Trust Networks in Transnational Migration Author(s): Charles Tilly Source: Sociological Forum, Vol. 22, No. 1 (Mar., 2007), pp. 3-24 Published by: Springer Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20110187 . Accessed: 25/10/2011 07:56 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range ofcontent in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Springeris collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Sociological Forum. http://www.jstor.org
This document is posted to help you gain knowledge. Please leave a comment to let me know what you think about it! Share it to your friends and learn new things together.
Trust Networks in Transnational MigrationAuthor(s): Charles TillySource: Sociological Forum, Vol. 22, No. 1 (Mar., 2007), pp. 3-24Published by: SpringerStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20110187 .
Accessed: 25/10/2011 07:56
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at .http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of
content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms
of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].
Springer is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Sociological Forum.
The sheer volume of migrant remittances to relatively poor countries, inclu
ding those of Latin America and the Caribbean, nicely dramatizes the genu
inely transnational social ties created by long-distance migration. The
evidence underlines that migration flows are serious business, not only forthe individuals and families involved, but also for whole national economies.
Thinking about remittances also allows us to identify some crucial social
processes of which most migrants and first-hand students of migration are
well aware, but for which we have neither well-established theories, carefully
crafted concepts, nor extensive evidence. I mean the creation, use, and trans
formation of interpersonal trust networks within migration streams.
My friend and former student Alex Juica migrated to New York City
from Huanuco, Peru, after a long intermediate stay in Lima. He tells vivid
tales of hisstruggles
to
get
an education in Peru, his achievement of an
economics Ph.D. in the United States, his appointment as an economic
affairs officer at the United Nations, and his efforts to help family
members both in Peru and in New York. Speaking of another Peruvian
immigrant he met inNew York, Alex reports that:
This paper revises my Mead Lecture, University of Connecticut, September 2005. I have
adapted a few paragraphs from Charles Tilly, Trust and Rule. Cambridge: Cambridge Uni
versity Press, 2005, and a few other paragraphs from Viviana A. Zelizer and Charles Tilly,"Relations and Categories" pp. 225-255 in Arthur Markman and Brian Ross, eds., Cate
gories in Use. The Psychology of Learning and Motivation, Advances in Research and Theory,Volume
47,Amsterdam: Elsevier.
1Department of Sociology, Columbia University, 514 Fayerweather Hall, New York, New
Today I will send the remittance in kind to my mother, poor woman, she will be
needing it. 'La Cholita' would say, on one of the occasions on which she sent en
comiendas to her family. Even grandparents, who often had helped parents to raise
the kids, are subject to attention from Peruvian immigrants, who send them remit
tances when not sponsoring them to come to 'Los Estados Unidos.'
Alex continues:
Sometimes remittances flow the other way and parents use their skills to help their
grown children. For example, when parents who are construction workers might helpto build or improve their children's homes, either in Lima or inNew York City. Maria
invited her father to New York City on a tourist visa so that he could visit her and his
grandchildren but also assist in the construction of the sewage system for her new
house. 'Here it is different,' her father told me. 'The parts are generally plastic, not likein Peru, where they are usually metal. But some of the parts might be interchangeable,so I am taking a few back to Peru to use with my clients' (Juica, 2001:251).
In a recent talk, immigrant become migration analyst, Alex Juica pointsout that 75% of all remittances to Latin American and Caribbean countries
come from the United States, that the vast majority of recent migrants to
the United States from the Dominican Republic, Mexico, and Ecuador send
remittances regularly, and that undocumented migrants send remittances
more regularly than their documented paisanos (Juica, 2005).The United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs for
which Alex works reports that during the 1990s remittances passed over
seas development assistance as a source of external funds for developing
countries; by the early twenty-first century officially counted remittances
alone were running about US$60 billion per year. Unofficially transmitted
money and goods surely added billions more. By 2004, remittances had
well surpassed international development assistance and started approach
ing foreign direct investment as sources of external financing in developingcountries. Officially counted worldwide remittance flows then amounted to
some US$182 billion, of which 69% went to developing countries. Infor
mal flows surely pushed the grand total of remittances well above foreigndirect investment itself in many poorer countries (Maimbo and Ratha,
2005:3-4). Remittances have sometimes amounted to more than 60% of
international monetary inflows to El Salvador and Nicaragua (United
Nations, 2004:106). In 2002, the roughly 27 billion dollars officially sent
to Latin America and the Caribbean accounted for about a fifth of the
world total of official remittances and equaled 1.6% of the entire region's
inhibits assimilation of migrants at the destination and poses sharp choicesfor the second and later generations.
5) In the longer run, the survival of transnational trust networks throughthe second generation and beyond depends heavily on the social segregation or integration of the immigrant stream at the destination, whether
segregated through self-selection or exclusion, segregated immigrant com
munities more frequently maintain transnational trust networks.
6) That segregation, however, generally confines members of trust net
works to a relatively narrow range of opportunities for work, housing,
sociability, and welfare. If those opportunities connect members with rich
rewards, the network prospers. If not, it often suffers.
The Stakes of Trust Networks
Experts on migration will recognize immediately that these argumentsmix familiar facts with risky speculation. I hope they will stimulate discus
sion, criticism, research, and new reflection on fundamental social proces
ses, including the generation of trust. Many students of political processes,
including me,believe that
well-functioning democracy dependson substan
tial integration of interpersonal trust into public politics. If so, we are
talking not merely about the lives of migrants, but about the quality of
democratic life at large. As students of western democracies often fret
about the impact of recent immigration on public life, we touch a sensitive
junction between migration and politics.2What is trust? We can think of trust as an attitude or as a relation
ship with practices attached. For the purpose of studying migration, it
helps to concentrate on the relationship, leaving open what sorts of atti
tudes might motivate, complement, or result from a relationship of trust.
Labels such as kinsman, compadre, paisano, fellow believer, and comemberof a craft provide a first indication of a trust relationship. But we know a
trust relationship more surely by the practices of its participants: If youtrust me, do not just tell me so; let me take charge of your children's edu
cation, lend me your life's savings for investment, take medicines I give
you, or help me paint my house on the assumption that I will help you
2For networks in political processes, see Auyero, 2000; Bates et al, 1998; Bandelj, 2002;
Bandy and Smith, 2004; Bob, 2005; Cook, 2001; Davis et al, 2005; Diani, 1995, 2003;
Although segments of such networks may overlap with or even constitute trust networks, taken as wholes they do not qualify as trust net
works. They do not qualify because their participants do not generally
place their major valued collective enterprises at risk to malfeasance, mis
takes, or failures by other members of the same networks. In that precise
sense, members do not trust each other. Most or all members of trust net
works, in contrast, place major valued collective enterprises such as the
preservation of their faith, placement of their children, provision for their
old age, and protection of personal secrets at risk to fellow members' mal
feasance, mistakes, or failures. Accordingly, trust networks constitute onlya tiny subset of all networks.
Over thousands of years, nevertheless, ordinary people have commit
ted their major energies and most precious resources to trust networks not
only migration streams, to be sure, but also religious solidarities, lineages,trade diasporas, patron-client chains, credit networks, societies of mutual
aid, youth groups, and some kinds of local communities. We participantsin kinship and other trust networks usually take them for granted. But
they pose important mysteries: How do they maintain cohesion, control,
and, yes, trust when their members spread out into worlds rich with other
opportunitiesand commitments?
Their limiting cases, isolated communes and religious communities,seem easier to explain because their very insulation from the world facili
tates continuous monitoring, mutual aid, reciprocity, trust, and barriers to
exit. But geographically dispersed trust networks somehow manage to pro
duce similar effects, if not usually at the emotional intensities of isolated
communities. Maintaining the boundary between "us" and "them" clearly
plays an important part in trust networks' continued operation (Tilly,
2005b).Trust networks figure in many migration streams, especially those
organized in continuous chains linking limited origins to limited destinations. In fact, chain-linked long-distance migration provides a privileged
laboratory for study of transformations in trust networks.4 Long-distance
migration poses serious risks. Those risks dispose potential migrants who
4Amuedo-Dorantes and Pozo, 2005; Bodnar, 1985; Borges, 2003; Conway and Cohen, 1998;Cordero-Guzm?n et al, 2001; Curran et al, 2005; Curran and Cope Saguy, 2001; Durand
et al, 1996; Le Espiritu, 2003; Fussell and Massey, 2004; de la Garza and Lindsay Lowell,
Deeply altering the organization of power and wealth in Ticuani.
Reshaping the lives of Ticuanenses in both locales.
Creating a new transnational set of trust networks.
Without a continuous flow of earnings from mostly modest occupa
tions inNew York, the continuously changing system would collapse. But
fed by those resources and by new generations of migrants in both direc
tions, the process sustains boundaries between Ticuanenses and others,
shapes relations across those boundaries in both Mexico and the United
States, and increases the relative prominence of network segments closely
connected to the Ticuanense population in New York. In the mediumrun, then, the partial success of chain migration has reinforced the viabil
ity of trust networks at its core.
Smith objects strongly to analyses of transnational migration that
treat it primarily as an assault of globalization on receiving countries.
Instead, he insists on the degree to which continuous flows in both direc
tions transform sending communities as well as connections between ori
gin and destination. He also stresses the importance of descending from
the national to the local level. As he declares,
Transnational life if lived, in intimate experience, not as 'transcendence' of
national borders but, rather, as a maintenance of links between one's own or one's
parents' hometown, and what it comes to represent, via concrete practices or com
mon imaginings. These evolve, like all cultural practices, in relation to their chan
ging material and institutional contexts. Transnational practices and institutions
are thus, in the proximate sense, products of other locally lived processes and cus
toms. In the cases I have studied, transnational life is both quotidian?mailing or
receiving remittances or phone calls?and also dramatic, attending feasts and dan
ces and fighting in the hometown, building a school in the hometown, and
demanding recognition and political power from hometown authorities (Smith,
2000:205).
Smith shows, among other things, that a hometown association oper
ating from New York City regularly intervenes in Ticuani's local affairs tothe extent of financing the water supply and backing candidates for publicoffice.
Since the 1970s, in fact, many Ticuanense New Yorkers fulfill their
village work obligations, or faenas, by means of financial contributions
channeled to Mexico through a powerful New York-based committee of
emigrants. Smith tells the story of accompanying committee members to
JFK airport in 1993 as they went off to consult with Ticuani authorities
and contractors about a new water system for the village. For this, he
reports,
the largest Ticuani project ever, the Committee raised more than two-thirds of the
$ 150,000 cost of the project, exceeding the Mexican federal, state, and local contri
butions combined. The Committee has also become involved in Ticuani politics
Similarly, Sarah Mahler's ethnographic study of migration between El
Salvador and New York's Long Island suburbs documents the profoundeffect of remittances on sending communities, maintenance of transnational
ties into the second generation, the frequent care of U.S. born children by
their relatives in El Salvador, and the investment of people at both ends of
the migration stream in maintaining their trust network. More numerous
than permanent return migrants, Mahler reports that Salvadorans:
Are who enjoy legal immigrant status in the United States and who return for
family and community events, such as marriages, baptisms, funerals, and village
festivals. Increasingly visible are older returning migrants, generally men in their
forties to sixties who fled El Salvador during the war, leaving behind their spouses
and young children. With limited education and skills for advancing economicallyon Long Island, many of these men desired to return home?indeed their families
begged them to return?but the families had also grown too dependent upon
remittance income to forsake migration altogether. So, before returning, migrants
first sponsor the migration of at least one child, grooming him or her in the basicsof migrant life?housing and job. The children ensure that remittances will con
tinue to flow homeward, cash that even highly self-sufficient farmers need to purchase fertilizers and pay for clothing, medical care, and so on (Mahler, 2001a:
120-121; see also Mahler, 2001b; for the terrible toll of the Salvadoran civil war,see Brockett, 2005; Wood, 2003).
While inNew York, moreover, Salvadoran immigrants maintain con
tinuous contact with their places of origin by means of letters, dollar
remittances, and gifts that flow in both directions. Specialized viajeroswho travel frequently between the two countries, Mahler reports, play cru
cial parts in
moving goods,money, and information between
Long
Island
and El Salvador (Mahler, 2001a: 117). Salvadorans' reliance on those inter
mediaries indicates that they connect via a trust network with the capacityto limit malfeasance, mistakes, and failures.
Clearly such trust networks go beyond simple means-end instrumental
ism. They engage their members in webs of rights and obligations. Unlike
the short-term contract with Western Union for the transmission of funds
from New York to a Salvadoran village, relations with a viajero typicallylast from one trip to the next. More important, they articulate with larger,
longer-lasting networks of social insurance and social control, especially ties
among kin and friends at both ends of the migration stream.Based on interviews with Hispanic migrants to Miami and Los Ange
les in 2002, a Pew Hispanic Center study documents the centrality of
remittances to connections between sending and receiving communities.
Almost all respondents reported sending remittances to support families
back home. Most gave remittances priority over their bills and expenses in
the United States. "Before anything," Mexican emigrant respondentMarisela remarked, "I send them the money because they count on it.
Then afterwards I pay the bills, my rent, but the first thing I do is send
it" (Suro et al, 2002:7).
When it came to basic family expenses back home, most migrants left
budgetary control to their families. A Mexican emigrant, Eduardo, told
interviewers:
One part is for savings, the other part for the primary necessities like education. It
depends on my wife and the priorities she has. So I go ahead and send the money,
and it just goes where she uses it (Suro et al, 2002:8).
When it came to investments such as buying land, however, remitting
emigrants exercised extensive control over the money; they negotiated
binding earmarks with their families in the home community. Each of
these arrangements clearly involves mental accounting. In each, earmark
ing concerns budgeting of remitted funds into distinct categories of legitimate expenditure.
Latin American migrants to the United States commonly use wireservices to transmit money back home. A simple search of almost any
American city's Latin American neighborhoods for stores with env
?os?remittances?among their advertised wares will verify the importance
of wire services. Many migrants also use couriers (often known as viajeros
or travelers) to carry money and other valuables. Finally, migrants who
return home for visits regularly carry not only money but also other gifts
including household appliances. Anyone who has ever taken an inexpen
sive flight from a U.S. airport to the Caribbean or Latin America can tes
tify to the importance of hand-carried remittances.
To be sure, all such remittance relations mix good will with extensive
obligation. Relations between emigrants and households at the origin pro
vide mutual support, as well as reinforcing the migrants' longer-term
claims on membership in the sending community. Earmarked remittances
buttress the crucial relations as they assert the senders' power over those
relations. The boundary between faithful remitters and defaulters divides
upstanding family members from dishonorable exiles, but it also separates
households that regularly receive support of their migrant members from
less fortunate households at the origin.
Reportingon his extensive fieldwork in the Caribbean island of
Montserrat as well as in London, Stuart Philpott describes a powerful sys
tem of informal controls over remittances from migrants in Great Britain.
He remarks,
Children are impressed with the behavior expected from the migrants from a
fairly early age. These expectations are implicitly taught in the home through the
praise of migrants who send remittances and through the condemnation of the
'worthless-minded' kin who do not 'notice their families.' Stories such as one
about the migrant who returned from America with 32 trunk loads of gifts for
distribution to his family and friends and another about a woman who literallysent her brother a car from America in the days when the only other cars were
owned by the wealthiest estate owners have virtually become moral precepts
(Philpott, 1968:468).
Philpott documents children's trips to the post office in hopes of
retrieving money-bearing letters, children's visions of the future in which
they emigrate and send back support for their families, complex alloca
tions of money received among family members, reciprocity by sending of
homegrown products back to Britain, black magic employed to coerce
reluctant remitters, in short, a large array of controls backing up the gen
eral understanding that honorable emigrants meet their obligations to
family and friends by means of remittances. The obvious consequence:
Division of emigrants into the two categories of honorable and dishonora
At the United States end, such trust networks offer connections with
jobs, housing, sociability, and care all crucial forms of insurance for highrisk migrants. At the Latin American end, they offer opportunities to
return home after a U.S. stint, to receive respect that runs very short in
New York or Los Angeles, to secure care for young children born in the
United States, and to integrate older versions of the same children into
the rituals, routines, language, and interpersonal ties of the home culture
(Hodagneu-Sotelo, 2001; Hodagneu-Sotelo and Avila, 2002; Levitt,
2001a,b, 2004; Menjivar, 2000, 2002). All this depends on rights and reci
procity over the longer term.
Trust Networks as Obligation and Constraint
At the same time, membership in trust networks imposes stringent
obligations. If you fail to help new arrivals in the United States, default in
your sending of promised remittances, or neglect fellow members of the
migrant stream in favor of newfound American friends, you are likely to
find yourself criticized or shunned. In trust networks, criticism and shun
ning regularly signalthat if a
waywardmember does not
reform,she will
lose access to the social insurance ordinarily provided by the network.
Some of the strife and misunderstanding between first and second generations stems precisely from the attempt of older members to keep youngsters
within the web of mutual obligation. But differences by gender also arise,for example as wives discover that they actually enjoy the marital leveragethat employment and city life give them, while their husbands resist the
loss of their macho authority (Grasmuck and Pessar, 1992; Hirsch, 2003).Members of migrant trust networks reinforce the rights and obliga
tions built into those networks by traveling recurrently in both directions.
As a result, ideas, practices, and symbols also flow between the UnitedStates and Latin America. Peggy Levitt describes the circulation of U.S.
cultural artifacts between Jamaica Plain, Massachusetts, and the Domin
ican town she calls Miraflores from which a nucleus of Jamaica Plain
Dominicans migrated:
In Miraflores, villagers often dress in T-shirts emblazoned with the names of busi
nesses in Massachusetts, although they do not know what these words or logosmean. They proudly serve their visitors coffee with Cremora and juice made from
Tang (Levitt, 2001a:2).
But, so to speak, these artifacts aremerely the cream on the coffee.
They register the regularity of contact within migrant networks. The same
Dominican villagers who display Boston-area gear also take care of the
Auyero, Javier. 2000. Poor People's Politics: Peronist Survival Networks and the Legacy ofEvita. Durham, NC: Duke University Press.
Bandelj, Nina. 2002. "Embedded Economies: Social Relations as Determinants of ForeignDirect Investment in Central and Eastern Europe," Social Forces 81: 411-444.
Bandy, Joe, and Jackie Smith. 2004. "Factors Affecting Conflict and Cooperation in Trans
national Movement Networks," In Bandy Joe and Smith Jackie (eds.), Coalitions across
Borders. Transnational Protest and the Neoliberal Order. 231-252. Lanham, MD: Rowman
and Littlefield.
Bates, Robert H., Avner Greif, Margaret Levi, Jean-Laurent Rosenthal, and Barry R. Wein
gast. 1998. Analytic Narratives. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.
Bayon, Denis. 1999. Les S.E.L., "Syst?mes d'?changes locaux". Pour un vrai d?bat. Levallois
Perret: Yves Michel.
Besley, Timothy. 1995. "Nonmarket Institutions for Credit and Risk Sharing in Low-Income
Countries," Journal of Economic Perspectives 9: 169-188.
Biggart, Nicole Woolsey. 2001. "Banking on Each Other: The Situational Logic of Rotating
Savings and Credit Associations," Advances in Qualitative Organization Research 3: 129
153.
Biggart, Nicole Woolsey, and Richard P. Castanias. 2001. "Collateralized Social Relations:
The Social in Economic Calculation," American Journal of Economics and Sociology 60:
471-500.
Bob, Clifford. 2005. The Marketing of Rebellion. Insurgents, Media, and International
Activism. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Bodnar, John. 1985. The Transplanted. A History of Immigrants in Urban America. Bloom
ington, IA: Indiana University Press.
Borges, Marcelo J. 2003. "Network Migration, Marriage Patterns, and Adaptation in Rural
Portugal and among Portuguese Immigrants in Argentina, 1870-1980," History of the
Family 8: 445-479.Brockett, Charles D. 2005. Political Movements and Violence in Central America. Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press.
Buchan, Nancy R., Rachel T.A. Croson, and Robyn M. Dawes. 2002. "Swift Neighbors and
Persistent Strangers: A Cross-Cultural Investigation of Trust and Reciprocity in Social
Exchange," American Journal of Sociology 108: 168-206.
Burt, Ronald S., and Marc Knez. 1995. "Kinds of Third-Party Effects on Trust," Rationalityand Society 7: 255-292.
Castren, Anna-Maija, and Markku Lonkila. 2004. "Friendship in Finland and Russia
from a Micro Perspective," In Castren Anna-Maija, Lonkila Markku and Peltonen
Matti (eds.), Between Sociology and History. Essays on Microhistory, Collective Action,
and Nation-Building: 162-176. Helsinki: SKS/Finnish Literature Society.
Conway, Dennis, and Jeffrey H. Cohen. 1998. "Consequences of Migration and Remittances
for Mexican Transnational Communities," Economic Geography 74: 25^14.Cook, Karen S.(ed.) 2001. Trust in Society. New York: Russell Sage Foundation.
Cordero-Guzm?n, H?ctor R., Robert C. Smith, and Ram?n Grosfoguel (eds.). 2001. Migra
tion, Transnationalization, and Race in a Changing New York. Philadelphia: Temple Uni
versity Press.
Curran, Sara R., and Abigail Cope Saguy. 2001. "Migration and Cultural Change: A Role
for Gender and Social Networks?" Journal for International Women's Studies 2: 54-77.
Curran, Sara R., Filiz Garip, Chang Y. Chung, and Kanchana Tangchonlatip. 2005. "Gen
dered Migrant Social Capital: Evidence from Thailand," Social Forces 84: 226-255.
Curtin, Philip D. 1984. Cross-Cultural Trade in World History. Cambridge: Cambridge Uni
versity Press.
Darr, Asaf. 2003. "Gifting Practices and Interorganizational Relations: Constructing Obligation Networks in the Electronics Sector," Sociological Forum 18: 31-51.
Davis, Gerald F., Doug McAdam, W. Richard Scott, and Mayer N. Zald (eds.). 2005. SocialMovements and Organization Theory. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Diani, Mario. 1995. Green Networks. A Structural Analysis of the Italian Environmental
Movement. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press.
Diani, Mario. 2003. "Introduction: Social Movements, Contentious Actions, and Social Net
works: 'From Metaphor to Substance'?" In Diani Mario and McAdam Doug (eds.),
Social Movements and Networks. Relational Approaches to Collective Action: 1-20. Oxford:
Oxford University Press.
DiMaggio, Paul (ed.). 2001. The Twenty-First Century Firm. Changing Economic Organization in International Perspective. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.
DiMaggio, Paul, and Hugh Louch. 1998. "Socially Embedded Consumer Transactions: For
What Kinds of Purchases Do People Most Often Use Networks?" American SociologicalReview 63: 619-637.
Durand, Jorge, Emilio A. Parrado, and Douglas S. Massey. 1996. "Migradollars and Devel
opment: A Reconsideration of the Mexican Case," International Migration Review 30:
423^44.
Edelman, Marc. 1999. Peasants against Globalization. Rural Social Movements in Costa Rica.
Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press.
Edelman, Marc. 2003. "Transnational Peasant and Farmer Movements and Networks," In
Kaldor Mary, Anheier Helmut and Glasius Marlies (eds.), Global Civil Society 2003: 185
220. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Elster, Jon. 1999. Alchemists of the Mind. Rationality and the Emotions. Cambridge: Cam
bridge University Press.
Elster, Jon, Claus Offe, and Ulrich K. Preuss. 1998 Institutional Design in Post-Communist
Societies. Rebuilding the Ship at Sea. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Farah, Douglas. 2004. Blood from Stones. The Secret Financial Network of Terror. New
York: Broadway Books.
Feige, Edgar. 1997. "Underground Activity and Institutional Change: Productive, Protective,
and Predatory Behavior in Transition Economies," In Nelson Joan, Tilly Charles and
Walker Lee (eds.), Transforming Post-Communist Political Economies: 21-34. Washington,DC: National Academy Press.
Fern?ndez Kelly, M. Patricia, and Richard Schauffler. 1996. "Divided Fates: ImmigrantChildren and the New Assimilation," In Portes Alejandro (ed), The New Second Genera
tion: 30-53. New York, NY: Russell Sage Foundation.
Fontaine, Laurence. 1993. Histoire du colportage en Europe Xve-XIXe si?cle. Paris: Albin Mi
chel.
Forment, Carlos A. 2003. Democracy in Latin America 1760-1900. Volume I: Civic Selfhoodand Public Life inMexico and Peru. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Fox, Jonathan. 1992. The Politics of Food inMexico. State Power and Social Mobilization.
Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press.
Fox, Jonathan. 1994. "The Difficult Transition from Clientelism to Citizenship: Lessons
from Mexico," World Politics 46: 151-184.
Fox, Jonathan. 1996. "How does Civil Society Thicken? The Political Construction of Social
Capital in Rural Mexico," World Development 24: 1089-1103.
Fussell, Elizabeth, and Douglas S. Massey. 2004. "The Limits to Cumulative Causation:
International Migration from Mexican Urban Areas," Demography 41: 151-171.
Gambetta, Diego. 1993. The Sicilian Mafia. The Business of Private Protection. Cambridge,
MA: Harvard University Press.
de la Garza, Rodolfo O., and Briant Lindsay Lowell. 2002. Sending Money Home. HispanicRemittances and Community Development. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield.
Georges, Eugenia. 1990. The Making of a Transnational Community. New York: Columbia
University Press.
Gordon, Wendy M. 2005. "What, I Pray You, Shall IDo with the Balance?: Single Women's
Economy of Migration," International Review of Social History 50: 53-70.
Gould, Roger V. 1999. "Collective Violence and Group Solidarity: Evidence from a Feuding
Society," American Sociological Review 64: 356-380.
Gould, Roger V. 2003. Collision of Wills. How Ambiguity about Social Rank Breeds Conflict.
Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Granovetter, Mark. 1995. "The Economic Sociology of Firms and Entrepreneurs," In Portes
Alejandro (ed), The Economic Sociology of Immigration. Essays on Networks, Ethnicity, and
Entrepreneurship: 128-165. New York: Russell Sage Foundation.
Grasmuck, Sherri, and Patricia R. Pessar. 1992. Between Two Islands. Dominican Interna
tional Migration. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press.
Green, Nancy L. 2002. Repenser les migrations. Paris: Presses Universitaires de France.
Grimson, Alejandro. 1999. Relatos de la diferencia y la igualdad. Los bolivianos en Buenos
Aires. Buenos Aires: Editorial Universitaria de Buenos Aires.
Guinnane, Timothy W. 2005. "Trust: A Concept too Many," Jahrbuch f?r Wir
tschaftsgeschichte 2005 Part I: 77-92.
Guiso, Luigi, Paola Sapienza, and Luigi Zingales. 2004. "The Role of Social Capital in
Financial Development," American Economic Review 94: 526-556.de Haas, Hein, and Roald Plug. 2006. "Cherishing the Goose with the Golden Eggs: Trends
in Migrant Remittances from Europe to Morocco 1970-2004," International MigrationReview 40: 603-634.
Haber, Stephen, Armando Razo, and Noel Maurer. 2003. The Politics of Property Rights.Political Instability, Credible Commitments, and Economic Growth inMexico, 1876-1929.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Hagan, Jacqueline, and Helen Rose Ebaugh. 2003. "Calling upon the Sacred; Migrants' Use
of Religion in the Migration Process," International Migration Review 37: 1145-1162.
Havik, Philip J. 1998. "Female Entrepreneurship in a Changing Environment: Gender, Kin
ship and Trade in the Guinea Bissau Region," In Risseeuw Carla and Ganesh Kamala
(eds.), Negotiation and Social Space. A Gendered Analysis of Changing Kin and SecurityNetworks in South Asia and Sub-Saharan Africa: 205-225. Walnut Creek, CA: AltaMira
Press.Heer, David M. 1996. Immigration in America's Future. Social Science Findings and the Pol
icy Debate. Boulder, CO: Westview.
Heimer, Carol A. 1985. Reactive Risk and Rational Action: Managing Moral Hazard in Insur
ance Contracts. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press.
Hirsch, Jennifer S. 2003. A Courtship after Marriage. Berkeley, CA: University of California
Press.
Hodagneu-Sotelo, Pierrette. 2001. Domestica. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press.
Hodagneu-Sotelo, Pierrette, and Ernestine Avila. 2002. "I'm Here but I'm There: The Mean
ings of Transnational Motherhood," In Gerstel Naomi, Clawson Dan and Zussman Rob
ert (eds.), Families at Work: Expanding the Boundaries. Nashville, TN: Vanderbilt
University Press.
Hoerder, Dirk, and Leslie Page Moch. 1996. (eds.), European Migrants. Global and Local
Perspectives. Boston: Northeastern University Press.Juica, Alex. 2001. "Peruvian Networks for Migration in New York City's Labor Market,
1970-1996," In H?ctor R. Cordero-Guzm?n, Robert C. Smith and Grosfoguel Ram?n
(eds.), Migration, Transnationalization, and Race in a Changing New York: 239-257.
Kamphoefner, Walter D. 1987. The Westfalians. From Germany toMissouri. Princeton, NJ:
Princeton University Press.
Kamphoefner, Walter D., Wolfgang Helbich, and Ulrike Sommer, (eds.). 1991. News fromthe Land of Freedom. German Immigrants Write Home. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University
Press.
Keck, Margaret, and Kathryn Sikkink. 1998. Activists beyond Borders: Advocacy Networks in
International Politics. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press.Keck, Margaret, and Kathryn Sikkink. 2000. "Historical Precursors to Modern Transna
tional Social Movements and Networks," In John A. Guidry, Michael D. Kennedy
and Mayer N. Zald (eds.), Globalizations and Social Movements. Culture, Power, andthe Transnational Public Sphere: Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press.
Knoke, David. 1990. Political Networks. The Structural Perspective. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press.
Kurien, Prema A. 2002. Kaleidoscopic Ethnicity. International Migration and the Reconstruc
tion of Community Identities in India. New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press.
Landa, Janet Tai. 1994. Trust, Ethnicity, and Identity. Beyond the New Institutional Econom
ics of Ethnic Trading Networks, Contract Law, and Gift-Exchange. Ann Arbor, MI: Uni
versity of Michigan Press.
Langman, Lauren. 2005. "From Virtual Public Spheres to Global Justice: A Critical Theoryof Internetworked Social Movements," Sociological Theory 23: 42-74.
Le Espiritu, Yen. 2003. Home Bound. Filipino American Lives across Cultures, Communities,
and Countries. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press.
Ledeneva, Alena. 1998. Russia's Economy of Favours. Blat, Networking, and Informal
Exchange. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Ledeneva, Alena. 2004. "Genealogy of krugovaya poruka: Forced Trust as a Feature of
Russian Political Culture," Proceedings of the British Academy 123: 85-108.
Levi, Margaret. 1997. Consent, Dissent, and Patriotism. Cambridge: Cambridge UniversityPress.
Levi, Margaret, and Laura Stoker. 2000. "Political Trust and Trustworthiness," Annual
Review of Political Science 3: 475-508.
Levitt, Peggy. 2001a. The Transnational Villagers. Berkeley, CA: University of California
Press.
Levitt, Peggy. 2001b. "Transnational Migration: Taking Stock and Future Directions," Global
Networks 1: 195-216.
Levitt, Peggy. 2004. "Salsa and Ketchup: Transnational Migrants Straddle Two Worlds,"
Contexts 3: 20-26.
Light, Ivan, and Edna Bonacich. 1988. Immigrant Entrepreneurs. Koreans in Los Ange
les,~ 1965-1982. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press.
Lonkila, Markku. 1999a. Social Networks in Post-Soviet Russia. Helsinki: Kikimora Publica
tions.
Lonkila, Markku. 1999b. "Post-Soviet Russia: A Society of Networks?" In KangaspuroMarkku (ed.), Russia: More Different than Most. Helsinki: Kikimora Publications.
Mahler, Sarah J. 2001a. "Suburban Transnational Migrants: Long Island's Salvadorans," In
H?ctor R. Cordero-Guzm?n, Robert C. Smith and Grosfoguel Ram?n (eds.), Migration,
Transnationalization, and Race in a Changing New York: 258-278. Philadelphia: Temple
University Press.
Mahler, Sarah J. 2001b. "Transnational Relationships: The Struggle to Communicate across
Borders," Identities: Global Studies in Culture and Power 1: 583-619.
Maimbo, Samuel Munzele, and Dilip Ratha. 2005. "Remittances: An Overview," In MunzeleMaimbo Samuel and Rathe Dilip (eds.), Remittances. Development Impact and Future
Prospects: 1-16. Washington, DC: World Bank.
Marques, M. Margarida, Rui Santos, and Fernanda Araujo. 2001. "Ariadne's Thread: CapeVerdean Women in Transnational Webs," Global Networks 1: 283-306.
Massey, Douglas S., Joaqu?n Arango, Graeme Hugo, Ali Kouaouci, Adela Pellegrino, and
J. Edward Taylor. 1998. Worlds inMotion. Understanding International Migration at the
End of theMillennium. Oxford: Clarendon Press.
McKeown, Adam. 2001. Chinese Migrant Networks and Cultural Change. Peru, Chicago,
Hawaii, 1900-1936. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Meisch, Lynn A. 2002. Andean Entrepreneurs. Otavalo Merchants and Musicians in the Global
Morawska, Ewa. 2003. "Disciplinary Agendas and Analytic Strategies of Research on Immi
gration and Transnationalism: Challenges of Interdisciplinary Know
ledge," International Migration Review 37: 611-640.
Muldrew, Craig. 1998. The Economy of Obligation. London: Macmillan, 2001.. '"Hard Food
for Midas': Cash and its Social Value in Early Modern England," Past and Present 170:
78-120.Muldrew, Craig. 1993. "Interpreting the Market: The Ethics of Credit and Community Rela
tions in Early Modern England," Social History 18: 163-183.
Ngai, Mae M. 2004. Impossible Subjects: Illegal Aliens and the Making of Modern America.
Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.
Ostergren, Robert C. 1988. A Community Transplanted. The Trans-Atlantic Experience of a
Swedish Immigrant Settlement in the Upper Middle West, 1835-1915. Uppsala: Acta Uni
versitatis Upsaliensis.
Ostrom, Elinor. 1990. Governing the Commons. The Evolution of Institutions for Collective
Action. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Ostrom, Elinor. 1998. "A Behavioral Approach to the Rational Choice Theory of Collective
Action," American Political Science Review 92: 1-22.
Parrenas, Rhacel Salazar. 2005a. Children of Global Migration. Transnational Families and
Gendered Woes. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press.
Parre?as, Rhacel Salazar. 2005b "Long Distance Intimacy: Class, Gender and Intergenerational Relations between Mothers and Children in Filipino Transnational Families," Glo
bal Networks 5: 317-336.
Passy, Florence. 1998. L'Action altruiste. Contraintes et opportunit?s de l'engagement dans les
mouvements sociaux. Geneva: Droz.
Passy, Florence. 2001. "Socialization, Connection, and the Structure/Agency Gap: A Specification of the Impact of Networks on Participation in Social Movements," Mobiliza
tion 6: 173-192.
Pastor, Reyna, Esther Pascua, Ana Rodriguez-Lopez, and Pablo S?nchez-Le?n. 2002.
Beyond theMarket. Transactions, Property and Social Networks inMonastic Galicia 1200
1300. Leiden: Brill.
Paxton, Pamela. 1999. "Is Social Capital Declining in the United States? A Multiple Indica
tor Assessment," American Journal of Sociology 108: 88-127.Paxton, Pamela. 2002. "Social Capital and Democracy: An Interdependent Relationship,"
American Journal of Sociology 67: 254-277.
Philpott, Stuart B. 1968. "Remittance Obligations, Social Networks and Choice among
Montserratian Migrants in Britain.," Man, New Series 3: 465-476.
Piipponen, Minna. 2004. "Work-Related Ties in the Everyday Life of a Russian Karelian
Mill Community," In Alapuro Risto, Liikanen Ilkka and Lonkila Markku (eds.), BeyondPost-Soviet Transition. Micro Perspectives on Challenge and Survival in Russia and Estonia:
64-83. Saarij?rvi: Kikimora Publications.
Poros, Maritsa. 2001. "The Role of Migrant Networks in Linking Local Labour Markets:
The Case of Asian Indian Migration to New York and London," Global Networks 1:
243-259.
Portes, Alejandro (ed.). 1995. The Economic Sociology of Immigration: Essays on Networks,
Ethnicity, and Entrepreneurship. New York: Russell Sage Foundation.
Portes, Alejandro. 1996. The New Second Generation. New York: Russell Sage Foundation.
Portes, Alejandro, and Rub?n Rumbaut. 1990. Immigrant America. A Portrait. Berkeley, CA:
University of California Press.
Portes, Alejandro, and Rub?n Rumbaut. 2001. Legacies: The Story of the Immigrant Second
Generation. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press.
Postel-Vinay, Gilles. 1998. La terre et l'argent. L'agriculture et le cr?dit en France du XVIIIe
au d?but du Xxe si?cle. Paris: Albin Michel.
Powell, Walter W., and Laurel Smith-Doerr. 1994. "Networks and Economie Life," In Neil
J. Smelser and Swedberg Richard (eds.), The Handbook of Economie Sociology: 348-402.
Princeton, NJ/New York: Princeton University Press/Russell Sage Foundation.
Raddon, Mary-Beth. 2003. Community and Money: Caring, Gift-Giving, and Women in a
Social Economy. Montreal: Black Rose Books.
Raggio, Olsvaldo. 1990. Faide e P?rentele. Lo Stato Genovese visto dalla Fontanabuona.
Turin: Einaudi.
Riles, Annelise. 2000. The Network Inside Out. Ann Arbor, MI: University of MichiganPress.
Roberts, Kenneth, and Michael D. Morris. 2003. "Fortune, Risk, and Remittances: An
Application of Option Theory to Participation in Village-Based Migration Networks,"
International Migration Review 37: 1252-1281.
Rotberg, Robert (ed.). 1999. "Patterns of Social Capital: Stability and Change in Comparative Perspective," Journal of Interdisciplinary History 29: nos. 3 and 4, Winter and Spring
1999, two entire issues.
Sanders, Jimy. 2002. "Ethnic Boundaries and Identity in Plural Societies," Annual Review of
Sociology 28: 327-357.
Shapiro, Susan P. 1987. "The Social Control of Impersonal Trust," American Journal of
Sociology 93: 623-658.
Singerman, Diane. 1995. Avenues of Participation. Family, Politics, and Networks in Urban
Quarters of Cairo. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.
Singerman, Diane. 2004. "The Networked World of Islamist Social Movements," In Wi
ktorowicz Quintan (ed), Islamic Activism. A Social Movement Theory Approach: 125-146.
Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press.
Singh, Supriya. 2005. "Sending Money Home: Money and Family in the Indian
Diaspora," Paper presented at the Institute for International Integration Studies
Seminar, Trinity College, Dublin, April, (http://mams.rmit.edu.au/e0eneunbp2w.pdf)viewed October 15, 2005.
Skocpol, Theda. 2003. Diminished Democracy. From Membership toManagement in American
Civic Life. Norman, OK: University of Oklahoma Press.
Skocpol, Theda, and Morris P. Fiorina (eds.). 1999. Civic Engagement in American Demo
Stark, Oded. 1995. Altruism and Beyond. An Economic Analysis of Transfers and Exchangeswithin Families and Groups. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Suro, Robert, Sergio Bendixen, B. Lindsay Lowell, and Dulce C. Benavides. 2002. Billions in
Motion: Latino Immigrants, Remittances and Banking. Washington, DC: Pew HispanicCenter and the Multilateral Investment Fund, (http://www.iadb.org/mif/v2/files/
nov22b.pdf) viewed October 13, 2005.
Tarrow, Sidney. 2005. The New Transnational Activism. Cambridge: Cambridge UniversityPress.
Tilly, Charles. 1990. "Transplanted Networks," In Yans-McLaughlin Virginia (ed), Immigration Reconsidered. History, Sociology, and Politics: 79-95. New York: Oxford University
Press.
Tilly, Charles. 1998. Durable Inequality. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press.
Tilly, Charles. 2000. "Chain Migration and Opportunity Hoarding," In Janina W. Dacyl
and Charles Westin (eds.), Governance of Cultural Diversity, Stockholm: CEIFO [Centrefor Research in International Migration and Ethnic Relations], pp. 62-86.
Tilly, Charles. 2004. Contention and Democracy in Europe, 1650-2000. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press.
Tilly, Charles. 2005a Trust and Rule. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Tilly, Charles. 2005b Identities, Boundaries, and Social Ties. Boulder, CO: Paradigm Publish
ers.
Tilly, Chris, and Charles Tilly. 1998. Work under Capitalism. Boulder, CO: Westview Press.
Tsai, Kellee S. 2002. Back-Alley Banking. Private Entrepreneurs in China. Ithaca, NY: Cor
nell University Press.
United Nations. 2004. Department of Economic and Social Affairs, World Economic and
Social Survey 2004. International Migration. New York: United Nations.
Uslaner, Eric M. 2002. The Moral Foundations of Trust. Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press.
VanWey, Leah. 2004. "Altruistic and Contractual Remittances between Male and Female
Migrants and Households in Rural Thailand," Demography 41: 739-756.
Vertovec, Steven. 2003. "Migration and Other Modes of Transnationalism: Towards Con
ceptual Cross-Fertilization," International Migration Review 37: 641-665.
Waldinger, Roger D. 1996. Still the Promised City? African-Americans and New ImmigrantsinNew York, 1940-1990. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
Waldinger, Roger and Mehdi Bozorgmehr (eds.). 1996. Ethnic Los Angeles. New York: Russell
Sage Foundation.
Warren, Mark E.(ed.). 1999. Democracy and Trust. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Watts, Duncan. 2003. Six Degrees: The Science of a Connected Age. New York: Norton.
Watts, Duncan. 2004. "The 'New' Science of Networks," Annual Review of Sociology 30:
243-270.
Weber, Linda R., and Allison I. Carter. 2003. The Social Construction of Trust. New York:Klu wer/Plenum.
White, Harrison C. 2002. Markets from Networks. Socioeconomic Models of Production.
Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.
Winters, Paul, Alain de Janvry, and Elisabeth Sadoulet. 2001. "Family and Community Net
works inMexico-US Migration," Journal of Human Resources 36: 159-184.
Wood, Elisabeth J. 2003. Insurgent Collective Action and Civil War in El Salvador. Cam
bridge: Cambridge University Press.
Wuthnow, Robert. 2004. "Trust as an Aspect of Social Structure," In Jeffrey C. Alexander,
Gary T. Marx and Christine L. Williams (eds.), Self, Social Structure, and Beliefs. Explorations in Sociology: 145-167. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press.
Yamagishi, Toshio, and Midori Yamagishi. 1994. "Trust and Commitment in the United
States and Japan," Motivation and Emotion 18: 129-166.
Zelizer, Viviana A. 2004. "Circuits within Capitalism," In Nee Victor and Swedberg Richard
(eds.), The Economic Sociology of Capitalis: 289-322. Princeton, NJ: Princeton UniversityPress.
Zelizer, Viviana A. 2005a. "Culture and Consumption," In Neil J. Smelser and SwedbergRichard (eds.), The Handbook of Economic Sociology, 2nd edn: 331-354. Princeton, NJ/New
York: Princeton University Press/Russell Sage Foundation.
Zelizer, Viviana A. 2005b. The Purchase of Intimacy. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University