Latin America has undergone a transformation and there is a new Latin America hidden behind the stereotyped image of the twentieth century. While the weakness of politics and mistrust dominate the region’s agenda, progress is taking place silently without attracting attention. In this way, a new region is emerging, a region that wants to advance more quickly than its countries and to redistribute the fruits of growth, a region that complained loudly in 2011 because the economic deceleration affected it. This is a Latin America that punishes severely. Eight in ten Latin Americans are connected to the world through a mobile telephone while the education of four in ten is one level above that of the home in which they were born. This is the emerging middle class that makes its voice heard. For the first time since the Asian crisis, satisfaction with democracy drops with the deceleration of economic growth and 2012 does not look set to be better than 2011. These are the “Discontents of Progress” as The Economist entitled an article on October 28. Latin Americans are defending what they have achieved and will not allow it to be taken away. Indicators drop in 2011 in a sign of this protest. October 28 / Santiago, Chile 2011 Report
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2011 Latinobarometro Report (Barometer for Latin America)
Latinobarómetro Corporation is a private non-profit organization, based in Providencia, Chile. It is responsible for carrying out Latinobarómetro, an annual public opinion survey that involves some 19,000 interviews in 18 Latin American countries, representing more than 400 million people.It observes the development of democracies, economies and societies, using indicators of attitude, opinion and behavior
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Latin America has undergone a transformation and there is a new Latin America hidden behind the
stereotyped image of the twentieth century. While the weakness of politics and mistrust dominate
the region’s agenda, progress is taking place silently without attracting attention. In this way, a new region
is emerging, a region that wants to advance more quickly than its countries and to redistribute the fruits of growth, a region that complained loudly in 2011
because the economic deceleration affected it. This is a Latin America that punishes severely.
Eight in ten Latin Americans are connected to the
world through a mobile telephone while the education of four in ten is one level above that of the home in which they were born. This is the emerging middle
class that makes its voice heard.
For the first time since the Asian crisis, satisfaction with democracy drops with the deceleration of economic growth and 2012 does not look set to be
better than 2011. These are the “Discontents of Progress” as The Economist entitled an article on
October 28. Latin Americans are defending what they have achieved and will not allow it to be taken away.
Indicators drop in 2011 in a sign of this protest.
DEMOCRACY IN LATIN AMERICA ............................................................................................22
SUPPORT FOR DEMOCRACY ................................................................................................................................26
PERCEPTION OF PROGRESS ................................................................................................................................30
SUMMARY OF THE MOST IMPORTANT PROBLEM ........................................................................................................31
THE COUNTRY’S ECONOMIC SITUATION AND FUTURE EXPECTATIONS ..................................................................................32
JUSTICE IN INCOME DISTRIBUTION ........................................................................................................................34
SATISFACTION WITH LIFE ..................................................................................................................................36
ATTITUDES TOWARDS DEMOCRACY .......................................................................................................................38
DEMOCRACY: BETTER, THE SAME OR WORSE? ..........................................................................................................40
PENDING TASKS FOR DEMOCRACY ........................................................................................................................41
TRUST IN INSTITUTIONS ....................................................................................................................................49
TRUST IN THE GOVERNMENT ..............................................................................................................................51
COMPLYING WITH THE LAW ...............................................................................................................................53
DEMANDING RIGHTS .......................................................................................................................................54
SOCIAL MORALITY ..........................................................................................................................................64
STATE CORRUPTION ........................................................................................................................................65
LATIN AMERICA’S AGENDA .......................................................................................................67
THE MOST IMPORTANT PROBLEM .........................................................................................................................67
CRIME AND VICTIMIZATION ...............................................................................................................................69
3
THE “NI-NI” GENERATION .................................................................................................................................70
The middle class ........................................................................................................................................71
The digital divide .......................................................................................................................................71
THE ENVIRONMENT ........................................................................................................................................74
VOTING FOR POLITICAL PARTIES ...........................................................................................................................76
CLOSENESS TO POLITICAL PARTIES ........................................................................................................................77
FUTURE EXPECTATIONS: PERSONAL SITUATION AND COUNTRY .........................................................................................79
SUBJECTIVE INCOME .......................................................................................................................................81
EXPECTATIONS: FUTURE INCOME .........................................................................................................................81
INDEX OF JOB SECURITY .............................................................................................................82
INDEX OF CONSUMER CONFIDENCE .......................................................................................83
ATTITUDES TOWARDS THE MARKET .....................................................................................85
THE MARKET ECONOMY ...................................................................................................................................85
PRIVATIZATIONS HAVE BEEN BENEFICIAL FOR THE COUNTRY ...........................................................................................86
ATTITUDES TOWARDS THE STATE ..........................................................................................88
PUBLIC POLICIES ...................................................................................................................................…….88
WHAT HAS THE STATE DONE FOR YOU? ..................................................................................................................90
DOES THE STATE HAVE THE MEANS TO SOLVE PROBLEMS? .............................................................................................91
THE STATE AS SOLVING PROBLEMS ........................................................................................................................91
EFFICIENCY OF THE STATE ..................................................................................................................................93
SATISFACTION WITH STATE SERVICES PROVIDED BY THE CENTRAL GOVERNMENT .....................................................................95
SATISFACTION WITH PUBLIC SERVICES PROVIDED BY MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENTS .....................................................................96
INDEX OF SATISFACTION WITH STATE SERVICES ..........................................................................................................97
SATISFACTION WITH DEMOCRACY ........................................................................................98
INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS ..................................................................................................101
LEADERSHIP IN LATIN AMERICA .........................................................................................................................101
OPINIONS ABOUT POWERS ..............................................................................................................................104
RELATIONS BETWEEN COUNTRIES .......................................................................................................................106
MODEL COUNTRY ........................................................................................................................................107
EVALUATION OF LEADERS .......................................................................................................108
EVALUATION OF INTERNATIONAL INSTITUTIONS ..........................................................111
SUPPORT FOR DEMOCRACY AND PIB PER CAPITA1995 – 2011 TOTAL LATIN AMERICA 1995 - 2011Q. With which of the following statements do you agree most? Democracy is preferable to any other kind of
government; Under some circumstances, an authoritarian government can be preferable to a democratic one; For
people like me, it doesn‟t matter whether we have a democratic or non-democratic regime; DNK/DNA. *Here only
„Democracy is preferable to any other kind of government‟
Perception of progress
In 2011, there was an average four-point drop in the perception of progress but with wide
variations between countries. In Chile and Brazil, the two Latin American countries considered
most successful, the drop reached 26 points and 16 points, respectively, while, in Costa Rica, the
Dominican Republic and Bolivia, there was a drop of more than ten points. The change is
particularly marked in Brazil where, in 2010, the perception of progress, at 68%, was the highest
in the region while the government of President Lula had the region‟s highest approval rating.
In Argentina and Uruguay, the perception of progress increases significantly, rising in both cases
by 12 points, while, in Peru, there is an increase of nine points but these are the only countries that
stand out positively. The perception of progress is related not only to growth but also to leaders,
politics, opportunities and fairness in distribution.
In the eyes of Latin Americans, in other words, the region did not progress in 2011, helping to
explain the skepticism reflected in many of the other variables discussed in this report. Over the
previous six years, despite the crisis, there was a perception of progress but its speed could not be
sustained and it ran into difficulties in 2011.
31
29
52
1815
23
8
35 34 36
21
37
64
7
22
38
5149
62
45
55
68
3128
34
14
39 38 39
24
40
67
10
24
39
49
40
50
33
-26
-16-13 -13 -11
-6 -4 -4 -3 -3 -3 -3 -3 -2 -1
2
912 12
-40
-20
0
20
40
60
80
Ch
ile
Bra
sil
Co
sta
Ric
a
Re
pú
blic
a D
om
inic
ana
Bo
livia
Gu
ate
ma
la
La
tino
am
érica
Pa
ragu
ay
Nic
ara
gu
a
El S
alv
ad
or
Ve
ne
zu
ela
Pa
na
má
Ho
nd
ura
s
Méxic
o
Co
lom
bia
Ecu
ad
or
Pe
rú
Uru
gu
ay
Arg
entin
a
2011 2010 Diferencia
The progress image
falls back in 14 of the 18
countries.
Source: Latinobarómetro 2010 – 2011
IMAGE OF PROGRESS IN THE COUNTRY TOTALS BY COUNTRY 2011Q. Would you say that this country....? Is progressing, Is at a standstill , is in decline. * Here only 'progress'.
Since 1996, the perception of progress had shown a sustained increase, rising from 26% to 27% in
2000 and then to a peak of 39% in 2010 before dropping to 35% in 2011.
Source: Latinobarómetro 1995 – 2011
38
26 27 27
3133
3639
35
0
5
10
15
20
25
30
35
40
45
50
1995 1996 1997 2000 2005 2008 2009 2010 201135
7
8
15
18
21
22
23
29
34
36
37
38
45
49
51
52
62
64
0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80
Latinoamérica
Honduras
Guatemala
República Dominicana
Costa Rica
El Salvador
México
Bolivia
Chile
Paraguay
Nicaragua
Venezuela
Colombia
Argentina
Perú
Ecuador
Brasil
Uruguay
Panamá
IMAGE OF PROGRESS IN THE COUNTRY TOTAL LATIN AMERICA1995 – 2011 – TOTALS BY COUNTRY 2011Q. Would you say that this country....? Is progressing, Is at a standstill , is in decline. * Here only 'progress'.
In 2011, the perception of progress was highest in Panama (64%) and lowest in Honduras (7%).
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Summary of the most important problem
Economic problems continue to predominate as Latin America‟s most important problem.
However, they lose importance in 2011 while the importance of crime increases, narrowing the
difference between the two problems to nine percentage points, down from 11 points in 2010.
There is, however, little change in the countries experiencing the most serious economic problems
which have the greatest importance in Nicaragua and the least importance in Brazil.
38
34
44
3837
1715
19
27 28
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
2007 2008 2009 2010 2011
Economic Problems Crime
Source: Latinobarómetro 2007 - 2011
2011 ECONOMIC PROBLEMS
37151819
2426
32343435
424243454748
5253
75
0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100
LatinoaméricaBrasil
VenezuelaChile
Costa RicaUruguay
GuatemalaColombiaArgentina
MéxicoEl Salvador
PanamáParaguay
BoliviaHonduras
EcuadorPerú
República DominicanaNicaragua
SUMMARY: MOST IMPORTANT PROBLEM IN THE COUNTRY
ECONOMIC PROBLEMS & CRIME TOTAL LATIN AMERICA 2007-2011 - TOTALS BY COUNTRY 2011Q. In your Opinion, which one is the most important problem in the country? * Here only „Unemployment‟ and „The
economy/economics problems/financial‟ and „Poverty‟ and Crime
The country’s economic situation and future expectations
In a recognition of growth, the percentage of Latin Americans who consider the economic
situation to be “good” increases from 17% in 2010 to 18% in 2011 while the percentage
considering it “bad” drops from 35% to 34%. This latter one-point drop, however, compares
unfavorably with the five-point drop seen between 2009 and 2010, indicating an important decline
CURRENT ECONOMIC SITUATION OF THE COUNTRY TOTAL LATIN AMERICA 1996 - 2011Q. In general, how would you describe the country‟s present economic situation? Would you say it is...? very
good, good, About average , bad or very bad ? * Here 'Very good' and 'Good' / „about average' / 'Bad' and 'very
bad'.
Despite this recognition of improvement in the country‟s economic situation, interviewees‟
expectations as to their future personal situation have been weakening gradually. The deceleration
of progress is reflected in a drop to 42%, down from 49% in 2006, in those who anticipate an
improvement in their personal situation. The nature of this adjustment varies, however, depending
SATISFACTION WITH LIFETOTAL LATIN AMERICA1997-2011 – TOTALS BT COUNTRY 2011Generally speaking, Would you say that you are satisfied with your life? Would you say that you are....? *Here
only „Very satisfied‟ and „Quite satisfied‟
We can compare satisfaction with life across different regions of the world and, in this case, do so
with the 27 European countries covered by Eurobarometer. This clearly shows that satifaction
with life is not a function of income since the differences in satisfaction between Europe and Latin
America are minimal in relation to the enormous difference in income level. In 2011, satisfaction
with life reached an average of 72% in Latin America as compared to 79% in Europe, a difference
of only seven percentage points.
The two indicators have moved approximaely in tandem since 2005 with a difference of no more
than ten percentage points.
Source: Latinobarómetro and Eurobarómetro 2000-2011
SATISFACTION WITH LIFETOTAL LATIN AMERICA AND EUROPE 2000-2011Generally speaking, Would you say that you are satisfied with your life? Would you say that you are....? *Here
only „Very satisfied‟ and „Quite satisfied‟
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The drop seen in political and social indicators in 2011 is the result of two factors - the
deceleration of growth that occurred in half the countries surveyed, and political conflicts. The
latter take two forms - firstly, new governments face demands that are a consequence of success
as in Chile and Brazil and, secondly, election and re-election processes give rise to succession
tensions as in Guatemala and Nicaragua.
Latin Americans have clearly learned that elections and changes of government represent an
opportunity for change and are increasingly seeking to take advantage of these opportunities. It is
in countries where there was a change of government that we see an important part of the change
in indicators between 2010 and 2011.
In Latin America, governments are changed in a bid to deepen democracy and leaders have a great
influence in the success of this process. Institutions have less weight than leaders in the
consolidation of democracy. Is this a consolidation through leadership which may be more
volatile than consolidation of the institutions of democracy? Is it also consolidation through direct
demands placed on leaders in the absence of trust in the institutions of democracy? What is clear
from the results of this survey is that progress brings with it new demands that serve to deepen
democracy.
The downturn in the performance of governments should not be interpreted as a downturn in the
consolidation of democracy but rather as a positive effect of demands for a further deepening of
democracy. If demands are greater, performance cannot remain unchanged. The success of the
virtuous five-year cycle has raised the level of demands.
Attitudes towards democracy
In this report, we take two countries - Venezuela and Chile - to illustrate the evolution of support
for democracy and its implications. Venezuela was chosen because the democracy of Chávez is
questioned by democrats around the world and Chile because recent events there have shown that
the data used by the developed world to identify it as a model country did not reflect what its
citizens were feeling about their own situation. Is Chile Latin America‟s most successful country?
Why then does support for democracy not reach even the levels of Venezuela or Uruguay? There
is some part of the story that is not being told and, clearly, analysis is not the same as explanation.
By contrast, discussion about Venezuela in the decade since Hugo Chávez came to power has
been about why it takes first place in so many indicators related to democracy when the rest of the
world thinks its democracy is of poor quality. While Venezuelans have a good opinion of their
democracy, the rest of the world has a poor view of it. These are, in other words, both countries in
which the views of their citizens differ from what the world thinks about them. By “world”, we
mean mainstream opinion in the west, a view formed by opinion leaders that include international
institutions like the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank, etc.
39
Table Nº 8. Support for Democracy in Latin America, 2011 Q. With which of the following statements do you agree most? Democracy is preferable to any other kind of
government; Under some circumstances, an authoritarian government can be preferable to a democratic one; For
people like me, it doesn‟t matter whether we have a democratic or non-democratic regime.
From 2004 - or, in other words, four years after Hugo Chávez came to power - through to 2011,
support for democracy in Venezuela remains well over 70% (except for a drop to 67% in 2007)
and, in 2008 and 2010, reaches over 80%.
Table Nº 9. Support for Democracy in Chile and Venezuela, 1995-2011 Q. With which of the following statements do you agree most? Democracy is preferable to any other kind of
government; Under some circumstances, an authoritarian government can be preferable to a democratic one; For
people like me, it doesn‟t matter whether we have a democratic or non-democratic regime.
In Chile, on the other hand, support for democracy has ranged from a low of 45% in 2001 to a
peak of 63% in 2010 which, as discussed in our previous report, reflected the change of
government.
In neither case do the results show a correlation with economic performance nor, in the case of
Venezuela, the price of oil or monetary policy and its progress, which are important factors in
forming opinions about the success of countries.
Support for democracy is much more closely related to the production of political goods, such as
the change of government that occurred in Chile with the election of the right for the first time in
50 years, or Chávez‟s political inclusion of the population, rather than with economic goods.
We discussed above what people understand by democracy. They want to see their governments
working on behalf of the majority, not the few, and improving distribution of income and the
fruits of progress. People do not define democracy in terms of institutions and norms, but
outcomes. This important difference is what separates theoretical analysis from people‟s on-the-
ground perceptions and is at the root of the contradictions we see in evaluations of Chile and
Venezuela. The same also happens in the case of Latin America as a whole and the way the world
sees it does not exactly match the reality. Its evolution and development is not fully reflected in
indicators that were developed with the western world in mind.
Ideology also plays a role in the evaluation of democracies and, as discussed later in this report,
those Latin Americans who consider that Venezuela is not democratic tend to be from countries
with right-wing governments. By the same token, the rest of the world‟s evaluation of Latin
America also tends to be ideological, reflecting the position of the person or institution making the
assessment. This is not insignificant when attempting to make a cold and non-ideological
assessment because there is an instinctive tendency to classify and label and, over the course of its
transition and consolidation, Latin American democracy has had many labels attached to it.
Is it that Latin Americans “don‟t know” what democracy really is and this is the reason for the
contradictions we see in the cases of Chile and Venezuela? Are we, to use Plato‟s words, the
“guardians of democracy”? Do “we” know and “they” don‟t know? These results show that
people do not attach much importance to institutions working “very well” as in the case of Chile
if, at the end of the day, they do not see them as working for their welfare and the common good.
If the speed and scope of progress do not deliver sufficient results, institutions are undermined.
Democracy: Better, the same or worse?
According to 47% of Latin Americans, democracy showed no change in 2011 while 27% say that
it worsened and 21% that it improved. With a six-point difference between those who consider it
worsened and those who say it improved, the balance is clearly negative.
This is a new question that was included for the first time in 2011 and we find that only 5% of
Hondurans and 7% of Guatemalans consider that democracy has improved while, in Panama and
Uruguay, the figure reaches 35%. The differences in the progress of democracy are every day
more evident.
41
DEMOCRACY: ¿IMPROVED, THE SAME OR WORSE?TOTAL LATIN AMERICA 2011 - TOTALS BY COUNTRY 2011Q. Do you think that democracy in (country) has...? *Here only „Improved‟.
Source: Latinobarómetro 2011
21
27
47
0 10 20 30 40 50 60
Improved
Worsened
Has remained thesame
IMPROVED
21
5
7
12
12
14
16
19
19
20
20
22
25
28
29
29
31
35
35
0 10 20 30 40 50
Latinoamérica
Honduras
Guatemala
El Salvador
Chile
Costa Rica
México
República Dominicana
Bolivia
Nicaragua
Perú
Colombia
Paraguay
Venezuela
Brasil
Ecuador
Argentina
Uruguay
Panamá
Pending tasks for democracy
The pending tasks for democracy include reducing corruption (48%), guaranteeing social justice
(33%), increasing citizen participation (31%) and increasing the transparency of the state (31%).
Only 13% say that it has no pending tasks and is alright as it is.
In Colombia, Argentina, Peru and Paraguay, around 60% identify the reduction of corruption as a
pending task whereas, in El Salvador, this figure reaches only 29%.
WHAT IS LACKING TO DEMOCRACY IN COUNTRYTOTAL LATIN AMERICA 2011 – TOTALS BY COUNTRY 2011
Source: Latinobarómetro 2011
13
21
31
31
33
48
0 10 20 30 40 50 60
It is fine as it is
Consolidate Political Parties
Citizen Participation
Increase transparency of theState
Ensure Social Justice
Reduce corruption
Q. What do you think is lacking to democracy in your country or democracy in your country is good as this?
*Multiple choice question, totals are higher than 100%
48
29
36
38
39
39
40
41
45
46
49
49
55
55
58
59
59
61
63
0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70
Latinoamérica
El Salvador
Nicaragua
Panamá
Uruguay
Honduras
Ecuador
Guatemala
República Dominicana
Bolivia
Chile
Venezuela
Costa Rica
México
Brasil
Paraguay
Perú
Argentina
Colombia
REDUCE CORRUPTION
42
Table Nº 10. Democracy’s Pending Tasks Q. What does democracy still need to do in your country or is democracy in your country alright as it is? * Multiple
answers; totals of more than 100%.
Reduce
corruption
Guarantee
social justice
Increase
transparency
of the state
Increase
citizen
participation
Consolidate
political
parties
Alright
as it is
DNK/D
NA
Colombia 63 42 54 40 17 4 2
Argentina 61 43 46 35 21 10 1
Peru 59 37 28 31 20 7 6
Paraguay 59 28 42 35 21 7 9
Brazil 58 45 20 33 21 10 4
Mexico 55 27 36 32 21 5 5
Costa Rica 55 34 31 32 18 11 4
Venezuela 49 30 20 25 21 20 2
Chile 49 53 44 39 14 7 6
Bolivia 46 28 29 36 16 12 7
Dominican Rep. 45 37 36 37 30 14 1
Guatemala 41 25 27 26 14 8 15
Ecuador 40 32 17 25 28 15 3
Honduras 39 28 28 27 31 21 4
Uruguay 39 33 27 25 14 25 7
Panama 38 25 24 28 28 22 6
Nicaragua 36 20 27 29 15 23 12
El Salvador 29 27 22 28 25 19 5
Latin America 48 33 31 31 21 13 5 Source: Latinobarómetro 2011
Churchillian democracy
As in previous surveys, other indicators of democracy such as that based on Churchill‟s famous
definition show a much higher level of support. In 2011, this particular indicator reached 76%,
with only a one-point drop from 77% in 2010, and was lowest in Guatemala, with 49%. In other
words, although democracy may not have a high level of explicit support as seen in the direct
question above, there is broader consensus that it is the least bad system.
43
Source: Latinobarómetro 2002-2011
6864
71 7074 72 73
76 77 76
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
80
90
100
2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011
76
49
55
69
72
73
73
74
76
78
79
79
80
81
82
84
86
88
90
0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100
Latinoamérica
Guatemala
México
Bolivia
Honduras
El Salvador
Perú
Nicaragua
Paraguay
Brasil
Costa Rica
Colombia
República Dominicana
Chile
Panamá
Ecuador
Venezuela
Argentina
Uruguay
CHURCHILLIAN DEMOCRACYTOTAL LATIN AMERICA 2002 – 2011 – TOTALS BY COUNTRY 2011
Q. Do you strongly agree, agree, disagree or strongly disagree with the following statements? ? Democracy may
have problems, but it is the best system of government * Here only 'Strongly agree' and „agree‟.
Legitimacy of Congress and political parties
More specific indicators of democracy such as the legitimacy of Congress do not show a
WITHOUT POLITICAL PARTIES THERE CAN BE NO DEMOCRACYTOTAL LATIN AMERICA 1997 - 2011 - TOTALS BY COUNTRY 2011
Q. Some people say that without political parties there can be no democracy, while others say that democracy can
work without parties. Which is closer to your view? * Here only 'Without political parties there can be no
democracy’.
Exercising citizenship
A more complex insight into how Latin Americans see democracy can be obtained through their
understanding of a citizen‟s duties. In 2011, there is a drop in all indicators of what is required in
order to be a citizen. Are these views a cause or a consequence of the level of democracy that
exists? This is a question that the empirical sciences have yet to answer.
THINGS A PERSON CAN NOT STOP DOING IF IT WANTS TO BE CONSIDERED A CITIZEN TOTAL LATIN AMERICA 2007 - 2011
P. Which of the following do you think a person can not stop doing if it wants be considered a citizen? * Multiple
choice question, totals are higher than 100%
Source: Latinobarómetro 2007 - 2011
6
20
15
21
19
37
48
52
71
10
19
13
20
18
38
45
49
72
6
20
13
18
22
41
45
50
75
3
16
12
18
22
44
46
50
72
3
13
14
18
18
37
42
47
66
0 20 40 60 80 100
DNK/DNA
Serve in the military
Participate in political organizations
Participate in social organizations
Choose products that are environmentallyresponsible
Help people that are worse than yourself
Always obey laws
Pay taxes
Vote
2011 2010 2009 2008 2007
45
How democratic is the country?
Although Latinobarómetro includes a series of indicators about the different dimensions of
democracy, none of them, either individually or as a group, provide a very detailed account of
what each person has in mind when talking about democracy.
The indicator below looks at the perceived level of democracy in both the interviewee‟s own
country and other countries. Through comparison, this provides us with an overview of where
interviewees rank their country in terms of the level of democracy, with the results revealing that
they have a very positive view of democracy in their own country but are very critical of
democracy in other countries.
On a scale of 1 to 10 where 1 means “not democratic at all” and 10 means “totally democratic”,
the average for region in 2011 was 6.4. The countries with the highest scores for their own
democracy - Uruguay (7.7), Costa Rica (7.5) and Venezuela (7.3) - also give it a higher score than
for the democracies of the United States, Spain and Canada.
Guatemala, Bolivia and Honduras are the countries with the most critical view of their own
democracies, with scores of 5.3, 5.2 and 5.2, respectively. They give democracy in the United
States, Spain and Canada a much higher score than that of their own country.
Table Nº 11. Degree of Democracy Q. On a scale of 1 to 10, where 1 means “not democratic at all” and 10 means “totally democratic” please assess
how democratic (country) is? Where would you put (country)? Country United States Spain Canada Venezuela Cuba
Uruguay 7.7 6.3 6.8 7.3 5.1 4.1
Costa Rica 7.5 7.3 6.9 7.0 3.5 2.7
Venezuela 7.3 7.1 7.1 7.1 N.A 3.5
Panama 7.1 7.6 7.0 6.6 4.2 3.2
Chile 6.9 7.2 6.9 7.0 4.2 3.1
Argentina 6.8 6.5 6.5 7.1 5.3 3.7
Ecuador 6.5 7.5 7.1 6.9 5.7 4.5
Nicaragua 6.4 6.7 7.1 7.0 6.2 5.6
Colombia 6.4 7.2 6.5 6.8 4.3 3.4
Brazil 6.4 6.7 5.7 6.0 5.1 4.3
El Salvador 6.3 7.0 6.8 6.8 5.1 4.6
Dominican Rep. 6.3 7.5 6.7 6.2 5.3 2.9
Peru 6.1 7.1 6.5 6.6 3.7 3.3
Mexico 5.9 6.8 6.2 6.6 4.6 3.7
Paraguay 5.8 7.0 6.7 6.5 4.6 3.8
Guatemala 5.3 6.6 6.1 6.0 5.0 4.1
Bolivia 5.2 6.4 6.5 6.2 4.8 4.1
Honduras 5.2 7.2 6.7 6.4 3.9 3.7
Latin America 6.4 7.0 6.7 6.7 4.7 3.8 Source: Latinobarómetro 2011
The average score given to democracy in the United States was 7.0 while, for Spain and Canada,
it was 6.7.
46
Venezuela and Cuba, which were also included in the list of countries, received scores of 4.7 and
3.8, respectively. Nicaragua is the country where these democracies receive the best evaluation,
with 6.2 for Venezuela and 5.6 for Cuba, while Costa Rica is the country where they are most
negatively evaluated, with 3.5 and 2.7, respectively. There is clearly an ideological element in the
evaluation of democracies since Venezuela and Cuba tend to be better evaluated in countries with
left-wing governments and more critically in countries with right-wing governments.
Venezuela‟s average score increased by four points in 2011 to 4.7. This is in line with other
indicators presented in this report and, in our view, can be partly attributed to the illness of Hugo
Chávez. In previous years, the evaluation of Latin Americans of both Chávez and Venezuela had
tended to drop and, in 2011, Venezuela recovers part of this ground.
5
4.34.7
0
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
2009 2010 2011
Source: Latinobarómetro 2009-2011
18
9
9
11
12
12
12
12
13
14
15
18
20
27
29
30
31
33
0 10 20 30 40
Latinoamérica
Brasil
Guatemala
Argentina
Nicaragua
Uruguay
República Dominicana
Paraguay
Ecuador
México
Bolivia
Chile
El Salvador
Panamá
Honduras
Colombia
Perú
Costa Rica
It is not democratic
HOW DEMOCRATIC IS VENEZUELA?TOTAL LATIN AMERICA 1997-2011 - TOTALS BY COUNTRY 2011Q. With a scale of 1 to 10, please assess how democratic is (country). The "1" means "(country) is not democratic"
and "10" means "(country) is totally democratic" Where would you put…? *Here only „It‟s not democratic‟,
categories 1 and 2 of the scale.
Not only the western world but also Latin Americans are critical of democracy in Venezuela.
According to 18% of Latin Americans, it is not democratic (1 and 2 points on the scale of 1 to 10)
and, in Costa Rica, this reaches 33%, followed by Peru (31%) and Colombia (30%). At the other
extreme, only 9% of Brazilians and Guatemalans consider it not to be democratic.
This evaluation of the level of democracy in different countries reveals the contrast that exists
between how the first world sees itself and how it sees Latin America. In the eyes of the former,
no Latin American country reaches its level while Latin Americans consider that they do.
We believe that this contrast between how the world sees countries and how countries see
themselves is what was brought to the fore by the Arab spring. These are two worlds that do not
meet. This is why Latin America lags behind more in its image than in any other area because,
while it progresses, its image stagnates with the same components as in the past.
Latin Americans evaluate the level of democracy in their countries with reference to its starting
point a mere three decades ago, rather than in terms of the pending tasks to which they, however,
also refer in great detail.
47
Attitudes towards military governments
The indicators above show that support for democracy shows a significant drop in several Latin
American countries while, at the same time, there is a consolidation of the legitimacy of Congress
and a drop in the legitimacy of political parties. Democracy is both criticized and desired and, as
the growing support for Churchill‟s definition shows, there is demand for more and better
democracy.
This is also reflected in attitudes towards military governments where, in 2011, we find an
increase from 63% to 66% in those who would, under no circumstance, support a military
government. Rejection is lowest in Guatemala where it reaches only 40% and, in other words,
60% would not rule out a military regime. This is currently Latin America‟s most fragile country.
In all other countries, at least a majority of the population rejects military governments, although
there are three countries - Paraguay (52%), Mexico (53%) and Peru (54%) - where opinions are
almost equally divided. In Honduras, where there was a coup in 2009, 60% of the population
rejects military governments.
Although rejection of military governments is overwhelming in at least 13 of the 18 countries,
willingness to tolerate authoritarian regimes persists. Democracy is gaining ground, but slowly.
Source: Latinobarómetro 2004 - 2011
63 6265 63
66
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
80
90
100
2004 2005 2009 2010 201166
40
52
53
54
59
60
64
67
67
70
71
71
71
73
73
75
75
90
0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100
Latinoamérica
Guatemala
Paraguay
México
Perú
El Salvador
Honduras
Colombia
Nicaragua
Brasil
Venezuela
Ecuador
Panamá
Bolivia
Argentina
Chile
República Dominicana
Uruguay
Costa Rica
UNDER NO CIRCUMSTANCES I WOULD SUPPORT A MILITARY
GOVERNMENT TOTALS LATIN AMERICA 2004 - 2011 - TOTALS BY COUNTRY 2011
Q. Would you support a military government if things get very difficult, or would you never, under any
circumstances support a military government? * Here only „never would support‟.
These indicators of opinion still do not cover a sufficient period of time to allow them to serve as
a warning about possible future events. We do not yet know what is the threshold of willingness
to tolerate an authoritarian regime that a country “needs” in order to justify a military coup as in
the case of Honduras, the only coup to have occurred since Latinobarómetro measurements began
in 1995. In Honduras, around a third of the population was willing to tolerate an authoritarian
regime. Clearly, these indicators do not serve to estimate the probability of a coup but only the
possible level of rejection if one were to be attempted. In a country with a lower level of rejection
of military governments, a coup is obviously more likely but we also see how, in these countries,
there is an increase in support for democracy by default as the least bad system (Churchill‟s
definition).
48
The change in attitudes towards authoritarian government in Honduras is one of the most marked
in the region. In 2011, rejection of military governments reaches its highest level (60%), up by
two points on 2009 (58%) when the survey was carried out a couple of months after the coup.
Despite the critical events it lived through, Honduras remains below the regional average for
rejection of military governments.
Table Nº 12. Rejection of Authoritarian Government Q. Would you support a military government in replacement of a democratic one if things get very bad? Or would you
not support a military government under any circumstance?
2004 2005 2009 2010 2011
DNA 7 7 9 17 5
Would support a military government in replacement of a
Q. Please look at this card and tell me, how much trust do you have in each of the following groups/institutions.
Would you say you have a lot, some, a little or no trust in the Church? *Here only „A lot‟ plus „Some‟.
TRUST IN THE CHURCHTOTAL LATIN AMERICA 1996 – 2011 – TOTALS BY COUNTRY 2011
However, in order to analyze the evolution of trust in the Church, it is necessary to look at
countries individually. Chile is the only country in which it falls so abruptly (from 62% in 2010 to
38% in 2011). This is related to a scandal caused by allegations against a priest close to hierarchy
of the Chilean Church. Negative events, in other words, have a large impact but we do not have
evidence from other institutions or cases in which the reverse is true and a single event has a
positive impact. In the case of trust in governments, for example, we will see below that this
occurs gradually over time in response to presidents‟ good performance.
Table Nº 13. Trust in the Church - Chile 1995 2000 2009 2010 2011
Trust in the Church 80 79 67 62 38 Source: Latinobarómetro 1995-2011
In 2011, the most interesting change in trust in institutions is the general drop seen across all the
institutions measured. This indicates a generalized disenchantment of the population as a whole
with the main institutions of society.
This is in line with other indicators which, in 2011, also drop in a sign of dissatisfaction with the
inequality of development which adds yet another dimension of inequality to those that already
existed.
51
Table Nº 14. Summary: Trust in Institutions - Average Latin America, 1996-2011 Q. Please look at this card and tell me how much trust you have in each of the following groups/institutions. Would
you say you have a lot, some, a little or no trust? * Only „a lot‟ and „some‟.
Q. Please look at this card and tell me, how much trust do you have in each of the following groups/institutions.
Would you say you have a lot, some, a little or no trust in the Government? *Here only „A lot‟ plus „Some‟.
According to Eurobarometer, trust in governments is lower in Europe than in Latin America. As
mentioned above, Eurobarometer covers 27 European countries, with representative samples of
the population of each country surveyed through personal interviews. Applied for the European
Union, it is one of the most important sources of information for this institution and
Latinobarómetro is its sister study in Latin America. In Europe, trust in the governmernt reaches
an average 29% while, in Latin America, it averages 45%.
EUROBAROMETER - LATINOBARÓMETRO: TRUST IN THE GOVERNMENT TOTAL LATIN AMERICA AND EUROPE 2003 - 2010
Source: Latinobarómetro and Eurobarómetro 2003-2010
3134
31 30
34 34
29 2919
30
36
43
39
44 45 45
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010
Eurobarómetro Latinobarómetro
There is more trust in the
governments in Latin
America than in Europe
Q. Please look at this card and tell me, how much trust do you have in each of the following groups/institutions.
Would you say you have a lot, some, a little or no trust in the Government? *Here only „A lot‟ plus „Some‟.
The Lehman Brothers crisis in 2007 did not have the impact on trust in banks in Latin America
that could have been expected and they are one of the private institutions in which trust has shown
53
a sustained increase. Since 2003, trust in banks has increased from 29% to 43% in 2011 despite a
one-point drop on 2010 (which, given the sample size of 20,000 cases. is statistically significant).
Source: Latinobarómetro 2002 - 2011
37
29
4139
44 44 44 43
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
2002 2003 2004 2005 2008 2009 2010 2011
43
30
31
33
34
34
35
39
40
41
44
44
46
47
49
54
54
55
58
0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80
Latinoamérica
Honduras
Guatemala
Chile
México
Nicaragua
Colombia
Perú
El Salvador
Brasil
Bolivia
Argentina
Ecuador
Paraguay
República Dominicana
Costa Rica
Venezuela
Uruguay
Panamá
TRUST IN THE BANKSTOTAL LATIN AMERICA 1996 – 2011 - TOTALS BY COUNTRYQ. Please look at this card and tell me, how much trust do you have in each of the following groups/institutions.
Would you say you have a lot, some, a little or no trust in the Banks? *Here only „A lot‟ plus „Some‟.
In other words, the international crisis of banks did not have repercussions for their image in Latin
America. This probably reflects the low penetration of banking services in the region as a result of
which the mass of people do not have any relationship with banks. They are seen aspirationally as
a place where people would like to be because having a bank account implies having achieved
social mobility.
The case of banks is interesting as a contrast with the direct impact on trust of negative events as
in the example of the Chilean Church. In this case, the difficulties of banks internationally were
not reflected in trust in the local banks to which this indicator refers. Had the survey asked about
international banks, the answer would have been different. This is a sign of Latin America‟s
independence or isolation, depending on how it is viewed.
CIVIC CULTURE
Complying with the law
Not all the findings of the 2011 survey were bad news. Along with greater criticism of
governments and democracy, there was also an increase in the perception that Latin Americans
obey the law. This increases from 27% in 2010 to 31% in 2011. There are, however, countries like
Peru where only 12% say that its citizens obey the law, the lowest figure in the region.
The validity of the state and its ability to enforce the rule of law are related to perceptions of the
fairness of distribution and equality before the law, two issues that are put in doubt in Latin
American societies. In all, only a third of Latin Americans say that the region‟s citizens obey the
law.
54
CITIZENS OBEY THE LAWTOTAL LATIN AMERICA 1996 – 2011 - TOTALS BY COUNTRY 2011
Source: Latinobarómetro 1996 – 2011
Q. Would you say that (nationality) obey the law? Here only „A lot‟ and „Some‟.
SOCIAL MORALTOTAL LATIN AMERICA 2002 - 2011 – TOTALS BY COUNTRY 2011
Q. On a scale of 1 to 10, where “1” means "not at all justifiable" and “10” means "totally justifiable", how
justifiable do you believe is to pretend to buy something you know is stolen? *Here only „Averages‟.
Pirated goods
In 2011, we measured attitudes towards pirated goods explicitly for the first time and,
interestingly, found that their purchase is more acceptable than that of stolen goods. Pirated goods
are not, in other words, necessarily perceived as stolen. Ecuador, with 2.8 points, is the country
where justification of their purchase is highest while, at 1.5 points, it is lowest in Nicaragua.
PIRACYTOTALS BY COUNTRY 2011
Source: Latinobarómetro 2011
2.3
1.5
1.7
1.7
2.0
2.1
2.1
2.1
2.3
2.3
2.4
2.4
2.4
2.5
2.6
2.6
2.7
2.8
2.8
0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
Latinoamérica
Nicaragua
Paraguay
Guatemala
Costa Rica
Colombia
República…
Argentina
Uruguay
Panamá
El Salvador
Perú
Venezuela
México
Chile
Honduras
Brasil
Bolivia
Ecuador
Q. On a scale of 1 to 10, where “1” means "not at all justifiable" and “10” means "totally justifiable", how
justifiable do you believe is to pretend to buy something you know is a copyright violation? *Here only
„Averages‟.
65
In eight of the 18 countries surveyed - Ecuador, Brazil, Bolivia, Chile, Venezuela, Honduras,
Mexico and Uruguay - a fifth of the population accepts counterfeiting while, in Nicaragua,
Guatemala and Paraguay, it is widely rejected.
ACCEPTANCE OF PIRACY IN LATIN AMERICATOTALS BY COUNTRY 2011
Source: Latinobarómetro 2011
Q. On a scale of 1 to 10, where “1” means "not at all justifiable" and “10” means "totally justifiable", how
justifiable do you believe is to pretend to buy something you know is a copyright violation? *Here only
percentage of mentions between 5 and 10
15
3
5
6
9
10
12
15
15
15
15
18
18
19
19
20
20
22
22
0 10 20 30 40
Latinoamérica
Nicaragua
Guatemala
Paraguay
República Dominicana
Colombia
Costa Rica
Perú
Argentina
Panamá
El Salvador
Uruguay
México
Honduras
Venezuela
Chile
Bolivia
Brasil
Ecuador
PIRACY IS ACCEPTABLE
State corruption
We have seen that there is a widespread perception of the dismantling of corruption as a pending
task for democracy. The question below shows the other side of this coin or, in other words, the
attitudes of individuals in the face of an act of corruption. This new question is phrased gently
without using the word “corruption” so as not to inflate results. The aim is to see how many
people consider that “bypassing” regular channels for official procedures is damaging to
democracy.
In Argentina and Uruguay, the figure reaches 76% and 69%, respectively, but drops to 34% in
Mexico and 31% in Guatemala.
In other words, there are countries where a large percentage of people are aware of the damaging
impact but others in which morality is much more lax and only a minority sees such behavior as
negative for democracy. According to this data, combating corruption is, above all, a cultural
matter.
66
SKIP REGULAR PROCEDURESTOTALS BY COUNTRY 2011Q. Do you strongly agree, agree, disagree or strongly disagree with the following statements? Is not good for
democracy that people jump procedures* Here only 'Strongly agree' and „agree‟.
Source: Latinobarómetro 2011
51
31
34
35
40
40
43
43
46
46
52
53
54
59
60
65
67
69
76
0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90
Latinoamérica
Guatemala
México
Honduras
Nicaragua
República Dominicana
El Salvador
Perú
Bolivia
Costa Rica
Panamá
Ecuador
Colombia
Brasil
Paraguay
Chile
Venezuela
Uruguay
Argentina
The situation is similar for the payment of “bribes”. In Argentina, only 12% say they agree with
payment of a “bribe” in order to obtain something while, in the Dominican Republic and Panama,
the figure reaches 42% and 40%, respectively.
PAY BRIBES / “COIMA” TO OBTAIN THINGSTOTALS BY COUNTRY 2011
Source: Latinobarómetro 2011
24
12
13
15
16
18
18
20
20
22
23
23
31
32
33
34
35
40
42
0 10 20 30 40 50 60
Latinoamérica
Argentina
Colombia
Perú
México
Guatemala
Uruguay
Nicaragua
Chile
Bolivia
Venezuela
Brasil
Paraguay
Honduras
Costa Rica
El Salvador
Ecuador
Panamá
República Dominicana
Q. Do you strongly agree, agree, disagree or strongly disagree with the following statements? Pay "bribes" to a
public official if this is the only way to get things* Here only 'Strongly agree' and „agree‟.
Social fraud is a consequence of the perception of discrimination and inequality and calls not only
for states with a greater capacity to enforce the law but also for transformations that make for a
fairer society. The structural transformation required by Latin American societies in order to
dismantle social fraud is part of the process we are beginning to see.
67
LATIN AMERICA’S AGENDA
The most important problem
A summary of the region‟s principal problems is presented above (page 30). When taken together,
they show that the region continues to have a primarily economic agenda. However, from the
perspective of its citizens‟ perceptions, these economic concerns are expressed verbally in many
different ways and the problem on which there is most verbal consensus is “crime”.
In response to the open-ended question about the region‟s most important problem, crime and
public safety, therefore, take first place. In 2011, 28% of Latin Americans identify this as their
country‟s most important problem. This is most marked in Venezuela, where three in five (61%)
consider it the most important problem, followed by Costa Rica (45%). The perception of crime as
the most important problem is lowest in Nicaragua and Brazil with 3% and 7%, respectively.
Source: Latinobarómetro 2011
3
4
4
5
5
6
12
16
28
0 50
Health problems
Inflation
Violence/Gangs
Corruption
Education
Poverty
Economy / Economic problems /Financial Problems
Unemployment
Crime / Public Security
28
3
7
11
11
15
20
21
28
30
30
33
33
34
39
39
40
45
61
0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80
Latinoamérica
Nicaragua
Brasil
República Dominicana
Bolivia
Colombia
Perú
Chile
Paraguay
Honduras
Guatemala
Ecuador
Panamá
Argentina
México
Uruguay
El Salvador
Costa Rica
Venezuela
Crime
37% of citizens in
Latin America
claim for
economic
problems,
poverty and
unemployment
MOST IMPORTANT PROBLEM IN THE COUNTRY LATIN AMERICA TOTALS 2011 – TOTALS BY COUNTRY 2011 FOR CRIME
Q. In your opinion, which is the most important problem in the country? Open-ended question, here only more
than 3%
Unemployment takes second place in the regional agenda with 16%, followed by the economy
and economic problems (12%). If all the problems related to each country‟s economy are added
together, they total of 37%, one percentage point down on 2010, as shown in the summary of the
most important problem presented earlier.
By country, problems differ not only in type but also in their perceived extent (Table Nº 17).
Crime is identified as the principal problem in 11 of the 18 countries analyzed. In three countries,
the principal problem is economic: Nicaragua (33%), the Dominican Republic (27%) and Bolivia
(19%). In Chile, education is seen as the principal problem (27%) while, in Brazil, it is healthcare
(26%).
Chile‟s case shows how the principal problem is a function of the agenda since, in 2010, it was
crime but this has been pushed into second place by the student marches which, since May, have
put education at the top of the news agenda.
68
Table Nº 17. The Most Important Problem by Country Q. In your view, what is the country‟s most important problem?* Open-ended question
The country’s most important problem 2011
Lack of work/unemployment Paraguay Lack of work/unemployment 30
Colombia Lack of work/unemployment 23
Crime/public safety
Venezuela Crime/public safety 61
Costa Rica Crime/public safety 45
El Salvador Crime/public safety 40
Mexico Crime/public safety 39
Uruguay Crime/public safety 39
Argentina Crime/public safety 34
Panama Crime/public safety 33
Ecuador Crime/public safety 33
Guatemala Crime/public safety 30
Honduras Crime/public safety 30
Peru Crime/public safety 20
Economic problems
Nicaragua Economic problems 33
Dominican Rep. Economic problems 27
Bolivia Economic problems 19
Problems in education
Chile Problems in education 27
Problems in healthcare
Brazil Problems in healthcare 26 Source: Latinobarómetro 2011
Crime and unemployment have dominated the agenda in Latin American countries for the past
decade but have changed places in importance. The importance of crime has shown a sustained
increase, reaching its highest level in 2011 at 28% (one point up on 2010) while that of
unemployment has tended to diminish. In 2011, it dropped to 16%, three points down on 2010.
Economic growth has a concrete impact in reducing unemployment but not enough to increase the
perception of progress. This is important in showing that progress is being achieved but that Latin
Americans expect even greater results from development.
Q. In your Opinion, which one is the most important problem in the country? * Here only 'crime'.
Q. Have you been or relative assaulted, attacked, or victim of a crime in the last twelve months? * Here only
'Yes'.
PROBLEM OF CRIME AND VICTIMIZATION RATE TOTAL LATIN AMERICA1995-2011
The “ni-ni” generation
Among Latin American young people, 21% neither work nor study. In South America and
Mexico, the figure reaches 17% but rises to 27% in Central America. It is lowest in Uruguay
(12%) and Bolivia (13%) and highest in the Dominican Republic (34%) and Honduras (33%).
“NI-NI”, YOUNGSTERS THAT DON’T STUDY AND DON’T
WORK TOTALS BY COUNTRY 2011
Source: Latinobarómetro 2011
Q. Are there any youngsters (under 30) in your family who does not study or work? *Here only „yes‟.
2717
21121313
161818181819
2021
2223
2728
3233
34
0 10 20 30 40
CentroamericaSudamérica y México
LatinoaméricaUruguay
BoliviaArgentinaParaguay
PerúEcuador
BrasilGuatemala
MéxicoCosta Rica
ChileVenezuelaColombia
El SalvadorNicaragua
PanamáHonduras
República Dominicana
These “ni-ni” (neither one nor the other) young people include more females (54%) than males
(46%) while, in terms of social class, it is interesting to note that the proportion of “ni-nis”
increases as this drops. In the upper-middle class, 6% of young people neither work nor study but
71
this rises to 31% in the middle class and, at 61%, is highest in the lower-middle class. Households
with only primary education account for 74% of this “ni-ni” generation.
Table Nº 18. Sociodemographic Characteristics of the “ni-ni” Generation Q. Is there a young person (less than 30 years of age) in your family who neither studies nor works? * Only „yes‟.
GENDER EDUCATIÓN OF THE FATHER SUBJECTIVE SOCIAL CLASS
As regards the economic situation of their families, we find that 54% have difficulties getting to
the end of the month while 46% do not have this problem. There are more young people who
neither study nor work in rural areas (23%) than in urban areas (17%).
The middle class
Latin America‟s agenda would be incomplete without mentioning the middle classes. Given the
region‟s sustained progress in reducing poverty, it is the middle classes that will determine
demands from now on. As we noted in the introduction to this report, 150 million Latin
Americans have joined the middle class over the past decade. This process has taken a totally non-
conventional form and the opportunities it offers are enormous.
The digital divide
We look first at the digital divide as an illustration of the completely unconventional way in which
the region‟s emerging socioeconomic groups are formed. We know that, as a region, Latin
America has important lags with respect to the first world as regards conventional access to
Internet (in terms of number of connections, number of computers, etc.) Mobile telephones - a
tool unrivalled in its ability to cut across social classes - has, however, served as a substitute,
narrowing the gap and permitting access to globalization.
Almost eight in ten (78%) of Latin Americans have a mobile telephone and 89% of those who do
not have one come from a household in which the father has only primary schooling or less. In
other words, poverty is longer an obstacle to being globally connected despite the fact that poverty
remains the main obstacle to inclusion. The greatest democratization occurs through mobile
phones which, today, serve as mini-computers, providing access to all sorts of social networks.
The digital divide is closing, cutting through discrimination and putting poor Latin Americans on
a par with those who come from households with greater education and access. More equality is
being created in access to information than in any other sphere of the life of our societies and, as
mobile telephones converge with access to networks and other tools, this process will accelerate.
The digital divide, therefore, affects only the 22% of the population that does not have a mobile
phone and is excluded from technology. Moreover, the poor are not excluded since 22% of those
who have a mobile telephone have only one meal a day. In other words, the economic obstacle is
of limited importance and Latin Americans prefer to be connected to the world and have only one
meal a day, rather than spending everything on food. This is an example of the pressure that
72
governments are under to generate social mobility and create middle classes. This is a concrete
demand backed by concrete evidence.
Access to the world and the desire to participate in it also help to explain the increase in
expectations. The new knowledge which people access through their mobile telephones produces
new demands. Something as tiny as a mobile phone has, in words, triggered a virtuous circle of
increased demand for greater social and political inclusion.
There are only three countries in which more than a third of the population still lacks a mobile
telephone: Nicaragua (38%), Mexico (37%) and El Salvador (30%). In Central America, the
figure reaches 26% and, in South America and Mexico, drops to 18% while, in nine countries, less
than a fifth of the population is without a mobile telephone.
Table Nº 19. Population without Mobile Telephone by Country and Subregion Q. Do you or any member of your household have the following goods? Mobile telephone. * Only „no”. „
No
Nicaragua 38
Mexico 37
El Salvador 30
Dominican Rep. 27
Honduras 26
Bolivia 26
Peru 25
Guatemala 25
Ecuador 22
Brazil 19
Costa Rica 18
Chile 15
Panama 15
Uruguay 14
Paraguay 13
Argentina 11
Venezuela 11
Colombia 9
Latin America 21
South America and
Mexico 18
Central America 26
Source: Latinobarómetro 2011
Educational mobility9
A second issue that is at the heart of the problems of the middle class is social mobility or, in other
words, the ability of citizens to advance socioeconomically from the origins of their birth. One of
the aspects we can measure is educational mobility over the last two generations (that of the
parents of interviewees and of interviewees themselves). In Latin America, this has been
enormous.
9 Calculated comparing father‟s education with that of the interviewee.
73
The composition of education shows an important change over the last two generations from 73%
of households in which the father has only primary education to 47% in the case of his children.
At the same time, secondary education has increased from 20% to 35% while higher education
has more than doubled from 7% to 18% in just one generation.
Democracy reflects this important increase in the educational mobility of the region‟s population
and shows the achievement of the past 20 years. One in two Latin Americans still has only
primary education and only 18% have university education but this has more than doubled in the
space of a generation.
EDUCATIONAL MOVILITYTOTAL LATIN AMERICA 2011
Source: Latinobarómetro 2011
26
47
73
15
35
20
11
18
7
0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80
Social Movility
Children
Parents
Superior Secondary Basic
Q. What level of education did your parents receive? What studies did they undertake?
In all, 41% of Latin Americans have experienced educational mobility and are, in other words, at
least one educational level ahead of that of the household in which they were born. There are,
however, still 59% who have not achieved educational mobility during the last generation.
EDUCATIONAL MOVILITY BETWEEN THE LAST TWO
GENERATIONS TOTAL LATIN AMERICA 2011 - TOTALS BY COUNTRIES 2011
Source: Latinobarómetro 2011
59%
41%
Without educational movility
With educational movility
Q1. What level of education do you have? What was the last year you completed?
Q2. What level of education did your parents receive? What studies did they undertake?
74
The digital divide and educational mobility are two important indicators of the way in which Latin
America has progressed in narrowing its gaps as regards development. While the news headlines
focus on povery reduction, these numbers explain why the region‟s citizens are protesting in the
streets in demand for more democracy. They received the education required to demand their
rights. Democracy is dangerous in that what is given cannot be taken back. This is another sign of
how today‟s problems are the result of the progress and achievements of the past. The emerging
middle class will, without doubt, be the region‟s largest new headache because it will demand
stability and greater levels of inclusion. This is, at the same time, the best evidence of progress.
The environment
The environment has an increasingly important place in the agenda of emerging countries and in
people‟s minds.
As compared to 1998 when we also asked about the trade-off between economic development and
the environment, we find a drop from 37% to 17% in those who favor giving priority to the
economy over the environment. This sharp drop is a direct reflection of the importance that care
for the environment has acquired in recent years.
ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT V/S ENVIRONMENTAL
PROTECTION LATIN AMERICA 1995-2011 – TOTALS BY COUNTRY 2011Q. With which of the following statements do you agree the most? It should give priority to developing the
economy even if it means harming the environment; Priority should be given to the protection of the environment
even if it means a slower development of the economy. *Here only „Priority should be given to the protection of the
environment even if it means a slower development of the economy‟.
32
23 23
37
17
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
1995 1996 1997 1998 2011
Source: Latinobarómetro 1995 - 2011
1778101010111212141517
202021
2425
3342
0 10 20 30 40 50 60
Latinoamérica
Chile
Costa Rica
Colombia
Paraguay
Perú
México
Nicaragua
Bolivia
Guatemala
Argentina
Uruguay
Ecuador
El Salvador
Brasil
Panamá
Venezuela
República Dominicana
Honduras
The most “green” country is Chile where the figure reaches 7% and the least green is Honduras
with 42%. However, between these extremes, we can say that 14 of the 18 countries surveyed are
green.
Over four in ten Latin Americans (43%) take the view that the cost of pollution should be paid by
those who pollute. This view is most prevalent in Uruguay and Chile where it is held by 43% and
41%, respectively, and least widespread in Nicaragua (19%) and Guatemala (23%).
75
ENVIRONMENTAL POLICY COSTTOTALS BY COUNTRIES 2011Q. Who should bear the cost of policies that prevent further deterioration of the environment? Here only ‘Each
one as polluter’.
Source: Latinobarómetro 2011
3219
23232324
2728
313232
3434
3738
394041
43
0 10 20 30 40 50 60
LatinoaméricaNicaragua
GuatemalaBolivia
HondurasParaguay
Costa RicaMéxico
ColombiaPanamá
BrasilEcuador
República DominicanaVenezuela
PerúEl Salvador
ArgentinaChile
Uruguay
EACH ONE TO THE EXTENT THEY POLLUTE
A second environmental issue included in the survey is climate change of which two aspects were
examined: the perceived impact on the country and on the family.
The view that climate change affects the country reaches 88%, up from 84% in 2010, while 79%,
up from 78%, perceive an impact on their personal situation.
CLIMATE CHANGE AFFECTS THE COUNTRY AND YOUR FAMILY TOTAL LATIN AMERICA 2010 - 2011 - TOTALS BY COUNTRIES 2011
Source: Latinobarómetro 2010 - 2011
84
88
7879
50
55
60
65
70
75
80
85
90
95
100
2010 2011
Country You and your family
88
80
81
82
83
83
83
88
88
88
89
90
90
92
93
93
94
94
95
0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100110
Latinoamérica
República Dominicana
Honduras
El Salvador
Nicaragua
Uruguay
Guatemala
Brasil
Bolivia
Panamá
Paraguay
Perú
Ecuador
México
Venezuela
Chile
Colombia
Costa Rica
Argentina
Country
Q1. How much do you think climate change affects (country)? Here only „A lot‟ and „some‟.
Q2. And how much do you think it affects you and your family? Here only „A lot‟ and „some‟.
76
POLITICS
The political part of the region‟s agenda comprises two main issues - the matter of re-election and
the evolution of political parties - which are examined in this section.
Presidential re-election
According to 53% of Latin Americans, presidents should be able to be re-elected. This ranges
from 77% in Argentina, which recently re-elected its president in a first round (October 23, 2011)
to 27% in Mexico. In Guatemala, where the possible election of the president‟s wife was a cause
of political conflict, only 33% support presidential re-election, 20 percentage points below the
average for the region.
In Nicaragua, another country where the president has been re-elected, support, at 45%, is also
below the regional average. In other countries where re-election is not permitted, it is favored by a
large majority of the population.
Q. Do you strongly agree, agree, disagree or strongly disagree with the following statements? Presidents to be
able to be re-elected. *Here only „Strongly Agree‟ and „Agree‟.
PRESIDENTS CAN BE RE-ELECTEDTOTAL LATIN AMERICA 2010 – 2011 - TOTALS BY COUNTRIES 2011
Source: Latinobarómetro 2010 - 2011
52 53
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
80
90
100
2010 2011
53
27
33
33
38
38
41
45
48
52
56
56
60
61
66
66
69
72
77
0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90
Latinoamérica
México
Honduras
Guatemala
Perú
Nicaragua
Paraguay
República Dominicana
El Salvador
Panamá
Bolivia
Costa Rica
Colombia
Venezuela
Chile
Ecuador
Uruguay
Brasil
Argentina
Households in which the parents have only primary education account for 73% of those who
support re-election. It is, therefore, a rather populist option that appeals to the less educated
masses of the population.
Voting for political parties
The percentage of Latin Americans who say they would not vote for any political party increased
from 50% in 2008 to 54% in 2010, widening the gap with those who indicate they are in favor of
voting for a political party (in a minority of 46% in 2010). In 2011, a number of presidential
elections took place, giving the parties renewed vitality, and the percentage who say they would
vote for a party increases to 52% while those who say they would not drops to 48%. This is the
first time since the 2006-2007 wave of elections that a majority of Latin Americans indicate that
SUBJECTIVE INCOMETOTAL LATIN AMERICA1995-2011 - TOTALS BY COUNTRY2011Q. Does the salary you receive and your total family income allow you to cover your needs in a satisfactory
manner? Which of the following statements describes your situation?*Here only „It‟s not sufficient and we have
major problems‟.
Expectations: future income
In response to the question of whether they expect their personal income will increase, decrease or
remain unchanged during the next 12 months, 32% of Latin Americans indicate that they
anticipate an increase and 17% a reduction while 44% expect no change. The fact that one in three
Latin Americans expects an increase in income in 2012 is significant and, although apparently
contradictory with the drop in expectations in other indicators, identifies those who do have
positive expectations.
82
I FUTURE INCOME EXPECTATIONTOTALS BY COUNTRY 2011
Q. Speaking of the total income of your family do you think in the next 12 months these will increase, decrease
or remain the same?
Source: Latinobarómetro 2011
32
18
18
20
24
24
26
28
29
32
33
35
36
38
39
40
40
44
54
0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70
Latinoamérica
Nicaragua
Chile
México
Bolivia
Guatemala
El Salvador
Honduras
Perú
Argentina
Ecuador
Costa Rica
Uruguay
República Dominicana
Venezuela
Panamá
Colombia
Paraguay
Brasil
17
32
44
0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80
Decrease
Increase
Remain the same
INCREASE
The optimism of Brazil stands out - it is the only country in which a majority of interviewees
(54%) expect their family income to increase in the next 12 months - as well as the pessimism of
Chile and Nicaragua where the figure reaches only 18%.
INDEX OF JOB SECURITY
In line with the reduction in unemployment seen this year, the survey found a drop to 35%, down
from 38% in 2010, in the percentage of interviewees who are “very concerned or concerned”
about the possibility of becoming unemployed. This is the indicator‟s lowest level since 2002
(when it reached 76%).
Concern about job security is highest in Ecuador (57%), Bolivia (48%), Guatemala (43%) and the
Dominican Republic (42%) and is lowest in Uruguay (17%).
Source: Latinobarómetro 2002-2011
7672
76 75
6764
40 4138
35
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
80
90
100
2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011
35
17
23
23
28
28
30
32
33
33
34
34
37
38
39
42
43
48
57
0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70
Latinoamérica
Uruguay
Argentina
Nicaragua
Costa Rica
Panamá
Perú
Venezuela
El Salvador
Colombia
Paraguay
Honduras
Brasil
México
Chile
República Dominicana
Guatemala
Bolivia
Ecuador
REDUNDANCY INDEXTOTAL LATIN AMERICA 2002-2011 – TOTALS BY COUNTRY 2011
Q. How concerned would you say you are that you will be left without work or unemployed during the next 12
months or you don´t have job? *Here only „Very concerned‟ and „concerned‟.
83
INDEX OF CONSUMER CONFIDENCE
For the first time this year, Latinobarómetro includes the index of consumer confidence developed
in the United States by the University of Michigan. This index uses a battery of questions10
with a
standard calculation mechanism and can be compared across many countries. We would like to
thank our Uruguayan colleague, César Aguiar, for providing us with the Spanish version of the
index and its methodology.
For Latin America, the index reaches 49 points, ranging from 64 points in Uruguay to 27 points in
the Dominican Republic.
CONSUMER SENTIMENT INDEXTOTALS BY COUNTRY 2011
Source: Latinobarómetro 2011
This index goes from 0 to 100, “0” represents none trust from part of consumers towards the economic
situation and the market, and “100” represents complete trust.
49
27
34
38
39
44
44
45
45
48
50
53
55
56
57
61
61
62
64
0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100
América Latina
República Dominicana
El Salvador
Honduras
Guatemala
Bolivia
México
Costa Rica
Nicaragua
Ecuador
Chile
Venezuela
Paraguay
Perú
Panamá
Colombia
Brasil
Argentina
Uruguay
Almost half the region‟s consumers (49%) have confidence in their country‟s economy. Uruguay,
Argentina, Brazil and Colombia are the countries where this is highest, with 64, 62 and 61 points,
respectively.
Consumer confidence is lowest in Central America where Guatemala, Honduras, El Salvador and
the Dominican Republic have 39, 38, 34 and 27 points, respectively.
This index is calculated using three individual indices: personal situation, the country‟s situation
and the purchase of goods. In 2011, the first of these indices averaged 60 points for the region, the
second 54 points and the third 34 points. It is, in other words, the index for the purchase of goods
10
This is a composite index calculated on the basis of three individual indices: personal situation and country‟s situation (both as regards
perceptions) and purchases of goods (reflecting attitudes). It is calculated on a scale of 0 to 100 where 0 represents nil consumer confidence and
100 total consumer confidence.
The index comprises the following questions: 1) Do you consider your economic situation and that of your family is much better, a little better, the same, a little worse or much worse than 12 months ago? 2) Do you think that, in the next 12 months, your economic situation and that of your
family will be much better, a little better, the same, a little worse or much worse than it is today? 3) In general, do you think that, in the next 12
months, the country‟s economic situation will be much better, a little better, the same, a little worse or much worse than it is today? 4) What do you think will be the country‟s economic situation in three years‟ time? 5) Do you think this is a good time for purchases of, for example, household
appliances? 6) Do you think this is a good time for more important purchases such as cars or to buy a house?
84
that pulls down the other two. It reflects answers to two questions designed to find out whether
consumers will be willing to acquire consumer or investment goods in the coming months.
As well as being the country with the highest level of consumer confidence (64%), Uruguay is
also the only country in which all three individual indices are at a similar level, with 65 points for
personal and the country‟s situation and 61 points for the purchase of goods.
As shown in Table Nº 20, there are five countries with a large discrepancy between personal and
the country‟s situation: Brazil and Costa Rica with a gap of 16 points, Colombia and Guatemala
(10 points) and Bolivia (11 points). These are countries in which the urge to progress more rapidly
than the country will certainly have political consequences. Chile, at the other extreme, is the only
country where confidence in the country exceeds confidence in personal situation (albeit only by
one point) and it is, in other words, a country where people do not expect to progress more
quickly than the country as a whole.
Except for this one case, confidence in the country falls short of confidence in interviewees‟
personal situation, implying that they not only want to progress faster than their country but also
perceive that they are doing so. This is a pressure to progress ahead of the average and is an
attitude that is confirmed by numerous economic and political indicators such as demand for fairer
distribution and government on behalf of the majority. In other words, in wanting to progress
ahead of their country, Latin Americans are simply expressing a demand for internal redistribution
of the available resources.
Table Nº 20. Index of Consumer Confidence
Personal
situation
Country‟s
situation
Purchase of
goods Index of Consumer
Confidence
Difference
Personal-Country
Situation
Uruguay 65 65 61 64 0
Argentina 67 65 56 62 2
Brazil 75 59 49 61 16
Colombia 68 58 56 61 10
Panama 69 63 38 57 6
Peru 65 65 37 56 0
Paraguay 70 64 32 55 6
Venezuela 59 57 42 53 2
Chile 52 53 45 50 -1
Ecuador 62 56 25 48 6
Nicaragua 58 56 22 45 2
Costa Rica 63 47 25 45 16
Mexico 56 49 27 44 7
Bolivia 57 46 28 44 11
Guatemala 54 44 19 39 10
Honduras 53 45 16 38 8
El Salvador 46 42 14 34 4
Dominican Rep. 33 31 16 27 2
Latin America 60 54 34 49 6 Source: Latinobarómetro 2011
85
ATTITUDES TOWARDS THE MARKET
The market economy
Despite the enormous negative impact on the perception of progress seen in 2011, a majority of
Latin Americans maintain their trust in the market economy as a vehicle for development. This
drops by only two points to 56%, down from 58% in 2010. In 2010, Latinobarómetro found an
important increase in the belief that the market economy is “the only system through which the
country can become developed” which, at 58%, was an increase from 47% in 2009.
In 15 of the 18 countries surveyed by Latinobarómetro, there is majority support for the free
market and it reaches less than 50% only in the Dominican Republic (46%), Guatemala (45%) and
Chile (43%). It is paradoxical that trust in the market economy is lowest in Chile, the country
regarded by the western world as having Latin America‟s best macroeconomic management. The
protests seen in Chile show that economic success does not suffice to satisfy demands. Chileans
have, in some way, come to doubt that, as individuals, they can progress faster than the average
for the country. This is reflected in the consumer confidence index in which Chile is an exception
in the region. There can be no question that the “market” stands accused as one of the mechanisms
for allocating resources that is not doing its job satisfactorily.
Source: Latinobarómetro 2003- 2011
5760
63
47
56
47
58 56
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
80
90
100
2003 2004 2005 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011
5643
4546
51535555565658585959
6363636365
0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80
Latinoamérica
Chile
Guatemala
República Dominicana
Honduras
Bolivia
Argentina
Perú
México
Venezuela
Uruguay
Brasil
El Salvador
Costa Rica
Ecuador
Panamá
Paraguay
Colombia
Nicaragua
MARKET ECONOMY IS THE ONLY SYSTEM TO BE
DEVELOPED TOTAL LATIN AMERICA 2003 -2011 -TOTALS BY COUNTRY 2011
Q. Do you strongly agree, agree, disagree or strongly disagree with each of the phrases that I will read. The
market economy is the single system in which (country) can become developed. * Here only 'Strongly agree' and
„agree'.
Along with the weakening of the belief that the market economy is necessary for development, we
also find a drop from 71% in 2010 to 65% in 2011 in the view that private companies are
indispensable if a country is to attain development, although support remains widespread.
86
Source: Latinobarómetro 2004 - 2011
6459
5661
7165
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
80
90
100
2004 2005 2007 2009 2010 2011
6551
555658
626263636565676868
7273757777
0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90
Latinoamérica
Guatemala
México
Bolivia
Argentina
Perú
Nicaragua
Brasil
Chile
República Dominicana
Colombia
Paraguay
Honduras
Costa Rica
El Salvador
Uruguay
Ecuador
Venezuela
Panamá
PRIVATE COMPANY IS NECESSARY FOR DEVELOPMENT OF
THE COUNTRY TOTAL LATIN AMERICA 2004-2011 – TOTALS BY COUNTRY 2011
Q. Do you strongly agree, agree, disagree or strongly disagree with each of the phrases that I will read.
Private enterprise is indispensable to the development of the country * Here only 'Strongly agree„ and „agree'
Support for private companies is highest in Panama and Venezuela (both with 77%), followed by
Ecuador (75%), Uruguay (73%) and El Salvador (72%), and is lowest in Guatemala (51%),
Mexico (55%) and Bolivia (56%).
Privatizations have been beneficial for the country11
The perception that privatizations have been beneficial, at 36%, showed no change on 2010. It is
highest in Ecuador, with 50%, and lowest in Chile at just 20%. This is another facet of Chile‟s
position as the country that is most critical of the market.
This is where we find a dichotomy between the opinion of experts and a country‟s citizens as to
whether it has been successful. Chile is an example of the incongruence between these two
worlds. While experts praise Chile as the region‟s best-performing country, its citizens give it the
region‟s worst evaluation. Clearly, if these results bear any relation to reality and mean anything
at all, there is something that is not being understood. As noted at the beginning of this report,
Tunisia was considered the Arab world‟s best performer until just a month before the revolution
that took place there. This raises the question of the standards of success by which countries
should be judged and what are the aspects that need to be considered in order for this evaluation to
reflect reality as closely as possible. The way in which we measure our societies and the indicators
we use to evaluate them are being called into question by events such as the protests in Chile and
this survey clearly shows a critical view on the part of citizens that is not taken into account when
evaluating the country.
11
Only those countries in which privatizations have taken place.
87
Source: Latinobarómetro 1998 - 2011
46
35
29 28
22
31
35 3436 36
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
1998 2000 2001 2002 2003 2005 2007 2009 2010 2011
36
20
23
32
34
34
37
38
38
39
40
42
43
44
45
45
50
0 10 20 30 40 50 60
Latinoamérica
Chile
Guatemala
Argentina
Honduras
República Dominicana
Colombia
Nicaragua
México
Perú
Paraguay
Bolivia
Panamá
El Salvador
Venezuela
Brasil
Ecuador
PRIVATIZATION HAS BEEN BENEFICIAL FOR THE COUNTRY TOTAL LATIN AMERICA 1998-2011 – TOTALS BY COUNTRY 2011
Q. Are you strongly agree, agree, disagree or strongly disagree with each of the phrases that I will read.
Privatization of State enterprise has been beneficial for the country Here 'Strongly Agree' and „agree‟.
Satisfaction with privatized services reached 31% in 2011, up by one percentage point on 2010.
For the past five years, this indicator has held fairly steady at around a third after reaching a low
of 19% in 2004.
Source: Latinobarómetro 2003 - 2011
21 19
2732
35 3430 31
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
80
90
100
2003 2004 2005 2006 2008 2009 2010 2011
31
4
18
21
21
28
29
29
32
33
36
41
44
44
45
47
48
0 10 20 30 40 50 60
Latinoamérica
Honduras
Chile
República Dominicana
Guatemala
México
Nicaragua
El Salvador
Colombia
Perú
Argentina
Panamá
Paraguay
Venezuela
Bolivia
Brasil
Ecuador
SATISFACTION WITH PRIVATIZED SERVICESTOTAL LATIN AMERICA 2003–2011 - TOTALS BY COUNTRY 2011
Q. Now that we have privatized state-owned services, water, electricity, etc.. Taking into account price and quality
are you now “very more satisfied, satisfied, less satisfied or much less satisfied with the privatized services ? Here
only „A lot more satisfied' and „More satisfied'.
Satisfaction with privatized public services is highest in Ecuador (48%), Brazil (47%) and Bolivia
(45%) and lowest in Chile (18%) and Honduras (4%).
88
ATTITUDES TOWARDS THE STATE
Attitudes towards the state have acquired an increasingly important role in analysis of the
consolidation of democracies. The success or failure of public policies is not only related to the
performance of the incumbent government but also to the way in which citizens perceive the
capacities of the state. The form in which the state provides services has a direct bearing on
perceptions of equality before the law or, in other words, the ability of democracy to deliver
political goods. Governments that have provided political goods, such as the increase in equality
before the law seen in Brazil under President Lula, have achieved significant improvements in the
perception of democracy.
It is, therefore, ever more important to be able to examine in detail the impact of the state‟s
actions on the citizens‟ lives. As a result, we introduced new questions this year about the impact
of public policies on individuals and their perception of the state‟s ability to solve problems.
Public policies
In the question about public policies, interviewees were asked to identify their country‟s best
public policy. According to a third of the region‟s inhabitants, this is education, which was
mentioned by 57% in El Salvador, 54% in Nicaragua and 51% in Costa Rica. At the other
extreme, only 1% of Chileans consider their country‟s education policy to be good. Low figures
are also seen Brazil and Argentina, with 17% and 20%, respectively. In Chile, the student
movement of 2011 triggered debate about the problems of education, leading the country‟s
citizens to take a more critical attitude.
In second place after education, we find 24% who say that no public policy is “best” and, in third
place, healthcare, with 19%. Education and healthcare are, in other words, the only two public
policies that stand out as the best in this question asked for the first time by Latinobarómetro.
THE BEST PUBLIC POLICY IN COUNTRYTOTAL LATIN AMERICA 2011 – TOTALS BY COUNTRY 2011Q. As far as you know or have heard, from the list on the card what would you say is best in your country?
Source: Latinobarómetro 2011
2
3
3
4
5
8
19
24
33
0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100
Security policy
Justice
DNK/DNA
Social policy
Economic policy
Defense
Health
None
Education
33
1
17
20
20
22
23
32
32
32
34
35
37
42
43
50
51
54
57
0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70
Latinoamérica
Chile
Brasil
Argentina
Perú
Uruguay
Honduras
Bolivia
República Dominicana
México
Paraguay
Colombia
Panamá
Guatemala
Venezuela
Ecuador
Costa Rica
Nicaragua
El Salvador
EDUCATION
89
A second question on the same topic enquired about the public policy from which interviewees
had personally derived most benefit. In this case, healthcare took first place (37%), followed by
education (32%) and housing (14%).
The percentage of interviewees who indicate they have benefitted most from health policy ranged
from 51% in Mexico to 20% in Chile.
PUBLIC POLICY THAT HAS BENEFITED YOUTOTAL LATIN AMERICA 2011 - TOTALS BY COUNTRY 2011
Source: Latinobarómetro 2011
37
20
22
25
26
27
27
30
34
36
40
42
45
46
46
47
49
49
51
0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70
Latinoamérica
Chile
Honduras
República Dominicana
Brasil
Perú
Argentina
Bolivia
Guatemala
Paraguay
Venezuela
Colombia
Panamá
Uruguay
Ecuador
Costa Rica
Nicaragua
El Salvador
México
HEALTH POLICY
3
3
3
4
5
5
14
32
37
0 10 20 30 40 50
DNK/DNA
Policy against drug adiction
Policy against drug traffic
Policy against corruption
Justice
Crime policy
Housing policy
Education policy
Health policy
Q. Which of the following public policies have benefited you and your family improving your situation? *Multiple
choices answer, totals are more than 100%
The countries where housing policy receives the highest percentage of mentions are Brazil (24%)
and Chile (21%) while, in Paraguay and Honduras, the figure drops to 6% and 7%, respectively.
The countries where the largest number of interviewees perceive education as having benefitted
them most are El Salvador, with 54%, and Ecuador, with 45%. Again, Chile takes last place with
9%.
Source: Latinobarómetro 2011
EDUCATION
32
9
21
24
24
25
26
26
27
30
32
33
36
38
39
43
44
45
54
0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70
Latinoamérica
Chile
Perú
República Dominicana
Honduras
Uruguay
Brasil
Argentina
Paraguay
Bolivia
Colombia
México
Nicaragua
Venezuela
Guatemala
Panamá
Costa Rica
Ecuador
El Salvador
14
6
7
7
8
8
9
11
12
13
13
13
15
16
18
20
20
21
24
0 10 20 30 40
Latinoamérica
Paraguay
Honduras
Bolivia
Venezuela
República Dominicana
Guatemala
Perú
Uruguay
El Salvador
Argentina
Nicaragua
Colombia
México
Ecuador
Costa Rica
Panamá
Chile
Brasil
HOUSING
PUBLIC POLICY THAT HAS BENEFITED YOU:HOUSING AND EDUCATION TOTALS BY COUNTRY 2011Q. Which of the following public policies have benefited you and your family improving your situation? *Multiple
choices answer, totals are more than 100%
90
What has the state done for you?
As part of this new battery of questions about the state, Latinobarómetro asked about perceptions
of how much the state does for people individually and for the country. We find that 46% of Latin
Americans perceive the state as working for their country‟s development while only 35% consider
that it does something for them as individuals and their family. To what extent do governments
seek to communicate the idea that the state is at the service of people? Are these results not
perhaps a consequence of the way in which politics are practiced with each leader, member of
Congress or minister putting himself or herself in first place above institutions? What do we
usually see in announcements by the state? Don‟t they tend to be about something done “by
someone” rather than “for someone”?
Does politics not revolve more around the individual fate of its participants than around what the
state does for the common good? The emphasis of political communication is central to this
discussion about citizens‟ perceptions of what the state does for them. At the end of the day, the
region‟s states are a predominant factor in economic activity and their citizens are barely aware of
this.
However, independently of the difference between perceptions of what the state does for the
country and what it does for individuals, we find that both indicators are at a similar level.
Guatemala is the country where perceptions of what the state does both for the country and for
individuals are lowest (20% and 21%, respectively) while in Honduras the two indicators reach
25% and 27%, respectively. In the Dominican Republic, 33% think that the state has done a great
deal for the country and 24% that it has done a great deal for individuals and their families. At the
other extreme, 72% of Uruguayans consider that the state does a great deal for the country and
51% that it does a great deal for individuals and their families.
HOW MUCH HAS THE STATE DONE FOR YOU AND
FOR THE COUNTRY TOTALS BY COUNTRY 2011Q1. How much the state has done for you and your family in the last three years? *Here only „A lot‟ plus „some‟.
Q2. And how much the state has done for the country's development? *Here only „A lot‟ plus „some‟.
Source: Latinobarómetro 2011
YOU AND YOUR FAMILY COUNTRY
35
21
23
24
27
28
28
28
32
34
35
37
37
40
42
44
50
50
51
0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100
Latinoamérica
Guatemala
Perú
República Dominicana
Honduras
Bolivia
Paraguay
Chile
Brasil
México
Costa Rica
Colombia
Nicaragua
El Salvador
Venezuela
Argentina
Ecuador
Panamá
Uruguay
46
20
25
33
37
40
40
40
42
43
44
45
45
50
55
58
60
63
72
0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100
Latinoamérica
Guatemala
Honduras
República Dominicana
México
Paraguay
Costa Rica
Bolivia
El Salvador
Perú
Brasil
Nicaragua
Chile
Venezuela
Colombia
Argentina
Ecuador
Panamá
Uruguay
The state is, therefore, not perceived as working mainly for people but rather for the country. This
state is, moreover, seen as implementing public policies that, in general, do not benefit
individuals. This is, without doubt, an area where further research would be useful in order to
91
examine what people understand as the benefit provided by the state. What, after all, is the
“country” if not its citizens? What impact does the personalization of politics have in this
distortion? And what is the impact of communications and the population‟s level of information in
this perception?
Does the state have the means to solve problems?
Latin Americans increasingly believe that the state has the means to solve problems. The
percentage holding this view increased from 71% in 2010 to 74% in 2011 and ranges from 87% in
the Dominican Republic to its lowest level of 53% in Guatemala.
Source: Latinobarómetro 2010 - 2011
7174
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
80
90
100
2010 2011
74
53
54
56
60
65
72
73
73
77
78
78
80
80
82
83
86
86
87
0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100
Latinoamérica
Guatemala
Bolivia
El Salvador
Honduras
Costa Rica
Nicaragua
México
Ecuador
Uruguay
Panamá
Brasil
Colombia
Perú
Chile
Argentina
Venezuela
Paraguay
República Dominicana
RESOURCES OF STATE TO SOLVE PROBLEMS TOTAL LATIN AMERICA 2010 – 2011 - TOTALS BY COUNTRY 2011
Q. Do you think the State has the resources to solve the problems of our society, or you think the State do
not have the resources to solve them? *Here only „Has the resources‟.
The state as solving problems
Do people see the state as being able to solve a society‟s pending problems? In the case of crime,
61% believe it is able to do so while, for drug trafficking, poverty and corruption, the figures
reach 57%, 55% and 54%, respectively.
92
CAN THE STATE SOLVE THE FOLLOWING
PROBLEMS? TOTAL LATIN AMERICA 2011 – TOTALS BY COUNTRY 2011Q. To what extent do you think the state can solve the (item) problem? The state can solve the whole problem,
much of the problem, a small part of the problem, or can not solve the problem. *Here only „the whole problem‟
plus „much of the problem‟.
Source: Latinobarómetro 2011
54
55
57
61
0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70
Corruption
Poverty
Drug Traffic
Crime
61
27
39
40
46
48
53
60
64
64
65
65
69
72
74
74
77
78
78
0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90
Latinoamérica
Guatemala
México
Honduras
Bolivia
Nicaragua
El Salvador
República Dominicana
Costa Rica
Colombia
Perú
Chile
Panamá
Ecuador
Venezuela
Brasil
Argentina
Paraguay
Uruguay
CRIME
Perceptions of problems, their seriousness and the capacity of the state to solve them vary widely
by country. Whereas only 27% of Guatemalans believe that the state can solve the problem of
crime, 78% of Uruguayans believe this to be the case.
In the case of drug trafficking, 72% of Venezuelans believe the state can solve the problem but
only 22% of Guatemalans.
Similarly, 75% of Uruguayans believe the state can solve the problem of corruption but, in
Guatemala, the figure drops to 18%.
In the case of poverty, 79% of Argentines but only 17% of Guatemalans see the state as being able
to solve the problem.
Guatemalans have little faith in their state‟s capacity to solve problems given that eight in ten do
not believe it can solve the problems of crime, drug trafficking, poverty or corruption. In
Guatemala, there is, in other words, a negative consensus about the state‟s problem-solving
capacity. Confidence in the state‟s capacity to solve problems is highest in Argentina where it
reaches an average of 75%.
93
Table Nº 21. Can the State Solve Problems? Q. To what extent do you think the state can solve the problem of (item)? * Only „all the problem‟ and „a large part of
the problem‟.
Crime
Drug
trafficking Poverty Corruption Average
Argentina 77 70 79 73 75
Uruguay 78 69 75 75 74
Paraguay 78 71 69 71 72
Brazil 74 68 75 71 72
Venezuela 74 72 62 62 68
Chile 65 64 70 65 66
Ecuador 72 66 63 63 66
Colombia 64 58 60 63 62
Dominican Rep. 60 69 59 58 61
Costa Rica 64 62 58 60 61
Peru 65 58 61 58 60
Panama 69 62 48 49 57
El Salvador 53 48 35 37 43
Bolivia 46 42 39 41 42
Nicaragua 48 36 37 35 39
Mexico 39 35 38 34 36
Honduras 40 37 22 23 30
Guatemala 27 22 17 18 21
Latin America 61 57 55 54 57
Source: Latinobarómetro 2011
There are six countries in which less than half the population believes that the state can solve the
problems of crime, drug trafficking, poverty and corruption. Four of these countries are in
Central America while the other two are Bolivia and Mexico. In the other 12 countries, a majority
of the population believes that the state can solve these problems.
Efficiency of the state
In order to analyze perceptions of the state‟s efficiency, different aspects of its performance in this
area were measured on a scale of 1 to 10, looking first at its overall efficiency, then at the
efficiency of the official procedures required of its citizens and, finally, the efficiency of public-
sector employees.
94
EFFICIENCY OF THE STATETOTAL LATIN AMERICA 2011 – TOTALS BY COUNTRY 2011Q1. On a scale of 1 to 10, where 1 is no efficient and 10 is fully efficient, how efficient is the state? *Here Average
Q2. And public officials? *Here Average
Q3. And the paperwork that make citizens in the state? *Here Average
Source: Latinobarómetro 2011
4.7
4.9
5.3
0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
Publicofficials
Paperworksin the state
Efficiency ofthe state
EFFICIENCY OF THE STATE
5.3
3.9
4.3
4.4
4.9
4.9
5.0
5.2
5.2
5.3
5.4
5.4
5.5
5.5
5.7
5.7
6.0
6.0
6.3
0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
Latinoamérica
República Dominicana
Guatemala
Honduras
Perú
Paraguay
Bolivia
Chile
Argentina
Colombia
Venezuela
Brasil
El Salvador
Costa Rica
Panamá
México
Ecuador
Uruguay
Nicaragua
On overall efficiency, Latin Americans give the state 5.3 points on the scale from 1 to 10 while,
for the efficiency of procedures, they give it 4.9 points and, for the efficiency of public-sector
employees, 4.7 points. Nicaragua, with 6.3, is the country with the greatest perceived efficiency
while this is lowest in the Dominican Republic with 3.9.
Table Nº 22. Summary of Efficiency and Transparency of the State Q1. On a scale of 1 to 10 where 1 is “not efficient at all” and 10 is “totally efficient”, how efficient do you consider
the state of (country) is? * Averages and % of positive answers (between 7 and 10).
Q2.And on a scale of 1 to 10 where 1 is “not transparent at all” and 10 is “totally transparent”, how transparent do
you consider the state of (country) is? ** Averages and % of positive answers (between 7 and 10).
Efficiency of the state Efficiency of public-
sector employees
Efficiency of official
procedures
Transparency of the
state
Country Average % of positive
answers Average
% of
positive
answers
Average
% of
positive
answers
Average
% of
positive
answers
Nicaragua 6.3 40 5.6 32 5.9 35 56.3 35
Ecuador 6.0 42 5.3 29 5.5 33 51.0 28
Uruguay 6.0 38 5.1 20 5.1 21 59.8 40
Mexico 5.7 37 4.9 23 5.2 31 45.1 26
Panama 5.7 37 5.4 29 5.6 30 55.8 30
Costa Rica 5.5 32 5.0 22 5.1 24 44.3 17
Brazil 5.4 30 5.3 29 6.2 44 47.8 25
Venezuela 5.4 29 4.5 16 4.8 18 52.2 29
Colombia 5.3 27 4.4 14 4.7 19 39.3 15
Argentina 5.2 25 4.4 11 4.9 18 44.6 20
Chile 5.2 23 4.7 14 5.0 17 57.4 35
Bolivia 5.0 18 4.2 8 4.1 8 41.5 15
Paraguay 4.9 23 4.6 14 4.7 14 41.4 14
Peru 4.9 16 4.2 8 4.4 12 43.4 15
Honduras 4.4 13 3.9 9 4 10 38.4 12
El Salvador 4.3 32 4.9 23 5.2 26 48.9 23
Guatemala 4.3 13 3.9 8 4.2 11 38.1 11
Dominican
Rep. 3.9 13 3.5 10 4.2 14 37.2 15
Source: Latinobarómetro 2011
95
Finally, we measure the state‟s perceived transparency on a scale of 1 to 100. The average for the
region is 47 points and the result is highest in Uruguay (60 points) and lowest in the Dominican
Republic (37 points).
TRANSPARENCY IN THE STATETOTALS BY COUNTRY 2011
Source: Latinobarómetro 2011
47
37
38
38
39
41
42
43
44
45
45
48
49
51
52
56
56
57
60
0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90
Latinoamérica
República Dominicana
Guatemala
Honduras
Colombia
Paraguay
Bolivia
Perú
Costa Rica
Argentina
México
Brasil
El Salvador
Ecuador
Venezuela
Panamá
Nicaragua
Chile
Uruguay
Q. As you know or have heard, on a scale of 1 to 100, where 1 is "not transparent" and 100 is "fully
transparent", How transparent do you think is the state of (country)? *Here only average
This data provides a complex and fairly comprehensive picture of the perception that Latin
Americans have of the state and its capacities. In future surveys, we will continue to measure
these indicators in order to build a time series. Independently of each country‟s starting point, it is
the direction and speed of change that is interesting.
Satisfaction with state services provided by the central government
In this section, we present an evaluation of the public services provided by the central government
and by municipal governments.
Satisfaction is highest for the public service issuing identity documents (57%) and this is followed
by education (55%) and public hospitals (48%). In the case of the police service and the judicial
system, satisfaction reaches 34% and 30%, respectively.
96
Source: Latinobarómetro 2009 - 2011
30
34
48
55
57
0 20 40 60 80
Judiciary
Police
Public Hospitals
Public Education
The place where youget the ID card
5454 55
46 47 48
34 34 34
3331
30
57 58 57
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
2009 2010 2011
Public education
Public Hospitals
Police
Judiciary
The place whereyou get the ID card
SATISFACTION WITH CENTRAL PUBLIC SERVICES TOTAL LATIN AMERICA 2009-2011Q. Would you say that you are very satisfied, fairly satisfied, not very satisfied or not at all satisfied, with the way
(ITEM) works...? *Here only „very satisfied‟ and „fairly satisfied‟.
The judicial system is the only public service where satisfaction has dropped. This reached 30% in
2011, down from 33% in 2009, and, given that it reflects 20,000 cases, this change is statistically
significant.
Satisfaction with the judicial system is highest in El Salvador (46%) and Costa Rica (43%) and
lowest in Chile (20%) and Peru (11%).
SATISFACTION WITH THE JUDICIARYTOTAL LATIN AMERICA 2009 – 2011 – TOTALS BY COUNTRY 2011
33 31 30
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
80
90
100
2009 2010 2011
Source: Latinobarómetro 2009-2011
30
11
20
21
22
25
27
28
29
30
30
32
33
38
40
40
41
43
46
0 10 20 30 40 50 60
Latinoamérica
Perú
Chile
Bolivia
México
Paraguay
Argentina
Brasil
Guatemala
Venezuela
República Dominicana
Colombia
Honduras
Ecuador
Uruguay
Panamá
Nicaragua
Costa Rica
El Salvador
Q. Would you say that you are very satisfied, fairly satisfied, not very satisfied or not at all satisfied, with the way the
judiciary works? *Here only „very satisfied‟ and „fairly satisfied‟.
Satisfaction with public services provided by municipal governments
Satisfaction with the public services provided by municipal governments has not changed
significantly over time. On average between 2006 and 2011, it was highest for refuse collection
97
(52%) and the availability of green areas (51%) while less than half of Latin Americans are
satisfied with sewage collection, other municipal services, public transport and roads and paving.
In the specific case of 2011, the availability of green areas takes first place, with a 53%
satisfaction level, up by one percentage point on 2010. Satisfaction with refuse collection also
increases from 50% in 2010 to 52% in 2011, satisfaction with sewage collection from 44% to 45%
and satisfaction with public transport from 40% to 44% while other municipal services and roads
and paving show no change on 2010.
Satisfaction with municipal services is practically the same as in 2006 and this is an area in which
the state needs to achieve faster progress.
Table Nº 23. Satisfaction with public services provided by municipal governments, 2006-
2011 Q. Would you say you are very satisfied, fairly satisfied, not very satisfied or not satisfied with municipal services in
general? * Only „very satisfied‟ and „rather satisfied‟.
2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 Average
Refuse collection 51 51 52 53 50 52 52
Green areas and public spaces 51 48 50 52 52 53 51
SATISFACTION WITH DEMOCRACYTOTAL LATIN AMERICA 1995 – 2011 Q. In general, would you say that you are very satisfied, quite satisfied, not very satisfied or not at all satisfied
with the working of the democracy in (country)? * Here only 'Very satisfied' and „quite satisfied„.
Using data from Eurobarometer between 1995 and 2009,13
we can compare these trends with the
evolution of satisfaction of democracy in Europe where, as in the case of satisfaction with life
discussed above, we also find that it is not related to countries‟ level of development.
In 2009, satisfaction with democracy reached 54% in Europe as compared to 44% in Latin
America. There was, in other words, a difference of ten percentage points, representing an
improvement in Latin America‟s position as compared to 2000 when it reached 20 percentage
points (56% and 36%, respectively). The difference in satisfaction with democracy is, in other
words, are much smaller than the difference in their respective levels of per capita income.
13
The last year in which the question about “satisfaction with democracy” was included in Eurobarometer was 2009.
101
SATISFACTION WITH DEMOCRACYTOTAL LATIN AMERICA AND EUROPE 1995-2009
There are only 10 points of
difference in satisfaction with
democracy between Europe and
Latin America
Source: Latinobarómetro and Eurobarómetro 1995-2009
Q. In general, would you say that you are very satisfied, quite satisfied, not very satisfied or not at all satisfied
with the working of the democracy in (country)? * Here only 'Very satisfied' and „quite satisfied„.
INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
Leadership in Latin America
Since 2009, Latinobarómetro surveys have included the question, “Which Latin American country
has most leadership in the region?” (open-ended question). Although it specifically says “Latin
American country”, one of the answers is the United States. This is a good example of the fact
that people do not necessarily answer the question. In this case, they simply answer with respect
to the leadership of countries in general.
Brazil is the country perceived to have most leadership in the region. In 2011, 20% of Latin
Americans, up from 19% in 2010, took this view. It was followed by the United States and
Venezuela, both with 10%, up from 9% in 2010.
102
Source: Latinobarómetro 2009 - 2011
20
2
2
3
4
4
6
6
15
15
15
20
26
26
27
27
46
52
54
0 10 20 30 40 50 60
Latinoamérica
Nicaragua
Honduras
República Dominicana
Panamá
Guatemala
Costa Rica
México
El Salvador
Ecuador
Venezuela
Bolivia
Chile
Perú
Colombia
Brasil
Paraguay
Argentina
Uruguay
Brasil 2011
10
10
20
9
9
19
11
9
18
0 5 10 15 20 25
Venezuela
USA
Brasil
2009 2010 2011
19
2
3
4
5
5
6
6
12
15
19
19
21
23
23
30
32
48
50
0 10 20 30 40 50 60
Latinoamérica
Panamá
Nicaragua
Honduras
Costa Rica
México
República…
Guatemala
Ecuador
Venezuela
El Salvador
Perú
Bolivia
Colombia
Chile
Paraguay
Brasil
Uruguay
Argentina
Brasil 2010
COUNTRY WITH MORE LEADERSHIP IN THE REGIONTOTAL LATIN AMERICA 2009 – 2011 - TOTALS BY COUNTRY 2009 - 2011
Q. Which is the country in Latin America has more leadership in the region? *Open-ended question.
Over half of Uruguayans and Argentines (54% and 52%, respectively) view Brazil as the region‟s
leader while, both in 2010 and 2011, this perception was least widespread in Central America,
with figures of 6% in Costa Rica, 4% in Guatemala and Panama, 3% in the Dominican Republic
and 2% in Honduras and Nicaragua. Brazil is, in other words, not perceived as a leader in Central
America but rather in Southern Cone and Andean countries.
In Central America and Mexico, it is the United States that is perceived as having the greatest
leadership in Latin America. In Mexico, 38% take this view, followed by the Dominican Republic
and Honduras (both with 21%), Guatemala, Panama and Costa Rica (all with 15%).
Table Nº 25. United States as the Country with the Greatest Leadership in Latin America Q. Which is the Latin American country with the greatest leadership in the region? * Only „United States‟.
2011
Mexico 38
Dominican Rep. 21
Honduras 21
Guatemala 15
Panama 15
Costa Rica 15
Brazil 11
El Salvador 11
Peru 6
Bolivia 6
Venezuela 5
Colombia 4
Nicaragua 3
Ecuador 3
Uruguay 3
Argentina 2
Chile 1
Paraguay 1
Latin America 10 Source: Latinobarómetro 2011
103
In addition to the question about the country with the greatest leadership, Latinobarómetro also
includes a question about the friendliest country. In general, we find that this is not an immediate
neighbor but rather one with which the country in question does not have a border. Brazil again
takes first place, accounting for 13% of answers, up from just 8% in 2006 when the question was
last asked. It is followed by Venezuela with 11%, up from 8% in 2006, and Argentina, with 6% in
2011 as compared to 4% in 2006 (but 12% in 1998).
Q. Which country do you think is our best friend in Latin America? *Open ended question
2
12
4
14
3
8
2
8
4
4
8
8
3
6
11
13
0 10 20
Cuba
Argentina
Venezuela
Brasil
2011 2006 2001 1998
Source: Latinobarómetro 1998 - 2011
BEST FRIEND IN THE REGIONTOTAL LATIN AMERICA 1998 – 2011 – TOTALS BY COUNTRY 2011
13
1
1
1
1
2
2
5
6
9
10
19
20
24
24
27
30
34
0 10 20 30 40 50 60
Latinoamérica
Honduras
República Dominicana
Nicaragua
Guatemala
Costa Rica
Panamá
Ecuador
México
Bolivia
Venezuela
Colombia
El Salvador
Chile
Perú
Argentina
Paraguay
Uruguay
BRASIL
The three countries where identification of Brazil as the friendliest country is highest are also the
three countries where the largest percentage identify it as the region‟s leader: Uruguay (34%),
Paraguay (30%) and Argentina (27%). We also find that identification of Brazil as the friendliest
country is lowest in Central America where it receives only 1% of mentions in Honduras, the
Dominican Republic, Nicaragua and Guatemala.
Although identifying the United States as the country with the greatest leadership, the Central
American countries do not perceive it as the friendliest country. Around Latin America, only three
countries identify it as friendly towards their country - Brazil (10%), Peru (6%) and Ecuador (4%)
- and, in all other countries, it drops below 3%. In other words, Central America sees the United
States as the country with most leadership but not as the friendliest country. Is it, therefore, an
unavoidable partner of which they are not very fond?
Table Nº 26. United States as the Friendliest Country in the Region Q. What Latin American country do you consider as the best friend of (country)? * Only United States.
2011
Brazil 10
Peru 6
Ecuador 4 Source: Latinobarómetro 2011
104
Opinions about powers
Opinions of world powers and other countries show an improvement in 2011, except in the case of
the United States.
Positive opinions of Spain increase from 67% in 2010 to 71% in 2011, almost equaling the United
States which drops from 73% to 72%. Increases are also seen in the case of the European Union
(65% to 66%), China (60% to 65%), Canada (60% to 62%), Venezuela (41% to 47%) and Cuba
(39% to 44%). Israel and Iran, which were included for the first time in 2011, reach 28% and
25%, respectively.
OPINION ABOUT COUNTRIESTOTAL LATIN AMERICA 2010-2011 – TOTALS BY COUNTRY 2011
Source: Latinobarómetro 2010 - 2011
72
53
53
56
63
65
68
69
71
74
76
76
78
79
82
82
87
89
89
0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100
Latinoamérica
Uruguay
Argentina
Venezuela
Bolivia
Nicaragua
Chile
México
Guatemala
Brasil
Perú
Panamá
Paraguay
Ecuador
Costa Rica
Colombia
República Dominicana
Honduras
El Salvador
United States
25
28
44
47
62
65
66
71
72
39
41
60
60
65
67
73
0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100
Iran
Israel
Cuba
Venezuela
Canada
China
European Union
Spain
United States
2010 2011
Q. I would like to know your opinion about the following countries and potencies that I‟m going to read. Do you
have a very good, good, bad or very bad opinion of (country)? *Here only „very good‟ and „good‟.
It has not been easy for the United States to maintain a positive opinion in Latin America. As
discussed in “The Obama Era?”, a report published by Latinobarómetro in March 2011 (available
online), the high expectations created by President Barack Obama‟s election meant a significant
increase in favorable opinions of the United States (from 58% in 2008 to 74% in 2009) but these
slowly dropped back again to 73% in 2010 and 72% in the latest survey.
105
OPINION TOWARDS THE UNITED STATESTOTAL LATIN AMERICA 2000 – 2011 – TOTALS BY COUNTRY 2011
Q. I would like to know your opinion about the following countries and potencies that I‟m going to read. Do you
have a very good, good, bad or very bad opinion of (country)? *Here only „very good‟ and „good‟.
El Salvador and Honduras are the countries where the largest percentage of people have a
favorable opinion of the United States, both with 89%. They are followed by the Dominican
Republic (87%) and Colombia (82%). The figure is lowest in Venezuela (56%) and Argentina and
Uruguay (both with 53%). It is in Southern Cone countries that opinions of the United States are
least favorable as well as in those with left-wing governments such as Nicaragua, Venezuela and
Bolivia.
In 2011, opinions about Cuba show a change of trend and, after dropping steadily from 52% in
2006 to 39% in 2010, favorable opinions increase by five points to 44%.
OPINION TOWARDS CUBATOTAL LATIN AMERICA 2000 – 2011 – TOTALS BY COUNTRY 2011
Source: Latinobarómetro 2000-2011
44
5246
43 41 3944
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
80
90
100
2000 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011
44
23
29
36
36
36
39
42
42
43
45
46
46
48
49
51
52
58
67
0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100
Latinoamérica
Costa Rica
México
Panamá
Colombia
Guatemala
Perú
Chile
Brasil
Argentina
Honduras
Paraguay
República Dominicana
Bolivia
Uruguay
Ecuador
Venezuela
El Salvador
Nicaragua
Q. I would like to know your opinion about the following countries and potencies that I‟m going to read. Do you
have a very good, good, bad or very bad opinion of (country)? *Here only „very good‟ and „good‟.
106
A favorable opinion of Cuba is most prevalent in Nicaragua (67%), followed by El Salvador
(58%) and Venezuela (52%). At the other extreme, only one in five Costa Ricans have a favorable
view (23%) while, in Mexico, the figure reaches 29%. Opinions about Cuba are clearly
ideological and are more favorable in countries with left-wing governments than in those with
right-wing governments.
In 2011, we added two new countries - Iran and Israel - to this battery of questions. In the case of
Iran, 25% of Latin Americans have a favorable opinion, ranging from 42% in Nicaragua to 12%
in Costa Rica, while, for Israel, the average reaches 28%, with a maximum of 43% in El Salvador
and a minimum of 18% in Mexico.
Source: Latinobarómetro 2011
28182021212223232426282831
343637
404043
0 10 20 30 40 50 60
LatinoaméricaMéxico
Costa RicaArgentina
UruguayPerú
BrasilColombia
República DominicanaGuatemala
BoliviaParaguay
ChileVenezuela
EcuadorHonduras
PanamáNicaragua
El Salvador
Israel
OPINION TOWARDS IRAN AND ISREALTOTALS BY COUNTRY 2011
Q. I would like to know your opinion about the following countries and potencies that I‟m going to read. Do you
have a very good, good, bad or very bad opinion of (country)? *Here only „very good‟ and „good‟.
251214151516
202020
24262728
3132353537
42
0 10 20 30 40 50 60
LatinoaméricaCosta RicaArgentina
MéxicoUruguay
ColombiaPerú
BrasilGuatemala
República DominicanaParaguay
BoliviaChile
PanamáEl Salvador
HondurasEcuador
VenezuelaNicaragua
Irán
Relations between countries
As in the case of favorable opinions about countries, opinions about relations between a country
and a power improve slightly or show no change.
The United States remains in first place, with the same 72% of “good” relations it achieved in
2010. It is followed by Spain, with 71% up from 69% in 2010, and the European Union, with 68%
up from 67%.
107
Q. How do you qualify relations between (country) and (Item)? Will you say that they are...? *Here only „Very good‟
and „quite good‟.
OPINION OF RELATION BETWEEN COUNTRY AND…TOTAL LATIN AMERICA 2010 - 2011 – TOTALS BY COUNTRY 2011
Source: Latinobarómetro 2011
68
71
72
67
69
72
0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100
European Union
Spain
United States
2010 2011
United States
72
19
28
54
63
68
70
75
79
80
81
84
84
86
88
89
90
90
90
0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100
Latinoamérica
Venezuela
Bolivia
Argentina
Nicaragua
Ecuador
México
Guatemala
Paraguay
Perú
Brasil
Uruguay
Chile
Panamá
Costa Rica
Colombia
El Salvador
Honduras
República Dominicana
The three countries with the most favorable opinion of the United States - the Dominican
Republic, Honduras and El Salvador - are also the countries with the most positive perception of
relations between their country and the United States, all with 90%. The pattern is also the same in
that it is the Southern Cone countries and those with left-wing governments where perceptions of
good relations with the United States are weakest. These are particularly low in Bolivia and
Venezuela where they reach 28% and 19%, respectively.
Model country
For the first time in 2011, Latinobarómetro included the question: “Which country would you like
(country) to be most like?” (We added to this question a set of elements such as life style, values,
customs, political and economic situation, etc.)
One in four Latin Americans (26%) would like their country to be like the United States. It is
followed by Spain (19%), Brazil (11%), China (8%), France (6%) and Venezuela (4%). In Central
America, four in ten people would like their country to be like the United States while, in Uruguay
and Argentina, the figure is less than one in ten.
These results are interesting because they confirm that at least for half of Latin American
countries the United States is not a model of society to be imitated. This is not implicit in
friendship, a favorable opinion and good relations and it is mainly in Central America that the
United States is seen as a model to follow.
Interestingly, however, despite these numbers, Central America does not overwhelmingly
consider the United States its “best friend”. Is it, in other words, a country that is envied and seen
as an ideal but not loved?
108
COUNTRY YOU WOULD LIKE YOURS TO BE ALIKETOTAL LATIN AMERICA 2011 – TOTALS BY COUNTRY 2011
Q. Thinking of the countries on this list, what one country would you like (country) to most be like? Think of a
country in a general sense – its lifestyle, values, customs, economy, and politics. *Here only answers with more
than 3%
Source: Latinobarómetro 2011
4
6
8
11
19
26
0 10 20 30 40 50
Venezuela
France
China
Brazil
Spain
United States
United States
26
8
8
12
14
15
21
23
25
26
31
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
42
0 10 20 30 40 50 60
Latinoamérica
Argentina
Uruguay
Paraguay
Bolivia
Venezuela
Nicaragua
Chile
Perú
Colombia
Costa Rica
Honduras
Ecuador
Panamá
México
Brasil
Guatemala
República Dominicana
El Salvador
EVALUATION OF LEADERS
Latinobarómetro asks Latin Americans to evaluate leaders from the region and other parts of the
world on a scale of 0 to 10 where 0 means “very bad” and 10 means “very good”. This question is
different from that about approval of the government in which we ask each country about its own
leader. In this case, all the region‟s inhabitants are asked about all the leaders included in the list.
President Barack Obama takes first place with 6.3 points and is followed by Brazil‟s President
Dilma Rousseff (6 points) while third place is shared by King Juan Carlos and Colombia‟s
President Juan Manuel Santos (5.9 points). The lowest scores are for Hugo Chávez and Daniel
Ortega (both with 4.4 points) and Fidel Castro (4.1 points).
Source: Latinobarómetro 2011
4,1
4,4
4,4
4,9
5,1
5,2
5,2
5,3
5,3
5,5
5,6
5,7
5,7
5,8
5,9
5,9
6
6,3
0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
Fidel Castro
Hugo Chávez
Daniel Ortega
Evo Morales
Sebastián Piñera
Ollanta Humala
Fernando Lugo
Rafael Correa
Laura Chinchilla
Mauricio Funes
José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero
José Mujica
Cristina Fernández de Kirchner
Felipe Calderón
Juan Manuel Santos
Rey Juan Carlos
Dilma Roussef
Barack Obama
Average
17
18
18
40
52
56
60
60
62
63
66
66
67
69
73
74
76
79
0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90
Hugo Chávez
Fidel Castro
Barack Obama
Evo Morales
Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner
Rey Juan Carlos
Felipe Calderón
Rafael Correa
José Luis Rodriguez Zapatero
Sebastián Piñera
Fernando Lugo
Daniel Ortega
Ollanta Humala
Dilma Roussef
José Mujica
Juan Manuel Santos
Laura Chinchilla
Mauricio Funes
Don't Know
EVALUATION OF LEADERSTOTAL LATIN AMERICA 2011
Q. I am going to list a number of leaders of foreign countries. I want you to evaluate them on a scale from 0 to 10,
in which 0 means "very bad" and 10 is very good, or do you not know the person well enough to respond? * Here
only 'average„; DNA/DNK
109
Only three of the 18 leaders included in the survey - Fidel Castro, Hugo Chávez and Barack
Obama - have a high level of recognition and over half of Latin Americans do not recognize the
other names. In the case of Costa Rica‟s President Laura Chinchilla, this reaches 76% while the
least known is El Salvador‟s President Mauricio Funes (79%). When we talk about Latin
American integration, this is the first type of integration that is required or, in other words, that of
information and knowledge.
Table Nº 27. Evaluation of Leaders Q. I‟m going to name some leaders of other countries and I‟d like you to evaluate them of a scale of 0 to 10 where 0 is
“very bad” and 10 is “very good”. * Averages shown.
2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011
Barack Obama 7 6.3 6.3
Dilma Rousseff 6
King Juan Carlos I 5.9 5.9 5.7 5.9 5.8 5.9
Juan Manuel Santos 5.5 5.9
Felipe Calderón 5 5 5.7 5.6 5.8
José Mujica 5.4 5.7
Cristina Fernández de Kirchner 4.7 4.8 5.1 5.7
José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero 5.6 5.6 5.5 5.8 5.6 5.6
In an interesting change, the scores of Fidel Castro, Hugo Chávez and Evo Morales show an
increase in 2011. In the case of Chávez, his score increases to 4.4, up from 3.9 in 2010, and,
without doubt, sympathy for him has increased as a result of his illness.
110
Source: Latinobarómetro 2005-2011
54,6 4,5 4,3 4,2
3,94,4
0
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 20114,4
2,4
3,4
3,4
3,5
3,5
3,6
3,6
4,3
4,4
4,4
4,5
4,6
4,7
5,0
5,2
5,9
6,1
6,3
0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
Latinoamérica
Costa Rica
Colombia
Chile
Panamá
Perú
México
Honduras
Paraguay
Brasil
Bolivia
Uruguay
El Salvador
Argentina
Guatemala
Ecuador
República Dominicana
Venezuela
Nicaragua
EVALUATION OF LEADERS: HUGO CHÁVEZTOTAL LATIN AMERICA 2005 – 2011 - TOTALS BY COUNTRY 2011Q. I am going to list a number of leaders of foreign countries. I want you to evaluate them on a scale from 0 to 10,
in which 0 means "very bad" and 10 is very good, or do you not know the person well enough to respond? * Here
only 'average‟.
Source: Latinobarómetro 2005-2011
4,4 4,4 4,3 4,2 4 3,84,1
0
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 20114,1
2,5
3,1
3,4
3,5
3,5
3,6
3,8
4,1
4,1
4,1
4,3
4,5
4,6
4,6
4,7
4,9
4,9
5,6
0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
Latinoamérica
Costa Rica
Panamá
Colombia
Honduras
Chile
México
Perú
Venezuela
República Dominicana
Paraguay
Uruguay
Brasil
Bolivia
Argentina
El Salvador
Ecuador
Guatemala
Nicaragua
EVALUATION OF LEADERS: FIDEL CASTROTOTAL LATIN AMERICA 2005 – 2011 - TOTALS BY COUNTRY 2011Q. I am going to list a number of leaders of foreign countries. I want you to evaluate them on a scale from 0 to 10,
in which 0 means "very bad" and 10 is very good, or do you not know the person well enough to respond? * Here
only 'average‟.
.
111
Source: Latinobarómetro 2006-2011
5 5 4,8 4,8 4,7 4,9
0
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 4,9
3,7
3,9
4,0
4,1
4,2
4,3
4,8
4,9
5,0
5,0
5,1
5,2
5,2
5,3
5,5
5,6
5,7
6,2
0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
Latinoamérica
Honduras
Chile
Colombia
Perú
Brasil
Costa Rica
México
Panamá
República Dominicana
Venezuela
Bolivia
Paraguay
Guatemala
El Salvador
Ecuador
Uruguay
Argentina
Nicaragua
EVALUATION OF LEADERS: EVO MORALESTOTAL LATIN AMERICA 2005 – 2011 - TOTALS BY COUNTRY 2011Q. I am going to list a number of leaders of foreign countries. I want you to evaluate them on a scale from 0 to 10,
in which 0 means "very bad" and 10 is very good, or do you not know the person well enough to respond? * Here
only 'average‟.
Comparison with governments‟ approval ratings reveals that there are leaders who are better
evaluated in the region than in their own countries.
EVALUATION OF INTERNATIONAL INSTITUTIONS
The evaluation of international institutions shows little change. The order of the ranking is the
same as in 2010 and the Corporación Andina de Fomento (CAF) is also the only institution with
an increase in its score which rises from 5.6 to 5.7 on a scale of 1 to 10.
EVALUATION OF INTERNATIONAL INSTITUTIONS TOTAL LATIN AMERICA 2009- 2011
Q. From the list of institutions that are on the card, mention all you know and give your note from 1 to 10, with
1 being very bad and 10 very good. *Here only averages
Source: Latinobarómetro 2009- 2011
5,8
5,9
6,2
6,5
5,8
5,6
6,0
6,1
6,3
6,6
5,7
5,7
6,0
6,1
6,2
6,6
0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
Fondo Monetario Internacional
Corporación Andina de Fomento
Banco Mundial
Banco Interamericano de Desarrollo
Organizaciones Estados Americanos
Organización de Naciones Unidas
2011 2010 2009
112
The two best evaluated institutions are the United Nations (UN), with 6.6 points, and the
Organization of American States (OAS), with 6.2 points. Close to half the region‟s inhabitants
are, however, not familiar with these institutions.
Evaluation of the UN has shown practically no change since it was first measured in 2002.
Similarly, we find only very slight changes in its recognition level, with the percentage of Latin
Americans not familiar with it reaching 47% in 2009, dropping to 43% in 2010 and rising again to
45% in 2011.
EVALUATION OF THE UNTOTAL LATIN AMERICA 2002 – 2011 – TOTALS BY COUNTRY 2011
Source: Latinobarómetro 2002-2011
6.9 6.1 6.5 6.5 6.6
4037
4743 45
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
80
90
100
2002 2003 2009 2010 2011
Average Don't Know
6.6
5.5
5.7
5.7
6.1
6.2
6.3
6.3
6.4
6.4
6.6
6.7
6.9
6.9
7.0
7.1
7.2
7.4
7.5
0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
Latinoamérica
Honduras
Venezuela
República Dominicana
Bolivia
Uruguay
El Salvador
Chile
Guatemala
Perú
Nicaragua
Ecuador
Paraguay
Colombia
Argentina
Panamá
Brasil
Costa Rica
México
Q. From the list of institutions that are on the card, mention all you know and give your note from 1 to 10, with
1 being very bad and 10 very good. *Here only averages
As in the case of the UN, evaluation of the OAS has varied little and, after peaking at 6.7 points in
2001, has held steady at 6.2 points since 2009. The percentage of Latin Americans unfamiliar with
it, which was running at 53% in 2011, has also held steady, with annual variations of only two or
three decimal points.
113
Source: Latinobarómetro 2001 – 2011
6,7 6,2 6,2 6,2
5255
52 53
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
80
90
100
2001 2009 2010 2011
Average Don't know 6,2
5,0
5,4
5,5
5,8
5,8
5,8
6,2
6,2
6,2
6,4
6,5
6,5
6,6
6,6
6,7
6,8
7,0
7,1
0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
Latinoamérica
Honduras
Argentina
Venezuela
Uruguay
Bolivia
República Dominicana
Brasil
Chile
Nicaragua
Perú
Guatemala
Colombia
México
Ecuador
El Salvador
Paraguay
Panamá
Costa Rica
EVALUATION OF THE ORGANIZATION OF AMERICAN
STATES TOTAL LATIN AMERICA 2001 – 2011 – TOTALS BY COUNTRY 2011Q. From the list of institutions that are on the card, mention all you know and give your note from 1 to 10, with
1 being very bad and 10 very good. *Here only averages
CONCLUDING REMARKS
Behind the stereotype born of the desolation of the twentieth century, there is a different Latin
America. A transformation has taken place but the world has yet to be convinced of it.
There has been a slow consolidation of the core values of democracy such as compliance with the
law. Governments are the institutions in which trust has increased most, although there is a
reversal of this trend in 2011, and the legitimacy of parliament increases slowly. An important
part of the region‟s inhabitants say they expect the future to show no change and, in other words,
anticipate stability. Economic stability is a new and fascinating phenomenon for Latin America
and job stability has more than doubled over the past decade, reaching a new record in 2011.
Never before have so few people reported serious economic difficulties (10%) and the education
of four in ten Latin Americans today is one level above that of the home in which were they born.
Eight in ten Latin Americans are connected to the world through a mobile telephone. The region
has moved away from the United States and it is regarded as a model mainly in Central America
whereas South America looks increasingly to other parts of the world and, principally, Europe.
Above all, satisfaction with life has increased, independently of the variations that can occur.
Nothing alters the region‟s growing happiness. Over the past decade, 150 million Latin Americans
have achieved access to consumption.
At the same time, however, there are enormous pending challenges, starting with the economic
problems still experienced by a very significant part of the population, with low wages, precarious
housing, limited access to healthcare and poor-quality education, despite the fact that
unemployment is running at one of its lowest levels. Inequality remains the largest threat, with
discrimination as its most immediate cultural consequence. Levels of tolerance and trust remain
low and Latin Americans trust neither political parties nor their fellows. Democracy has not been
able to change these key features of the region‟s civic culture and, in 2011, Latin Americans
punish principally their governments, especially those which had performed well during the
114
previous year. A change of leader is one of the reasons for demanding more but there is also
dissatisfaction because the increase in wealth is not accompanied by the expected distribution.
Governments fail to increase the perception that they govern for the majority. There is a sensation
of abuse and undue privileges.
Satisfaction with the state is low and falls short of satisfaction with governments. The main threats
are posed by crime, including organized crime and drug trafficking, and by violence in general
which trigger anger against those who have too much. We have seen an explosion of social
demands in Chile which, with its economic success, shows that growth alone does not serve to
satisfy demands. It is rather the way in which this growth is distributed within each society that is
important in understanding this discontent. In 2011, there is an increase in the perception that
income is unfairly distributed. The better-educated emerging middle classes want a larger piece of
the pie and perceptions of the benefits of growth weaken. The downturn in growth finally
convinced the region‟s citizens that it is not well distributed and this is reflected across many
indicators, ranging from the perception of progress to trust in institutions. In 2011, governments
do less well than in 2010 Satisfaction with democracy drops by five points along with GDP
growth for the first time since the Asian crisis while support for democracy declines by three
points.
The state is under the scrutiny of Latin Americans, satisfaction with its services is low and
demands are increasing as seen in Chile in demand for more and better education. In the last
generation, four in ten Latin Americans have achieved social mobility through education and their
demands, therefore, increase. Education is followed by healthcare in the demands of the middle
classes. These are the demands of a prosperity that has incorporated 150 million Latin Americans
into the market.
Between 2007 and 2009, Latin America was able to mitigate the impact of the crisis with counter-
cyclical measures but this did not happen in 2011 when, in the face of a deceleration of growth,
the region‟s governments do not take measures to alleviate the impact on their most vulnerable
citizens. In 2007-2009, the positive effect on democracy was historic with governments
successfully decoupling its evaluation from the economy, producing a change in the right
direction despite the crisis. In 2011, this effect disappears. Latin America still needs to learn that
the swings of the economy have a very different impact on different sectors of society. Higher
growth does not lead to better distribution while lower growth affects those who are most
vulnerable. In other words, those who have least do not benefit from growth and suffer in a
deceleration.
The hidden Latin America, that which has emerged from thirty years of social policies and
reforms, is a different region. It is no longer the land of “come back tomorrow” nor that of
stereotyped Hollywood films. It is a region on the march with great demands that is striding
towards more open and democratic societies along a non-conventional road and with important
lags.
115
TECHNICAL DATA BY COUNTRY, 2011
Country Company Methodology Sample (Nº of
cases)
Sampling Error
(95% intervals of
confidence)
Representation (%
of total population)
Argentina MBC MORI Consultores Three-stage modified probabilistic sample, with quotas in final stage
1,200 +/- 2.8% 100%
Bolivia IPSOS Apoyo, Opinión y
Mercado S.A.
Three-stage modified probabilistic
sample, with quotas in final stage
1,200 +/- 2.8% 100%
Brazil IBOPE Inteligencia Brazil Three-stage modified probabilistic