and yaagu ‘woman’

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5.1.8 Compounds with nnn ‘owner’

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5.1.9 Loose and Tight Compounds with nnn ‘authentic, entire’

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5.1.10 Natural Species Compounds of X-nnn-X

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5.1.11 Instrumental Relative Compounds

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5.1.12 Other Phrasal Compounds

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5.1.13 Unclassified Nominal Compounds

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5.2 Adjectival Compounds

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5.2.1 Bahuvrihi Compounds of [n â] or [n nûm]

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5.2.1.1 With a Final Adjective ([n â])

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5.2.1.2 With a Final Numeral ([n nûm])

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A Grammar of Dogul Dom: Nominal and Adjectival Compounds 33

5.2.2 Compounds with nnn- ‘Very’

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Chapter 6

Noun Phrase Structure

This chapter provides a detailed description of NP composition. The foundation of this chapter is the typicalorganization of constitents, explained in §6.1; a vital component of this, simple NPs containing a noun andan adjective, are examined in closer detail in §6.2. Following this, the syntax of possession is describedthoroughly because the tonosyntax of possession is a marked characteristic of the Dogon languages. Thechapter also provides an account of NumPs (§6.4), the role of determiners in NPs (§6.5), and quantifiers(§6.6).

6.1 Organization of NP Constituents

6.1.1 Linear Order

The composition of complex noun phrases typically follows the linear order in (19) both with a possessornoun and with a postposed possessive pronoun. The items in parentheses are optional.

(19) a. (possessor) noun (adjective)* (numeral) (demonstrative) (quantifier)b. noun (adjective) (numeral) (possessive pronoun) (quantifier)

(20) áámàdùAmadou.poss

lèèsù-wèuncle-pl

páyìold

néégùtwo

kó-bùlèthat-pl

fúall

‘all those two old uncles of Amadou’

A heavily modified NP is shown in (20). In general, the order is a mirror image of English order. The NPsin (21) break this structure down into some of its component parts.

(21) a. lèèsù-wèuncle-pl

páyìold

‘old uncles’b. lèèsù-wè

uncle-plpáyìold

néégùtwo

‘two old uncles’c. lèèsù-wè

uncle-plnèègùtwo

kó-bùlèthese-pl

‘those two uncles’

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A Grammar of Dogul Dom: Noun Phrase Structure 35

d. lèèsù-wèuncle-pl

kó-bùlèthese

fúall

‘all those uncles’

e. áámàdùAmadou.poss


‘Amadou’s uncles’

f. áámàdùAmadou.poss


páyìold

‘Amadou’s old uncles’

g. lèèsù-wèuncle-pl

páyìold

mmO

myfúall

‘all my old uncles’

An NP with a preposed pronoun of inalienable possession follows the same pattern as a nominally-possessedNP, as in (19a). See §6.2 details on the tonosyntax of adjectivally-modified nouns and §6.3 for possessednouns.

6.1.2 Headless NPs

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6.1.3 Bifurcation of Head NP of a Relative Clause

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6.1.4 Internal Bracketing and Tone-Dropping in Unpossessed NPs

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6.2 Core NP (Noun-Adjective)

The term “core NP” refers to a simple NP with a head noun and one or more adjectival modifiers. The coreNP is subjected to a number of particular syntactic and tonosyntactic phenomena, which are detailed below.

6.2.1 Noun-Adjective Relationship

An adjective typically follows the noun it modifies. A noun is tone-dropped when modified by an adjective.

(22) mbuN

housebınuN

red

‘red house’

(23) ègùchild

sálábad

‘bad child’

36 A Grammar of Dogul Dom: Noun Phrase Structure

It is perhaps worth questioning how the tone-dropping of a modified noun is related to the tone-droppingof a possessed noun. The syntax of possessor-noun and noun-adjective pairs may be related in Dogulu atleast as far as tonosyntax is concerned. Heath and McPherson (to appear)argue that reference-restrictingcitation whenmodifiers, or controllers, are identical in the ways they affect their targets. Generally speaking, the Dogonlanguages exhibit L-tone overlays that override the lexical tones on nouns modified by these controllers.These controllers include modifying adjectives, determiners, and possessor NPs.

The data from Dogulu supports their claims. Adjectives, determiners, and possessor NPs always imposean all-L tonal overlay on their targets, as does the clearly reference-restricting modifier tOmO ‘same, one’(§4.7.1.1). Modifiers that do not restrict the semantic referent of the object (such as numerals) do not havethis effect. One interesting quirk in Dogulu is that the definite marker Ngı does not cause tone-dropping.1

6.2.2 Adjective nnn ‘Certain’

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6.2.3 Adjective Expansions

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6.2.3.1 Adjective Sequences

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6.2.3.2 Adjectival Intensifiers

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6.2.3.3 ‘Good to Eat’

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6.3 Possessives

The tonosyntax of possession is one of the distinguishing characteristics of the Dogon languages. In somecases Dogulu expresses alienable and inalienable possession differently, so these will be discussed in turnbelow.

The following abbreviations are used throughout this section: PR-NP (possessor NP) PD-NP (possessed NP),and PTC (possessor-controlled tone contour). When showing the tonosyntactic contour as an independentmorphosyntactic entity is vital to the gloss, this is done by separating the contour description by a backslash(\, e.g. egu ‘child\ptc’).

1Heath and McPherson note that the Dogon languages differ with regard to whether the definite marker acts as a reference-restrictor (like demonstratives) or not.


6.3.1 Alienable Possession

Typically the Dogon languages have no free possessive morpheme like the English ‘of,’2 and Dogulu followsthis pattern. When a PR-NP precedes a PD-NP, the former keeps its lexical tone and imposes a PTC onthe latter. The specific tones that make up the PTC vary by language; in Dogulu, the contour is {L}. In asense, this PTC is almost like a possessed case marking by signifying the possessed entity that is possessedrather than the possessing entity.

6.3.1.1 Nonpronominal NP as a Prenominal Alienable Possessor

Recall the organization of an NP from §6.1.1.

(19a) (possessor) noun (adjective)* (numeral) (demonstrative) (quantifier)

In Dogulu (and the other Dogon languages studied to date), a PR-NP typically precedes a PD-NP.

(24) yONumE

‘camel’

(25) áámàdùAmadou

yONumE

camel\ptc

‘Amadou’s camel’

(26) ánàman

yONumE

camel\ptc

‘the man’s camel’

(27) ánàman

yONumE

camel\ptcókthis

‘this camel of the man’

(28) ànàman\ptc

Ngu

thisyONumE

camel\ptc this‘this man’s camel’

(29) ànàman\ptc

Ngu

thisyONumE

camel\ptcókthis

‘this camel of this man’

The possessive phrases in (25)–(29) show a number of technical details that characterize possession in Dogulu.The PR-NP precedes the PD-NP, as discussed above, and the {L} PTC overwrites the lexical tones (in (24))of the latter. The placement of determiners is shown in the later examples; §6.3.1.3 addresses their tonosyntaxin possessive phrases.

6.3.1.2 Pronominal Alienable Possessor

Alienable possession that is indicated by pronouns uses the postnominal pronouns from table 4.2 in §4.3.With the exception of the 1sg form mmO, they are formed by adding the genitive -N to the L-toned accusativepronouns.

The postnominal pronominal possessor follows the noun and any numerals and adjectives that modify it,but it precedes any determiners and quantifiers.As shown in (30)–(31), prenominal possessive pronouns are Check data for

2Although Jamsay is an exception; see Heath (2008).


not tone-controllers.

(30) kunnO

calabasho-N

you.sg-gen

‘your calabash’

(31) Sómùhorse

ı-N

we-genfúall

‘all our horses’

Refer to §4.3.4 for more examples of pronominal alienable possession.

6.3.1.3 Tone Contour of Alienably-Possessed Noun Modifiers

The following examples show PD-NPs modified in different ways:

(32) ìbràhímàIbrahim

ègùchild\ptc

sàlàbad\ptc

‘Ibrahima’s bad child’

(33) séédùSeydou

nààgùcow\ptc

nnófive

‘Seydou’s five cows’

(34) ámbágod

nàlèfriend\ptc

nàlìyòbeautiful

kóthat

‘that beautiful friend of God’

While the adjectives in both (32) and (34) take on the PTC, note that the determiner in the latter andthe numeral in (33) are unaffected. Even when part of a PD-NP, determiners, numerals (except ‘one’,see §4.7.1.1), and quantifiers retain their lexical tone. Therefore, the PR-NP amba ‘god’ keeps its lexicalcontour, but both nale ‘friend’ and nalıyo ‘good’ take the PTC (i.e. are tone-dropped). The demonstrativeko is still H-toned, unaffected by the PTC, and the same thing happens with quantifiers like fu ‘all’. Thisimperviousness occurs for reasons pertaining to the PR-NP’s scope, which extends to one tonosyntactic unitto its right. This “unit” is referred to as a “tonosyntactic island” in Heath and McPherson (to appear). APsand NPs form a tonosyntactic island and are therefore affected by tone-contour overlays together, but DPs,NumPs, and QPs are independent. Consult the cited paper for a more detailed analysis.

6.3.2 Inalienable Possession

6.3.2.1 Kin Terms and Similar Items

Some kin terms systematically exhibit an inversion of the noun and the possessive adjective. For example, tiiinformationterms; generate

non-inalienable‘cousin’ is preceded by a special form of the possessive pronoun, which is identical to the H-toned nominativecase pronouns (see §4.3.4). This is shown in (35) alongside a typical noun for comparison:

(35) a. léésùuncle

nàN

his

‘his uncle’


b. náhis

tíìcousin

‘his cousin’

Many (but not all) kin terms, which may be thought of as “inalienable,” exhibit this phenomenon. Examplesinclude nale ‘friend’ and ana ‘husband’ (but not yaa ‘wife’).

6.3.2.2 Tone Contour of Inalienably-Possessed Noun Modifiers

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6.3.3 Recursive Possession

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6.4 Numeral Phrase (NumP)

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6.4.1 Typical NumPs

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6.4.2 Adjective-Numeral Inversion

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6.5 NPs with Determiners

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6.5.1 Prenominal nnn ‘the (Afore-Mentioned)’

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6.5.2 Postnominal Demonstratives

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6.5.3 Definite Morphemes with Nouns

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6.6 Universal and Distributive Quantifiers

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6.6.1 ‘All’, ‘Each’ (fu)

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6.6.2 Quantifiers with Negation

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Chapter 7

Coordination

7.1 Conjunction (yaN ‘and’)

7.1.1 Phrase-Level Conjunction

Conjunction of NPs is done by means of the conjunct morpheme yaN,1 which follows each coordinand. The Add more for

Better conjunctionples

final velar nasal assimilates to the place of assimilation of a following consonant.

(36) a. ínààgoat

yàN

andkunnO

calabashyàN

and

‘a goat and a calabash’

b. Sómùhorse

yànand

náágùcow

yàN

and

‘a horse and a cow’

c. ánàman

yàñ

andyááwoman

yàmand

mbùN

housebèN

theiryàN

and

‘a man, a woman, and their house’

Coordination has no effect on the tones of nouns. There is no limit on the number of NPs that can becoordinated in this way. There are also no conventions on the ordering of coordinands (e.g. “you and I”versus “I and you”).

7.1.1.1 Conjunction with a Modifier or Postposition

When a modifier is used with each noun in a ConjP, it is typically repeated for each noun in the series. Add more forwith modifiers

7.1.2 Clause-Level Conjunction

The conjunction described above is only for NPs. For verbs and VPs, chaining mechanisms are used, as in(37) below. For more information on chaining verbs and predicates, see chapter 15.

1This is also the Dogulu word for ‘with’ in an accompaniment sense.

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42 A Grammar of Dogul Dom: Coordination

(37) míI

gìyón.dance

gìyé-Nv.dance-1sg.perf

nuNO

songNuNE-N

sing-1sg.perf

‘I danced (a dance) and sang (a song).’

Notice the lack of any conjunction morphemes.

7.2 Disjunction (maa ‘or’)

7.2.1 Phrase-Level Disjunction

Disjunction works similarly to conjunction in Dogulu, but the word for ‘or’ is ma‘a. The disjunction mor-on disjunction,examples pheme follows both coordinands in this instance, as well. The same examples from (36) are reworked in (38)

to show disjunction for comparative purposes:

(38) a. ínààgoat

mààor

kunnO

calabashmààor

‘a goat or a calabash’

b. Sómùhorse

mààor

náágùcow

mààor

‘a horse or a cow’c. ánà

manmààor

yááwoman

mààor

mbùN

housebèN

theirmààor

‘a man, a woman, or their house’

Notice that like conjunction, there are no tonal effects on the noun, and any number of NPs may becoordinated in this way. There are no conventions with disjunction with regard to the ordering of coordinands.

7.2.2 Clause-Level Disjunction

Clause-level disjunction is expressed with the method described in the previous section. The example belowmirrors the similar conjunction example in (37) for comparison:

(39) míI

gìyón.dance

gìyé-b-ùN

v.dance-imperf-1sgmààor

nuNO

songNuNE-b-uN

sing-imperf-1sgmààor

‘I will dance or sing a song.’

The disjunction morphemes follow the entire coordinated predicate, not just the verb (although at timesthere may be no difference).

Chapter 8

Postpositions and Adverbials

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8.1 Dative and Instrumental

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8.1.1 Dative

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8.1.2 Instrumental

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8.2 Locational Postpositions

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8.2.1 Locative, Allative, and Ablative Functions

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8.2.2 Simple and Complex PPs

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44 A Grammar of Dogul Dom: Postpositions and Adverbials

8.2.3 Locative ‘in, on’ (nnn)

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8.2.4 Locative nnn with Place Names

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8.2.5 ‘On (the Head of) X’ (nnn)

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8.2.6 ‘Next to, beside X’ (nnn)

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8.2.7 ‘In front of X’ (nnn)

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8.2.8 ‘Behind/after X’ (nnn)

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8.2.9 ‘Over X’ (nnn), ‘under X’ (nnn)

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8.2.10 ‘Between X and Y’ (nnn)

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8.2.11 ‘From X to Y’ (nnn)

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8.3 Purposive-Causal ‘for’ (nnn)

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A Grammar of Dogul Dom: Postpositions and Adverbials 45

8.4 Other Adverbs (or Equivalents)

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8.4.1 Similarity (nnn ‘like’)

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8.4.2 Extent (‘a Lot’, ‘a Little’)

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8.4.3 Specificity

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8.4.3.1 ‘Approximately’ (nnn)

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8.4.3.2 ‘Exactly’ (nnn)

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8.4.3.3 ‘Specifically’ (nnn)

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8.4.4 Evaluation

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8.4.4.1 ‘Well’ and ‘Badly’

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8.4.4.2 ‘Proper, Right, (Socially) Normal’ (nnn)

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8.4.5 Manner Adverbs

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46 A Grammar of Dogul Dom: Postpositions and Adverbials

8.4.6 Spatiotemporal Adverbs

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8.4.6.1 Temporal Adverbs

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8.4.6.2 ‘First’ (nnn)

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8.4.6.3 Spatial Adverbs

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8.4.7 Expressive Adverbials (EAs)

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8.4.8 ‘Flat and Wide’

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8.4.8.1 ‘Straight’ (nnn)

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8.4.8.2 ‘Apart, Separate’ (nnn)

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8.4.8.3 ‘Always’ (nnn) and ‘Never’ (nnn)

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8.4.8.4 ‘Exclusively, Together’ (nnn)

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8.4.8.5 ‘All, Entirely’ (nnn)

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A Grammar of Dogul Dom: Postpositions and Adverbials 47

8.4.9 Reduplicated Adverbials

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8.4.9.1 Distributive Adverbial Iteration

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8.4.9.2 ‘Scattered, Here and There’ (nnn)

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Chapter 9

Verbal Derivation

Dogulu has the standard set of morphological verbal derivations found in many Dogon languages. Thefirst several sections address verbs derived from other verbs: the reversive (§9.1), the causative (§9.2), themediopassive (§9.3), the transitive (§9.4), and the passive (§9.5). There is a brief discussion of unergativesand unaccusatives in §9.6 and of unusual morphological relationships between verbs in (§9.7). The chaptercloses with an overview of verbs from other parts of speech with an overview of verbal derivation fromadjectives (§9.8) and nouns (§9.9).

9.1 Reversive Verbs (-lE)

Reversive verbs have their semantic roots in the derivation from ‘do verb’ to ‘un-do verb’, although thisersivesmay not always be perfectly clear in practice. The affix to derive a reversive verb is -lE, which exhibits [atr]harmony with the verb. The affix takes its tone from the overall tonal contour of the underlying nonderivedverb form; in the case of the chaining form, this means that the affix will always appear H-toned becausethis form is underlyingly {LH} for all verbs.the restric-

the input to thee-affixation pro- Table 9.1 shows typical reversive verbs in Dogulu. While it includes the most common reversives, this list is

not exhaustive.

on reversive Derivative Verb Gloss Reversive Verb Gloss

ìré ‘close, shut’ ìllé, ìrèlé ‘open’dEbE ‘cover’ dEbElE ‘uncover’

kOmmE ‘tie’ kOmmElE ‘untie’ırE ‘forget’ ırElE ‘remember’

Table 9.1: Examples of typical reversive verbs in Dogulu with their derivative verbs and their glosses

The derivation of ‘close’ and ‘open’ is interesting from a morphophonological perspective because it involvescompensatory lengthening. Here, the -re of the original verb is dropped and the -l- of the affix is lengthenedin order to maintain the same number of morae within the word.

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A Grammar of Dogul Dom: Verbal Derivation 49

9.2 Causative Verbs (-mE)

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9.3 Mediopassive Verbs (-nnn)

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9.4 Transitive Verbs (-nnn)

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9.5 Passive Verbs (-nnn)

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9.6 Unergatives and Unaccusatives

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9.7 Obscure Verb-Verb Relationships

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9.8 Deadjectival Incohative and Factitive Verbs

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9.9 Denominal Verbs

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Chapter 10

Verbal Inflection

Dogulu has three moods in its verbal conjugation system: the indicative, the imperative, and the hortative.This chapter will detail each mood’s uses and outline its full conjugational paradigms after a brief discussionof verb stem shapes.

In the interest of keeping dozens of lengthy, full-page tables out of the main text of the grammar, all of theconjugational paradigms have been consolidated into two appendices. Appendix B shows the paradigms ofeach inflectional category (e.g. present perfect positive, past progressive negative). Appendix C shows thefull inflection for each class of verbs (e.g. bisyllabic [+atr], trisyllabic [-atr]).

10.1 Verb Stem Shapes

Lexical verbs1 range from one to four syllables. Because tonal contours play a big role in verbal inflection,all verb are, at minimum, bimoraic. When referencing lexical verbs, the bare chaining form (discussed inchapter 15) is used because the full conjugational paradigm can be constructed from this form.

While most Dogon languages exhibit a variety of basic stem shapes, Dogulu is significantly more restricted.There are no consonant-final verb stems attested: The stem in every verb in the data has a final -E or -e.2

The basic tonal contour of a stem takes the form {LH}, and for this reason even monosyllablic verbs arebimoraic. All nonfinal morae in the chaining form are L, and the final mora is H. This is equally true formonosyllables (dee ‘arrive’) and longer verbs (kıgılıye ‘go back’).

There are two major groups of verbs: [+atr] and [-atr]. The paradigms of each group are typically intandem, and for the most part, all verbs within each group pattern the same way regardless of stem shape.For ease of reference purposes, verb classes are referred to by their stem shape (e.g. CVV, NCV, CVCV)and their atr class, with “+” indicating [+atr] stems and “-” indicating [-atr] stems. For example, CVV+refers to all regular verbs with a [+atr] stem of the shape CVV; CVCV- includes regular verbs with a [-atr]stem of (C)VCV.

1Verbal derivatives of bisyllabic verbs may often be trisyllabic, but these occur outside the lexicon and so their discussionhas been left to chapter 9.

2With a quasi-exception in the outputs of longer verbs: See §10.1.6.

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A Grammar of Dogul Dom: Verbal Inflection 51

10.1.1 CVV Stems

While monosyllabic verbs are less common than bisyllabics, they do occur. No monomoraic verb of theshape CV has been found in order to accomodate the tone contours. Bimoraic monosyllabic verbs take onthe shape CVV or NCV (see §10.1.2). Table 10.1 is a comprehensive list of all lexical verbs with a CVVstem that have been encountered. Note that both possible [atr] classes, CVV+ and CVV-, are attested.

Verb Gloss

dee ‘arrive’gee ‘go out’nEE ‘drink’ñEE ‘eat’wEE ‘see’

Table 10.1: Lexical CVV verb stems in Dogulu

Both [atr] categories are present in the CVV class. This contrasts with some other Dogon languages likeNajamba in which monosyllabic [-atr] verbs are more common (Heath, 2010a). Although [-atr] verb stemsare much more common among the other stem classes, they are represented with relatively equal weighthere.

10.1.2 NCV Stems

It seems that in Dogulu, the NCV class is not so much a class but rather a single borrowing. The only verbfound with an NCV shape is ndE ‘give’, but it behaves identically to bisyllabic verbs. The preconsonantalnasal is moraic and substitutes for the first vowel in a bisyllabic verb. For this reason, the NCV class willnot be conjugated independently in paradigms and explanations.

10.1.3 Irregular Monosyllabic Verbs

At this point, all monosyllabic verbs in the data are regular.

10.1.4 Regular Bisyllabic Stems

Bisyllabic verbs form by far the largest group of vebs in Dogulu, and among them, the majority are of the[-atr] class. Bisyllabic stems may take any of the following shapes:

Shape Verb Gloss

CVCV- wul’E ‘look at’CVCV+ dame ‘speak’CVCCV- dONgE ‘push’CVCCV+ doNge ‘pound in mortar’

Table 10.2: Possible shapes of lexical bisyllabic verb stems in Dogulu with examples and glosses

Each of these shapes also has a form without an onset on the first syllable: ırE ‘forget’, onje ‘eat (a hardfruit)’. All bisyllabic stems have a short final syllable; this is probably related to the tonal contours that

52 A Grammar of Dogul Dom: Verbal Inflection

are part of the inflection. So far, no bisyllabic stem has been found with a long vowel in the first syllable,either. Verbs with a medial consonant cluster all of the shape CVNCV, with the nasal acting as a nonmoraiccoda to the first syllable rather than as the moraic part of a complex onset for the second (CVN.CV, notCV.NCV).3

10.1.5 Irregular Bisyllabic Stems

At this point, all bisyllabic verbs in the data are regular.

10.1.6 Trisyllabic and Quadrisyllabic Stems

While they occur very rarely, trisyllabic and quadrisyllabic stems are not at all common in Dogulu, or infact across the constituent languages of the Dogon family. Most of the lexically trisyllabic stems that havebeen collected are often truncated to be bisyllabic, and all of the lexically quadrisyllabic stems are usuallytruncated to be trisyllabic.

10.1.6.1 Lexically Trisyllabic Stems

All of the trisyllabic stems are listed and glossed in table 10.3 alongside their bisyllabic truncations. Theyhave the underlying shape CVCVCV, although the final syllable is /-yE/ and is often shortened to beCVCV. While the longer lexical form always ends in /-E/ or /-e/, the shortened form ends in /-i/ (becauseall trisyllabic verbs have this in the penultimate syllable). After the truncation, the <H> tone of the lastsyllable moves leftward onto the -i- in order to satisfy the requirement of stems to have a {LH} contour.These verbs are very uncommon, and to date only two have been discovered.

Lexical Form Truncation Gloss

nèndìyé nèndí ‘listen’malıyE màlí ‘wait’

Table 10.3: A comprehensive list of the lexically trisyllabic verb stems in Dogulu, shown alongside thetruncated form if one exists

10.1.6.2 Lexically Quadrisyllabic Stems

Quadrisyllabic stems are just as scarce as those which are trisyllabic, and all of them are usually shortenedto a trisyllabic form. Their shape is always CVCVCìyé, which is shortened to CVCVCí. All of these verbsare [+atr]. As with the trisyllabic stems, the <H> tone of the final syllable shifts left to maintain the {LH}contour. Table 10.4 lists all of the trisyllabic verbs found in the data.

10.2 Inflection of Regular Indicative Verbs

When compared with the majority of other Dogon languages, verbal inflection in Dogulu is surprisinglyregular, both morphologically and tonally. The basic structure of a typical verb in the indicative mood is

3Note that these observations are not intended to rule out possible verbs that have not been encountered. The exception tothis is the limitation on stem-final syllables to be monomoraic, as this is seems to be a restriction that affects the Dogon familyas a whole.


Lexical Form Truncation Gloss

kìgìlìyé kìgìlí ‘look at’nìnìlìyé nìnìlí ‘rest, relax’

Table 10.4: Possible shapes of lexical quadrisyllabic verb stems in Dogulu with examples and glosses

shown in (40).

(40) stem-Tense-Aspect-Negation-subject

The stem is always present, but certain inflectional categories may have a segmentally-null tense-aspect-negation (TAN) marker or subject suffix. For example, the present perfect positive has no segmentally-overtTAN marker; the 3sg typically has no overt subject marker. In these instances, the tonal contours distinguishthe verb from other possible forms.

10.2.1 Overview of TAN Categories

The lines between tense and aspect are notoriously fuzzy and mutable across languages, and most of thetime they aren’t quite set in stone within a particular language, either. In Dogulu, the tense-aspect systemis centralized on the distinction between the perfect and the imperfective aspects, with small crossovers intothe progressive and the experiential, and some tense inflection, as well. These are then subdivided on thebasis of negation (positive and negative). This four-sided system is the foundation for the basic inflectionalcategories of Dogulu.

Table 10.5 details all of the inflectional categories that appear in the data, along with examples and glossesof each category for the verb jobe ‘run’. The 1pl form has been used both for consistency and because it istypically regular.

Category Example Gloss

imperfective positive jòbé-b-ì ‘we run’imperfective negative jòbé-nn-ì ‘we don’t run’present progressive positive jóbè-là-jù-ì ‘we are running’present progressive negative jóbè-là-jù-nn-ì ‘we are not running’past progressive positive jóbè-là-bìyE-ì ‘we were running’past progressive negative jóbè-là-bìyá-ì ‘we were not running’present perfect positive jòbé-ì ‘we ran’present perfect negative jòbáá-l-ì ‘we did not run’past perfect positive jòbè-bìyE-ì ‘we had run’past perfect negative jòbè-bìyáá-l-ì ‘we had not run’present experiential positive jòbè-tì-jù-í ‘we have run before’present experiential negative jòbè-táá-l-ì ‘we have never run’

Table 10.5: A list of the indicative inflectional categories of Dogulu verbs, with examples and glosses

See §10.2.1.1 for a list of the inflectional affixes found in Dogulu, to the exception of pronominal suffixes(§10.5). Each of the inflectional categories above is analyzed in detail and presented with a number ofexamples in §10.3–10.4.


10.2.1.1 Analysis of TAN Affixes

All of the TAN affixes in the data are shown in table 10.6. Each is ascribed a general meaning and is shownwith a list of categories in which each affix occurs. Also listed is whether the affix can be considered to carryinformation primarily about tense, aspect, or negation. See table 10.5 (§10.2.1) for examples and glosses.

Affix Primary Meaning Inflectional Categories T/A/N

b imperfective present imperfective positive Aspect

biye past

past progressive positive

Tensepast progressive negativepast perfect positivepast perfect negative

ju presentpresent progressive positive

Tensepresent progressive negativepresent experiential positive

l negativepresent perfect negative

Negationpast perfect negativepresent experiential negative

la progressive

present progressive positive

Aspectpresent progressive negativepast progressive positivepast progressive negative

nn negativepresent imperfective negative

Negationpresent progressive negative

ti experientialpresent experiential positive

Aspectpresent experiential negative

Table 10.6: A list of the TAN affixes that occur in Dogulu verbs, with their typical meanings and thecategories in which the are found

This table is designed solely as a tool for ease of reference. Please keep in mind that most these morphemesdo not fall as perfectly into semantic categories as it may appear based on the table. The lines are verymuddy and the semantic categories overlap significantly. In fact, only the aspect morphemes la and ti canbe so easily contained in a one-word descriptor.

10.2.1.2 TAN Affxes or Chained Auxiliary Verbs?

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10.3 Positive Indicative TAN Categories

As one may surmise from the table above, only negation is overtly marked on verbs. All of the positiveclasses are simply unmarked with regard to negation. Of the four aspects perfect, progressive, imperfect,and experiential, the present/past tense distinction cross-cuts the former two. These will be addressed first,followed by the latter.


10.3.1 Perfect Positive System

There are two tenses within the perfect positive system: the present perfect and the past perfect (or pluper-fect).

10.3.1.1 Present Perfect Positive

The present perfect is formed by adding the personal endings directly to the stem. This inflectional categoryuses no TAN affixes. Furthermore, the present perfect tense has these other characteristics:

1. in verbs with bisyllabic stems, the final -E is dropped from the stem in bisyllabic (and NCV) verbs inthe 3pl form;

2. in monosyllabics, trisyllabics, and quadrisyllabics, the initial -i- of the 3pl subject ending is droppedinstead; and

3. the tone contour for the first and second persons is {LH}, while for the third person it’s {HL}.

The table in appendix B.1.1 shows each verb class conjugated in the present perfect positive. See appendixC for the full paradigmatic conjugation of each verb class in each tense.

A few simple sentences are shown below as examples:

(41) a. ínààgoat

fúall

EbE-ìbuy-1pl.perf

‘We’ve bought all the goats.’

b. EnnE

windkélècold

nEE-ødrink-3sg.perf

‘He drank in the cold air’ (MN01_2011_6_30_Story_A1)

The meaning of the present perfect is rather simple. It is typically best translated as ‘I verb-ed’ or ‘I haveverb-ed’.

10.3.1.2 Past Perfect Positive

The past perfect is formed by adding the past tense affix bıyE to the stem, followed by the personal endings.The following items should also be considered with this inflectional category:

1. the -E- of the TAN affix and the -o of the 2sg affix coalesce to become -O: /bunde-bıyE-o/ → [bunde-

bıy-O];2. the 2pl ending adopts the [atr] feature of the TAN affix: bunde-bıyE-e/ → [bunde-bıyE-E];4

3. the -E- of the TAN affix and the -i- of the 3pl ending are both dropped in the interest of harmonybetween the two glide segments: /bunde-bıyE-ıya/ → [bunde-bıy-ya];

4. the tonal contour of all persons is {LH(L)}, with the H falling on the final more before the personalending;

5. in the 2sg (in which the H syllable coalesces with the personal ending) and the 3sg forms, the H fallson the final mora.


Example (42) below shows the past perfect in use.

4For a description of vowel coalescence in Dogulu, see §3.4.7.2.


(42) a. é-wèchild-pl

séwáárSevare

bOlE-bıy-ya

go.away-pst.perf-3pl‘The children had gone to Sevare.’

b. náhe

kunnO

calabashnéégètwo

EbE-bıyE-øbuy-pst.perf-3sg

‘He had bought two calabashes.’

The past perfect is often translated as ‘I had verb-ed’ (or occasionally ‘I verb-ed (before. . . )’ in less formaltranslation).

10.3.2 Progressive Positive System

There are two tenses within the perfect positive system: the present progressive and the past progressive.For both subcategories, bisyllabic verbs have an optional truncated form in which the -l- of the progressiveTAN affix -la- is deleted and the -a- coalesces with the -E of the verb stem. This turns (e.g.) the 1sg presentprogressive bOlE-la-ju-N into bOlaa-ju-N (from bOle ‘leave’).

10.3.2.1 Present Progressive Positive

This inflectional category is formed by adding two TAN affixes: the progressive -la- and then the present-ju-. The suffixal pronouns are attached after this. There are two points of interest:

1. the tone contour of every form is {HL}, with the H falling only on the first mora;2. the -u- of the -ju- affix is lost before a non-high vowel, but not before another high vowel: compare

2sg bunde-la-j-o with 1pl bunde-la-ju-ı.


(43) a. kándánow

séwáárSevare

bOlE-la-ju-N

go-prog-pres-1sg

‘I’m going to Sevare now.’b. dùmàndá

n.walkdumE-la-ju-ıya

v.walk-prog-pres-3pl

‘They are taking a walk.’

The present progressive is translated by the English ‘I am (currently) verb-ing (now)’ or perhaps ‘I amverb-ing (right now)’.

10.3.2.2 Past Progressive Positive

The formation of the past progressive positive can be conceptualized rather simply with relation to the threeinflectional categories described above. Like the present progressive positive (§10.3.2.1), its structure is thecombination of the aspectual marker for the progressive, -la-, and a tense affix, both of which are added tothe stem. Unlike its present counterpart, however, the tense affix is the past affix -biyE-. This affix undergoesthe same vocalic changes when adding the personal suffixes as described in items 1–3 of §10.3.1.2. The tonalcontour of this inflectional category is {HL}, again with the H falling only on the first mora.



An example of the past progressive are shown below:

(44)

(45) míI

ínààgoat

EbE-la-bıyE-N

buy-prog-pst-1sg

‘I was buying a goat [e.g. when something happened].’

The past progressive is translated ‘I was verb-ing (at that time).’

10.3.3 Imperfective Positive

The imperfective aspect is not divided by the present/past tense distinction, so there is only one all-purposesemantically-present imperfective inflectional category in the positive. It’s formed adding the imperfectiveaspect marker -b- to the stem and then affixing the pronominal endings. There are a few peculiarities:

1. in the 1sg form, a -u- is epenthesized to break up the bN cluster;2. the 3sg form has no personal ending, meaning it simply ends in -b;3. for bisyllabic (and NCV) verbs, the final vowel of the stem is lengthened;4. the tonal contour of the full form is {LH(L)}, with the H falling on the final mora of the stem.5

The table in appendix B.1.5 shows each verb class conjugated in the present imperfective positive. Seeappendix C for the full paradigmatic conjugation of each verb class in each tense.

The imperfective is an important category in Dogulu because it does double duty, serving both as the presenttense and the future tense.

(46) a. gèégo.out

bElE-b-øcan-imperf-3sg

‘I can go out.’b. EEnı

tomorrowkıgılıye-b-uN

go.back-imperf-1pl

‘I will go back tomorrow.’

As the examples show, the best translations are typically ‘I verb’ for the present and ‘I will verb’ for thefuture interpretation.

10.3.4 Experiential Positive

The experiential aspect is also undivided with regard to tense, with only one form in its positive system.Like the imperfective, it is also semantically present. To form the experiential positive, add the experientialaspect marker -ti- to the stem, and then add the present marker -ju-. The inflectional endings follow, withthe same vowel interactions described for the present progressive positive in §10.3.2.1. This category has thefollowing tonal features:

1. all forms except the 3pl have the contour {LH}, with the H falling on the final mora;2. in the 3pl, the H falls on the final mora of the stem (bunde-tı-ju-ıya), taking on the contour {LHL}.

The table in appendix B.1.6 shows each verb class conjugated in the present experiential positive. Seeappendix C for the full paradigmatic conjugation of each verb class in each tense.

The experiential negative is often used in questions and answers, as shown in (47).5For bisyllabic/NCV stems with a lengthened vowel, this H falls on the final two morae.


(47) a. bámákóBamako

bOlE-ti-j-o

go-exper-pres-2sg

‘Have you ever been to Bamako?

b. ííòòyes

bOlE-ti-ju-N

go-exper-pres-1pl

‘Yes, I have been to Bamako.’

In the positive, the best translations for the experiential aspect are (as a question) ‘Have you ever verb-ed?’and (as a response) ‘I have verb-ed (before)’, with the appropriate changes made with regard to person andnumber.

10.4 Negative Indicative TAN Categories

The negation of any given inflectional category is formed by adding one of the two negative morphemesimmediately before the personal ending. These morphemes are -l- and -nn-, but they are not interchangeable.The former is used with tenses that refer to action done in the past, regardless of the tense of the verb withregard to the time of utterance. Therefore, -l- is used with the past progressive, the present perfect, the pastperfect, and the experiential. The -nn- morpheme is used with tenses that refer to present or future action:the present progressive and the imperfective.

It should be noted that the -l- morpheme triggers a systematic phonological change in the verb. The vowelimmediately preceding this negation morpheme becomes -aa-, regardless of whether that vowel is part of thestem or another TAN morpheme. Therefore, the present perfect positive bOlE-N ‘I went’ becomes bOlaa-l-uN

‘I didn’t go’. In every category except the past progressive negative, this -aa- is the only H tone in the verb.

There is one minor exception to this vowel change. In CVV [+atr] verbs, the original vowel is retainedand the stem becomes Còòwáá- (instead of *Cáá-). Therefore, the 1sg of gee ‘go out’ in the present perfectnegative is goowaa-l-uN, not *gaa-luN. This exception only effects the present perfect negative (§10.4.1.1) andone configuration of the past perfect negative (§10.4.1.2). CVV [-atr] verbs are regular, however: comparegoowaa-l-uN with the same form for wEE ‘see’, which is waa-l-uN ‘.’

Both -l- and -nn- require the epenthesis of a -u- before the 1sg ending to break up the -bN- cluster.

The negation of inflectional categories follows the same distinctions as the positive: the perfect and progres-sive are cross-cut into present and past, while the imperfective and the experiential are not divided. Eachof these will be addressed below.

10.4.1 Perfect Negative System

The tenses in the perfect negative system mirror those in the positive: the present perfect and the pastperfect (or pluperfect).

10.4.1.1 Present Perfect Negative

The present perfect negative is formed by adding the -l- negation morpheme to the stem, after changing thefinal -E vowel to -aa-. The personal endings are added after this. The tonal contour of the verb is {LHHL},with the H on the -aa- and all other vowels with a L-tone. See §10.4 for a note on the vowel change here.

The table in appendix B.2.1 shows each verb class conjugated in the present perfect negative. See appendixC for the full paradigmatic conjugation of each verb class in each tense.


(48) séwáárSevare

bOlaa-l-ı

go-neg-1pl

‘We didn’t go to Sevare.’

The best translation for the present perfect negative is ‘I didn’t verb’.

10.4.1.2 Past Perfect Negative

The past perfect negative is a unique tense in that it has two equally acceptable forms. In the first, the-l- negation morpheme is added to the past perfect positive form after changing the final -E of the pastmorpheme -biyE- into -aa-. The personal endings follow. The tonal contour of the past perfect negative is{LHHL}, with the H on the -aa- and all other morae being L.

The second form inverts the tense and negation morphemes. The -l- negation morpheme is affixed directlyto the stem (whose final vowel -e or -E change to -aa-. The tense morpheme -biyE- affixes to this (with noepenthesized vowel), and the personal endings follow.

Following this pattern, then, there are two possible forms for ‘she had not come’: mEnE-bıyaa-l-ø and mEnaa-

l-bıyE-ø.

The table in appendix ?? shows each verb class conjugated in the past perfect negative. See appendix C forthe full paradigmatic conjugation of each verb class in each tense. In both appendices the forms followingmEnE-bıyaa-l-ø and mEnaa-l-bıyE-ø are listed as Past Perfect Negative I and II, respectively.

(49) náhe

yááwoman

wEE-bıyaa-l-øsee-past-neg-3sg

‘He had not seen the woman.’

The past perfect negative is typically rendered as ‘I had not verb-ed (before X)’ in English.

10.4.2 Progressive Negative System

The progressive negative system has two forms: the present progressive and the past progressive.

10.4.2.1 Present Progressive Negative

The present progressive negative is formed by adding the -nn- negation morpheme to the present progressivepositive form, followed by the personal endings. The tonal contour is {HL} with the H on the first moraalone.

The table in appendix B.2.4 shows each verb class conjugated in the present progressive negative. Seeappendix C for the full paradigmatic conjugation of each verb class in each tense.

(50) éyou.pl

ñEE-la-ju-nn-e

eat-prog-pres-neg-3pl

‘You are not eating.’

The present progressive negative is translated ‘I am not verb-ing (right now)’.


10.4.2.2 Past Progressive Negative

To form the past progressive negative, the -l- negation morpheme is added to the past progressive positiveform and the past morpheme -biyE- becomes -bıyaa-. The personal endings are added to the end. The tonalcontour is {HLHHL}, with a H on the first mora as well as on the two of the -aa-.

The table in appendix B.2.5 shows each verb class conjugated in the past progressive negative. See appendixC for the full paradigmatic conjugation of each verb class in each tense.

(51) Pñı

waternEE-la-bıyaa-l-ødrink-prog-past-neg-3sg

‘He wasn’t drinking the water.’

The past progressive negative is translated ‘I was not verb-ing (then)’.

10.4.3 Present Imperfective Negative

The present imperfective negative is formed by adding the -nn- negation morpheme to the stem, followed bythe personal endings. The tonal contour is {LHL} with the H on the final mora before the negation marker.

The table in appendix B.2.6 shows each verb class conjugated in the present imperfective negative. Seeappendix C for the full paradigmatic conjugation of each verb class in each tense.

(52) nùNó’‘on.song

nuNE-nn-uN

sing-neg-1sg

‘I won’t sing a song.’

The present imperfective negative is typically translated ‘I don’t verb’ or ‘I won’t verb’.

10.4.4 Present Experiential Negative

The present experiential negative is formed by adding the -l- negation morpheme to the experiential positive,and the experiential marker is changed from -ti- to -taa-. The personal endings follow the negative morpheme.The tonal contour is {LHHL} with the H on the -aa- triggered by the negation marker.

The table in appendix B.2.7 shows each verb class conjugated in the present experiential negative. Seeappendix C for the full paradigmatic conjugation of each verb class in each tense.

(53) amErik

AmericabOlE-taa-l-ıya

go-exper-neg-3pl

‘They have never been to the US.’

The present experiential negative is typically translated ‘I have never verb-ed (before)’.

10.5 Pronominal Inflectional Affixes

The person and number of an inflected verb is expressed on a pronominal suffix that follows the typicalthree-person singular-plural distinctions. Table 10.7 shows these suffixes and, if applicable, their allomorphs.


Person Singular Plural

1 -N -i2 -o -e3 u, -ø -iya, -n, -uniya

Table 10.7: The pronominal affixes for inflected verbs in Dogulu, divided by person and number

Only the third person forms have allomorphs; the other persons are very regular. Although in most tenses the3sg ending is -ø, a few tenses (in particular the imperfective negative [§10.4.3] and perhaps the experientialnegative [§10.4.4]) consistently have -u. It seems likely that the -u ending was originally consistent as the3sg ending throughout the entire verbal paradigm but has since been lost to u-apocope (see §3.4.5).

The allomorphs of the 3pl forms are triggered by their phonological and morphological environments. The serious rewritingending -iya is acceptable in any TAN category, but the other two have specific restrictions on where theymay occur. The ending -n may only occur in tenses where the final TAN morpheme has an underlying -u-as its final segment6 and in which data on 3pl ending

which forms canwhich ending

10.5.1 Vowel-Consonant Interactions with TAN Affixes

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10.5.2 Tones of Subject Pronominal Affixes

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10.6 Stative Forms of Verbs

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10.6.1 Stative Positive

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10.6.2 Stative Negative (-nnn-)

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10.7 Temporal Clitics and Particles

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6Note that this final segment is typically found in the first person singular, also.


10.7.1 Past Clitic/Cartical (-nnn)

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10.7.1.1 Past Imperfective

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10.7.1.2 Past Progressive

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10.7.1.3 Past Perfect

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10.7.1.4 Past Experiential

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10.7.1.5 Past Stative

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10.7.2 ‘Still’, ‘up to Now’, ‘(Not) Yet’

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10.8 Imperatives and Hortatives

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10.8.1 Imperatives and Prohibitives

The formation of the imperative and the prohibitive (imperative negative) is described below.

10.8.1.1 Imperative

The formation of the imperative is a very regular process, and this form is very useful in determining towhich [atr] class a verb belongs. In the singular, [+atr] verbs end change the -e- of the stem to -o-. For[-atr] verbs, the -E- changes to -a-. All imperatives have a simple {H} contour. The plural affix is -N.

The table in appendix B.3.1 shows each verb class conjugated in the imperative. See appendix C for the fullparadigmatic conjugation of each verb class in each tense.


(54) a. nàhim

búndó-ø!hit-2sg

‘Hit him!’

b. ínààgoat

Eba-N!buy-2pl

‘Buy a goat!’

The imperative has an understood second person subject, with the translation often corresponding to theEnglish ‘(you) verb!’.

10.8.1.2 Prohibitive

The formation of the prohibitive is also very regular. For all forms, the prohibitive ending -la- is added to aL-toned stem. All prohibitives have a {LH} contour, with the only H tone falling on the prohibitive marker.The plural affix is -N.

The table in appendix B.3.2 shows each verb class conjugated in the prohibitive. See appendix C for the fullparadigmatic conjugation of each verb class in each tense.

(55) a. óyour

tíìcousin

bùndè-ø!hit-prohib-2sg

‘Don’t hit your cousin!’

b. náágùgoat

EbE-la-N!buy-prohib-2pl

‘Don’t buy a cow!’

The prohibitive also has an understood second person subject, with a typical English translation as ‘Don’t(you) verb!’.

10.8.2 Hortatives

The hortative is an interesting mood semantically because it implies an interesting situation. It typicallyinvolves the speaker trying to encourage one or more people to do something. In Dogulu, the hortativeappears in a positive and negative form.

10.8.2.1 Hortative Positive

The hortative positive is formed by adding the hortative marker -ma- to a L verb stem. The unmarked formhas a dual meaning, said by one person to one other person. The plural marker is -N, as with the imperativeand prohibitive of §10.8.1. This is said by one person to a group of two or more people.

The table in appendix B.3.3 shows each verb class conjugated in the hortative positive. See appendix C forthe full paradigmatic conjugation of each verb class in each tense.

(56) a. bOlE-ma!-øgo-hort-1.dual

‘Let’s (you and me) go!’


b. búúmoney

nà-ýhim-dat

ndE-ma-N

give-hort-1.pl

‘Let’s give him (some) money.’

The hortative positive has an understood 1pl subject, translated by the English ‘Let’s verb’.

10.8.2.2 Hortative Negative

The hortative negative is formed very differently from the hortative positive. In the dual form, it’s composedof a fully {H} stem, the negative marker -nn-, and the 1pl ending -i. In the trial form, the stem of the verbhas the final -E- changed to an -O-. The negative marker -nn- is attached to this, followed by the 1pl ending-i-, and then a plural marker -ya is affixed to the end. All hortative negative forms are {H}-toned.

The table in appendix B.3.4 shows each verb class conjugated in the hortative negative. See appendix C forthe full paradigmatic conjugation of each verb class in each tense.

(57) a. bOlE-nn-ı-øgo-neg-1st-dual

‘Let’s not go!’

b. búúmoney

nà-ýhim-dat

ndO-nn-ı-ya

give-hort-1st-pl

‘Let’s not give him (any) money.’

The hortative negative also has an understood 1pl subject, translated by the English ‘Let’s not verb’.

10.8.3 Special Hortatives

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Chapter 11

Structure of Clauses, VPs, andPredicates

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11.1 Clausal Constituents

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11.1.1 Subjects

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11.1.1.1 In Indicative Main Clauses

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11.1.1.2 In Relative and Complement Clauses

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11.1.1.3 With Imperatives and Hortatives

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11.1.1.4 with Lexicalized Subject-Verb Combinations

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66 A Grammar of Dogul Dom: Structure of Clauses and Predicates

11.1.2 Simple Transitives

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11.1.2.1 Direct Objects

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11.1.2.2 kanE ‘Do’ with Onomatopoeias and Loanwords

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11.1.2.3 Lexicalized Verb-Object Combinations

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11.1.2.4 Forms of Cognate Nominals Associated with Verbs

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11.1.2.5 Grammatical Status of Cognate Nominals

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11.1.3 Clauses with Additional Arguments and Adjuncts

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11.1.3.1 Syntax of Expressive Adverbials

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11.1.3.2 Adverbial Phrases with Motion and Stative Verbs

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11.1.4 Verb Phrases

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11.2 Statives and Inchoatives

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A Grammar of Dogul Dom: Structure of Clauses and Predicates 67

11.2.1 Presentative Clitics

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11.2.1.1 Positive (‘It Is’)

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11.2.1.2 Negative (‘It Isn’t’)

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11.2.2 Existential and Locative Particles and Quasi-Verbs

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11.2.2.1 Existential Particle (nnn)

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11.2.2.2 Locative-Existential ‘Be ‘Somewhere)’

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11.2.2.3 Other Stative Locational Quasi-Verbs (‘Be in/on’)

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11.2.2.4 Stative Quasi-Verbs of Stance or Position

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11.2.3 ‘Become’, ‘Happen’, and ‘Remain’ Predicates

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11.2.3.1 ‘Become, Be Transformed into’ (nnn)

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11.2.3.2 ‘Happen’ (nnn)

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68 A Grammar of Dogul Dom: Structure of Clauses and Predicates

11.2.3.3 ‘Remain’ (nnn)

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11.2.4 Mental and Emotional Statives

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11.2.4.1 ‘Know’ (nnn)

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11.2.4.2 ‘Want, Like’ (nnn)

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11.2.5 Quotative Verb nnn ‘say’

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11.3 Adjectival Predicates

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11.3.1 Positive

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11.3.2 Negative

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11.4 Possessive Predicates

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11.4.1 ‘X Have Y’ (nnn)

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A Grammar of Dogul Dom: Structure of Clauses and Predicates 69

11.4.2 ‘Y Belong to X’ Predicates

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11.5 Uninflected Verb Iteration

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Chapter 12

Comparatives

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12.1 Asymmetrical Comparatives

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12.1.1 Predicate Adjectives with nnn ‘than’ and Comparandum

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12.1.2 Verbal Predicate with nnn ‘than’

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12.1.3 ‘Surpass’ (nnn)

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12.1.4 ‘Be Better, Be More’ (nnn)

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12.1.5 ‘Best’ (nnn)

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A Grammar of Dogul Dom: Comparatives 71

12.2 Symmetrical Comparatives

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12.2.1 ‘Equal, Be as Good as’ (nnn)

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12.2.2 ‘Same (Equal)’ (nnn)

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12.2.3 ‘Attain, Equal’ (nnn)

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12.3 ‘A Fortiori’ (nnn)

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Chapter 13

Focus and Interrogation

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13.1 Focus

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13.1.1 Basic Syntax of Focus

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13.1.1.1 Focus-Able Constituents

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13.1.1.2 Linear Position

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13.1.1.3 Form of the Focused Constituent

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13.1.1.4 Form of the Following Verb

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13.1.1.5 Effects on Verb Duplication

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A Grammar of Dogul Dom: Focus and Interrogation 73

13.1.1.6 Other Effects of Focus

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13.1.2 Subject Focus

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13.1.3 Object Focus

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13.1.4 PP or Adverb Focus

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13.1.5 PP Complement Focus

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13.1.6 Verb or VP Focus

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13.2 Interrogatives

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13.2.1 Polar Interrogatives

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13.2.2 ‘Who?’ nnn

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13.2.3 ‘What?’ nnn, ‘with What?’, ‘Why?’

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74 A Grammar of Dogul Dom: Focus and Interrogation

13.2.4 ‘Where?’ nnn

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13.2.5 ‘When?’ nnn

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13.2.6 ‘How?’ nnn

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13.2.7 ‘How Much/Many?’ nnn

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13.2.8 ‘Which?’ nnn

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13.2.9 ‘So-and-So?’ nnn

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13.2.10 Embedded Interrogatives

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Chapter 14

Relativization

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14.1 Overview of Relative Clauses

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14.2 Head NumP

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14.2.1 Relative Clause Tone-Dropping

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14.2.2 Restrictions on the Head of a Relative Clause

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14.2.3 Conjoined NP as a Head

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14.2.4 Headless relative Clause

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76 A Grammar of Dogul Dom: Relativization

14.3 Preverbal Subject Pronoun in Non-Subject Relative Clauses

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14.4 Verbs in Relative Clause

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14.4.1 Participles of Positive Verbs

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14.4.1.1 Perfect System

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14.4.1.2 Imperfective System and Statives

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14.4.2 Participles of Negative Verbs

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14.4.2.1 Perfect System

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14.4.2.2 Imperfective System and Statives

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14.4.3 Participle of Past Clitic (-nnn)

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14.5 Relative Clauses with Verb Chains

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A Grammar of Dogul Dom: Relativization 77

14.6 Late-NP Elements

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14.6.1 Determiners

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14.6.2 Free Plural Particle (nnn)

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14.6.3 Quantifiers

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14.7 Syntactic Relationship to NP

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14.7.1 Subject Relative Clauses

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14.7.2 Object Relative Clauses

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14.7.3 Possessor Relative Clauses

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14.7.4 Relativization on a PP Complement

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Chapter 15

VP Chaining and Adverbial Clauses

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15.1 Direct Chains

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15.1.1 Gerunds of Chained Verbs

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15.1.2 Presence of TAN Morphemes in Direct Chains

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15.1.3 Arguments of Chained Verbs

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15.1.4 Negation of Chained Verbs

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15.1.5 Chains including bOlE ‘Leave’

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15.1.6 Chains with Motion Verbs

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A Grammar of Dogul Dom: VP Chaining and Adverbial Clauses 79

15.1.7 Durative Verb Iterations Chained to Motion Verbs

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15.1.8 Chains Including nnn ‘Be/Do Together’

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15.1.9 Chains Including nnn ‘Go with, Take Along’

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15.2 Overt Subordinating Morphemes

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15.2.1 Temporal Simultaneity

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15.2.1.1 Noun-Headed Temporal Clauses (‘at the Time When. . . ’)

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15.2.1.2 Background Durative Clauses (nnn)

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15.2.1.3 Imperfective Subordinator (-nnn)

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15.2.1.4 Imperfective -nnn on Activity Verbs with Time-of-Day Verbs

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15.2.1.5 Imperfective -nnn with nnn ‘Be’

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15.2.1.6 ‘Since. . . ’ Clauses (nnn)

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80 A Grammar of Dogul Dom: VP Chaining and Adverbial Clauses

15.2.2 Adverbial Clauses with Chronological Sequencing

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15.2.2.1 With nnn ‘and Then’ (Different Subject, Anterior)

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15.2.2.2 With nnn ‘and Then’ (Same Subject, Anterior)

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15.2.2.3 With nnn ‘and Then’ (Same Subject, Anterior, Future)

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15.2.2.4 With nnn ‘No Sooner Did. . . , than. . . ’

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15.2.3 Chronological Reversal (‘before. . . ’)

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15.3 Spatial and Manner Adverbials

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15.3.1 Spatial Adverbial Clause (‘Where. . . ’)

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15.3.2 Manner Adverbial Clause (‘How. . . ’)

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15.3.3 Headless Adverbial Clause

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15.3.4 ‘From X to (until, All the Way to)’ Y

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A Grammar of Dogul Dom: VP Chaining and Adverbial Clauses 81

15.3.5 ‘As Though. . . ’ Clauses

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Chapter 16

Conditional Constructions

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16.1 Hypothetical Conditionals with nnn ‘if’

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16.1.1 Antecedent Clause with Pronominal Subject Suffix

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16.1.2 ‘Unless’ Antecedent

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16.2 Alternative ‘if’ Particles

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16.2.1 ‘Even if. . . ’ (nnn)

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16.2.2 ‘As Soon as...’ (nnn)

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A Grammar of Dogul Dom: Conditional Constructions 83

16.3 Disjunctive Antecedents (‘Whether X or Y. . . ’

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16.4 Counterfactual Conditionals

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Chapter 17

Complement and Purposive Clauses

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17.1 Quotative Complement

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17.1.1 Direct vs. Indirect Speech

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17.1.2 ‘Say that. . . ’ with Inflectable ‘Say’ (nnn)

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17.1.3 Quotative Particle (wa)

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17.1.4 Jussive Complement

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17.1.4.1 Quoted Imperative

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17.1.4.2 Embedded Hortative

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A Grammar of Dogul Dom: Complement and Purposive Clauses 85

17.2 Factive (Indicative) Complement

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17.2.1 ‘Know that. . . ’ Clauses

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17.2.2 ‘See (Find, Hear) that. . . ’ Clauses

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17.2.2.1 Direct Perception Construction

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17.2.2.2 Recognition (Inference or Hearsay Construction

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17.3 Gerund Complement

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17.3.1 Structure of Gerund Phrase

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17.3.2 ‘Prevent’ (nnn)

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17.3.3 ‘Dare’ (nnn)

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17.3.4 ‘Consent’ (nnn)

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86 A Grammar of Dogul Dom: Complement and Purposive Clauses

17.3.5 ‘Cease, Stop’ (nnn)

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17.3.6 ‘Want’ (nnn)

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17.3.7 ‘Forget’ (nnn)

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17.3.8 ‘Have to’, ‘Must’ (nnn)

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17.3.9 ‘Be Afraid to’ (nnn)

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17.3.10 ‘Begin’ (nnn)

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17.3.11 ‘Finish’ (nnn)

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17.4 Locative Gerund and Other Nominal Complements

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17.4.1 ‘Help’ (nnn)

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17.5 Direct Chain Complements

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A Grammar of Dogul Dom: Complement and Purposive Clauses 87

17.5.1 ‘Be Able to’, ‘can’ (nnn)

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17.6 Purposive, Causal, and Locative Clauses

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17.6.1 In PPs with nnn ‘For’

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17.6.2 With Imperfective Participle

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17.6.3 With Verbs of Motion

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17.6.4 Causal Clause with ‘Because’ (nnn)

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17.6.5 ‘Because of’ (nnn)

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Chapter 18

Anaphora

Anaphora are morphemes which are coindexed with a sentence-internal antecedent. The Dogon languagesvary greatly with regard to the manifestation of anaphora and the lines drawn between the categories.Anaphora in Dogulu are diverse, with each category of anaphor having a distinct morphological compositionsyntactic behavior. Dogulu has reflexive anaphora (with a clause-internal antecedent, §18.1), emphaticpronouns (as in “I did it myself,” §18.2), reciprocal pronouns (“each other,” §18.3), logophoric pronouns(with an antecedent that is the author of a quoted statement, §18.4.1), and topic-indexing anaphora (witha preposed topical NP as an antecedent, §18.4.2).

18.1 Reflexives

Reflexive pronouns are anaphora which have an antecedent in the same clause, as in ‘He hurt himself’. Eachmajor function (object, PP complement, possessor) of reflexives in Dogulu is addressed in turn and presentedwith examples.

18.1.1 Reflexive Object (kııgu poss)

Reflexive objects in Dogulu take the form kııgu poss, which translates as ‘poss’s head’. Literally, then, asentence such as ‘He hurt himself’ would translate as ‘He hurt his head’. For all persons and both numbers,the possessive pronoun is the typical postnominal genitive form discussed in §4.3.4 and has no apparentmodification in this context.

(58) kíígùhead

è-Nyou.pl-gen

bùndé-èhit-2pl.perf

“You (all) hit yourselves.”


kíígùhead

nà-Nhe-gen

búndè-øhit-3sg.perf

“Amadou hit himself.”

Notice in (59) that kııgu maintains its lexical tone instead of taking on the {L} PTC (§6.3.1). Althoughaamadu and the antecedent of naN have the same referent, aamadu does not syntactically possess kııgu. Thesense here is one of a subject-object relationship (“Amadou-hit-head”) rather than of a possessor-possessedrelationship (“Amadou’s-head-hit-itself”).

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A Grammar of Dogul Dom: Anaphora 89

18.1.2 Reflexive PP Complement (nnn, nnn)

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18.1.3 Reflexive Possessors (nnn, nnn)

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18.1.4 Antecedent-Reflexive Relationships in Conjuncts

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18.2 Emphatic Pronouns (nnn, nnn)

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18.3 Reciprocals

“Reciprocals” here is used to refer both to the distributive “each other” sense and to the collective “together” Anaph: Finishsense. A discussion of each is presented independently below.

18.3.1 Simple Reciprocals (noo fu nabO)

Reciprocal forms are typically plural in referentiality and is semantically coreferenced in a distributive waywith the subject. In Dogulu, reciprocity expressed by the phrase ‘all the people recp’, or noo fu nabO. AnEnglish sentence such as ‘They hurt each other’ would be rendered as ‘They hurt all the people recp’.

(60) nóópeople

fúall

nabO

recpbúndè-ìhit-1pl.perf

“We hit each other.”


yàN

andáándàAnda

yàN

andnóópeople

fúall

nabO

recpnám-ìyàlike-3pl.perf

“Amadou and Anda like each other.”

18.3.2 ‘Together’ (nnn)

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18.4 Logophoric and Indexing Pronouns

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90 A Grammar of Dogul Dom: Anaphora

18.4.1 True Third Person Logophoric Function

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18.4.2 Non-Logophoric Topic-Indexing Function

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Chapter 19

Grammatical Pragmatics

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19.1 Topic

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19.1.1 Topic (nnn)

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19.1.2 ‘Now’ (nnn)

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19.1.3 ‘Also’ (nnn)

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19.1.4 ‘Even’ (nnn)

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19.2 Preclausal Discourse Markers

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92 A Grammar of Dogul Dom: Grammatical Pragmatics

19.2.1 ‘As Much as. . . ’ (nnn)

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19.2.2 ‘Well,. . . ’ (nnn)

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19.2.3 ‘So,. . . ’ (nnn)

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19.2.4 ‘But,. . . ’ (nnn)

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19.2.5 ‘Lo,. . . ’ (nnn)

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19.3 Pragmatic Adverbs

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19.3.1 ‘(Not) Again’, ‘on the Other Hand’

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19.4 ‘Only’, ‘Just (One)’

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19.5 Final Emphatics

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19.5.1 Phrase-Final Confirmative‘Exactly’ (nnn)

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19.5.2 Clause-Final Agreement ‘Sure’ (nnn)

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19.5.3 Clause-Final Admonative (nnn)

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19.6 Phatic Discourse Markers

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19.7 Greetings

The greeting exchanges of the Dogulu are in line with the rest of the Dogon languages in that they are anintrinsic and unquestioned part of the culture. In fact, this is a feature of greetings across most of westAfrica in particular and, to some extent, greater Africa in general. Many discourse functions fall underthe general umbrella of “greetings” here, including time-of-day greetings, situational greetings, condolences,benedictions, and Islamic greetings.

19.7.1 Time of Day Greetings

Greetings are particular to the time of day. The typical formulae are shown in (62)–(64), with “A” and “B”referring to speakers. When one person encounters a group of people, it’s quite common for the group tospeak in unison as a single entity, so “A” and “B” may refer to the role of a single speaker or of a group. Inall greetings, the second line (OO) may be substituted with a waa.

The morning greeting extends from the time one wakes until approximately midday.

(62) A: yègá námàB: OO

A: íın nàáyB: jámmùn nàáyA: nàáy jùýB: è jámmùn nàáy yé

The afternoon greeting is typically used only from midday until approximately 15:00 (3 PM).

(63) A: wál pòóB: OO

A: séémbèB: jímmènnìA: àlà pıyEmbE

B: jìmmáálí

Finally, the evening greetings are used from 15:00 (3 PM) until one goes to bed.

94 A Grammar of Dogul Dom: Grammatical Pragmatics

(64) A: dènèmáB: OO

A: è dénéB: jámmùn déné, è dénéA: jámmùn dénéB: déné jùý

It should be well noted that these greetings are exceptionally formulaic. They are almost never altered, andthey are often used with the same person many times a day. At the very least, the first time A encounters Bduring each of the three times of day, the full greeting ritual is performed. Subsequent encounters betweenthe same individuals during the same period may warrant a simple French greeting, such as “ça va?”.greetings with Mal-

19.7.2 Situational greetings

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19.7.3 Condolences

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19.7.4 Benedictions

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19.7.5 Islamic greetings

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Chapter 20

Texts

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20.1 Conventions

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20.2 Text A: Title

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20.3 Text B: Title

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95

Appendix A

Dogulu Villages

The table below lists the known Dogulu-speaking villages. Coordinates are in degrees, minutes, and thou-sandths of minutes; those in parentheses are roughly estimated from maps.

Official Name Dogulu Pronunciation North West

Andia ánjà 14°34.738’ 03°32.967’Banguel Toupe baNgu-tubO see below

baNgu-tubO kaa-nONgu unknown unknown

baNgu-tubO kunjalaN-nONgu 14°39.360’ 03°39.383’baNgu-tubO ceNgel 14°39.833’ 03°38.673’

Benndieli béñêl see below

(three villages) béñèl-dánà 14°29.673’ 03°33.623’beñel-gırkOmbO 14°29.336’ 03°33.381’beñel-sıgÉ 14°28.497’ 03°35.257’

Bini bínnù 14°28.135’ 03°32.021’Boro bOrO 14°26.307’ 03°35.253’Dari dáàrù unknown unknown

Upper Dari dààr-dánà 14°29.523’ 03°36.904’Diamangolo jamaNgolo (14°37’) (03°35’)Dongossoro doNgusooro 14°37.717’ 03°34.634’Dounali dúnnâl 14°39’ 03°32’Douro durO see below

(three villages) durO nıınu 14°34.113’ 03°35.303’durO maadınE unknown unknown

durO sookura unknown unknown

Irigili (Kia) írìgìl unknown unknown

Komoni kOmmOnu see below

(three villages) kOmmOn-sıgˇE unknown unknown

kOmmOn-dana unknown unknown

kOmmOn-nEEmE unknown unknown

Kentaba kèntàbá see below

(two villages) kèntàbà-dánà 14°36.717’ 03°29.998’kentaba-sıgˇE 14°36.891’ 03°30.393’

Koundialan kunjulˇO 14°31.196’ 03°34.151’Koundougou kúntùgù see below

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A Grammar of Dogul Dom: Dogulu Villages 97

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Official Name Dogulu Pronunciation North West

(two villages) kuntugu-taNaN unknown unknown

layyà kùntùgù 14°27.846’ 03°33.023’Menemene mEnmEn unknown unknown

Pelani pElEn 14°36.834’ 03°33.153’Sogodougou sOgO-dugu 14°37.278’ 03°32.533’Somoli sómmôl (14°36’) (03°33’)Tinngourou teNguru (14°38’) (03°41’)Waynoro Tinngourou waynOOru-teNguru unknown unknown

Appendix B

Inflectional Category Paradigms

In the interest of keeping dozens of lengthy, full-page tables out of the main text of the grammar, all of theinflectional paradigms have been consolidated into this appendix and appendix C. For all of the paradigms inthis section, he number of syllables is indicated by the number of σ’s (e.g. bisyllabic is σσ). Also, trisyllabicand quadrisyllabic verbs have been combined because there is no difference between their conjugationalparadigms.

98

A Grammar of Dogul Dom: Inflectional Category Paradigms 99

B.1 Present Indicative Positive Paradigms

B.1.1 Present Perfect Positive Paradigm

The table below shows a verbal paradigm for the present perfect positive. Refer to §10.3.1.1 for notes on itsformation and use.

σ [+atr] gee ‘go out’

Singular Plural1 gee-N gee-ı

2 g-oo gee-e

3 gee-ø gee-ya

σ [-atr] nEE ‘drink’

Singular Plural1 nEE-N nEE-ı

2 n-OO nEE-E

3 nEE-ø nEE-ya

σσ [+atr] bunde ‘hit’

Singular Plural1 bunde-N bunde-ı

2 bund-o bunde-e

3 bunde-ø bund-ıya

σσ [-atr] bOlE ‘leave’

Singular Plural1 bOlE-N bOlE-ı

2 bOl-O bOE-E

3 bOlE-ø bOl-ıya

σσσ+ [+atr] kıgılıye ‘go back’

Singular Plural1 kıgılıye-N kıgılıye-ı

2 kıgılıy-o kıgılıye-e

3 kıgılı-ø kıgılıy-ya

σσσ+ [-atr] malıyE ‘wait for’

Singular Plural1 malıyE-N malıyE-ı

2 malıy-O malıyE-E

3 malıyE-ø malıy-ya

Table B.1: The paradigm of the present perfect positive for each class of verbs in Dogulu

100 A Grammar of Dogul Dom: Inflectional Category Paradigms

B.1.2 Past Perfect Positive Paradigm

The table below shows a verbal paradigm for the past perfect positive. Refer to §10.3.1.2 for notes on itsformation and use.


Singular Plural1 gee-bıyE-N gee-bıyE-ı

2 gee-bıy-O gee-bıyE-E

3 gee-bıyE-ø gee-bıy-ya


Singular Plural1 nEE-bıyE-N nEE-bıyE-ı

2 nEE-bıy-O nEE-bıyE-E

3 nEE-bıyE-ø nEE-bıy-ya


Singular Plural1 bunde-bıyE-N bunde-bıyE-ı

2 bunde-bıy-O bunde-bıyE-E

3 bunde-bıyE-ø bunde-bıy-ya


Singular Plural1 bOlE-bıyE-N bOlE-bıyE-ı

2 bOlE-bıy-O bOlE-bıyE-E

3 bOlE-bıyE-ø bOlE-bıy-ya


Singular Plural1 kıgılı-bıyE-N kıgılı-bıyE-ı

2 kıgılı-bıy-O kıgılı-bıyE-E

3 kıgılı-bıyE-ø kıgılı-bıy-ya


Singular Plural1 malı-bıyE-N malı-bıyE-ı

2 malı-bıy-O malı-bıyE-E

3 malı-bıyE-ø malı-bıy-ya

Table B.2: The paradigm of the past perfect positive for each class of verbs in Dogulu


B.1.3 Present Progressive Positive Paradigm

The table below shows a verbal paradigm for the present progressive positive. Refer to §10.3.2.1 for noteson its formation and use.


Singular Plural1 gee-la-ju-N gee-la-ju-ı

2 gee-la-j-o gee-la-j-e

3 gee-la-ju-ø gee-la-ju-ıya


Singular Plural1 nEE-la-ju-N nEE-la-ju-ı

2 nEE-la-j-o nEE-la-j-e

3 nEE-la-ju-ø nEE-la-ju-ıya


Singular Plural1 bunde-la-ju-N bunde-la-ju-ı

2 bunde-la-j-o bunde-la-j-e

3 bunde-la-ju-ø bunde-la-ju-ıya


Singular Plural1 bOlE-la-ju-N bOlE-la-ju-ı

2 bOlE-la-j-o bOlE-la-j-e

3 bOlE-la-ju-ø bOlE-la-ju-ıya


Singular Plural1 kıgılı-la-ju-N kıgılı-la-ju-ı

2 kıgılı-la-j-o kıgılı-la-j-e

3 kıgılı-la-ju-ø kıgılı-la-ju-ıya


Singular Plural1 malı-la-ju-N malı-la-ju-ı

2 malı-la-j-o malı-la-j-e

3 malı-la-ju-ø malı-la-ju-ıya

Table B.3: The paradigm of the past progressive positive for each class of verbs in Dogulu


B.1.4 Past Progressive Positive Paradigm

The table below shows a verbal paradigm for the past progressive positive. Refer to §10.3.2.2 for notes onits formation and use.


Singular Plural1 gee-la-bıyE-N gee-la-bıyE-ı

2 gee-la-bıy-O gee-la-bıyE-E

3 gee-la-bıyE-ø gee-la-bıy-ya


Singular Plural1 nEE-la-bıyE-N nEE-la-bıyE-ı

2 nEE-la-bıy-O nEE-la-bıyE-E

3 nEE-la-bıyE-ø nEE-bıy-ya


Singular Plural1 bunde-la-bıyE-N bunde-la-bıyE-ı

2 bunde-la-bıy-O bunde-la-bıyE-E

3 bunde-la-bıyE-ø bunde-la-bıy-ya


Singular Plural1 bOlE-la-bıyE-N bOlE-la-bıyE-ı

2 bOlE-la-bıy-O bOlE-la-bıyE-E

3 bOlE-la-bıyE-ø bOlE-la-bıy-ya


Singular Plural1 kıgılı-la-bıyE-N kıgılı-la-bıyE-ı

2 kıgılı-la-bıy-O kıgılı-la-bıyE-E

3 kıgılı-la-bıyE-ø kıgılı-la-bıy-ya


Singular Plural1 malı-la-bıyE-N malı-la-bıyE-ı

2 malı-la-bıy-O malı-la-bıyE-E

3 malı-la-bıyE-ø malı-la-bıy-ya

Table B.4: The paradigm of the past progressive positive for each class of verbs in Dogulu


B.1.5 Present Imperfect Positive Paradigm

The table below shows a verbal paradigm for the present imperfective positive. Refer to §10.3.3 for notes onits formation and use.


Singular Plural1 gee-b-uN gee-b-ı

2 gee-b-o gee-b-e

3 gee-b-ø gee-b-ıya


Singular Plural1 nEE-b-uN nEE-b-ı

2 nEE-b-o nEE-b-e

3 nEE-b-ø nEE-b-ıya


Singular Plural1 bundee-b-uN bundee-b-ı

2 bundee-b-o bundee-b-e

3 bundee-b-ø bundee-b-ıya


Singular Plural1 bOlEE-b-uN bOlEE-b-ı

2 bOlEE-b-o bOlEE-b-e

3 bOlEE-b-ø bOlEE-b-ıya


Singular Plural1 kıgılıye-b-uN kıgılıye-b-ı

2 kıgılıye-b-o kıgılıye-b-e

3 kıgılıye-b-ø kıgılıye-b-ıya


Singular Plural1 malıyE-b-uN malıyE-b-ı

2 malıyE-b-o malıyE-b-e

3 malıyE-b-ø malıyE-b-ıya

Table B.5: The paradigm of the present imperfective positive for each class of verbs in Dogulu


B.1.6 Present Experiential Positive Paradigm

The table below shows a verbal paradigm for the present experiential positive. Refer to §10.3.4 for notes onits formation and use.


Singular Plural1 gee-tı-ju-N gee-tı-ju-ı

2 gee-tı-j-o gee-tı-j-e

3 gee-tı-ju-ø gee-tı-ju-ıya


Singular Plural1 nEE-tı-ju-N nEE-tı-ju-ı

2 nEE-tı-j-o nEE-tı-j-e

3 nEE-tı-ju-ø nEE-tı-ju-ıya


Singular Plural1 bunde-tı-ju-N bunde-tı-ju-ı

2 bunde-tı-j-o bunde-tı-j-e

3 bunde-tı-ju-ø bunde-tı-ju-ıya


Singular Plural1 bOlE-tı-ju-N bOlE-tı-ju-ı

2 bOlE-tı-j-o bOlE-tı-j-e

3 bOlE-tı-ju-ø bOlE-tı-ju-ıya


Singular Plural1 kıgılı-tı-ju-N kıgılı-tı-ju-ı

2 kıgılı-tı-j-o kıgılı-tı-j-e

3 kıgılı-tı-ju-ø kıgılı-tı-ju-ıya


Singular Plural1 malı-tı-ju-N malı-tı-ju-ı

2 malı-tı-j-o malı-tı-j-e

3 malı-tı-ju-ø malı-tı-ju-ıya

Table B.6: The paradigm of the present experiential positive for each class of verbs in Dogulu


B.2 Present Indicative Negative Paradigms

B.2.1 Present Perfect Negative Paradigm

The table below shows a verbal paradigm for the present perfect negative. Refer to §10.4.1.1 for notes onits formation and use.


Singular Plural1 goowaa-l-uN goowaa-l-l-ı

2 goowaa-l-o goowaa-l-e

3 goowaa-l-ø goowaa-l-ıya


Singular Plural1 naa-l-uN naa-l-ı

2 naa-l-o naa-l-e

3 naa-l-ø naa-l-ıya


Singular Plural1 bundaa-l-uN bundaa-l-ı

2 bundaa-l-o bundaa-l-e

3 bundaa-l-ø bundaa-l-ıya


Singular Plural1 bOlaa-l-uN bOlaa-l-ı

2 bOlaa-l-o bOlaa-l-e

3 bOlaa-l-ø bOlaa-l-ıya


Singular Plural1 kıgılıyaa-l-uN kıgılıyaa-l-ı

2 kıgılıyaa-l-o kıgılıyaa-l-e

3 kıgılıyaa-l-ø kıgılıyaa-l-ıya


Singular Plural1 malıyaa-l-uN malıyaa-l-ı

2 malıyaa-l-o malıyaa-l-e

3 malıyaa-l-ø malıyaa-l-ıya

Table B.7: The paradigm of the present perfect negative for each class of verbs in Dogulu


B.2.2 Past Perfect Negative I Paradigm

The table below shows a verbal paradigm for the past perfect negative in its first manner of affix ordering(tense before negation). Refer to §10.4.1.2 for notes on its formation and use.


Singular Plural1 gee-bıyaa-l-uN gee-bıyaa-l-ı

2 gee-bıyaa-l-o gee-bıyaa-l-e

3 gee-bıyaa-l-ø gee-bıyaa-l-ıya


Singular Plural1 nEE-bıyaa-l-uN nEE-bıyaa-l-ı

2 nEE-bıyaa-l-o nEE-bıyaa-l-e

3 nEE-bıyaa-l-ø nEE-bıyaa-l-ya


Singular Plural1 bunde-bıyaa-l-uN bunde-bıyaa-l-ı

2 bunde-bıyaa-l-o bunde-bıyaa-l-e

3 bunde-bıyaa-l-ø bunde-bıyaa-l-ıya


Singular Plural1 bOlE-bıyaa-l-uN bOlE-bıyaa-l-ı

2 bOlE-bıyaa-l-o bOlE-bıyaa-l-e

3 bOlE-bıyaa-l-ø bOlE-bıyaa-l-ıya


Singular Plural1 kıgılı-bıyaa-l-uN kıgılı-bıyaa-l-ı

2 kıgılı-bıyaa-l-o kıgılı-bıyaa-l-e

3 kıgılı-bıyaa-l-ø kıgılı-bıyaa-l-ıya


Singular Plural1 malı-bıyaa-l-uN malı-bıyaa-l-ı

2 malı-bıyaa-l-o malı-bıyaa-l-e

3 malı-bıyaa-l-ø malı-bıyaa-l-ıya

Table B.8: The paradigm of the past perfect negative for each class of verbs in Dogulu showing the firstmanner of conjugation


B.2.3 Past Perfect Negative II Paradigm

The table below shows a verbal paradigm for the past perfect negative with its second affixal configuration(negation before tense). Refer to §10.4.1.2 for notes on its formation and use.


Singular Plural1 goowaa-l-bıyE-N goowaa-l-bıyE-ı

2 goowaa-l-bıy-O goowaa-l-bıyE-E

3 goowaa-l-bıyE-ø goowaa-l-bıy-ya


Singular Plural1 naa-l-bıyE-N naa-l-bıyE-ı

2 naa-l-bıy-O naa-l-bıyE-E

3 naa-l-bıyE-ø naa-l-bıy-ya


Singular Plural1 bundaa-l-bıyE-N bundaa-l-bıyE-ı

2 bundaa-l-bıy-O bundaa-l-bıyE-E

3 bundaa-l-bıyE-ø bundaa-l-bıy-ya


Singular Plural1 bOlaa-l-bıyE-N bOlaa-l-bıyE-ı

2 bOlaa-l-bıy-O bOlaa-l-bıyE-E

3 bOlaa-l-bıyE-ø bOlaa-l-bıy-ya


Singular Plural1 kıgılıyaa-l-bıyE-N kıgılıyaa-l-bıyE-ı

2 kıgılıyaa-l-bıy-O kıgılıyaa-l-bıyE-E

3 kıgılıyaa-l-bıyE-ø kıgılıyaa-l-bıy-ya


Singular Plural1 malıyaa-l-bıyE-N malıyaa-l-bıyE-ı

2 malıyaa-l-bıy-O malıyaa-l-bıyE-E

3 malıyaa-l-bıyE-ø malıyaa-l-bıy-ya

Table B.9: The paradigm of the past perfect negative for each class of verbs in Dogulu showing the secondmanner of conjugation


B.2.4 Present Progressive Negative Paradigm

The table below shows a verbal paradigm for the present progressive negative. Refer to §10.4.2.1 for noteson its formation and use.


Singular Plural1 gee-la-ju-nn-uN gee-la-ju-nn-ı

2 gee-la-ju-nn-o gee-la-ju-nn-e

3 gee-la-ju-nn-u gee-laju-nn-ıya


Singular Plural1 nEE-la-ju-nn-uN nEE-la-ju-nn-ı

2 nEE-la-ju-nn-o nEE-la-ju-nn-e

3 nEE-la-ju-nn-u nEE-la-ju-nn-ıya


Singular Plural1 bunde-la-ju-nn-uN bunde-la-ju-nn-ı

2 bunde-la-ju-nn-o bunde-la-ju-nn-e

3 bunde-la-ju-nn-u bunde-la-ju-nn-ıya


Singular Plural1 bOlE-la-ju-nn-uN bOlE-la-ju-nn-ı

2 bOlE-la-ju-nn-o bOlE-la-ju-nn-e

3 bOlE-la-ju-nn-u bOlE-la-ju-nn-ıya


Singular Plural1 kıgılı-la-ju-nn-uN kıgılı-la-ju-nn-ı

2 kıgılı-la-ju-nn-o kıgılı-la-ju-nn-e

3 kıgılı-la-ju-nn-u kıgılı-la-ju-nn-ıya


Singular Plural1 malı-la-ju-nn-uN malı-la-ju-nn-ı

2 malı-la-ju-nn-o malı-la-ju-nn-e

3 malı-la-ju-nn-u malı-la-ju-nn-ıya

Table B.10: The paradigm of the past progressive negative for each class of verbs in Dogulu


B.2.5 Past Progressive Negative Paradigm

The table below shows a verbal paradigm for the past progressive positive. Refer to §10.4.2.2 for notes onits formation and use.


Singular Plural1 gee-la-bıyaa-l-uN gee-la-bıyaa-l-ı

2 gee-la-bıyaa-l-o gee-la-bıyaa-l-e

3 gee-la-bıyaa-l-ø gee-la-bıyaa-l-ıya


Singular Plural1 nEE-la-bıyaa-l-uN nEE-la-bıyaa-l-ı

2 nEE-la-bıyaa-l-o nEE-la-bıyaa-l-e

3 nEE-la-bıyaa-l-ø nEE-bıyaa-l-ıya


Singular Plural1 bunde-la-bıyaa-l-uN bunde-la-bıyaa-l-ı

2 bunde-la-bıyaa-l-o bunde-la-bıyaa-l-e

3 bunde-la-bıyaa-l-ø bunde-la-bıyaa-l-ıya


Singular Plural1 bOlE-la-bıyaa-l-uN bOlE-la-bıyaa-l-ı

2 bOlE-la-bıyaa-l-o bOlE-la-bıyaa-l-e

3 bOlE-la-bıyaa-l-ø bOlE-la-bıyaa-l-ıya


Singular Plural1 kıgılı-la-bıyaa-l-uN kıgılı-la-bıyaa-l-ı

2 kıgılı-la-bıyaa-l-o kıgılı-la-bıyaa-l-e

3 kıgılı-la-bıyaa-l-ø kıgılı-la-bıyaa-l-ıya


Singular Plural1 malı-la-bıyaa-l-uN malı-la-bıyaa-l-ı

2 malı-la-bıyaa-l-o malı-la-bıyaa-l-e

3 malı-la-bıyaa-l-ø malı-la-bıyaa-l-ıya

Table B.11: The paradigm of the past progressive negative for each class of verbs in Dogulu


B.2.6 Present Imperfective Negative Paradigm

The table below shows a verbal paradigm for the present imperfect negative. Refer to §10.4.3 for notes onits formation and use.


Singular Plural1 gee-nn-uN gee-nn-ı

2 gee-nn-o gee-nn-e

3 gee-nn-u gee-nn-ıya


Singular Plural1 nEE-nn-uN nEE-nn-ı

2 nEE-nn-o nEE-nn-e

3 nEE-nn-u nEE-nn-ıya


Singular Plural1 bunde-nn-uN bunde-nn-ı

2 bunde-nn-o bunde-nn-e

3 bunde-nn-u bunde-nn-ıya


Singular Plural1 bOlE-nn-uN bOlE-nn-ı

2 bOlE-nn-o bOlE-nn-e

3 bOlE-nn-u bOlE-nn-ıya


Singular Plural1 kıgılıye-nn-uN kıgılıye-nn-ı

2 kıgılıye-nn-o kıgılıye-nn-e

3 kıgılıye-nn-u kıgılıye-nn-ıya


Singular Plural1 malıyE-nn-uN malıyE-nn-ı

2 malıyE-nn-o malıyE-nn-e

3 malıyE-nn-u malıyE-nn-ıya

Table B.12: The paradigm of the present imperfective negative for each class of verbs in Dogulu


B.2.7 Present Experiential Negative Paradigm

The table below shows a verbal paradigm for the present experiential negative. Refer to §10.4.4 for notes onits formation and use.


Singular Plural1 gee-taa-l-uN gee-taa-l-ı

2 gee-taa-l-o gee-taa-l-e

3 gee-taa-l-ø gee-taa-l-ıya


Singular Plural1 nEE-taa-l-uN nEE-taa-l-ı

2 nEE-taa-l-o nEE-taa-l-e

3 nEE-taa-l-ø nEE-taa-l-ıya


Singular Plural1 bunde-taa-l-uN bunde-taa-l-ı

2 bunde-taa-l-o bunde-taa-l-e

3 bunde-taa-l-ø bunde-taa-l-ıya


Singular Plural1 bOlE-taa-l-uN bOlE-taa-l-ı

2 bOlE-taa-l-o bOlE-taa-l-e

3 bOlE-taa-l-ø bOlE-taa-l-ıya


Singular Plural1 kıgılı-taa-l-uN kıgılı-taa-l-ı

2 kıgılı-taa-l-o kıgılı-taa-l-e

3 kıgılı-taa-l-ø kıgılı-taa-l-ıya


Singular Plural1 malı-taa-l-uN malı-taa-l-ı

2 malı-taa-l-o malı-taa-l-e

3 malı-taa-l-ø malı-taa-l-ıya

Table B.13: The paradigm of the present experiential negative for each class of verbs in Dogulu


B.3 Imperative and Hortative Paradigms

Both the imperative and hortative moods (in the positive and negative) have been consolidated in thissection.


B.3.1 Imperative Paradigm

The table below shows a verbal paradigm for the imperative. Refer to §10.8.1.1 for notes on its formationand use.


Singular Plural2 goo-ø goo-N


Singular Plural2 naa-ø naa-N


Singular Plural2 bundo-ø bundo-N


Singular Plural2 bOla-ø bOla-N


Singular Plural2 kıgılıyo-ø kıgılıyo-N


Singular Plural2 malıya-ø malıya-N

Table B.14: The paradigm of the imperative for each class of verbs in Dogulu


B.3.2 Prohibitive Paradigm

The table below shows a verbal paradigm for the prohibitive (imperative negative). Refer to §10.8.1.2 fornotes on its formation and use.


Singular Plural2 gee-la-ø gee-la-N


Singular Plural2 nEE-la-ø nEE-la-N


Singular Plural2 bunde-la-ø bunde-la-N


Singular Plural2 bOlE-la-ø bOlE-la-N


Singular Plural2 kıgılı-la-ø kıgılı-la-N


Singular Plural2 malı-la-ø malı-la-N

Table B.15: The paradigm of the prohibitive for each class of verbs in Dogulu


B.3.3 Hortative Positive Paradigm

The table below shows a verbal paradigm for the hortative positive. Refer to §10.8.2.1 for notes on itsformation and use.


Singular Plural2 gee-ma-ø gee-ma-N


Singular Plural2 nEE-ma-ø nEE-ma-N


Singular Plural2 bunde-ma-ø bunde-ma-N


Singular Plural2 bOlE-ma-ø bOlE-ma-N


Singular Plural2 kıgılıye-ma-ø kıgılıye-ma-N


Singular Plural2 malıyE-ma-ø malıyE-ma-N

Table B.16: The paradigm of the hortative positive for each class of verbs in Dogulu


B.3.4 Hortative Negative Paradigm

The table below shows a verbal paradigm for the hortative negative. Refer to §10.8.2.2 for notes on itsformation and use.


Singular Plural2 gee-nn-ı-ø goo-nn-ı-ya


Singular Plural2 nEE-nn-ı-ø nOO-nn-ı-ya


Singular Plural2 bunde-nn-ı-ø bundo-nn-ı-ya


Singular Plural2 bOlE-nn-ı-ø bOlO-nn-ı-ya


Singular Plural2 kıgılıye-nn-ı-ø kıgılıyo-nn-ı-ya


Singular Plural2 malıyE-nn-ı-ø malıyO-nn-ı-ya

Table B.17: The paradigm of the hortative negative for each class of verbs in Dogulu

Appendix C

Verb Class Paradigms

In the interest of keeping dozens of lengthy, full-page tables out of the main text of the grammar, all of theinflectional paradigms have been consolidated into this appendix and appendix B.

117

118 A Grammar of Dogul Dom: Verb Class Paradigms

C.1 Monosyllabic Verbs

Only two classes of verbs will be addressed here, although are technically three types of monosyllabic verbs:CVV [+atr] and CVV [-atr]. The paradigm of the sole NCV verb ndE ‘give’ can be derived from theparadigm of σσ [-atr] class, because the preconsonantal nasal behaves tonally like an initial vowel in everyinstance.

More information on any inflectional category in particular can be found in chapter 10, which providesinformation on the morphophonological composition of each category and contains numerous examples onits use and interpretation.

CVV [+atr] CVV [-atr]gèé ‘go out’ nEE ‘drink’

Present Perfect PositiveSingular Plural Singular Plural

gee-N gee-ı 1 nEE-bıyE-N nEE-bıyE-ı

g-oo gee-e 2 nEE-bıy-O nEE-bıyE-E

gee-ø gee-ya 3 nEE-bıyE-ø nEE-bıy-ya

Past Perfect PositiveSingular Plural Singular Plural

gee-bıyE-N gee-bıyE-ı 1 nEE-N nEE-ı

gee-bıy-O gee-bıyE-E 2 n-OO nEE-E

gee-bıyE-ø gee-bıy-ya 3 nEE-ø nEE-ya

Present Progressive PositiveSingular Plural Singular Plural

gee-la-ju-N gee-la-ju-ı 1 nEE-la-ju-N nEE-la-ju-ı

gee-la-j-o gee-la-j-e 2 nEE-la-j-o nEE-la-j-e

gee-la-ju-ø gee-la-ju-ıya 3 nEE-la-ju-ø nEE-la-ju-ıya

Past Progressive PositiveSingular Plural Singular Plural

gee-la-bıyE-N gee-la-bıyE-ı 1 nEE-la-bıyE-N nEE-la-bıyE-ı

gee-la-bıy-O gee-la-bıyE-E 2 nEE-la-bıy-O nEE-la-bıyE-E

gee-la-bıyE-ø gee-la-bıy-ya 3 nEE-la-bıyE-ø nEE-bıy-ya

Present Imperfective PositiveSingular Plural Singular Plural

gee-b-uN gee-b-ı 1 nEE-b-uN nEE-b-ı

gee-b-o gee-b-e 2 nEE-b-o nEE-b-e

gee-b-ø gee-b-ıya 3 nEE-b-ø nEE-b-ıya

Present Experiential PositiveSingular Plural Singular Plural

gee-tı-ju-N gee-tı-ju-ı 1 nEE-tı-ju-N nEE-tı-ju-ı

gee-tı-j-o gee-tı-j-e 2 nEE-tı-j-o nEE-tı-j-e

gee-tı-ju-ø gee-tı-ju-ıya 3 nEE-tı-ju-ø nEE-tı-ju-ıya

Present Perfect NegativeSingular Plural Singular Plural

goowaa-l-uN goowaa-l-ı 1 naa-l-uN naa-l-ı

goowaa-l-o goowaa-l-e 2 naa-l-o naa-l-e

goowaa-l-ø goowaa-l-ıya 3 naa-l-ø naa-l-ıya

A Grammar of Dogul Dom: Verb Class Paradigms 119

Past Perfect Negative ISingular Plural Singular Plural

gee-bıyaa-l-uN gee-bıyaa-l-ı 1 nEE-bıyaa-l-uN nEE-bıyaa-l-ı

gee-bıyaa-l-o gee-bıyaa-l-e 2 nEE-bıyaa-l-o nEE-bıyaa-l-e

gee-bıyaa-l-ø gee-bıyaa-l-ıya 3 nEE-bıyaa-l-ø nEE-bıyaa-l-ya

Past Perfect Negative IISingular Plural Singular Plural

goowaa-l-bıyE-N goowaa-l-bıyE-ı 1 naa-l-bıyE-N naa-l-bıyE-ı

goowaa-l-bıy-O goowaa-l-bıyE-E 2 naa-l-bıy-O naa-l-bıyE-E

goowaa-l-bıyE-ø goowaa-l-bıy-ya 3 naa-l-bıyE-ø naa-l-bıy-ya

Present Progressive NegativeSingular Plural Singular Plural

gee-la-ju-nn-uN gee-la-ju-nn-ı 1 nEE-la-ju-nn-uN nEE-la-ju-nn-ı

gee-la-ju-nn-o gee-la-ju-nn-e 2 nEE-la-ju-nn-o nEE-la-ju-nn-e

gee-la-ju-nn-u gee-laju-nn-ıya 3 nEE-la-ju-nn-u nEE-la-ju-nn-ıya

Past Progressive NegativeSingular Plural Singular Plural

gee-la-bıyaa-l-uN gee-la-bıyaa-l-ı 1 nEE-la-bıyaa-l-uN nEE-la-bıyaa-l-ı

gee-la-bıyaa-l-o gee-la-bıyaa-l-e 2 nEE-la-bıyaa-l-o nEE-la-bıyaa-l-e

gee-la-bıyaa-l-ø gee-la-bıyaa-l-ıya 3 nEE-la-bıyaa-l-ø nEE-bıyaa-l-ıya

Present Imperfective NegativeSingular Plural Singular Plural

gee-nn-uN gee-nn-ı 1 nEE-nn-uN nEE-nn-ı

gee-nn-o gee-nn-e 2 nEE-nn-o nEE-nn-e

gee-nn-u gee-nn-ıya 3 nEE-nn-u nEE-nn-ıya

Present Experiential NegativeSingular Plural Singular Plural

gee-taa-l-uN gee-taa-l-ı 1 nEE-taa-l-uN nEE-taa-l-ı

gee-taa-l-o gee-taa-l-e 2 nEE-taa-l-o nEE-taa-l-e

gee-taa-l-ø gee-taa-l-ıya 3 nEE-taa-l-ø nEE-taa-l-ıya

ImperativeSingular Plural Singular Plural

goo-ø goo-N 2 naa-ø naa-N

ProhibitiveSingular Plural Singular Plural

gee-la-ø gee-la-N 2 nEE-la-ø nEE-la-N

Hortative PositiveSingular Plural Singular Plural

gee-ma-ø gee-ma-N 1 nEE-ma-ø nEE-ma-N

Hortative NegativeSingular Plural Singular Plural

gee-nn-ı-ø goo-nn-ı-ya 1 nEE-nn-ı-ø nOO-nn-ı-ya


C.2 Bisyllabic Verbs

The two paradigms shown below are representative of the full range of possible σσ classes. This includesCVCV [+atr], CVCV [-atr], CVCCV [+atr], and CVCCV [-atr], each with or without the σ1 onset. Itis also the basis for the NCV verb ndE ‘give’, with the preconsonantal nasal behaving tonally like an initialvowel.


σσ [+atr] σσ [-atr]bùndé ‘hit’ bOlE ‘leave’


bunde-N bunde-ı 1 bOlE-N bOlE-ı

bund-o bunde-e 2 bOl-O bOlE-E

bunde-ø bund-ıya 3 bOlE-ø bOl-ıya


bunde-bıyE-N bunde-bıyE-ı 1 bOlE-bıyE-N bOlE-bıyE-ı

bunde-bıy-O bunde-bıyE-E 2 bOlE-bıy-O bOlE-bıyE-E

bunde-bıyE-ø bunde-bıy-ya 3 bOlE-bıyE-ø bOlE-bıy-ya


bunde-la-ju-N bunde-la-ju-ı 1 bOlE-la-ju-N bOlE-la-ju-ı

bunde-la-j-o bunde-la-j-e 2 bOlE-la-j-o bOlE-la-j-e

bunde-la-ju-ø bunde-la-ju-ıya 3 bOlE-la-ju-ø bOlE-la-ju-ıya


bunde-la-bıyE-N bunde-la-bıyE-ı 1 bOlE-la-bıyE-N bOlE-la-bıyE-ı

bunde-la-bıy-O bunde-la-bıyE-E 2 bOE-la-bıy-O bOlE-la-bıyE-E

bunde-la-bıyE-ø bunde-la-bıy-ya 3 bOlE-la-bıyE-ø bOlE-la-bıy-ya


bundee-b-uN bundee-b-ı 1 bOlEE-b-uN bOlEE-b-ı

bundee-b-o bundee-b-e 2 bOlEE-b-uN bOlEE-b-e

bundee-b-ø bundee-b-ıya 3 bOlEE-b-ø bOlEE-b-ıya


bunde-tı-ju-N bunde-tı-ju-ı 1 bOlE-tı-ju-N bOlE-tı-ju-ı

bunde-tı-j-o bunde-tı-j-e 2 bOlE-tı-j-o bOlE-tı-j-e

bunde-tı-ju-ø bunde-tı-ju-ıya 3 bOlE-tı-ju-ø bOlE-tı-ju-ıya


bundaa-l-uN bundaa-l-ı 1 bOlaa-l-uN bOlaa-l-ı

bundaa-l-o bundaa-l-e 2 bOlaa-l-o bOlaa-l-e

bundaa-l-ø bundaa-l-ıya 3 bOlaa-l-ø bOlaa-l-ıya



bunde-bıyaa-l-uN bunde-bıyaa-l-ı 1 bOlE-bıyaa-l-uN bOlE-bıyaa-l-ı

bunde-bıyaa-l-o bunde-bıyaa-l-e 2 bOlE-bıyaa-l-o bOlE-bıyaa-l-e

bunde-bıyaa-l-ø bunde-bıyaa-l-ıya 3 bOlE-bıyaa-l-ø bOlE-bıyaa-l-ıya


bundaa-l-bıyE-N bundaa-l-bıyE-ı 1 bOlaa-l-bıyE-N bOlaa-l-bıyE-ı

bundaa-l-bıy-O bundaa-l-bıyE-E 2 bOlaa-l-bıy-O bOlaa-l-bıyE-E

bundaa-l-bıyE-ø bundaa-l-bıy-ya 3 bOlaa-l-bıyE-ø bOlaa-l-bıy-ya


bunde-la-ju-nn-uN bunde-la-ju-nn-ı 1 bOlE-la-ju-nn-uN bOlE-la-ju-nn-ı

bunde-la-ju-nn-o bunde-la-ju-nn-e 2 bOlE-la-ju-nn-o bOlE-la-ju-nn-e

bunde-la-ju-nn-u bunde-la-ju-nn-ıya 3 bOlE-la-ju-nn-u bOlE-la-ju-nn-ıya


bunde-la-bıyaa-l-uN bunde-la-bıyaa-l-ı 1 bOlE-la-bıyaa-l-uN bOlE-la-bıyaa-l-ı

bunde-la-bıyaa-l-o bunde-la-bıyaa-l-e 2 bOlE-la-bıyaa-l-o bOlE-la-bıyaa-l-e

bunde-la-bıyaa-l-ø bunde-la-bıyaa-l-ıya 3 bOlE-la-bıyaa-l-ø bOlE-la-bıyaa-l-ıya


bunde-nn-uN bunde-nn-ı 1 bOlE-nn-uN bOlE-nn-ı

bunde-nn-o bunde-nn-e 2 bOlE-nn-o bOlE-nn-e

bunde-nn-u bunde-nn-ıya 3 bOlE-nn-u bOlE-nn-ıya


bunde-taa-l-uN bunde-taa-l-ı 1 bOlE-taa-l-uN bOlE-taa-l-ı

bunde-taa-l-o bunde-taa-l-e 2 bOlE-taa-l-o bOlE-taa-l-e

bunde-taa-l-ø bunde-taa-l-ıya 3 bOlE-taa-l-ø bOlE-taa-l-ıya


bundo-ø bundo-N 2 bOla-ø bOla-N


bunde-la-ø bunde-la-N 2 bOlE-la-ø bOlE-la-N


bunde-ma-ø bunde-ma-N 1 bOlE-ma-ø bOlE-ma-N


bunde-nn-ı-ø bundo-nn-ı-ya 1 bOlE-nn-ı-ø bOlO-nn-ı-ya


C.3 Trisyllabic/Quadrisyllabic Verbs

Trisyllabic and quadrisyllabic verb stems pattern in the same way. There are three classes that are representedhere: CVCV(CV) [+atr], CVCV(CV) [-atr], and CVCVCV(CV) [+atr]. Examples of the latter two areconjugated in full below. The first shape (CVCV[CV]) is easily inferrable from the others, as it takes thetonal overlays of the second shape (malıyE ‘wait for’) and the [atr]-interactions of the third (kıgılıye ‘goback’).


σσσ+ [+atr] σσσ+ [-atr]kıgılıye ‘go back’ malıyE ‘wait for’


kıgılıye-N kıgılıye-ı 1 malıyE-N malıyE-ı

kıgılıy-o kıgılıye-e 2 malıy-O malıyE-E

kıgılı-ø kıgılıy-ya 3 malıyE-ø malıy-ya


kıgılı-bıyE-N kıgılı-bıyE-ı 1 malı-bıyE-N malı-bıyE-ı

kıgılı-bıy-O kıgılı-bıyE-E 2 malı-bıy-O malı-bıyE-E

kıgılı-bıyE-ø kıgılı-bıy-ya 3 malı-bıyE-ø malı-bıy-ya


kıgılı-la-ju-N kıgılı-la-ju-ı 1 malı-la-ju-N malı-la-ju-ı

kıgılı-la-j-o kıgılı-la-j-e 2 malı-la-j-o malı-la-j-e

kıgılı-la-ju-ø kıgılı-la-ju-ıya 3 malı-la-ju-ø malı-la-ju-ıya


kıgılı-la-bıyE-N kıgılı-la-bıyE-ı 1 malı-la-bıyE-N malı-la-bıyE-ı

kıgılı-la-bıy-O kıgılı-la-bıyE-E 2 malı-la-bıy-O malı-la-bıyE-E

kıgılı-la-bıyE-ø kıgılı-la-bıy-ya 3 malı-la-bıyE-ø malı-la-bıy-ya


kıgılıye-b-uN kıgılıye-b-ı 1 malıyE-b-uN malıyE-b-ı

kıgılıye-b-o kıgılıye-b-e 2 malıyE-b-o malıyE-b-e

kıgılıye-b-ø kıgılıye-b-ıya 3 malıyE-b-ø malıyE-b-ıya


kıgılı-tı-ju-N kıgılı-tı-ju-ı 1 malı-tı-ju-N malı-tı-ju-ı

kıgılı-tı-j-o kıgılı-tı-j-e 2 malı-tı-j-o malı-tı-j-e

kıgılı-tı-ju-ø kıgılı-tı-ju-ıya 3 malı-tı-ju-ø malı-tı-ju-ıya



kıgılıyaa-l-uN kıgılıyaa-l-ı 1 malıyaa-l-uN malıyaa-l-ı

kıgılıyaa-l-o kıgılıyaa-l-e 2 malıyaa-l-o malıyaa-l-e

kıgılıyaa-l-ø kıgılıyaa-l-ıya 3 malıyaa-l-ø malıyaa-l-ıya


kıgılı-bıyaa-l-uN kıgılı-bıyaa-l-ı 1 malı-bıyaa-l-uN malı-bıyaa-l-ı

kıgılı-bıyaa-l-o kıgılı-bıyaa-l-e 2 malı-bıyaa-l-o malı-bıyaa-l-e

kıgılı-bıyaa-l-ø kıgılı-bıyaa-l-ıya 3 malı-bıyaa-l-ø malı-bıyaa-l-ıya


kıgılıyaa-l-bıyE-N kıgılıyaa-l-bıyE-ı 1 malıyaa-l-bıyE-N malıyaa-l-bıyE-ı

kıgılıyaa-l-bıy-O kıgılıyaa-l-bıyE-E 2 malıyaa-l-bıy-O malıyaa-l-bıyE-E

kıgılıyaa-l-bıyE-ø kıgılıyaa-l-bıy-ya 3 malıyaa-l-bıyE-ø malıyaa-l-bıy-ya


kıgılı-la-ju-nn-uN kıgılı-la-ju-nn-ı 1 malı-la-ju-nn-uN malı-la-ju-nn-ı

kıgılı-la-ju-nn-o kıgılı-la-ju-nn-e 2 malı-la-ju-nn-o malı-la-ju-nn-e

kıgılı-la-ju-nn-u kıgılı-la-ju-nn-ıya 3 malı-la-ju-nn-u malı-la-ju-nn-ıya


kıgılı-la-bıyaa-l-uN kıgılı-la-bıyaa-l-ı 1 malı-la-bıyaa-l-uN malı-la-bıyaa-l-ı

kıgılı-la-bıyaa-l-o kıgılı-la-bıyaa-l-e 2 malı-la-bıyaa-l-o malı-la-bıyaa-l-e

kıgılı-la-bıyaa-l-ø kıgılı-la-bıyaa-l-ıya 3 malı-la-bıyaa-l-ø malı-la-bıyaa-l-ıya


kıgılıye-nn-uN kıgılıye-nn-ı 1 malıyE-nn-uN malıyE-nn-ı

kıgılıye-nn-o kıgılıye-nn-e 2 malıyE-nn-o malıyE-nn-e

kıgılıye-nn-u kıgılıye-nn-ıya 3 malıyE-nn-u malıyE-nn-ıya


kıgılı-taa-l-uN kıgılı-taa-l-ı 1 malı-taa-l-uN malı-taa-l-ı

kıgılı-taa-l-o kıgılı-taa-l-e 2 malı-taa-l-o malı-taa-l-e

kıgılı-taa-l-ø kıgılı-taa-l-ıya 3 malı-taa-l-ø malı-taa-l-ıya


kıgılıyo-ø kıgılıyo-N 2 malıya-ø malıya-N


kıgılı-la-ø kıgılı-la-N 2 malı-la-ø malı-la-N


kıgılıye-ma-ø kıgılıye-ma-N 1 malıyE-ma-ø malıyE-ma-N



kıgılıye-nn-ı-ø kıgılıyo-nn-ı-ya 1 malıyE-nn-ı-o malıyO-nn-ı-ya

Index

atrconventions, 4

animacy, 20animacy distinctions, 20

Benndieli, 2bilabial approximant, 10

consonantsallophones, 8inventory, 8

conventionsphonology, 4

currency, 29

definite morpheme, see determinersdemonstrative pronouns, see determinersdeterminers

definite morpheme Ngı, 25demonstrative pronouns, 25

dialects, 2Dogon

and Bangime Linguistics Project, 1internal classification, 1language family overview, 1multilingualism, 2noun classes, 20Toro Tegu, 16

glottal stop, phonemic, 10

Koundialan, 2

nasalizationconventions, 4

noun phrase, 34organization, 34

nouns, 20irregular morphology, 21noun classes, 20regular morphology, 20

numerals, 26cardinal, 27

distributive, 29ordinal, 29

possession, 36alienable, 37inalienable, 38of kin terms, 38

pronouns, 23accusative, 24dative, 24demonstratives, see determinersnominative, 23paradigm, 23possessive, 24suffixal, 23

tense-aspect-negationoverview, 53

toneconventions, 4

tone-droppingof noun-adjective pairs, 35

tonosyntaxnoun phrase, 35possession, 36tone controllers, 36

Toro Tegu, see Dogon

verbsindicative mood, 53inflection, 50negation, see tense-aspect-negationstems, 50

bisyllabic, 51CVV, 51NCV, 51quadrisyllabic, 52trisyllabic, 52

tense/aspect, see tense-aspect-negation

125

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Heath, Jeffrey. 2008. A grammar of Jamsay. Mouton Grammar Library. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.

Heath, Jeffrey. 2010a. A grammar of Najamba Dogon (=Bondu So).

Heath, Jeffrey. 2010b. A grammar of Nanga.

Heath, Jeffrey. 2010c. A grammar of Toro Tegu Dogon: Tabi dialect. URLhttp://dogonlanguages.org/docs/toro_tegu_grammar_unicode.pdf.

Heath, Jeffrey. 2011. A grammar of Yanda Dom.

Heath, Jeffrey, and Laura McPherson. To appear. Tonosyntax of Dogon NPs and relative clauses.Language .

Hochstetler, J. Lee. 2004. Sociolinguistic survey of the Dogon language area. SIL International.

McPherson, Laura. 2010. A grammar of TOmmO-SO. Draft version.

Plungian, Vladimir, and Issiaka Tembiné. 1995. Vers une description sociolinguistique du Pays Dogon:Attitudes linguistiques et problèmes de standardisation. In Stratégies communicatives au Mali: Langues

régionales, bambara, français, ed. Gérard Dumestre. Didier.

126

http://dogonlanguages.org/docs/toro_tegu_grammar_unicode.pdf.

To Do

o Add more about u-apocope . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5o Check haaN . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10o Beef up u-Apocope . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14o Finish Vowel Coalescence section . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16o Ordinals need SERIOUS work . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29o Heath & McPherson 2011 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36o Check data for 2 Jul . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37o edit kin terms section . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 38o Add more for conjunction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 41o Better conjunction examples . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 41o Add more for conjunction with modifiers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 41o Add more on disjunction, better examples . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 42o finish reversives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 48o reversive input restrictions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 48o need more on reversive verbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 48o rewrite 3pl ending section . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 61o 3pl ending data . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 61o CompCl: Add section about tough constr and raising . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 84o Anaph: Finish Recip . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 89o check greetings with Malick . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 94

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A Grammar of Dogul Dom

Documents

vowel inventory

final reduplication

dative pronouns

vowelconsonant interactions

consonant inventory

consonant sequence processes

irregular nouns

nominative pronouns