2015 “The Royal Titles of the Urartian Kings”

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Meaning and "A6yo C;

Proceedings from the Early Professional Interdisciplinary Conference

Held at the University of Liverpool, AprilS-l0 2013 .

Edited by

Erica Hughes

Cambridge Scholars Publishing

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Meaning and ",6yo <;: Proceedings from the Early Professional Interdisciplinary Conference

Edited by Erica Hughes

This book first published 2015

Cambridge Scholars Publishing

Lady Stephenson Library, Newcastle upon Tyne, NE6 2PA, UK

British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

Copyright © 2015 by Erica Hughes and contributors

All rights for this book reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the copyright owner.

ISBN (10): 1-4438-6879-5 ISBN (13): 978-1-4438-6879-2

ePIC E~RlY PROf. E..:)\'IQ~·i\L

INTE:RDJ)ClPLlN~RV

CONF~r~tNCC

Disclaimer:

These proceedings contain phrases and images that some people may find offensive.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

List of Figures and Tables ........................................................................... x

List of Color Plates ..................................................................................... xi

Foreword .................................................................................................. xiv Peter D'Sena

Part I: Creating Meaning, Influencing Perception

Chapter One ................................................................................................. 2 Creating Meaning, Influencing Perception Erica Hughes

Chapter Two ................................................................................................ 9 The Topos of the Coward King: Ursa ofUrartu in Assyrian Royal Inscri pti ons Julia Linke

Chapter Three ............................................................................................ 21 The Use and Symbolism of Polychrome Marble in Roman Sculpture Katie Claire McCann

Chapter Four .............................................................................................. 41 "I'm Peppa Shit": Spokes-Characters 2.0 as Bearers of Reputational Risk? The Case of Peppa Pig . Catherine Wilkinson and Anthony Patterson

Part II: Thought and Action

Chapter Five .............................................................................................. 62 Relating Concepts to Physical Actions Erica Hughes

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viii Table of Contents

Chapter Six .......................................................................... .... ............... ... 68 Constructing and Accessing Meaning at the Cortical Level: An Investigation of the Neural Networks Underpinning Semantic Cognition, Focusing on the Representation of Action and Vision Nicholas Murphy

Chapter Seven ............................................................................................ 88 Recursion as a Key Tool: From Institutionalism and Panopticism to Actorhood Kai Kaufmann

Chapter Eight ................................ ... ........................................................ 101 Zbigniew Herbert's Philosophy of Freedom Mikolaj Nowak-Rogozinski

Part III: Keynote Talk

Chapter Nine .............................................................. .............................. 110 Tribes and Territories . Paul Kleimann

Part IV: Titles and Definitions

Chapter Ten .............................................................................. .. ............. 122 Titles and Definitions Erica Hughes

Chapter Eleven ........................... ... .. ..... ................................................... 130 The Royal Titles of the Urartian Kingdom Ali Cifyi

Chapter Twelve ..... .................................................................................. 142 Is Interdisciplinarity an Act of Borrowing? David Talbot

Chapter Thirteen.......................................................... ............................ 158 What the I Refuses to Hear: The Meaning of Abject in Heavy Metal Discourse Leyla Onal

Meaning and AOYO<; ix

Part V: Etie and Ernie Meanings

Chapter Fourteen ................................. .. .................................................. 180 Insiders, Outsiders, and the Generation of Meaning Erica Hughes

Chapter Fifteen ......................... ................................................. .............. 185 Egyptian Barque Shrines and the Complexity of Miniaturized Sacred Space David Falk

Chapter Sixteen ... ................... ......... ........................................................ 195 Modern Alienation Strategies: Maus and the Murals of Belfast Thomas Gallagher and Erica Hughes .

Chapter Seventeen ........................ ............................................... ............ 205 Of Fox and Man: Physical Relationships Erica Hughes

Chapter Eighteen ... ................... ............................................................... 224 Concluding Note Erica Hughes

Contributors .......................................................................... ... ................ 225

Index ..................... .. ................................................................................. 229

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LIST OF FIGURES AND TABLES

Fig. 6.1: An example of the distributed nature of concept knowledge Fig. 6.2: Schematic to contrast the presentation of action and form trials to

test subj ects Fig. 6.3: Example of the transition between low (easy) and high (hard)

control demands for an action trial Fig. 6.4: A) Schematic to illustrate the general mini-block structure.

B) Response mapping, using a spatially congruent approach Table 6.1: Descriptive statistics for behavioural data: reaction times and

accuracy Fig. 6.5: Graph displaying the effect of condition on reaction times Fig. 6.6: Graph displaying the effect of condition on accuracy Table 6.2: Table detailing the locations of the peak clusters of activation Fig. 7.1: The Panopticon Puzzle Fig. 7.2: A schema of the "general problem solver" Table 11.1: Standard Titles in Royal Urartian Inscriptions Table 11.2: Exceptional Titles in Royal Urartian Inscriptions Table 17.1: Sites with evidence for symbolic use of the fox and/or

butchered and roasted fox remains

LIST OF COLOR PLATES

Pl. 1. Region of interest masks for the functional data Pl. 2. Whole brain analysis. Overlapping of significant regions activated

by Action and Form manipulations. Pl. 3. Whole brain analysis, uncorrected. All images are presented on the

MNI 152 standard brain template (Montreal Nurological Institute, 1998). The main experimental manipulations are contrasted showing large similarities in both control and representation activation patterns.

Pl. 4. Urartian Kingdom key settlements. Map by Ali <;ifC;i

Pl. 5. A view of Van Kalesi from Lake Van. Photo by Erkan Konyar

Pl. 6. Madlrburc inscription of king Sarduri I, located at the west end of Van Kalesi. Photo by Ali <;ifC;i

Pl. 7. Mahmud Abad inscription of Rusa I, Urmia Museum / Iran. Photo by Ali <;ifC;i

Pl. 8. Meher Kaplsl Photo by Ali <;ifC;i

Pl. 9. Tankard, Disco Destroyer. © 1998 Century Media Records

Pl. 10. Samael, Ceremony of Opposites. © 1994 Century Media Records

Pl. 11. Napalm Death, Time Waits for No Slave. ©2009 Century Media Records

Pl. 12. Sodom, Epitome of Torture. ©20 13 SPV GmbH

Pl. 13. Celtic Frost, Monotheist. ©2006 Century Media Records

Pl. 14. Gorgoroth, Ad Majorem Stahanas Gloriam. ©2006 Regain Records

Pl. 15. Marduk, Serpent Sermon ©2012 Century Media Records.

Pl. 16. Morbid Angel, Blessed are the Sick. © 1991 World Entertainment Inc.

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xii List of Color Plates

"Les tresors de Satan" by Jean Delville. Pl. 17. Cryptopsy, The Best of Us Bleed.

©2012 Century Media Records Pl. 18. Death, Human.

© 1991 Perseverance Holding Ltd. Cover art designed by Rene Miville. PI. 19. Torsofuck, Erotic Diarrhea Fantasy.

©2004 Severed Records and Distribution Pl. 20. Aborted, Global Flatline.

©20 12 Century Media Records Pl. 21. In Flames. Sounds of a Playground Fading

©20 11 Century Media Records Pl. 22. Iced Earth, Dystopia.

©20 11 Century Media Records Pl. 23. Deicide, To Hell with God.

©20 11 Century Media Records PI. 24. Arch Enemy, The Root of All Evil.

©2009 Century Media Records Pl. 25. Dark Tranquility, We are the Void.

©20 1 0 Century Media Records Pl. 26. Cattle Decapitation, Humanure.

©2004 The Flaming Arts Agency Pl. 27. Floor plan of Temple of Khonsu

Animated by David Falk Pl. 28. Reconstruction of the ritual barque ofKhonsu

Animated by David Falk Pl. 29. Close up of sphinx and kings

Animated by David Falk PI. 30. View ofthe veil and the vulture

Animated by David Falk Pl. 31. Image of Khonsu between two goddesses

Animated by David Falk Pl. 32. Comparison of temple and ritual barque sacred space

Animated by David Falk Pl. 33. The red hand of Ulster on a Unionist mural

Photo by Erica Hughes Pl. 34. Rainbows on a Nationalist mural

Photo by Erica Hughes Pl. 35. Placement of murals on residential buildings is itself a territorial

marker. © www.belfast-murals.co.uk

Meaning and AOYOC; xiii

Pl. 36. Jointing and paring marks. Butchery marks on bone. A) Fine slices as a result of skinning and B) scoop marks as a result of paring. From Seetah 2011, Figures 3.6 and 3.9

Pl. 37. Burning on bones as a result of roasting. 1) end of tibia and 2) cracking of cranium. From Lloveras et al. 2009, 190.

PI. 38. Case-skinning a fox. After Andersson and Paulssen 1993: 47. Jagarens skinn och hudar

Pl. 39. Belyaev and tame silver foxes. From Trut 2009, Figure 1, pg 161.

Pl. 40. Map of Near Eastern Neolithic sites with Vulpes evidence. Map by Erica Hughes

Pl. 41. Vulpes vulpes 1st phalanx with cut marks. Late Natufian el-Wad. From Yeshurun et al. 2009, Figure 7. .

Pl. 42. Pillar from G5bekli tepe showing fox-skin loincloth. Photo by Lind Moulton Howe, 2010.

Pl. 43. Arctic Fox tooth beads. Arctic Fox tooth necklace from Dolni Vestonice. From Jelinek 1975.

Pl. 44. Fox remains in graves from Uyun al Hammam. From Maher et al. 2011. Figure 3 and 4.

PI. 45. Incised shaft straightener with fox image, from Jerf el-Ahmar. From Stordeur 2000: 52.

Pl. 46. Hallan <;emi incised stone bowl. Canid with curling tail. Photo by Michael Rosenberg.

PI. 47. Fox with rolled tail after several generations oftaming. From Trut 1999: Figure 8.

CHAPTER ELEVEN

THE ROYAL TITLES OF THE URARTIAN I<INGS

ALi <;iF<;i

Introduction

The name Urartu in the form of UratrilUruatri appears in written records for the first time in the Middle Assyrian period, around the 13th

century Be. According to these sources the Urartian kingdom developed from the unification of feudal tribes that lived in the eastern Anatolia highlands (the Nairi and Uruatri principalities) in the 9th century BC and reached the zenith of its power around the 8th century BC. The kingdom was based around Lake Van in eastern Turkey, dominating eastern Anatolia, Armenia and north-west Iran (Plate 4). While ruling these mountainous regions Urartian kings left behind numerous cuneiform inscriptions between the 9th and 6th centuries Be.

The vast majority of these written texts were inscribed on stone and were erected in the name of the reigning king. These royal inscriptions were usually erected for the purpose of display to record building activities, such as water facilities, citadels, religious structures as well as animal sacrifices, military actions and conquests (~if9i and Greaves 2013). Although the language of these inscriptions often appears formulaic and repetitive and they range in length from a just few short lines to hundreds of lines in length, most of those inscriptions contain royal titles which could provide information about ideas of kingship, as well as the power, authority and the ideologies that were expressed by the monarchy (Parker 2011: 358).

The name of the king and his titles were an essential part of the cuneiform inscriptions of Urartian kings. Not every inscription provided this information, as some had been damaged. By studying the historical meaning of the first royal titles and the subsequent diachronic variations throughout the lifetime of the kingdom it may be possible to analyse changes in the use of titles according to the political developments during

The Royal Titles of the Urartian Kingdom 131

the reign of a king, if the changes are random or deliberate adaptations to new socio-political circumstances. Therefore, it is important to recognize the political realities behind the use of titles and changes which could provide us with useful information about the socio-political organisation of the Urartian kingdom. In order to approach this question, the Urartian royal titles will be separated into two groups; standard titles and exceptional titles, as proposed by Roaf (2012: 194-5) based upon frequency of occurrence. An examination of the political situations under which each type of title was used will follow. This study makes extensive use of the latest publications ofUrartian inscriptions, especially Mirjo Salvini's four­volume Corpus dei testi urartei (CTU), which included newly discovered inscriptions cut into stone (A) (Salvini 2008); metal (B), clay (e), other material (D), and seal impressions (E) (Salvini 2012). By combining these two newest studies of Urartian textual material, it is hoped that new light will be shed on the political and socio-economic considerations behind the deployment of royal Urartian titles.

The standard titles

Urartian kings used various titles in their display inscriptions such as MAN DAN-NU "mighty king", MAN alsuini "great !cing", MAN KUR.KUR (surahe) "king of the country", MAN MANMEs_ue "king of kings", alusiURUturuspa URU "lord of the city of Tuspa" and MAN KURbiainazte "king of Biainili" (Table 11.1). The above titles were referred to "standard" titles and were used by almost every Urartian king (Roaf 2012: 194). The origin of these titles may be found in the neighboring Assyrian titularies, and can be seen as explicitly fixing the Urartian king's position in a hierarchy of lesser kings, as well as appealing to local areas to legitimize power.

Sarduri I, son of Lutipri, the first Urartian king known to have left inscriptions in Akkadian at the foot of the rock of the Van Kalesi (Plates 5 and 6), inscribed on the wall of the so-called "Sardurburc" or "Madlrburc" claimed to be " .. . great king, mighty king, king of the universe, king of Nairi, king who has no equal, wonderful shepherd who does not fear battle, king who makes the insubordinate submit, (1 am) Sarduri, son of Lutibri, king of kings, who have received tribute from all kings" (A 1-1). Zimansky noted that the same titles with the substitution of "king of Assur" for "king of Nairi" and the use of "king of kings, who have received tribute from all kings" are found in the titulary of Assyrian king Assumasirpal II (1985: 51). The claim such as the "king of universe", "king who has no equal" and "king who makes the insubordinate submit"

132 Chapter Eleven

do not appear again among Urartian kings titles. The influence of Assyrian standard titles in the use of epithets is clear, but the use of "king of kings" also reflects the political organisation of the Urartian kingdom during the reign of Sarduri I.

The military campaigns of Assyrian kings from the 13th century BC onward to the south and east Anatolia against Uruatri and Nairi on numerous occasions refer to tribal groups and their kings. For example, Tiglath-Pileser I confronted coalitions of 23 tribal kings, and on another occasion, 60 tribal kings from Nairi, near Karasu in the Murat Suyu Valley (Luckenbill 1927: I 236). Therefore, the use of "king of kings" likely reflects the success of Sarduri in his effort to unite the tribes or polities that existed prior to the formation of the Urartian kingdom. In other words, other kings existed but they were not sufficiently powerful to resists the superiority of Sarduri. This hierarchical relationship is made explicit in the title "king of kings".

The use of the same title by the successors of Sarduri I may have been a deliberate and conscious decision to enforce the tribute paid by small vassal states, local rulers and tribal leaders who are known to have paid either annual or surrender tribute to Urartian kings. For example, king Minua received tribute from the polities of Etiuni (A 5-1, A 5-2), Diauehi (A 5-3); Argisti I, son of Minua, from Diauehi (A 8-2 Vo); Sarduri II, son of Argisti, from Qumaha (A 9-3 IV); Argisti I records the extraction of tribute from the kingdom of Diauehi (A 8-2 Vo), and Rusa I, son of Sarduri, received annual tributes from the tribes and local rulers in modem Armenia (A 10-2). Furthermore the small states that existed between the Assyrian and Urartian kingdoms, such as Subria, Hubuskia and Kumme were known to have paid tribute to both Assyria and Urartu, and maintained an uneasy independence by changing their allegiances. For instance, the king of Hubuskia is known to have co-operated with Rusa (Lanfranchi and Parpola 1990: no. 162), but he also appears to have paid tribute to the Assyrian king Sargon II before and after the battle in 714 BC (Luckenbill 1927: II 56 and 168; Lanfranchi and Parpola 1990: no. 133). It also appears that Urzana, the ruler of the Musasir, had maintained an uneasy relationship with Rusa of Urartu and Sargon II despite Musasir's position as the main sanctuary of the Urartian national god. As mentioned below, the Topzawa, Movana and Mergeh Kervan inscriptions of Rusa I describe the military opposition of Urzana to Rusa, who fled to Assyria and his subsequent recapture and reinstatement as the king of Musasir. One Assyrian letter (Lanfranchi and Parpola 1990: no. 145) mentions that the Urartian king asked Urzana to provide military aid during the

The Royal Titles of the Uratiian Kingdom l33

C.imn;,erian atta.ck. All this evidence seems to justify the use of "king of kmgs by UrartIan rulers and reflected the political realities of the time.

Howe~er, fr?m the rei~n of Sarduri I onward, as the kingdom expanded Its terrIt0lJ:" the ~~Ithets used by Urartian kings were adjusted to reflect the new socI.o-pohtI~al structure of the kingdom. Although the successors of Sardun I contmued to use basic titles such as MAN DAN­~U ."I?ighty kin~", MAN alsui~i and "great king", from the reign of IspUlm onward vIrtually every tItulary formula contains alusiURUturuspa ~U "lord of the city of Tuspa" as part of the Urartian king's tities. The CIty of Tuspa is identified with the Van Kalesi, located on the eastern shore of Lake Van .. Apart from Urartian written sources, Neo-Assyrian texts also often mentIOn the name Tuspa when reporting the whereabouts ofUrartian kin~s (Lan~anchi and Parpola 1990: no. 84: r 5; 91 :8; 92: r 16; 145: 12). Urartlan penod structures that exist at Van Kalesi such as the multi-chambered rock-cut tombs carved into the cliff of th~ citadel are consid~red to be the burial places of Urartian kings. However, with the exceptIOn of the tomb located at the west end of the cliff inscribed with the annals of Argisti I, there is no evidence that indicates that the tombs belonged to individual kings, and some may not even be of Urartian date (K5roglu 2007: 445-456). However, all the textual evidence associates the ~ity .w~th the Urartian monarch and most importantly, the earliest mscnptIOns of Urartian kings found in the Lake Van area indicate that the kingdo~ initially spr~ad from the Lake Van basin. Therefore it appears that Tuspa played an Important role for the Urartian monarch, and this is reflected in its inclusion in the royal titularies.

A.lthough king Sarduri I referred to himself as the "king ofNairi" (A I­I!, hI.S su~ces~or Icing ISpuini -in order to reflect the changing political SItuatIOn m thIS newly formed kingdom- adopted the phrase of "MAN KURbi-~-i-~a-LI-e" . '.'king of Biainili" in his inscriptions. The single ~xceptIOn IS the bIlIngual stele of Kelishin's Assyrian version (A 3-11 Vo lInes ~ ~~d 6~ ~here IS~uini ~alled h.imself ~he "[MAN .KURr n '-i-r" "king of NaIf! . ThIS IS especIally mterestmg as m the Urartlan version of the s.ame inscription, he referred to himself as the "king of Biainili" (A 3-11 lme 9). Although the land of Nairi was located to the north of the Taurus ~ountains, Murat.River valley/and Lake Van basin (Salvini 1998: 87-91), It appears that dunng the early part of the kingdom these regions were not part of the newly formed kingdom. The earliest inscriptions of the Urartian kings found in the Lake Van area indicate that the kingdom spread o~twards .trom a core area around the Lake Van basin. King ISpuini and hIS son Mmua for the first time mentioned military activities and the newly formed kingdom's boundaries were expanded during this transition period

134 Chapter Eleven

from tribal structure to state formation. Again it was during his reign that for the first time Urartians began to write with their own language. Furthermore, ISpuini was the first Urartian king to realize that with expansion of state boundaries came the need to unify various tribes or small kingdoms that settled over a wide territory of these highlands. Therefore, as in the case of the god Haldi's selection as the supreme god of the newly formed kingdom, by adopting the term "king of Biainili" instead of "king ofNairi" king ISpuini might have tried to define the newly created "Biainilian" identity as something distinct from that of Nairi. In this way by adopting the name of Biainili for the newly formed kingdom ISpuini may have intended to distinguish both the newly reorganized kingdom from the previous one, as well as to distinguish his own achievements from those of previous kings. The term of "Biainili" was related to the name of Lake V an and, since the new kingdom formed around the lake itself, it seems that the name of lake was adopted as a name for the newly formed kingdom. However it should be said that Urartian kings never called their kingdom Urartu, but the term Urartu was used by the Assyrians.

The titles of Urartian kings always begin with "mighty king" and end with "lord of the city of Tuspa". For instance, Sarduri II after his military campaign to the southern shore of the Lake Sevan basin stated:

Dbal-di-ni-ni al-su-i-si-ni mDsars-du-ri-ni lIlar-gis-ti-bi MAN DAN-NU MAN GAL-ni MAN KUR.KUR MAN MANMES a-lu-siURUtu-us-pa-a-e URU - "For the greatness ofHaldi (/ am) Sarduri, the son of Argisti, mighty king, great king, king of kings, lord of the city of Tuspa" (A 9-7).

Basic titles such as "mighty king" and "great king" were used by virtually all Urartian kings and seem to highlight the importance of the king's image and the high political and military power of the monarch. One way of securing the legitimacy of their kingship was to build and refurbish temples and open-air -shrines for the national god Haldi and other deities of their own pantheon and portrayed themselves as the servant of Haldi. However construction of religious structures was not the only wayan Urartian king justified his claim to be a "mighty" and "great" king. Kings were also involved in the construction of landscape­transforming monuments such as citadels, cities and irrigation facilities in order to express their power and authority.

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The Royal Titles of the Urartian Kingdom 135

The exceptional titles

The "exceptional" or "rare" titles (Roaf 2012: ~95) were ~ll useq by Rusa I and his successors. These titles included: LUsie musi LUUNMES ue "the true sh~I?herd of the people" which was used by Rusa I'and Argisti II; and Haldi LUIR "the servant of Haldi" used by Rusa I, Argisti II and Rusa II, son of Erimena (Table 11.2). Both of these titles were also used by Rusa I in the Assyrian-language version of his Movana and Topzawa stelae. Another title that appears to be used only by Rusa I was in the Nor­Bajazet inscription, located in the Lake Sevan region, as aluseKuR Biainili nulduali "the one who ruled the country 9fBiainili".

The last exceptional title, Sebitui LUiR the "servant of Sebitu", was again used only by Rusa I and appears in the Mahmud Abad inscription (Figure 4) from near Lake Urmia (A 10-6 line 10). However the phrase of X LUiR "X's servant" appears in Urartian inscriptions as DHal-di-e-i LDiR and it is unusual to associate it with the god Sebitu. For instance, it appears in the bilingual inscription of Topzawa, dated to the reign of Rusa I, in both the Urartian (A 10-5 Ro lines 24-25) as ~Hal-di-e-i[Lui]R and in the Assyrian version (A 10-5 Vo lines 22-23) as LUiR sa ° Hal-di-e-a. The god Haldi was the head of the Urartian pantheon and the divine legitimator of Urartian kingship as indicated by an account of Sargon II, which describes a crown prince's coronation at the Haldi temple in Musasir, illustrating this temple as the locus of divine power of the Urartian kingship (Luckenbill 1927: II 171). It is not clear why king Rusa I called himself as "servant of Sebitu" since this title had previously been reserved for the supreme god Haldi. However there are different views about how to translate the text, in particular the word a-ni-ia-ar-du-ni in A 10-6 line 11.

IIlru-sa-ni Dse-bi-tu d fiR Dse-bi-tu-ka-ia-ni-ia-ar-du-ni IIlru-sa-ni a-ni-ia­ar-du-nu-/i-ni IIlr~-sa-a-se - "Rusa, the servant of the god Sebitu, in the presence of god Sebitu a-ni-ia-ar-du-ni(?) Rusa, Rusa a-ni-ia-ar-du-nu-li­ni" (A 1 0-6 lines 9-11).

Igor M. Diakonoff translated it as "s(nner" or "guilty" and suggested that Rusa might have destroyed the temple of Sebitu and then repented which let him to rebuild it while cursing those who would destroy it again (1989: 94). By contrast, Salvini suggested that it should be translated as "vassal" or "subject" (1977: 135) while Georgi A. Melikishvili reads it as "independent" (1971: 79). If Diakonoff is correct in his view of a-ni-ia-ar­du-ni, it might explain why Rusa used the epithet "servant of Sebitu". However it is clear that the god Sebitu was a lesser local god of the Lake

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134 Chapter Eleven

from tribal structure to state formation. Again it was during his reign that for the first time Urartians began to write with their own language. Furthermore, ISpuini was the first Urartian king to realize that with expansion of state boundaries came the need to unify various tribes or small kingdoms that settled over a wide territory of these highlands. Therefore, as in the case of the god Haldi's selection as the supreme god of the newly formed kingdom, by adopting the term "king of Biainili" instead of "king ofNairi" king ISpuini might have tried to define the newly created "Biainilian" identity as something distinct from that of Nairi. In this way by adopting the name of Biainili for the newly formed kingdom ISpuini may have intended to distinguish both the newly reorganized kingdom from the previous one, as well as to distinguish his own achievements from those of previous kings. The term of "Biainili" was related to the name of Lake Van and, since the new kingdom formed around the lake itself, it seems that the name of lake was adopted as a name for the newly formed kingdom. However it should be said that Urartian kings never called their kingdom Urartu, but the term Urartu was used by the Assyrians.

The titles of Urartian kings always begin with "mighty king" and end with "lord of the city of Tuspa". For instance, Sarduri II after his military campaign to the southern shore of the Lake Sevan basin stated:

D!Jal-di-ni-ni al-su-i-si-ni mDsar5-du-ri-ni lIlar-gis-ti-!Ji MAN DAN-NU MAN GAL-ni MAN KUR.KUR MAN MANMES a-lu-siURUtu-us-pa-a-e URU - "For the greatness of Raldi (1 am) Sarduri, the son of Argisti, mighty king, great king, king of kings, lord of the city ofTuspa" (A 9-7).

Basic titles such as "mighty king" and "great king" were used by virtually all Urartian kings and seem to highlight the importance of the king's image and the high political and military power of the monarch. One way of securing the legitimacy of their kingship was to build and refurbish temples and open-air -shrines for the national god Haldi and other deities of their own pantheon and portrayed themselves as the servant of Haldi. However construction of religious structures was not the only wayan Urartian king justified his claim to be a "mighty" and "great" king. Kings were also involved in the construction of landscape­transforming monuments such as citadels, cities and irrigation facilities in order to express their power and authority.

The Royal Titles of the Urartian Kingdom 135

The exceptional titles

The "exceptional" or "rare" titles (Roaf 2012: 195) were Cl;ll useq by Rusa I and his successors. These titles included: LU sie musi LUUNMES ue "the true sh~I?herd of the people" which was used by Rusa I'and Argisti II; and Haldi LUIR "the servant of Haldi" used by Rusa I, Argisti II and Rusa II, son of Erimena (Table 11.2). Both of these titles were also used by Rusa I in the Assyrian-language version of his Movana and Topzawa stelae. Another title that appears to be used only by Rusa I was in the Nor­Bajazet inscription, located in the Lake Sevan region, as aluseKuR Biainili nulduali "the one who ruled the country 9fBiainili".

The last exceptional title, Sebitui LUiR the "servant of Sebitu", was again used only by Rusa I and appears in the Mahmud Abad inscription (Figure 4) from near Lake Urmia (A 10-6 line 10). However the phrase of X LUiR "X's servant" appears in Urartian inscriptions as ° Hal-di-e-i LlJiR and it is unusual to associate it with the god Sebitu. For instance, it appears in the bilingual inscription of Topzawa, dated to the reign of Rusa I, in both the Urartian (A 10-5 Ro lines 24-25) as ~Hal-di-e-i[Lui]R and in the Assyrian version (A 10-5 Vo lines 22-23) as LUiR sa DHal-di-e-a. The god Haldi was the head of the Urartian pantheon and the divine legitimator of Urartian kingship as indicated by an account of Sargon II, which describes a crown prince's coronation at the Haldi temple in Musasir, illustrating this temple as the locus of divine power of the Urartian kingship (Luckenbill 1927: II 171). It is not clear why king Rusa I called himself as "servant of Sebitu" since this title had previously been reserved for the supreme god Haldi. However there are different views about how to translate the text, in particular the word a-ni-ia-ar-du-ni in A 10-6 line 11.

IIlru-sa-ni Dse-bi-tu UJiR Dse-bi-tu-ka-ia-ni-ia-ar-du-ni IIlru-sa-ni a-ni-ia­ar-du-nu-/i-ni IIlr~-sa-a-se - "Rusa, the servant of the god Sebitu, in the presence of god Sebitu a-ni-ia-ar-du-ni(?) Rusa, Rusa a-ni-ia-ar-du-nu-/i­ni" (A 1 0-6 lines 9-11).

Igor M. Diakonoff translated it as "sinner" or "guilty" and suggested that Rusa might have destroyed the temple of Sebitu and then repented which let him to rebuild it while cursing those who would destroy it again (1989: 94). By contrast, Salvini suggested that it should be translated as "vassal" or "subject" (1977: 135) while Georgi A. Melikishvili reads it as "independent" (1971: 79). If Diakonoff is correct in his view of a-ni-ia-ar­du-ni, it might explain why Rusa used the epithet "servant of Sebitu". However it is clear that the god Sebitu was a lesser local god of the Lake

136 Chapter Eleven

Urmia region and ranked only eighth in the Meher Kaplsl (Plate 8) inscription with two bulls and four sheep as sacrificial animals.

In the bilingual inscriptions of Movana (A 10-3)" Topzawa JA 10:-5) and Mergeh Karavan (A 10-4), Rusa I claimed to be LUsie mu~i LUUfit!ESue "the true shepherd of the people". These three texts mention the defeat of Urzana, king of Musasir, who had behaved like an enemy against Rusa, and prevented him from entering Haldi's temple. Rusa stated that Urzana had escaped to Assyria and it is likely that Sargon II supported him against Rusa, but at Mount Andarutu Urzana was taken prisoner and again put on the throne of Musasir by Rusa -but this time as a vassal king. The same inscriptions state that Rusa stayed for days to celebrate some rites in the Haldi sanctuary. The same title is also mentioned in Sargon II's eighth campaign, when he gave information about the coronation of the Urartian king in Musasir (Luckenbill 1927: II 171, 8th Campaign, line 339). It is likely that use of this title reflected the political circumstances of the time and defined the relationship between the king and his subjects: a good relationship between the king and Haldi which perhaps indicates the king's right to be the shepherd of his people. Rusa claims in the Movana inscription (at line 54) that " ... he does not fear the fight" further highlighted the political situation of the time. The same title also appears to be used by the successors of Rusa I such as Argisti II (A 11-2 V 0 line 34).

Conclusion

To conclude, standard titles such as "mighty king", "great king", "king of Biainili", and "lord of Tuspa" were an essential part of the cuneiform inscriptions of Urartian kings from early on to the end of the kingdom. Although titles such as the "king of lands", and "king of kings" were occasionally used during the reigns of kings ISpuini, Minua, Rusa I, Argisti II and Sarduri III, they were regularly deployed during the reigns of kings Sarduri II, and Rusa III. It is also important to emphasize that there were diachronic variations throughout the lifetime of the kingdom as in the case of use of "king of Nairi" during the formation of the kingdom and its subsequent change to the "king of Biainili" according to political developments. The use of exceptional titles indicates that they were employed only during crucial times such as the Musasir uprising against Rusa I and the destruction of Sebitu sanctuary.

Overall, although the titles used by the Urartian kings were not as exhaustive as those of the contemporary Assyrian kings (Liverani 1981: 225-258; Cifola 1995), they do show consistency from king ISpuini

d

The Royal Titles of the Uraliian Kingdom 137

onwards. Nevertheless, the formulation of epithets indicates their cons~ious and intentional use by the rulers of Urartu. It can be argued that the tItles that were used by Urartian rulers in their display inscriptions reflect the successful political and military achievements of the monarch as is the case with titles chosen to celebrate building activities.

~able 11.~: Standard Titles in Royal Urartian Inscriptions. Note: The tItles are III the order that they appear in the inscriptions. The table is compiled from M. Salvini's corpus (CTU). Inscriptions written in Assyrian are excluded from the table.

King MAN MAN MAN surahe MAN (MAN) Alusie DAN-NU alsuini (KURKUR) IKUR] MAN.MES- Tuspa Mighty (GAL- King of Biainiue tie King of URU King ni) lands King of Kings LOl'd of

Great (countries) Biainili Erilaue Tuspa King

I~uini

A 2-6A-C; A 2-6A- A2-6C A 2-6A-C; - A3-2 A 3-2 C; A 3-2 A 3-2

Minua A 5-2A-F; A 5-2A- A 5-24 Vo; A A 5-2A-F; A 5-51 A 5-2A-A 5-4; A F; A 5-4; 5-51 A 5-4; A F; A 5-5-5; A 5-8 A 5-5; A 5-5; A 5-8 4; A 5-Ro-Vo; A 5-8 Ro- Ro-Vo;A 5; A 5-8 5-10;A5- Vo; A 5- 5-12A-C; Ro-Vo; 12A-C; A 12A-C; A 5-16; A A 5-10; 5-16;A5- A 5-16; 5-17; A 5- A 5-17; A 5- A 5-17; 20; A 5-22 12A-C; 20; A 5- A 5-20; Ro; A 5-24 A 5-16; 22Ro; A A 5-22 Vo; A 5- A 5-17; 5-24 Vo; Ro; A 5- 26; A 5- A 5-20; A 5-26; A 24 Vo; A 32; A 5- A 5-22 5-32; A 5- 5-33; A 33; A 5- Ro; A 5-33; A 5- 5-35; A 35; A 5- 24 Vo; 35; A 5- 5-39; A 36; A 5- A 5-26; 36; A 5- 5-40A-B; 39; A 5- A 5-32; 39; A 5- A 5-41A- 40A-B; A A 5-32; 40A-B; A B;A 5- 5-41A-B; A 5-35; 5-41A-B; 51; A 5- A5-51;A A 5-36; A 5-51; A 52; A 5- 5-52; A 5- A 5-39; 5-52; A 5- 57; A 5- 57; A 5- A 5-57; A 5- 58A-C; 58A-C; A 40A-B; 58A-C; A A 5-59A- 5-59A-D; A 5-5-59A-D; D;A 5- A 5-61; A 41A-B; A 5-61; A 61; A 5- 5-67; A 5- A 5-51; 5-67; A 5- 74; A 5- 73; A 5- A 5-52;

138 Chapter Eleven The Royal Titles of the Urat1ian Kingdom 139

73; A 5- 75; A 5- 74; A 5- A 5-57; 74; A 5- 77; A 5- 75; A 5- A 5-75; A 5- 78; A 5- 77; A 5- 58A-C; 77; A 5- 82; A 5- 78; A 5- A 5-78; A 5- 83; A 5- 81; A 5- 59A-D; 81; A 5- 84; A 5- 82; A 5- A 5-61; 82; A 5- 85; A 5- 83; A 5- A 5-67; 83; A 5- 94; A 5- 84; A 5- A 5-73; 84; A 5- 96 Ro; A 85; A 5- A 5-74; 85; A 5- 5-97 94; A 5- A 5-75; 94; A 5- 97; B 5-9 A 5-77; 96 Ro; A A 5-78; 5-97; B 5- A 5-81;

14; A 9- A 9-14; 15; A 9- A 9-10; 15; A 9- A 9-15; 17; A 9- A 9-14; 17; A 9- A 9-17; 19; A 9- A 9-15; 19; A 9- A 9-21; 20; A 9- A 9-17; 20; A 9- B 9-3 21; B 9-1; A 9-19; 21; A 9- B 9-2; B A 9-20; 39;B9-1; 9-3 A 9-21; B 9-2; B A 9-39; 9-3 B 9-1; B

9-2; B 9-3

Rusa I A 10-1;B B 10-1 - B 10-1 - B 10-1

9 A 5-82; 10-1

A 5-83; Rusa II A 5-84; A 14-1Vo; - - A 14-1Vo - B 14-1; A 5-85; B 14-1; B B 14-2; A 5-94; 14-2; B B 14-3; A 5-97 14-3; B B 14-4;

Argisti I 14-4; B B 14-5; A 8-1;A A 8-1;A - A 8-1; A A 8-1 A 8-1; 14-5; B B 14-6; 8-3 II; A 8-3 II; A 8-6; A 8-7; A 8-3 II; 14-6; B B 14-7; 8-6; A 8- 8-8; A 8- A 8-8; A A 8-6; 14-7; B B 14-8; 7; A 8-8; 16; A 8- 8-11;A8- A 8-7; 14-8; B B 14-9; A 8-11; A 20; A 8- 15; A 8- A 8-8; 14-9; B B 14-10; 8-13; A 8- 21A-B; 16; A 8- A 8-11; 14-11 B 14-11 15; A 8- A 8-22; 17A-B; A A 8-13; Argisti II 16; A 8- A 8-35; 8-18; A 8- A 8-15; A 11-2;A A 11-8; A 11-4 A 11-2; A A 11-4;A A Il-17A-B; A A 8-36; 20; A 8- A 8-16; l 1-3Vo; A A Il- l 1-3Vo; A 11-8;A 11- 3Vo;A 8-18; A 8- B 8-1; B 21A-B; A A 8- 11-4;; A 8Ro 11-4; A 8Ro 11-4; A 20; A 8- 8-2; B 8- 8-22; A 8- 17A-B; 11-8; A 11-8; A 11-8; A 21A-B; A 4; B 8-5; 35; A 8- A 8-18; 11-8Ro; B 11-8Ro 11-8Ro; 8-22; A 8- B 8-6 36; B 8-1; A 8-20; 11-2; B B 11-2; 35; A 8- B 8-2; B A 8- 11-4 B 11-4 36; A 8- 8-3; B 8-4; 21A-B; Rusa III 38; B 8-1; B 8-5; B A 8-22; A 12-1 A 12-1 A 12-1 VII; A 12-1 A 12-1 VII; A 12-1 B 8-2; B 8-6 A 8-35; VII; A 12- VII; A A 12-4 II; A VII; A 12- A 12-4 II; A VII; A 8-3; B 8- A 8-36; 4 II; A 12- 12-4 II; 12-7; A 12-8; 4 II; A 12- 12-7; A 12-8 12-4 II; 4; B 8-5; A 8-38; 7; A 12-8; A 12-8; B 12-1; B 12- 7; A 12-8; A 12-7; B 8-6 B 8-1; B A 12-9; B A 12-9; 4 A 12-9; B A 12-8;

8-2; B 12-1; B B 12-1; 12-1; B A 12-9; 8-3; B 12-2; B B 12-4 12-4 B 12-1; 8-4; B 12-4; B B 12-4; 8-5; B 12-5; B B 12-5; 8-6 12-8 B 12-6;

Sarduri II B 12-8 A9-1;A A 9-1 A A 9-1 A 9-3 A 9-1 A 9- A 9-1 A 9-3 A 9-1 A Sarduri III 9-3 VII; A 9-3 VII; VII; A 9-7; A 3 VII; A 9- VII; A 9-7; A 9-3 VII; B 16-1 B 16-1 - - - B 16-1 9-4; A 9- A 9-4; A 9-8; A 9-10; 4; A 9-8; 9-10; A 9-15; A 9-4; 7; A 9-8; 9-7; A 9- A 9-14; A 9- A 9-9; A A 9-7; A 9-9; A 8; A 9-9; 15; A 9-21 9-10; A 9- A 9-8; 9-10; A 9- A 9-10; 14; A 9- A 9-9;

140 Chapter Eleven

Table 11.2: Exceptional King Titles

King LUsie musi Haldi LUiR Sebitui Aluse KURbiainili L(;U~E(ue Servant of LUiR nulduali The true Haldi Servant The one who ruled shepherd of the ofSebuti the country of Biainili people

Rusa I A 10-3 A;A 10-3Ro; A A 10-6 A 10-1 10-5 10-5

Argisti II A 11-2 A 11-2 Vo - -

Rusa II - A 14-1 Ro; - -

A 14-2 Vo

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PI. 3. Whole brain analysis, uncorrected. All images are presented on the MNI 152 standard brain template (Montreal Nurological Institute, 1998). The main experimental manipulations are contrasted showing large similarities in both control and representation activation patterns. "

PI. 4. Uratiian Kingdom key settlements. Map by Ali ~ifyi

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Pl. 5. A view of Van Kalesi from Lake Van. Photo by Erkan Konyar

Pl. 6. Madlrburc inscription of king Sat'duri I, located at the west end of Van Kalesi . Photo by Ali <;:if<;i

Pl. 7. Mahmud Abad inscription ofRusa I, Urmia Museum I Iran. Photo by Ali <;:if<;i

Pl. 8. Meher Kapls!. Photo by Ali <;:if<;i