2012 Canadian Police Association

Economics of Policing

April 2012

____________________________________________________________________________________________________ CanadianPoliceAssociation‐ 1

Introduction

Economies throughout the world are struggling. All levels of Canadian government are trying to

find areas to cut back spending. Given the recent years of reported declining crime rates in

Canada, politicians and citizens alike may feel that police services are an ideal area to save

money without jeopardizing the quality of life in communities, particularly after hearing of

studies and politicians that report that the number of police personnel has no impact on crime

rates or are not receiving their share of budget cutbacks. Unfortunately this notion reflects a

very crude understanding of crime rates and policing in Canada.

This report is comprised of four main sections. The first will look at the crime statistics.

Frequently the crime rate and related statistics are raised when police funding is under attack.

This section will address factors that can impact the crime rate and how unreported crime

ought to be brought into the picture. Also, it will note what trends have been seen between

crime and economics right here in Canada.

The second section addresses proactive policing initiatives. There has been a large movement

in North America to ensure that policing methods are conscientious of community needs and

cooperative with community members. This section discusses how these proactive approaches

can be evaluated, the effectiveness of these measures, as well as the burden that some services

find this policing methodology places upon them.

The third section specifically addresses why policing today requires sustainable funding, even in

a time of deficit reduction and fiscal restraint, by looking at the changes policing has undergone

over time and the implications that external factors have had on police throughout Canada.

The final section looks specifically at key survey results pertaining to changes in policing that

officers and civilians have witnessed throughout their careers from a recent member survey.

Pertinent survey comments are also interspersed throughout the report.


Part One: Crime Statistics

Official Crime Rate

Let’s first look at what the official crime rate in Canada actually reports. Each year Statistics

Canada collects data pertaining to “all criminal incidents known to, and substantiated by,

Canadian police services” (Brennan & Dauvergne, 2011, 2) through the Uniform Crime

Reporting (UCR) survey. As this survey has been largely unchanged since 1962, it is able to trace

trends in Canadian criminal incidents over time. In addition to the crime rate, the Crime

Severity Index measures the seriousness of crime, with the assigned weight of each crime

determined by the average sentences given by criminal courts (Brennan & Dauvergne, 2011).

In 2010, the police‐reported crime rate was 5% lower than in the previous year, which

continues the general decline that has been occurring for past 20 years. The Crime Severity

Index also decreased, falling 6% from 2010 (Statistics Canada, 2011c). However, these

decreases have not been uniform across Canada, which will be discussed in Part Three.

How unreported crime relates to crime trends

In addition to the annual report on police‐reported crime statistics, Statistics Canada also

conducts a sample survey called the General Social Survey (GSS) on Victimization every five

years with Canadians, 15 years of age and older. The most recent GSS was completed in 2009

and it collected personal accounts of criminal victimization for eight criminal incidents. The

eight types of crime were: sexual assault, robbery, physical assault, break and enter, motor

vehicle/parts theft, theft of household property, vandalism and theft of personal property

(Perreault & Brennan, 2010). While the GSS collects information pertaining to criminal incidents

not captured by the UCR survey due to the inclusion of victims who chose not to go forward to

police, the information is only as accurate in so far as the participant’s ability to recount and

define their victimization accurately.

The 2009 GSS found that there was a decline in the number of offences reported to police. In

1993, 42% of incidents were reported to police, in 1999, 37% of participants who stated that

they had been victimized said they went to the police about the incident, in 2004 the


percentage decreased to 34%, and only 31% of the victimized respondents went to the police in

2009 (Perreault & Brennan, 2010; Besserer & Trainor, 2000). However, in 2009 70% of the self‐

reported victimizations were non‐violent, and of the violent crimes 81% of sexual assault

incidents were of the least severity, 78% of the assaults did not injure the victims and there was

not a weapon present in 54% of the robberies (Perreault & Brennan, 2010). Regardless, the

GSS found that 27% of Canadians said that they had been the victim of a criminal incident in the

previous 12 months (Statistics Canada, 2010).

From those who had reported their victimization to police, 86% of respondents said it was due

to a sense of duty and 69% of respondents wanted the offender arrested and punished

(Perreault & Brennan, 2010). The likelihood of reporting the incidents were highest for

household victimization (36%), seconded by those who incurred violent victimization (29%), and

followed by thefts of personal property (28%) (Perreault & Brennan, 2010).

Of those who did not report the incident to the police, 68% stated it was due to their belief that

the incident was not important enough, followed closely by the reasons that they believed

there was nothing the police could do to help, that they dealt with the situation in another way

and/or felt that the incident was a personal matter (Perreault & Brennan, 2010).

Assuming that respondents conveyed their information accurately, there has been a rise in

unreported crime, regardless how small. Furthermore the percentage of unreported violations

increased significantly between the 1993 and the 2004 GSS. While the largest portion of these

non‐reported crimes were non‐violent and the violent crimes reported were for the most part

minor, there are still crimes at large in Canada that warrant preventative and proactive

measures being taken, even if the specific violations are not reported to the police.

What drives the crime rate?

While UCR and GSS may not paint a complete picture of the crime occurring in Canada, they are

still very useful indicators of general trends. Statistics and other studies can help provide

helpful information pertaining to what drives the crime rate. The 2005 Exploring Crime

Patterns in Canada report discusses societal, policy, legislative and practice changes that have


the ability to alter crime rates in Canada. While all the below factors have the ability to either

contribute to a rise or decline in volume of crime, they have been arranged into the category

which pertains to how they are most likely to currently operate.

Factors that frequently lower the crime rate

The aging of a population can alter crime rates, with declining crime rates to be expected as the

number of youth and young adults becomes a smaller portion of the population. However,

specific age groups’ rates of offending change over time due to additional social and economic

conditions, such as economic downturns. Canadian crime rates have followed the population

shift of aging baby boomers, albeit property crimes followed more closely than violent crimes

(Pottie‐Bunge, Johnson & Baldé, 2005).

Declines in youth crime followed the enactment of the Youth Criminal Justice Act, the

replacement of the Young Offenders Act. This has required police personnel to consider non‐

court measures for minor offences. These measures range from taking no action to extrajudicial

sanctions programs. While in 2003 the rate of youths charged decreased by 15%, this decrease

was counterbalanced by a 30% increase in the rate of youths cleared. Overall, there was a 5%

increase in offences committed by youth, which was part of a continuing three‐year trend

(Wallace, 2004; Pottie‐Bunge, Johnson & Baldé, 2005). Exploring Crime Patterns in Canada

interestingly notes that police charging practices had been affected by the anticipation of the

new legislation (Pottie‐Bunge, Johnson & Baldé, 2005). Beginning in 1999 and continuing to

2003, there was a gradual increase in the use of alternative measures, in contrast to formal

charging, by police while addressing youth crime (Taylor‐Buttes & Bressan, 2008, Chart 2).

Over the past several decades there have been changes in certain social attitudes that have in

turn lead to decreases in crime. Responsible drinking is one such area, as sales of most

alcoholic beverages are lower than they were in 1976 (Statistics Canada, 2011d), following a

general decline in impaired driving since 1981 (Brennan & Dauvergne, 2011). On the whole

there appears to have been a shift in societal acceptance of irresponsible drinking.


The acceptance of women’s equality has also increased over time, which is seen in the

decreasing amount of spousal abuse, the increase of victim services for abused women, as well

as the increases in women’s socio‐economic status (Burczycka & Cotter, 2011; Pottie‐Bunge,

Johnson & Baldé, 2005; Statistics Canada 2011a).

The use of and the perceptions towards drugs vary over time, which can impact the amount of

drug‐related crime. Currently there is a decrease in both usage and positive feelings by

adolescents pertaining to drug use (Paglia‐Boak, Adlaf & Main, 2011). However, the trends in

drug use showed a second peak since 1977 in the late 1990s to the mid 2000s, which correlates

to the climb in drug related offences found between 1996 and the late 2000’s (Taylor‐ Butts &

Bressan, 2006).

Education can affect an individual’s likelihood to commit crime in that it provides formal labour

market skills that increases the personal costs of committing crime, through labour time lost

while planning and committing crime, as well as the potential cost of wages lost if incarcerated.

While education can develop criminal skills required for some white collar crime, individuals

may be ‘socialized’ in such a way through school that they prefer not to engage in crime

(Lochner, 2007). The decreasing crime rates in Canada may have been positively affected as

levels of education have improved throughout Canada (Pottie‐Bunge, Johnson & Baldé, 2005).

It has been found that children from divorced homes have higher rates of delinquency than

those from intact homes in most areas (Price & Kunz, 2003). As of 2006, 29.9% of lone parents

were divorced, a decrease since its peak of 34.3% in 1996. While divorce rates are still relatively

high, there have not been increases in crime rates that one could expect due to changes in

family make up. However, in 2005 teenage pregnancy was at an all time low of 15.8

pregnancies per 1000 females, aged 15‐17 (Turcott, 2011, Table 14). While the number of lone

parent families is still high, these families are much less likely to be headed by very young

women and in turn, their socio‐economic status is higher, which may relieve family stress and

the likelihood of delinquency (Pottie‐Bunge, Johnson & Baldé, 2005).


Changes in work patterns may also factor into crime rates. This is seen primarily in two ways.

The first is that with the increase of women’s participation in the work force, their socio‐

economic status has increased. This may provide more freedom to leave abusive relationships

or in choosing a partner (Pottie‐Bunge, Johnson & Baldé, 2005). With the increased

participation of women in the workforce, violent victimization in the form of spousal abuse has

declined significantly in Canada since 1977 (Pottie‐ Bunge, 2002; Pottie‐Bunge, Johnson &

Baldé, 2005). Also, due to the number of individuals who work from home, as well as those who

have retired, households are more likely to be occupied during the day. This is beneficial in the

efforts to prevent household property crimes from occurring (Pottie‐Bunge, Johnson & Baldé,

2005).

Levitt found the belief that new and improved policing strategies in many cities lead to the

decline in crime rates has not been substantiated (Levitt, 2004). In Canada, there has not been

growth in official police numbers as in the United States, though there has been advancement

of non‐traditional police strategies, such as community initiatives and problem‐oriented

policing, as well as technological advancements. While these may have lead to community

members feeling more comfortable reporting crimes to police and intervention having

happened prior to crime occurring, it is hard to trace the impact these strategies have on the

crime rate.

Factors that frequently raise the crime rate

Unemployment can impact criminal activities as individuals may not have the income needed to

legitimately acquire goods, and therefore may turn to illegal activity. Also, those within low‐

income families may not be able to participate in recreational activities, which can impact the

formation of social ties and values. Youths also benefit from employment, as they then have

their own income, spend more time around adults, develop relationships with others, and

increase their ability to successfully integrate into society (Pottie‐Bunge, Johnson & Baldé,

2005). Thus employment can reduce crime rates immediately, as well as act as a preventative

measure.


Crime and alcohol abuse and drug use are regularly linked together. Alcohol use is commonly

connected with violent crimes, due to its ability to impair cognitive functions that may impact

an individual’s ability to make appropriate responses in stressful situations. Drug use is more

regularly associated with property crimes, for the purpose of obtaining needed funds to

continue an addiction (Pottie‐Bunge, Johnson & Baldé, 2005). A study from Australia made the

estimate that a 10% increase in heroin addicts would lead to 6% increase in robberies (Chilvers

& Weatherburn, 2003), whereas an American study estimated that that same size of increase in

alcohol consumption would lead to similar increases in both violent crimes and robbery (Cook &

Moore, 1993).

Legislation can impact crime rates, as it alters the legal status of actions. In Canada, notable

changes in crimes rates followed the passing of revised legislation pertinent to sexual assault in

1983, and firearms in 1969, 1977, 1991, 1995 and 1998. Following 1983, women were more

likely to come forward as victims of sexual assault, while as firearm legislation became more

strict, declines occurred in firearm related violent crime (Pottie‐Bunge, Johnson & Baldé, 2005).

Criticisms of the Crime Rate

In early 2011, Scott Newark, former Alberta Crown Prosecutor and former Executive Officer of

the Canadian Police Association, produced a report assessing many aspects of Statistic Canada’s

annual Juristat report. He found that it was lacking in many areas and that the methods used to

present crime data were at times misleading. Some of the major flaws he concluded were

present in the Juristat reports are as follows:

The claim that serious violent crime is decreasing, in both volume and rate, is false.

Some recent changes to the categorization of offences, as well as how information is

assembled and presented, have hindered the comparative analysis of significant

offences, particularly as retroactive re‐categorization has not been completed.

The reports do not contain sufficient information on the volume and trends of

particular crimes.

Youth crime is underreported.

The gathering, analysis and reporting of crime statistics is in need of modernization.


Juristat fails to present relevant information regarding offenders.

An example of one of the reported flaws includes the exclusion of “drug and “other” criminal

traffic offences from the calculation of crime rates” (Newark, 2011, 11). As drug offences are

one of the few violations reported to be on the rise by Statistics Canada, it would be

appropriate that they be included in the crime rate, as citizens expect that the incidents

impacting the public safety of their communities be reflected in the crime rate. The explanation

for why these violations are not included in the crime rate is due to the special attention that

these crimes receive by police, and therefore these statistics may be “artificially” increased

(Newark, 2011, 11).

While the Crime Severity Index is determined by both the volume and also the seriousness of

crime, the severity is based on the weight that each offence receives “derived from average

sentences handed down by criminal courts” (Brennan & Dauvergne, 2011, 4). This is

problematic as it means that crime severity for each type of offence is not objectively

determined, but waivers based upon the subjectivity of judge’s sentences. In light of the recent

passing of the comprehensive crime bill (C‐10) it will be interesting to see if crime severity

increases over the coming years due to the imposition of mandatory minimum sentencing.

A further problem with the national crime rate is due to local police record management

systems (RMS). Variations in systems and in customs at individual police services may result in

violations being recorded into their RMS without uniformity. This can impact both the volume

and weight of crime included the national, provincial and municipal crime rates. This problem

is based on a lack of standardization across the country, which ought to be clearly expressed

when referring to specific crimes (Newark, 2011). To note, the Canadian Centre for Justice

Statistics staff has made retrospective adjustments to faulty crime statistics, once the issues in

crime tracking methodology have been brought to light (Statistics Canada, 2000).

Finally, it is very important to realize that the annual Juristat Crime Rate Report uses most‐

serious‐incident reporting. This means that while the incident submitted to the UCR may have

been committed in conjunction with multiple other violations, only the most serious violation is


counted (Brennan & Dauvergne, 2011; Newark, 2011). This results in the underreporting of

crime, however results based on the total number of violations are available from Statistics

Canada upon request (Brennan & Dauvergne, 2011). While this method of counting criminal

incidents results in an undercounting of crime in Canada, it does enable relatively consistent

comparison in criminal actions over time (Anderson, 2012).

Trends between Crime and Economics

The effect that economic conditions can have on property crime has been fairly well

documented. Machin and Meghir used data from English and Welsh police force areas from

1975 to 1996 and explored what role economic incentives had in determining crime rates, in

particular the changes in wages at the bottom end of wage distribution (2004). Rather than

simply looking at the unemployment rate, they studied the falls in the wages of low‐wage

workers in reaction to increases of crime. They found that where wages were lower and where

it was unlikely that an offender would be caught, crime rates would increase (Machin & Meghir,

2004).

In 2009, Rosenfield studied what the indirect effects of economic conditions were on homicide

in the United States, mediated through acquisitive crimes, such as robbery, burglary, and motor

vehicle theft (2009). He found that there was a significant effect between the collective

perceptions of economic conditions on acquisitive crime and a significant effect of acquisitive

crime on homicide. Therefore while it is assumed that economic turmoil will lead to increases in

acquisitive crime, acquisitive crime additionally “mediates the relationship between collective

economic perceptions and homicide.” (Rosenfield, 2009, 302).

In the article, Revisiting property crime and economic conditions: An exploratory study to

identify predictive indicators beyond unemployment rates, Yearwood and Koinis recommended

the use of economic measures other than simply the unemployment rate when trying to

explain or predict crime rates, as it is regularly not a sufficient statistical measure. Rather there

is more support for the use of wage and salary measures as significant economic predictors

(Yearwood & Koinis, 2011).


However, in 2005, the Canadian Centre for Justice Statistics produced findings pertaining to the

specific relationship between crime and economics in Canada. They found that there were

relationships between crime and inflation, population shifts, unemployment rates and alcohol

consumption (Bunge, Johnson and Baldé, 2005). In particular, it was found that there were

three types of crime with statistically significant connections.

1. Rates of unemployment as well as alcohol consumption were linked with the rise

and fall of homicide rates.

2. Financially motivated crimes, such as robbery, motor theft, and breaking and

entering were found to have a statistically significant relationship with inflation.

3. While there has been much interest in the impact of baby boomers on crime

rates, both here in Canada and the United States, the only crime with a

statistically significant connection with age structure in Canada was breaking and

entering, which correlated with the growth rate of the population of 15‐24 year

olds (Bunge, Johnson and Baldé, 2005).

Summary

This section looked at different factors that could contribute to decreasing crime rates and

noted what past relationships have been found between economic factors and crime in Canada.

While the crime rate produced by Statistics Canada is the best available tool to measure the

changes in crime over time in Canada, it only has the ability to track crime reported by police

systems. Also, decisions pertaining to what crimes are included in the crime rate limit the

volume and severity that it reports. Overall, the national crime rate alone should not be

depended upon to determine either the need for, or the effectiveness of police officers.


Part Two: Community and Proactive Police Initiatives

In the previous section on contributing factors to crimes rates, trends in policing methods were

mentioned. Most police agencies in North America ascribe to community policing in some

respect. However, measuring the effect of community‐oriented policing is challenging given

that there is not a strict definition, it has a broad scope, and implementation strategies are not

shared by all police agencies. However, “every definition of community policing shares the idea

that the police and the community must work together to define and develop solutions to

problems (Sadd and Grinc, 1994)” (as cited by Skogan, Community Participation and

Community Policing, 1995, 1).

A common method of determining whether community‐oriented policing strategies have been

effective is through the use of surveys, asking community residents questions regarding their

fear of victimization, their beliefs pertaining to crime rates, and their comfort levels with police

officers. If however citizens were generally satisfied with their police service beforehand, or

high crime areas were not included in the survey samples, or those residents did not respond to

the survey, the results fail to express the success of community‐oriented policing initiatives.

Also, while much literature pertaining to policing discusses community‐oriented methods, and

at times, its outcomes, crime reduction does not always appear to have been the goal of

community‐oriented strategies. Rather, research pertaining to community‐oriented policing

generally focuses on the attitudes of participants and citizens’ perceptions of safety and crime.

An additional barrier to determining the success of community‐oriented policing on crime is

that the many applications and strategies can convolute proper evaluation. In 2001 a

researcher reviewed more than 60 studies pertaining to the results of community‐oriented

policing. While the review found that there were slight decreases in crime rates in the majority

of the studies, the conclusions lacked value, given that the community‐oriented policing

strategies were not analyzed (Cordner, 2001; as cited by Connell, Miggans, McGloin, 2008).


A researcher named John MacDonald used the Law Enforcement Management and

Administrative Statistics survey, the FBI’s Uniform Crime Reports and city‐level census data of

164 American cities to determine the effect community policing had on their robbery and

homicide rates (2002). His results confirmed the work of previous studies and found “that

proactive policing is the only consistent police‐related factor that is associated with controlling

violent crime” (MacDonald, 2002, 609). While the use of community policing positively related

to both robbery and homicide rates, they were not statistically significant. This meant that his

study found that the use of community focused operations failed to have a large effect on

reducing urban violence throughout major American cities. He concluded that many policing

agencies in the United States had adopted community‐oriented policing language (potentially

to secure funding for themselves), however, there was little proof that policing activities and

methods had changed. Until “true programmatic changes” were identified there was little to

indicate if community‐oriented policing methods could achieve intended crime reduction

(MacDonald, 2002, 613).

The final study on the effectiveness of community policing on crime reduction took place in a

suburban community. The police beat unit adopted a community‐oriented policing approach

and went through systematic changes in their cultural norms and operations, embracing core

elements of community policing that included accountability, decentralization, collaboration

and problem solving. Using time series analysis, Connell, Miggans and McGloin found that

following the implementation of the officer‐initiated community‐oriented policing program,

there was a significant reduction in violent and property crimes in area, albeit not drug crimes

(2008). In this study, effectiveness could be attributed to a number of factors, such as the

officers desire to participate, and that those who did not were able to take different positions

within the agency. As well, the change in culture may have been easier to achieve and uphold

as the number of officers who participated in the program was small, simply a unit, in contrast

to hoping to achieve “buy in” from officers throughout a large department (Connell, Miggans &

McGloin, 2008). Finally, the unit in question had sought to implement a very comprehensive

community policing strategy, rather than picking and choosing certain aspects of community

policing that were already part of their regular duties or way of thinking, which may have lead

to greater success.


As previously mentioned, different policing and crime safety associations and scholars have

different understandings of what community policing entails. While there is general agreement

pertaining to community partnerships, the component of proactive problem solving is still

sometimes viewed as a distinct policing theory. However, the Canadian Police Sector Council

believes that problem solving is one of the two main components of community policing (Police

Sector Council, 2000). When researchers study the effectiveness of proactive problem solving in

contrast to general community policing, this crime‐prevention strategy demonstrates

remarkable success, particularly when reviewing case‐study outcomes.

For example, in 2005, the Winnipeg Police service partnered with Manitoba Justice and

Manitoba Public Insurance to reduce auto theft in Winnipeg. Using a combination of

prevention, intervention and enforcement efforts, there was a decrease from an average of 24

vehicle thefts per day in 2004, to an average of 6 vehicle thefts per day in 2009, a decrease of

75% (Winnipeg Police Service, 2010).

In the local community that Connell, Miggans and McGloin studied, beat officers collaborated

and problem solved with local business owners, apartment managers and other service

agencies. One of the successes they found was through the use of foot patrols and surveillance

of a bus stop, which resulted in the discontinuance of its use as a location for drugs sales

(Connell, Miggans & McGloin, 2008).

In Prince Albert, Saskatchewan, the chief of police sent his top officers to study a successful

crime prevention method in Glasgow, Scotland, a city that shared many of the same crime

indicators as Prince Albert. Both cities had found that the majority of young offenders had

interacted with many social service agencies in different areas of their life as their conduct

worsened, before finally being arrested for a serious crime. The solution was to begin sharing

information between agencies to successfully intervene in young people’s lives. The success in

Scotland lead to the Prince Albert Community Mobilization Partnership, which is centered

around “the Hub”, where core frontline workers of different agencies regularly meet to identify

and intervene as necessary with individuals of elevated risk. Also, there is a permanent centre

where representatives from the associated agencies work to address macro‐level issues


through intelligent deployment of resources and policy change (Putnam, 2011). According to

the Prince Albert Regional Intersectoral Committee’s annual report, in a period of five months,

the HUB has thus far successfully resolved over one hundred cases (Stupnikoff, 2011).

Summary

One officer responded to the CPA survey stating, “There is entirely too much focus on police

being more community oriented. There are school officers and community officers that

duplicate work. One unit could be eliminated and returned to general patrol which would

provide fast/efficient response and increase visibility”. This comment is interesting, as it points

to how simply adopting community policing for the sake of adoption does not actually address

true local community needs, such as efficient response.

Community policing cannot be one‐size fits all but needs to be tailored to meet specific

community concerns. Nor is it possible to complete in‐depth studies of all police services to

determine if those who claim that they are engaged in community policing have actually

implemented community‐oriented strategies. However, once implemented fully and with the

support of officers, community‐oriented policing may act as a strong preventative measure in

communities against crime.

Another officer noted, “I feel communication and cooperation between police agencies has

increased which has helped us develop better ways of combating crime and having a better

proactive way of policing (rather than sitting in a silo and spending time re‐inventing the wheel

so to speak).” Proactive policing strategies have many benefits. By using problem solving,

community safety concerns can be addressed prior to crimes being committed. This results in

fewer victims, less fear of crime, reduces police time in court, cuts down on case backlogs, and

lessens the long‐term costs of incarceration and related justice expenses. Unfortunately while

this proactive, rather than reactive, method of addressing community safety can be highly

effective, if an officer’s value is reduced to the number of criminal code incidents he or she

addresses throughout the year, sadly it will appear that police are either inefficient or losing

their necessity.


Part Three: Argument for Sustainable Funding

A recent series of editorials in the Globe and Mail have focused on the cost of policing. The first

article noted that 2010 was the 14th consecutive year of spending growth after inflation,

despite the volume and severity of crime having been in decline (Globe Editorial, 2012). It also

expressed that the 9% increase in the number officers since 2001 has come oddly at the time of

the lowest homicide rate in 30 years, and with the number of criminal code incidents per officer

having declined since peaking 20 years ago (Globe Editorial, 2012). However, the series of

editorials failed to note the prior police shortages, workload increases, and the impact of

legislation and case law on police activities. These are contributing reasons for why policing is in

need of continuous funding.

Prior Decreases in Police Numbers

Despite the 9% growth in the number of Canadian police officers, if one compares the rate from

ten years ago to present, they ought to note that 2001 had the fifth lowest ratio of officers to

citizens since 1972. The peak year of officer to citizen ratio was in 1975 with 206.2 officers per

100,000 (Statistics Canada, 2011b, Table 1). This recent staffing increase has also followed a

number of internal studies completed within police services that noted the immediate need for

more officers. These additional officers are required to prevent drawing upon other

departments during staffing shortages, to address chronic beat shortages, to allow officers to

take their relief periods on patrol, to respond to calls in a reasonable time, and to reduce the

amount of overtime accrued. There are currently 252 officers per 100,000 citizens in Britain,

which is following several years of severe cuts to public safety budgets (Statistics Canada,

2011b, Text Table 1). In 2011 Canada still only had 201.4 officers per 100,000 (Statistics Canada,

2011b, Table 1). Additionally, while 2010 was the 14th consecutive year of increases spent on

policing, it was only a 1% increase (after inflation) since 2009, and there was a decrease of 4%

in “other operating expenditures” (Statistics Canada, 2011b, 12).

Technology Advances

While advances in science and technology provide police with additional tools and abilities to

communicate with one another, respond to emergency calls, solve historic cases, track criminal


activity and gather evidence, ever changing technology places a large burden on police budgets

and workload.

Investigations have become more time intensive and expensive as the use of satellite

technology and landline alternatives are used by criminals. In contrast to traditional landlines,

gaining the cooperation of telecom companies during investigations by providing needed

records has become more complicated.

The use of forensics, DNA databases, computer and Internet technology have enabled

breakthroughs in cases and can prove the guilt of criminals, however these advances require

expensive tools, training and can rapidly become outdated. To maintain effective use of

modern technology, continuous funding is required to ensure that police are up to date with

the same technology that criminals are utilizing (Brantingham, Paul et al., 2005).

Workload Increases

The number of incidents per officer has perpetually decreased since 1991, when there was an

average of 51.1 incidents per officer. In 2010, there were only 30.3 incidents per officer

(Statistics Canada, 2011b, Table 1). Even though Canada has been experiencing a reduction in

crime rates, the workload of police continues to increase.

While the average number of incidents per officer was 30.3 in 2010, the average number of

incidents for Newfoundland and Labrador, Prince Edward Island and Nova Scotia was between

30‐40 per officer. The average number of incidents for British Columbia, Alberta and Manitoba

was between 40‐50 per officer. The average number of incidents for the Yukon and

Saskatchewan was in the high 50’s, while Nunavut had 98.7 incidents per officer in 2010, and

the Northwest Territories had 100.5 incidents per officer (Statistics Canada, 2011b, Table 2‐2).

This demonstrates that while the average number of incidents per officer across Canada has

decreased, the majority of provinces and territories are experiencing a number of incidents

much higher than the national average. While crime rates are decreasing in Canada, low crime

rates are not uniform across Canada.


Similarly, though the Crime Severity Index decreased by 6% in 2010, the provinces and

territories of Newfoundland and Labrador, the Northwest Territories and Nunavut experienced

increases (Brennan & Dauvergne, 2011). Many cities faced high crime severity index ratings in

2010 including: St. John’s, Halifax, Saint John, Brantford, Thunderbay, Winnipeg, Regina,

Saskatoon, Edmonton, Kelowna, Abbotsford‐Mission and Vancouver (Brennan & Dauvergne,

2011). While it can be difficult to assign an average number of police hours on a specific type of

offence and therefore the costs associated with them, one officer noted in the CPA survey that,

“It [our budget] has increased steadily over the years but still it just takes one major

incident/long investigation to cause issues for the rest of the service, even those that have

nothing to do with the crime/incident. For example, a triple murder investigation is going into

its second year.” Pertaining to court cases, “the cost associated with disclosure for even one

large‐scale fraud can easily reach into the tens of thousands of dollars and sap the entire

operational budget of an investigative unit or department, effectively crippling it from

conducting other investigations” (Brantingham, Paul et al., 2005, 58). Each offence does not

require the same amount of manpower or resources. While the volume of crime may be

reported to be decreasing, all it takes is a few large crimes for police resources to be quickly

depleted.

The report, A 30 Year Analysis of Police Service Delivery and Costing, looked at four different

crimes and compared the amount of time spent at each stage of the investigation in 1975 and

2005. While each incident is different, the report determined a range of time for each type of

offence. The estimated total time needed for a domestic assault case has radically altered, with

current cases requiring approximately 8 hours for two members to complete, while similar

cases 30 years ago only required one to two hours of one member's time (Brantingham, Paul et

al., 2005). In the case of a DUI offence, the total time required 30 years ago was around 30

minutes, yet now takes approximately 300 minutes from the identification of the driver to their

release. These examples demonstrate how officers are spending more time than ever before on

basic investigations.


Case Law

Due to changes in case law and legislation, police workload has substantially increased. The

study, A 30 Year Analysis of Police Service Delivery and Costing, reported that the following case

law decisions have had significant effects on police operations and workload since 1982.

Hunter v. Southam Inc., [1984] 2 S.C.R. 145 found warrantless searches to no longer be deemed acceptable, due to s. 8 of the Charter, which states that “Everyone has the right to be secure against unreasonable search or seizure.” The effect of the ruling has been that police are required to obtain warrants for situations where previously it would have been unnecessary. In R. v. Therens, [1985] 1 S.C.R. 613 detention was liberally defined, resulting in confusion pertaining to when related Charter duties are required, such as informing the detained of their right to legal council. In R. v. Collins, [1987] 1 S.C.R. 265 precedent was set for the exclusion of evidence in cases where there has been a breach of the Charter. In turn, police officers have become extremely wary of any technicality that could cause their evidence to be thrown out of court. In R. v. Brydges, [1990] 1 S.C.R. 190 the Supreme Court of Canada increased the informational duties of the police through s. 10(b) of the Charter. This mandated police to advise detained and arrested persons of the availability of legal aid and duty counsel. This allowed the accused to delay the investigation and misuse police time, due to the right to speak to their legal representation prior to completing police requests, such as providing a breath sample. Also, given that there were only 30 days allotted to prepare for this change, police services were burdened with rapid training and communications (Brantingham, Paul et al., 2005). Through R. v. Hebert, [1990] 2 S.C.R. 151, the accused were found to have the right to silence due to s.7 of the Charter during pre‐trial detention and therefore police can not try to seek out voluntary admissions of guilt through the use of plain clothed officers or other individuals. Rather police officers must use alternative means of investigation, that are often more expensive. In R. v. Duarte, [1990] 1 S.C.R. 30, the Supreme Court struck down s. 178.11(2)(a) of the Criminal Code (as it was at the time) due to its infringement of s. 8 of the Charter (the right to be secure against unreasonable search and seizure), barring police from relying upon the permission of one party to record the other party’s communication in that conversation without their consent, or without judicial authorization (Brantingham, Paul et al., 2005). In combination with new legislation pertaining to interception and seizure, the police time spent on obtaining warrants has significantly grown. Through R. v. Garofoli, [1990] 2 S.C.R. 1421, the Supreme Court caused intercepts to become extremely cost prohibitive, even in serious cases, as the burden on police and evidence to


support their intercept applications became unreasonably time intensive (Brantingham, Paul et al., 2005). R. v. Stinchcombe, [1991] 3 S.C.R 326 has had the largest effect on police resources as the Supreme Court ruled that the accused have the right to full disclosure of the Crown’s case. In turn police have been required to provide much more information than before, resulting in a huge increase of administration time preparing documents, which frequently cannot be completed by support staff. In R. v. B. (K.G.), [1993] 1 S.C.R. 740 it was found that police must generally videotape and take statements from victims and witnesses under oath to ensure their admissibility, in case of recantation at trial. As transcription time is lengthy and must be later validated by the original investigator, this places a large demand on police resources (Brantingham, Paul et al., 2005). In R. v. Feeney, [1997] 2 S.C.R. 13 it was ruled that in instances when police have reasonable grounds to think a suspect is within a residence, the police must obtain a special warrant authorizing entry into the house, even if there is an arrest warrant for the suspect. As a “Feeney” warrant could take up to five hours to obtain, it is likely that police may choose not to even attempt an arrest (Brantingham, Paul et al., 2005). In R. v. McNeil, [2009] 1 S.C.R. 66 police became obligated to include all records pertaining to serious misconduct of officers involved in the investigation in the first party disclosure package. This is the case where the findings of officer misconduct could impact the case, or if the officer's misconduct was in relation to the investigation. In instances where the police disciplinary records and criminal investigation files are not considered to be within the scope of the first party disclosure files, if the accused can demonstrate that the documents are likely to be relevant to the proceedings, the residual privacy interests of the third parties are unlikely to override the right to full disclosure for the purpose of defence. This case simply adds to the initial burden that Stinchcombe placed upon police services.

The combination of the above decisions has substantially increased the time it takes for police

officers to arrest criminals, conduct investigations, prepare for court, and complete additional

duties. At times these decisions result in public safety risks, as police services simply cannot

afford to complete the tasks due to restraints in resources.

Legislation

The following changes in legislation have also had a large impact on policing duties.

Access to information and privacy Access to Information Act, R.S.C. 1985, c. A‐1. Privacy Act, R.S.C. 1985, c. P‐21.


Changes in legislation in 1985 pertaining to access to information and privacy resulted in additional information retention, storage, and retrieval duties imposed upon police services. Addressing access to information requests is very time consuming and adds a large workload in administration. Seized Property Criminal Code, R.S.C. 1985, c. C‐46. An administrative burden was imposed upon police regarding seized property through the Criminal Code in 1993 requiring detailed tracking of property that has been seized and the need to apply for extensions when investigations are ongoing. Intercepts and Surveillance Criminal Code, R.S.C. 1985, c. C‐46 Between 1993 and 1999, several provisions in the Criminal Code were altered to demonstrate increased judicial authorization and oversight of police activities. These in turn reduce the amount of public service done by police, due to the inadvertent administrative burden placed upon police resources. Criminal Harassment Criminal Code, RSC 1985, c. C‐46 s.264 In 1993 the section on Watching and Besetting was repealed and replaced with s. 264 regarding Criminal Harassment. The following Bill C‐27 upgraded murders associated with stalking a victim to a first‐degree murder, which in turn increases the length of investigation, whereas individual cases can warrant lengthy investigations (Brantingham et al., 2005). DNA Analysis Criminal Code, RSC 1985, c. C‐46 s.487.05 This law allows police to apply for a warrant in order to obtain a sample of DNA. However, the standards for the warrants are very complex and therefore lengthy to prepare, which leads to police time being spent on administration. Youth Crime Youth Criminal Justice Act (S.C. 2002, c. 1) In addition to the other changes that this Act brought to crime and policing, as addressed elsewhere in this report, the administration and investigation demands on police resources grew more onerous with the implementation of the Youth Criminal Justice Act, due to required training for investigating minors.

While individual changes to case law and legislation do not alone result in a crippling effect on

the capacity of public police, the cumulative result of applying for warrants, delaying

investigations, undergoing emergency training, obtaining additional evidence, and processing

miscellaneous administrative duties, limits the ability of police to successfully serve the public.

While many changes have been necessary, the results have been burdensome on police


services and take time away from front‐line policing. Nor is it always possible to always pass

tasks off to civilians or volunteers. These additional duties require sustainable funding to ensure

that police are adequately enabled to complete responsibilities and implement changes in a

timely manner.

One Time Funding Opportunities

In 2008, the federal government set aside $400 million for a Police Officer Recruitment Fund to

invest in 2,500 new front‐line officers, across municipalities, provinces and territories. While

federal support of policing is always of benefit, one‐time allotments fail to address the long‐

term needs. Additionally, while this amount was given in order to support efforts in recruiting

additional front‐line officers, it has been left to the jurisdiction of provinces and territories to

use on policing priorities of their discretion (Public Safety Canada, 2008). While the money was

placed in a third party trust fund, in February 2011 the city of Winnipeg had still not received

any of their promised funding and had to vote on a motion to request their province to provide

a date when the additional officers would be provided (Skerritt, 2011). The Edmonton Police

Association President, Sgt. Tony Simioni, noted that Alberta spent millions of the Police Officer

Recruitment fund on policing infrastructure instead of policing positions, stating "In Alberta, we

didn't see any of that money go to front‐line policing, it went to the Fort Macleod training

facility" (Kleiss & O'Neill, 2011).

Work distribution between Municipal, Provincial, and Federal policing

While policing is a core responsibility of the three tiers of government in Canada, each with

different roles and responsibilities, ambiguity regarding how each level of government ought to

support Canada’s policing infrastructure is rampant.

The federal government is responsible for federal policing policy and the enactment of criminal

laws. The RCMP carries out the federal government’s policing responsibilities, by enforcing

federal statutes, protecting foreign dignitaries and internationally protected persons, and

providing additional resources as criminal intelligence and forensic laboratories.


Provincial police services implement provincial statutes and the Criminal Code of Canada in

locations without municipal police. The RCMP can also provide policing in provinces and

territories where there is not a provincial or municipal service.

Municipal police departments serve approximately 80% of Canadians. Their wide coverage

results in enforcing laws and providing services that ought to be completed by the RCMP due to

federal jurisdiction. There is not a standard method of ensuring that the federal government

compensates for such work. These duties include the enforcement of borders, Great Lakes,

drug‐related crime, cyber crime, organized crime, and services such as forensic identification.

Municipalities have been forced to assume the rising costs of policing. Federal funding for

RCMP contract services to provinces and municipalities has steadily decreased over time,

providing 50% of costs in 1976 to zero for any contracts signed after 1992. According to the

RCMP contract policing webpage, there are currently three cost‐sharing schemes for

municipalities. Municipalities with less than 15,000 citizens pay 70% of costs and the federal

government pays 30%. Municipalities with more than 15,000 citizens pay 90% and the federal

government pays 10%. However, since 1991, any new client of the RCMP must pay 100% of the

contract costs (Contract Policing, 2011). Yet, while Greater Moncton and Sackville signed their

Municipal Police Service Agreements after 1991, recent changes were made so that Greater

Moncton will pay 90%, and Sackville will only pay 70%, while the federal government offsets

the remainder of the costs (Tower, 2012). The Federation of Canadian Municipalities report,

Towards Equity and Efficiency in Policing, states that “municipal taxpayers cannot continue to

finance the ever‐increasing costs of policing using existing mechanisms” (2008, 5) and that

“pending a full review of the existing policing regime, the Government of Canada should

provide an equity and efficiency allocation to: a. compensate municipal governments for their

role in enforcing federal policing mandates; and b. provide funding sufficient for municipalities

to meet their growing responsibilities” (2008, 6).


Summary

Policing is becoming more time intensive due to practices and administrative duties required

due to case law, legislation and regulations. As many municipalities become overburdened

with the rising costs of policing, they will be forced to cut required expenditures and hire fewer

officers and support workers than community needs indicate. When asked how police services

have changed over time, one officer had a very comprehensive response, “Criminals continue

to become more sophisticated yet the police service fails to provide adequate training and

resources (manpower, equipment, training, and funding) to successfully investigate the crimes

committed by those sophisticated criminals; the legal/court requirements have also changed

making the simplest of investigations complex; crime analysts are tied to managers for

statistical analysis and are unavailable for crime analysis to assist with investigations, which

increases the work load on investigators.” In order for public safety not to be jeopardized, it is

important that sustainable funding is allocated to police services.


Part Four: Survey Results

The CPA created and sent surveys to several different police services of various sizes across

Canada. Questions related to the changing tasks and roles of these local services, as well as the

personal insights of officers pertaining to budgets and time spent on tasks. The following is

some of the feedback that the Canadian Police Association (CPA) received from the surveys.

Staffing levels

We found that in response to the question, “Do you feel that current staffing levels in your

police service meet demands for service?” only 38.7% of respondents agreed. The majority of

respondents (61.2%) disagreed. One officer commented, “I am in an area where we are so short

staffed (in a critical serious crimes area…Child Protection) that it affects our ability and capacity

to properly do complete and timely investigations. It is disheartening to families when they are

waiting for answers and they have to wait so long. It is hard on us too as I want to a great job

for them and I get limited by time and resources. It is hard dealing with such an emotional issue

and traumatic circumstances in addition to such a lack of departmental support”.

Community Services

All the responding police services participated in variety of community programs, ranging from

Neighbourhood Watch, Victim Services and Crime Stoppers to having volunteers manning desk

positions at stations and using their own vehicles to complete patrols and security. When

asked, “Do you feel that your police service is dependent upon the assistance of community

volunteers to meet all service requirements?” there were three available responses: Yes, No

and I do not feel that we meet all expected service requirements. Half of the respondents

answered no, that they did not feel that their police service was dependent upon volunteers to

meet all service requirements (51.6%). However, 20.9% of respondents indicated that they did

not believe that their service was meeting all service requirements, with or without volunteers.

A quarter of respondents (24.1%) felt that their police service was dependent upon the

assistance of volunteers to meet all service requirements, and 3.2% of survey respondents were

uncertain.


Tasks

Police service employees were also asked, “Have the amount of activities that police are

expected to complete increased since you began police service?” The majority of survey

respondents (70%) had 11 years of experience or more, while 40% had 16 – 20 years of

experience and 25% of respondents had 20 years of experience or more. The majority of

respondents answered that the amount of activities has grown (69.3%), though one quarter of

the respondents disagreed (25.8%). A small minority was uncertain (4.8%).

Survey respondents were asked to appraise which of the following tasks had increased since

they began their policing career: Additional administrative tasks, community meetings,

community/school education programs, victim support services, training and court attendance.

82% of respondents noted that report writing had increased, 85% thought that the number of

administrative tasks had increased, 53% of respondents indicated that the number of

community meetings had increased, 40% of respondents noted that community programs had

increased, 35% of respondents stated that the number of victim support services had increased,

68% indicated that the amount of training had increased and 31% thought that their

attendance in court had increased. Overall, when asked if they felt that these activities had

impacted their capacity to perform core public safety duties, the majority of respondents said

yes (67.7%), while 29% responded no, and 3.2% did not respond.

Summary

From the responses of policing staff, it would appear that public safety is an area that is

experiencing strain in its ability to meet all of its requirements with present resources. Heavy

workloads have resulted in understaffing and slow response times to victims and their families.

One quarter of respondents felt that they were dependent upon community volunteers to

meet service requirements, while 21% believed that their service was not accomplishing its

targets, regardless of community partnerships. The majority of respondents believed that the

number of tasks and functions of their service had increased during their employment, while

many comments expressed concern pertaining to how long their department could provide

service well in so many areas. Finally, almost 70% believed that the increases in tasks such as

reports, administration, community meeting and programs, victim support services, training,


and attendance in court have impacted their capacity to perform core public safety duties.

These survey findings are not those of an organization that has all the required resources to do

their job well. These are the comments and opinions of professionals who need continuing,

sustainable funding in their field to ensure that they are completing their duties to the best of

their ability.


Conclusion

There are many reasons why it could appear that police services do not require additional or

long‐term, sustainable funding. After all, the official crime rate is in decline, both in severity and

volume. While unreported crime has risen steadily over the past four General Social Surveys

(completed at five‐year intervals), these figures do not generally receive as much national

attention, as the data is based upon self‐reported victimization, rather than being verified by

police. Factors that have the ability to contribute to the crime rate currently point to a safe

Canada. The statistically significant connections between the economy, social trends and crime

also fail to raise alarm, as Canada’s inflation rate is relatively stable, and it seems unlikely that

there will large growth in the number of 15 to 24 year olds in the near future.

However, the above indicators fail to portray the complete picture of public policing and crime

in Canada. As Scott Newark’s report discussed, not all crimes that affect Canadians are counted

in the way that would be expected, due to the use of most‐serious‐incident reporting, failing to

include crimes such as drug offences, as well as crime severity being determined by the

subjectivity of sentencing. Overall, while the official crime rate may be the best tool in Canada

for tracing trends in crime, it does have flaws and the public and politicians ought to be aware

of what it does and does not indicate.

In addition to demonstrating a rise in unreported crime, the General Social Survey reports why

victims have chosen not to report crimes to the police. These reasons can be discouraging, such

as not believing the incident was important enough, or thinking that there was nothing the

police could do. However, through the use of community and proactive policing, Canadian

police services are able to work with citizens, which may encourage community members to

come forward to the police or to prevent crimes prior to being committed. Proactive policing

limits the effectiveness of service evaluators such as incidents per officer. The use of this

policing method has the potential of long‐term savings for the Canadian government, as long as

police have the resources to conduct problem solving now.

Though the national average of incidents per officer is low, the majority of provinces and


territories have averages that are much higher. Additionally, case law and legislation have

increased the amount of time and effort that is required to make an arrest, conduct

investigations, prepare for court, receive training and complete the required administrative

tasks pertaining to regular duties. While these additional requirements may be necessary,

cumulatively they are time intensive and necessitate additional resources to ensure long‐

standing duties and requirements are also upheld.

Given the growing administrative burden and the additional duties that police services are

expected to manage, there is reason for why one‐time gifts are not of significant value. In order

to ensure that police services are sufficiently staffed, that calls are attended to within

reasonable time periods, that officers are not expected to work regular overtime, that training

is completely as needed and that administrative tasks are processed quickly, continuous

funding is required. The alternatives are police services completing administration rather than

public service, criminals continuing to victimize as police fail to fight crime due to a lack of

necessary resources, and officers facing a backlog of duties rather than proactively problem

solving.

In conclusion, policing is not an area that is ripe for cutbacks. In fact, Canada faces a policing

system that is in desperate need of continuous support from all levels of government, to ensure

that all police duties are completed. Public safety is not an optional investment.


References Anderson, J. (March 13, 2012). Crime rates in Canada: What MP James Lunney doesn't tell us. Crime in Canada. Retrieved from http://crimguy.com/2012/03/13/lies/ Besserer, S. & Trainor, C. Juristat. (November 2000). Criminal victimization in Canada, 1999. Issue: Vol. 20, no.10. Catalogue no. 85‐002‐XIE. Brantingham, Paul; Brantingham, Patricia; Cohen, Irwin; Kinney, Bryan; Malm, Aili ; Plecas, Darryl; Tinsley, Paul; Pollard, Nahanni. (2005). A 30 year analysis of police service delivery and costing. International Centre for Urban Research Studies (ICURS). http://www.albertapolice.ca/publications/Police%20Costing%20Research%20Summary%20Report%20v2.pdf Brennan, S. & Dauvergne, M. (July 21, 2011). Police‐reported crime statistics in Canada, 2010. Juristat. Catalogue no. 85‐002‐X http://www.statcan.gc.ca/pub/85‐002‐x/2011001/article/11523‐eng.pdf Brennan, S & Perreault, S. (September 28, 2010). Criminal victimization in Canada, 2009. Juristat. Issue: Vol. 30, no. 2. Catalogue no. 85‐002‐X. http://www.statcan.gc.ca/pub/85‐002‐x/2010002/article/11340‐eng.pdf Burczycka, M. & Cotter, A. (June 27, 2011). Shelters for abused women in Canada, 2010. Juristat. Catalogue no. 85‐002‐X. http://www.statcan.gc.ca/pub/85‐002‐x/2011001/article/11495‐eng.pdf Chilvers, M. & Weatherburn, D. (2003) The Impact of heroin dependence on long‐term robbery trends. Crime and Justice Bulletin. No. 79. Sydney: New South Wales Bureau of Crime Statistics and Research. Connell, N.M., Miggans, K. & McGloin, J.M. (June 2008). Can a community policing initiative reduce serious crime: A local evaluation. Police Quarterly, 11(2), 127 ‐150. Contract Policing. (October 28, 2011). Royal Canadian Mounted Police. http://www.rcmp‐grc.gc.ca/ccaps‐spcca/contract‐eng.htm Cook, P.J & Moore, M.J. (1993). Violence reduction through restrictions on alcohol availability. Alcohol, Health and Research World, 17, 151‐156. Cordner, G. W. (2001). Community policing: Elements and effects. In R. G. Dunham & G. P. Alpert (Eds.), Critical issues in policing: Contemporary readings (4th ed., pp. 493‐510). Prospect Heights, IL: Waveland. Federation of Canadian Municipalities. (2008). Towards equity and efficiency in policing. http://www.fcm.ca/Documents/reports/Towards_Equity_and_Efficiency_in_Policing_EN.pdf


Globe editorial. (March 20, 2012). Canada's police among the best paid in the world. Globe and Mail. http://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/opinions/editorials/canadas‐police‐among‐the‐best‐paid‐in‐the‐world/article2375587/ Kleiss, K., & O'Neill, P. (August 9, 2011). Conservative leadership candidate Alison Redford wants federal money for more police officers. Edmonton Journal. http://www2.canada.com/story.html?id=5230566 Levitt, S.D. (2004). Understanding why crime fell in the 1990s: Four factors that explain the decline and six that do not. Journal of Economic Perspective, 18(1), 163‐190.

Lochner, L. (December 13, 2007). Education and crime. The University of Western Ontario. http://economics.uwo.ca/faculty/lochner/papers/educationandcrime.pdf MacDonald, J. (2002). The effectiveness of community policing in reducing urban violence. Crime & Delinquency, 48(4), 592‐618. Machin, S. & Costas, M. (2004). Crime and economics incentives. The Journal of Human Resources, 39(4), 958‐979. Newark, S. (February 2011). Why Canadian crime statistics don't add up. The Macdonald ‐ Laurier Institute for Public Policy, 4‐29. http://macdonaldlaurier.ca/files/pdf/MLI‐Crime_Statistics_Review‐Web.pdf Paglia‐Boak, A., Edward M . & Main, R.E. (2011). Drug use among Ontario students: 1977 – 2011: OSDUHS highlights. Centre for Addiction and Mental Health. Research Document series. No. 32. 2011. http://www.camh.net/Research/Areas_of_research/Population_Life_Course_Studies/OSDUS/2011OSDUHS_Highlights_DrugUseReport.pdf Police Sector Council. (2000). Strategic human resources analysis of public policing in Canada. http://www.policecouncil.ca/reports/HRDCReportEnglish.pdf Public Safety Canada. (December 5, 2008). Police officers recruitment fund ‐ Operating principles. http://www.publicsafety.gc.ca/media/nr/2008/nr20080314‐2‐eng.aspx Pottie‐Bunge, V. (June 26, 2002). National trends in intimate partner homicide in Canada: 1974‐2002. Juristat. Issue: Vol. 22, no.5. Catalogue no. 85‐002‐XIE. http://www.statcan.gc.ca/pub/85‐002‐x/85‐002‐x2002005‐eng.pdf Pottie‐Bung, V., Johnson, H., & Baldé, T. (June 29, 2005). Exploring crime patterns in Canada. Crime and Justice Research Paper Series. Issue: no. 5. Catalogue no. 85‐561‐MWE2005005. http://www.statcan.gc.ca/pub/85‐561‐m/85‐561‐m2005005‐eng.pdf Putnam, C. (December 21, 2011). Crime prevention strategy unveiled. Yorkton this week. http://www.yorktonthisweek.com/article/20111221/YORKTON0101/111229909/‐


1/YORKTON/crime‐prevention‐strategy‐unveiled. Price, C. & Kunz, J. (2003). Rethinking the paradigm of juvenile delinquency as related to divorce. Journal of Divorce and Remarriage, 39( 1‐2) 109‐133.

Rosenfield, R. (2009). Crime is the problem: Homicide, acquisitive crime, and economic conditions. Journal of Quantitative Criminology, 25.3: 287‐306. Sadd, S. & Grinc, R. (1994). Innovative neighborhood oriented policing: An evaluation of community policing in eight cities. In Dennis P. Rosenbaum (ed.), The Challenge of Community Policing. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications, pp. 27‐52. Skerritt, J. (February 26, 2011). City asks where federal cash for officers has gone. Winnipeg Free Press. http://www.winnipegfreepress.com/local/city‐asks‐where‐federal‐cash‐for‐officers‐has‐gone‐116972868.html Skogan, W.G. (November 1994). Community participation and community policing. Presented at the workshop on Evaluating Police Service Delivery, Revised 1995. 1‐ 21. http://www.ipr.northwestern.edu/publications/policing_papers/caps4.pdf Statistics Canada. (2000). Summary of historical adjustments to crime data for Ontario, 1977‐2000. http://www.statcan.gc.ca/imdb‐bmdi/document/3302_D13_T9_V1‐eng.pdf Statistics Canada, 2010. (September 28, 2010). General Social Survey: Victimization. The Daily. Modified July 5 2011. http://www.statcan.gc.ca/daily‐quotidien/100928/dq100928a‐eng.htm Statistics Canada, 2011a. (January 27, 2011). Family violence in Canada: A statistical profile. Canadian Centre for Justice Statistics. Catalogue no. 85‐244‐X. http://www.statcan.gc.ca/pub/85‐224‐x/85‐224‐x2010000‐eng.pdf Statistics Canada, 2011b. (December 13, 2011). Police resources in Canada. Canadian Centre for Justice Statistics. Catalogue no. 85‐255‐X. Ministry of Industry, 2011. http://www.statcan.gc.ca/pub/85‐225‐x/85‐225‐x2011000‐eng.pdf Statistics Canada, 2011c. (July 21, 2011). Police‐reported crime statistics. The Daily. http://www.statcan.gc.ca/daily‐quotidien/110721/dq110721b‐eng.htm Statistics Canada, 2011d. (April 20, 2011). Control and sale of alcoholic beverages. The Daily. http://www.statcan.gc.ca/daily‐quotidien/110420/dq110420a‐eng.htm Stupnikoff, F. Prince Albert regional intersectoral committee: 2010‐2011 annual report. http://www.srsd119.ca/ric/reports/annualreport1011.pdf Taylor‐ Butts, A. & Bressan, A. (May 16, 2008). Youth crime in Canada, 2006. Juristat. Issue: Vol. 28, no. 3. Catalogue No. 85‐002‐XIE. http://www.statcan.gc.ca/pub/85‐002‐x/85‐002‐


x2008003‐eng.pdf Tower, K. (March 21, 2012). Sackville gets official word on long‐awaited police subsidy. The Sackville Tribune Post. http://www.sackvilletribunepost.com/News/2012‐03‐21/article‐2936032/Sackville‐gets‐official‐word‐on‐long‐awaited‐police‐subsidy/1 Turcotte, M. (December 2011). Women and health. Women in Canada: A gender‐based statistical report. Issue: 2010‐2011, sixth edition. Catalogue no. 89‐503‐X. http://www.statcan.gc.ca/pub/89‐503‐x/2010001/article/11543‐eng.pdf Wallace, M. (July 28,2004). Crime statistics in Canada, 2003. Juristat. Issue: Vol. 24, no. 6. Catalogue no. 85‐002‐XIE. http://www.statcan.gc.ca/pub/85‐002‐x/85‐002‐x2004006‐eng.pdf Winnipeg Police Service. Crime prevention‐ Auto theft prevention. Winnipeg. April 9, 2010. http://www.winnipeg.ca/police/TakeAction/auto_theft.stm Yearwood, D. & Koinis, G. (January 2011). Revisiting property crime and economic conditions: An exploratory study to identify predictive indicators beyond unemployment rates. The Social Science Journal, 48(1), 145‐158. Judicial Decisions Hunter v. Southam Inc., [1984] 2 S.C.R. 145. R. v. B. (K.G.), [1993] 1 S.C.R. 740. R. v. Brydges, [1990] 1 S.C.R. 190. R. v. Collins [1987] 1 S.C.R. 265. R. v. Duarte, [1990] 1 S.C.R. 30. R. v. Feeney, [1997] 2 S.C.R. 13. R. v. Garofoli, [1990] 2 S.C.R. 1421. R. v. Hebert, [1990] 2 S.C.R. 151 R. v. McNeil, [2009] 1 S.C.R. 66 R. v. Stinchcombe, [1991] 3 S.C.R. 326. R. v. Therens [1985] 1 S.C.R. 613.


Legislation Access to Information Act, R.S.C. 1985, c. A‐1. Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms, Part I of the Constitution Act, 1982 being Schedule B to the Canada Act 1982 (U.K.), 1982, c. 11. Criminal Code, R.S.C. 1985, c. C‐46. DNA Identification Act, R.S.C., c. 37., as am. R.S.C. 2000, c. 10. Privacy Act, R.S.C. 1985, c. P‐21. Youth Criminal Justice Act, S.C. 2002, c. 1.

2012 Canadian Police Association

Documents

paulet al

johnsonamp

pdf brennan

perreaultamp

pdf statisticscanada

htm statisticscanada

brennanamp

miggansamp