CHAPTER II CRIME • REFORM AND POLITICS IN A COLONIAL CONTEXT • TRIBALS 1934-1940 Tribal •criminality 1 in the Bombay Countryside: There were many tribal and nomadic groups in the Bombay Presidency who were gradually pushed away from the mainstream of ci vilisa:tion. The restrictions imposed on their traditional forest rights, the increasing demographic pressure on land and extraction of huge amount of surplus by the colonial state and its beneficiaries like landlords, moneylenders and merchants accelerated the process. 1 Their reaction to exploitation, however, varied depending on the social context. It was expressed in social crimes, social reforms and political mobilization in the cause of nationalism. These social groups existed pre- cariously on the periphery of the colonial society. Their so called laziness and inferiority in the profession of cultivation, 2 and their so called criminal tendencies were the: product of their social environment. When they realised that fruits of honest labour were not sufficient to satisfy their survival needs, they adopted loot and plunder as one of the major of act of survival. The categorisation of these acts as criminal and of groups who indulged in these activities occasially as 1 criminal tribes 1 reinforced the negative and 1 criminal' tendencies 1. See Chapter I. 2. J.M. Mehta, op. cit., pp.l9,30.
66
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CHAPTER II
CRIME • REFORM AND POLITICS
IN A COLONIAL CONTEXT •
TRIBALS
1934-1940
Tribal •criminality 1 in the Bombay Countryside:
There were many tribal and nomadic groups in the Bombay
Presidency who were gradually pushed away from the mainstream
of ci vilisa:tion. The restrictions imposed on their traditional
forest rights, the increasing demographic pressure on land
and extraction of huge amount of surplus by the colonial state
and its beneficiaries like landlords, moneylenders and merchants
accelerated the process. 1
Their reaction to exploitation, however,
varied depending on the social context. It was expressed
in social crimes, social reforms and political mobilization
in the cause of nationalism. These social groups existed pre
cariously on the periphery of the colonial society. Their
so called laziness and inferiority in the profession of cultivation, 2
and their so called criminal tendencies were the: product of
their social environment. When they realised that fruits of
honest labour were not sufficient to satisfy their survival
needs, they adopted loot and plunder as one of the major
of act of survival. The categorisation of these acts as criminal
and of groups who indulged in these activities occasially as
1 criminal tribes 1 reinforced the negative and 1 criminal' tendencies
1. See Chapter I.
2. J.M. Mehta, op. cit., pp.l9,30.
75
3 among these tribal and nomadic people.
There were certain tribes who were attributed 1 criminal'
instincts. The Criminal Tribes Act of 1871 gave them the legal
status as such. Speaking about their 1 criminal' propensity
at the time of passing of the Act, T.V. Stephens, the then
member of Law and Order in the Viceroy's Executive Council,
said that criminal tribe was 11 a tribe whose ancestors
were criminal from time immemorial, who are themselves destined
by the usages of caste to commit crimes and whose descendents
will be offenders against the law, until the whole trj_be is
exterminated or accounted for in the manner of the thugs.
When a man tells you that he is an offender against the law,
he has been so from the beginning, and will be so to the
end, reform is impossible, for it is his trade, his caste,
I may almost say his religion to commit crime. 114
The robbing by the moneylenders and landlords were
well protected by the legal machinery of the colonial state
while the survival acts of the tribals were seen as 1 predatory
3. According to 1 Goff man, the labelling and stigmatized social reaction to the problem of "Criminality 11 reinforces the negative social identity of being a "Criminal". See E. Goffman, Stigma Notes on the Management of Spoiled Identity, 1968, pp. 9-20 and also see Richard V. Ericson, "Social Distance and Reaction to Criminality" in British Journal of Criminology, Vol.l7, No.1, January, 1977, pp.l6-29.
4. Quoted in V. Raghaviah, The Problems of Criminal Tribes, 1949, p.6.
76
habits 1 by many colonial adminsitrators and writers. 5 This
pre-political, primitive mode of resistance to check th.e unilateral
flow of fruits of labour to the Sahukars and landlords was
frequently used during the times of scarcity by the tribals,
to counter the property rights of the Sahukars. Kropotkin,
the famous anarchist, had aptly compared the property rights
and social crimes. He wrote, 11 society itself creates these
peoples incapable of leading a life of honest labour, and filled
with anti -social desires. She glorifies them when their crimes
are crowned with financial success and sends them to prison
when they have not succeeded. 116 The belief in the 11 professional
5. S.M. Edwards, in his book Crimes in India, 1924 writes about Bedar tribe, 11 There are a large number of predatory jungle tribes in Bombay Presidency, among the most troublesome and the most impervious to civilizing influences being the Bedars and Berads. 11 ( p. 38) According to him, despite the attempts of colonial administration to wean them away from their criminal habits, the bulk of the tribe preferred to live by robbery under arms. (Ibid.) In the ear 1 y 19th century Forbes described the Bhils and Kolis in his Rasmala as 11 hereditary and professional plunderers. 11 (Cited in R. V .Russel, Tribes and Castes of the Central Provinces of India, Vol.II, 1969 (Reprint), p. 283). Kathiawar Gazetteer description of Kolis also echoed the same sentiment. It says 11 Most Kolis are thieves by profession and embrace every opportunity of plundering either public or private property 11 (Kathiawar Gazetteer, 1804, p.l04).
6. Peter Kropotkin, 11 Prisons and their Moral influences on Prisoners 11 in Emile Copouya and Keitha Tompkins, (eds.). The Essential Kropotkin, 1975, p.53.
71
and hereditary character of crime 117 was very strong among
the colonial adminsitrators and writers. Prejudice is reflected
in the following words of H.B.Rowney 11 They (Kolis) are.
still predatory where they can . manage to be so with impunity,
averse to honest labour and industry They are also inveterate
drunkards and addicted to the use of opium and bhang, and,
in short, have all the habits which distinguish the most degraded
specimen of human race, despising every approach to civili-
zation and decency as indicative of Cowardice 118 Similarly,
he write about the Kattis or Kathis that they were shepherds,
cultivators, and thieves, by turn or together, as suited them
best, and were not less inclined to bringandage than before,
if not strictly looked 9 after. M. Kennedy, who gave sufficient
weightage to the social causes of crimes, also regressed to
the 1 heredity 1 theory of crimes very often. Explaining crimes
among Berads, he wrote II The blood of the freebooters
runs in their veins, and as a tribe they are liable, with
any disturbing cause, to form gangs, go into outlawry disturb
7. This theory about the 1 hereditary basis of crime 1 was popularized in Europe by Lombroso. Lombroso believed in the notion of 11 born ciminal 11 • Gabriel Tarde challenged the notion in late 19th century but the theory is not out of fashion (see Piers Beirhe, 11 Between classicism and Positivism Crime and Penality in the writings of Gabriel Tarde 11 , in Criminology, Vol. 25, No.4, November, 1987, pp.785-819. The classic theory of crime survives in modern form in Eysenck, Crime and Personality, London, 1977.
8. H. B. Rowney, The Wild Tribes of India, 1882, p. 40.
9. Ibid., p.45.
78
the peace of countryside and defy police and authorities. 10
Clearly in his analysis he attached primary importance to
the hereditary nature or 1 blood-factor 1 in analysing the behaviour
of a particular tribe, socio-economic disturbing causes only
acting as extraneous factors to initiate the 11 criminal behaviour 11•
The explain 11 criminal" tendency of Kolis, he offered similar -sort of analysis. The stress was on the instinctual basis of
crimes, the social causes only providing an excuse for the
extra-legal forms of behaviour. To quote him aga.in 11 The
predatory instinct and love of adventure is still strong in
them (in Kolis). A season of scarcity, the grasping avariousness
and the exacting demands of money lenders, or some domestic
grievances drives individuals into outlawry By the
instinctual basis of crime, he clearly meant hereditary basis
of criminal behaviour. This understanding comes out more
. clearly in his remark about Ramoshis - 11 ••• From the time imme-
morial the Ramoshi has been a dacoit and robber and though
with the march of civilization and good government he has settled
to a more or less regular life, his restless spirit and predatory
instinct which he has inherited, is soon roused whenever
through sacrcity or other cause, necessity drives or a favourable
opportunity 12 offers. 11 The explanation of the tribal social
10. M. Kennedy, The Criminal Classes in India, 1985 (Reprint of Notes [prepared by DIG of Police, Railways and Criminal] Investigation in 1907, Bombay Presidency), p.l3.
11. Ibid., p.93.
12. Ibid., p.145.
79
crimes in terms of 1 hereditary love of plunder 1 became very
popular with the colonial administrators. This was used to
explain the increase in crime rate in Bombay Presidency,
again and again. Police Administration Report for the year
1940, for instance, held the Bhils, Dharalas, Kolis, Lamanis,
Pardhis, Waghris and Tadvis responsible for the increase
in the cognizable offences. The colonial administrators believed
that this was partly due to the existing economic distress
but was nevertheless proof of the fact that generally 11 the
criminal tribes retained their inherent predatory and criminal
instincts. 1113 A ·similar argument was repeated in 1941 to explain
the increase in crime rate among the Berads, Dharalas, Kaikadi,
Mang-Garud_is, Pardhis, Sansis, Waghris and T d . 14
a V1S. The
bio-deterministic theory of criminality can be easily refuted
by putting socio-psychological processes in the proper perspec-
tive. Firstly, _many of these tribal and nomadic communities
had been pushed to the inferior lands. The Chodras of Surat
district, for instance, inhabitated the eastern hilly and forest
tract where the soil was poor and cultivation difficult due
t . t ll . 15 o m ense gu y -erosJ.on. Survival in such areas was very
difficult. The poor productivity of soils and the domination
15. Ganshyam Shah, Socio-Economic Study of Choudhras : A Re-Study, 1977, p.15.
80
of usurers made the situation worse. The nature of occupational
pursuits followed by the tribal and nomadic people was such that
it could not ensure livelihood, especially when their customary
rights were curbed. The Bhils living in the hilly tracts were
more dependent on the collection and sale of jungle produce,
worked as forest labourers, as manufacturers of charcoal,
and as cultivators growing a coarse grain called Nagdi. In
1911, when the right to take wood from forest was abolished
by the colonial state, for many Bhils "theft" became the only
means f . 1 16 o surv1va . During harvest time, many worked as
reapers and field labourers. Hunting, fishing and pastoralism
provided other sources of li ve1ihood to them. 17
Berads besides
partly depending on agriculture, were involved in wood -cutting,
selling of fuel collected from for"ests and in cattle and sheep
rearing. A large number of them also worked as village Sanadis
or watchmen, field-labourers and coolies. 18
The occupations
followed by Katkaris, Warlis, Ramos his were also of similar
nature. 19 The Banjaras Laman is the carriers or were common
of grain, salt and mechandise of all sorts. The spread of
transport and railways virtually deprived them of their here-
ditary calling. They were forced to take to agriculture or
16. See R.D. Choksey, 1955, op. cit., pp.ll6-117.
17. Irawati Karve, The Bhils of West Khandesh, 195 7, p. 28; R. V. Russel, The Tribes and Castes of Central Provinces of India, Vol.III, 1916, pp.292-93; and M. Kennedy, op. cit., pp.42-53.
18. V. B. Solanki, "Berads" in A. V. Thakkar, ( ed. ) , Tribes of India, 1950, pp.l33-35, M. Kennedy, ~· cit., p. 13.
19. Ibid.
81
field labour, the poorer ones supplementing their livelihood
by collecting forest produce and cattle-rearing. The same
men working as labourers during the day might be found 1 pilla-
ging 1 in the neighbouring villages d . th . ht 20 urmg e n1g • The
Kaikadis . worked as musicians, mat and basket weavers, selling
and repairing grinding 21
stones. The Mangs worked as village
22 watchmen, musicians, songsters, sea vengers and leather workers.
The Mang Garudis were a gypsy group subsisting on begging,
performing conjuring tricks before villagers and trading in
barren buffaloes and buffalo-calves. 23
Anybody would guess
from the nature of their occupation that these tribal and nomadic
communities were not in a position to survive solely through
honest labour. Therefore, to attribute to them a hereditary
criminal propensity was a gross violation of natural justice. 24
B.S. Haikerwal who claimed to analyse the socio-economic
aspects of crimes, used instinctual hypothesis to account for
prevalence of crimes among certain tribes. He writes "The
men and women born within it (criminal tribe) take to crime
just as duck takes to water because it is duck. 1125
20. M. Kennedy, op. cit., pp.5-6.
21. Ibid., pp.65-72.
22. Ibid., pp.ll2-113.
23. Ibid., pp.ll9-121.
24. Marx had appropriately challenged the encroachment of 'legality 1 on the customary rights of the poor people. See K. Marx and F. Engles, "Debates on the Law of Thefts of Wood". in Collected Works, Vol.I~ Moscow, 1975, pp.224-263.
25. B.S. Haikerwal, Economic and Social Aspects of Crime in India, 19 34, p. 144 , quoted in Y. C. Simhadri, The Ex-Criminal Tribes of India, 1979, p.28.
82
The problem of survival became more acute during the
periods of natural calamities. The city of Bombay frequently
experienced an outcrop of robberies whenever famine conditions
in Gujarat or the Deccan drove large number of starving people
to seek shelter and food in the urban 26
area. The 1 crimes 1
committed by these tribal and nomadic people were mostly
directed against property. In 1928, most of the cognizable
crimes in the Bombay Presidency were against property such
as robberies, dacoties, cattle-thefts, ordinary thefts of various
kinds and house-breaking. 27 In 1934, out of a total 2,115
cases against the 1 criminal tribals 1 1, 049 were cases against
property rights. 28
In 1936, out of a total cases of 1, 966 con vic-
tions involving 11 criminal tribesmen 11 (both registered and un-
registered) , 928 were offences against 29 property. In 1938,
out of a total number of 1, 934 convictions of 11 criminal tribesmen 11,
850 were offences against property and 568 offences under
Criminal Tribes Act. 30
In 1940, out of a total number of 1, 756
26. S.M. Edwardes, op. cit., pp.41-42.
27 · C. Perin Kerr a walla, A Study in Indian Crime, 19 59, pp. 82-83.
28. Annual Police Administration Re:eort, Bombay, 1934, p. 17.
33. Writings such as E. P. Thompson, Whigs and Hunters, New York, 1975; E.P. Thompson, et al, ed. Albion's Fatal Tree Crime and Society in 18th Century England, 1975; J.S. Cockburn, ed, Crime in England 1550-1870, 1977; etc represent this trend of social history of crime.
34. Stephen Schafer, Theories in Criminology, 1969, p. 10.
84
In most of the cases the rich money lenders and traders
were victims of the organised bands in the Bombay Presidency.
In a case of mass dacoity in village Ambawada in Prantij
taluka of Ahmedabad district on February 6, 1934, a gang
of 15 armed with guns and dharias, spotted the houses of
Banias and other petty merchants for their raid and laid violent
hands on the inmates 35
thereof. But looting of property was
the main motive of such gangs. Violence against individuals
was used only when it became necessary for the performance
of the basic motive. The 1 crimes 1 of Katkaris as a rule
were unaccompanied by unnecessary acts of cruelty or violence.
The Katkaris were as a rule contented with ordinary thefts
of grain, goats, sheeps and fowls, only occasionally atta-
eking and robbing the grasping forest 36
contractors. Usually,
the gangs for such thefts of crops and cattles were small
in size, numbering between 15-30 persons. But sometimes larger
groups could be effectively organized. In a case of armed
dacoity in village Zanzarva in Ahmedabad district on July
16, 1934, about 300 Kolis and Thakardas raided the village. 37
In another similar case, a large gang of about 200 Bhils looted
the houses in Khanpur village in Gunawade state near Ahmedabad
on May 19' 1934, and killed three
35. Bombay Chronicle, Feb. 7, 1934.
36. M. Kennedy, op. cit., p.87.
37. Bombay Chronicle, July 17, 1934.
38. Bombay Chronicle, March 20, 1934.
38 persons. On March 21,
85
1936, house of a rich person in a village vanz was raided
by a gang of 15-20 Bhils who demanded keys of the safe.
On non-compliance of demand, the owner was beaten and forced
to open the safe. Property worth Rs.9,000 was removed. While
the house was being ransacked, three or four 1dacoits 1 fired
gunshots to off the neighbours. 39 But the Bhils scare were
not predominantly •criminals 1 • They went into open outlawry
only as a result of bad years, want, the exactions of money-
lenders or some other disturbing cause, when pinch of agricultural
distress was felt. In such circumstances, they resorted to
crop-stealing, looting of goods-trains, cattle-lifting, dacoities
d b 1 0 40 s 0 an urg ar1es. ometlmes, even a minor case of stealing
could lead to conviction of the poor tribals. The first class
Magistrate of Dohad sentenced two Bhils of Khengela village
for stealing Maize 11 Dodas 11 from the fields, to four and three
months or imprisonment. The third accused, a boy of 15,
was released on furnishing a security of H.s.100 for keeping
peace. Naturally, the Bhils had stolen maize to feed their
f 010 41 am1 1es.
The rural social crimes were a symbolic expression
of Marwaris to beg food. Marwaris were annoyed with this
and apprehending serious 62
trouble. When there was marked
shortage of foodgrains in Nasik in early 1943, looting of grain
shops occured in one or two places. The trouble lasted for
one day and many other goods besides grain 63
were looted.
In 1946, 13 cases of goods train looting were reported on
Bombay-Poona line between Kalyan and Thakarwadi railway
stations all within a radius of 50 miles. All the incidents
took place between 23rd May to 4th July, 1946. The usual
mode of operation was stopping of train at night by tampering
with signals and then looting certain wagons. One gang of
hill tribesmen operating near Thakarwadi was especially interes-
64 ted in looting wagons containing poultry and egg baskets.
During the 1942 uprising, in Sa tara and some other parts
of Sholapur district, the Congress agitators utilized the skills
of Ramoshis in committing dacoities and other property crimes
62. Secret Abstract of Intelligence, Bombay, Para. 784, 1936. (English Social historians Andrew Charlesworth and J. Stevenson believe that food-riots were generally collective actions of industrial workers and artisans and agriculturis classes rarely participated in them (See Andrew Charlesworth, 11 The Development of English Rural Proletanat and Social Protest 11
, in Journal of Peasant Studies, Vol.8, No.1, October, 1980, pp.ll0-111 and see also J. Stevenson, ''Food Riots in England, 1792-1818 11
, in J. Stevenson, and R. Quinault eds Popular protest and Public Order, London, 1974, pp.46 49). But th1s is not always true in the conditions shortage of food, and high prices due to famine, even the agricultural classes and tribal people can actively participate in this sort of protest behaviour.
63. Governor of Bombay to Linlithgow, dated 8th Feb. 1943
in Linlithgow Papers, Vol. 57.
93
like looting of 65
money lenders. As late as 16 May, 1945 the
house of a rich landlord in village Dahigaon under Mal:siras
police station of Satara district was raided by a gang of 25
Ramoshis accompanied by other underground political activists
66 and property worth Rs. 3, 000 was looted.
Sometimes the wrath of tribal villagers fell on the forest
officials. A forest officer was killed by three Thakurs of
Rod wal village in Shahapur taluka of Thana, to retaliate his
sharp rebuke and his slap on the face of one of them - on
suspicion that they had set a portion of jungle on fire. The
incident took place on 21st May, 1934. Subsequently they were
sentenced to 5 years rigorous imprisonment by the session
judge of 67 Thana. There were frequent clashes or Maramaris
m the Turmale jungle due to dispute over the right of villagers
to graze their cattle in the forest areas around Turmale village
in Panvel taluka of Kolaba district. In one such case ten Agris
of Nandgaon in Panvel taluka were implicated. 68
The Katkaris of Murbad taluka of Thana district and
64. Times of India, July 4th, 1946.
65. Weekly Confidential ReEort, OM, Sa tara, dated 21 Jan. 1943.
66. Weekly Confidential ReEort, DM, Sholapur,, dated 23rd May, 1945.
67. Bombay Chronicle, Sept. 6 and Nov. 17' 1934.
68. Bombay Chronicle, Sept. 14, 1935.
94
Kolaba district were hard pressed during 1939-40. They depended
for their livelihood on field labour in paddy fields, on a ad-
vances from forest contractors for preparing charcoal and
by gathering of roots from the forests. Due to lack of rains,
there was no employment in the fields , and the roots in the
forests did not grow. The forest contractors deferred payment
of advances for work as government tried to impose a wage
structure on the contractors and contractors reacted. by with-
holding the payment of wages in ad vance. When a large number
of Katkaris were deprived of their livelihood, they were
compelled to resort to crime. 69
These examples of crimes ·and outlawry were not merely
symptoms of crisis and tension in the society caused by
famines, food -shortages, pestilence or other disrupting circum-
stances. According to Hobs ba wm, it provided a form of self
help to escape from this crisis in certain particular conditions. 70
Although, social crimes are only forms of individual or small
group rebellion within the society, what makes them important
is that "through a process of myth-making, they acquire the
image of champions of weak and the oppressed, and as such
becomes part of the remembered history, as distinct from
71 official history of books . 11
69. Bombay Chronicle, August 26, 1939 and The Police Annual Administration Report, Bombay, 1940., p. 9.
70. E.J. Hobsbawm, op. cit., p.24.
71. Ibid., pp.131-34.
95
Social Reforms in the Tribal Society:
A number of social reform movements were initiated
among the tribals by a new type of emergent leadership. Viswa
nath Maharaj was a Hindu religious preacher who affected
the social life of Dhankas, Kolis and Rajputs in South Gujarat.
He entered· Gurudeshwar area at village Pala, performed Yagnas
or simple sacrificial rites and walked round the countryside.
The tribals were heavily indebted due to habit of drinking
and in many cases moneylenders were also owners of the toddy
and liquor shops. During his Padyatras, Viswanath Maharaj
held frequent meetings of the Adivasis and preached against
drinking besides advocating reform of food habits. In his
preachings, he used illustrations from Hindu scriptures. He
used Bhajan Mandlis to take his preaching to the heart of
common people. He asked tribesmen to stop eating eggs, fish,
meat, onion and gar lie and to stop calling the Bhagat, Badva
and Bhuwa (the tribal priests) for their social ceremonies
and instead to call a Brahmin to officiate at the ceremonies.
He was also agairist the practice of bride price which was
prevalent in the tribal society. As cow was regarded sacred
animal by the Hindus, he ad vised against selling of cow and its
products. Viswanath
in 1940.72
All his
Maharaj
attempts
remained active till his
demonstrate his anxiety to
death
bring
the adivasis within the orbit of Brahmanism or Hindu society.
72. P.G. Shah, Tribal Life in Gujarat, 1964, pp.72-74.
96
The domination of liquor dealers and money lenders was
resented by the religious and educated Adivasi.s and by non-
Adivasi social workers who entered into such areas. Gandhian
workers also encouraged non-drinking. A big Adivasi conference
attended by about 25,000 was addressed by Va.llabhbhai Patel
and Kasturba Gandhi at Sekhpur in 1924. Gandhian social activists
opned Ashrams at Madhi, Sekhpur. Along with non-drinking,
they advocated the use of spinning wheel in 1920s and 1930s.
Gandhian programme of Khadi and Prohibition influenced the
local belief to such an extent that Chodhra tribe split into
two factions. The followers of Gnadhi and Bhakti cult were
known as Varjelas while the orthodox section which continued
to follow traditional rituals, custom and way of life came
t b k S . la 73 o e nown as arJe s.
Before the emergence of the Congress Socialists as an
ideological platform within Congress, Congress through its
welfare and reform work was enjoying considerable sway on
the Bhils of Panch Mahals. Congress used in its endeavour
a reformist organization-Bhil Sewa Mandal under the leadership
74 of Thakkar Bapa. Congress tried to mix certain reform measures
with the economic demands of adi vas is and tried to establish
a political linkage with the adivasis on the basis of nationalist
73. Gansh yam Shah, Socio-Economic Study of Choudras A Re-Study, 1977, pp.34-38.
74. Bombay Chronicle, Sept. Pandya, Oral transcript, Sharma on April 28, 1981.
3' NMML,
1936 and Interview
Kamalashankar by Hari Dev
mlt with r:eoistence fror.t tho Hightists und un intenso
struggle to control the crganioation onsuea.
145
In 1934. the uooiallsts hacl emerged as un impm:tant
section within the Cong.cess in t·Llebar·.-:'i"hoy figured
pr'omlnontly in the list of delegutea to the Doma.by aoasion
of the Indian National Congzess.110 ln the same yea~:.
a Labour aub..Canmittee was formecl for the first time o.ncl
resolutions wore ~saea exten<ling au!'i)Ort fox the trade
union mowment.111 'l'hat this was not tho effort of a
few incliv1duals is cleaz: from the resolution _)asaea by the
Chirakkal and i?OilllUDl Taluk Congzeaa Ccnr.titteo condemning
the attitude of tho factory owners in l?cr:oke and congro
tuluting the woz:ker:s on strike·.112 The shift in the
attitude ·Q! many Congress man is discernabla fi'CID the
ap,EXlu1s they I!DOO to the ~~orkars. peasants and other sactins \
of the society to join t~ conoross as it was un organlsa•
tion trying to reoove tho inequalitlos betwoeo tho rich and
tho poor.1'-3
'l'he Rightists disapproved o! such· o.ctivitias of
the Socialists am differences <ie'leloped botwoen tho 'l'wo
sections in the Congress. \I
In 1935. after tho ~ighth lterala
\
110. P • ~Jaruyanan t-tair • gp.sit,.. P• 142.\
111. ihi,c.c. Pupezos. P-ls. 1934•36.
112. tia!:tJiubhumJ.. 27 and 28 A!%11. 1935, 113. %b1da• 9.16.17.21 April. 8 and 16 nay. ·1935,
98
taluka in 1940. The rules were designed to reform marriage
ceremony including the problem of widow-remarriage, divorce
and Khandadia (service marriage) , to curb the expenditure
in marriage and death ceremonies, and to eradicate the problem
of untouchability. The clauses regarding removal of untouchability
were indicator of influence of Gandhi. 78 Gamit tribe 1 s represen-
tatives had also passed a similar kind of draft of rules to
be followed by the members of their tribe through a number
of meetings. The proposals included reforms in marriage cere-
monies including imposition of a limit on marriage expenditure,
abolition of system of Ghar-Jamai (system of son-in-law staying
with his father-in-law after marriage), Khand adia system (or
service-marriage), a ban on dancing ceremonies, acceptance
of vegetarian food habits and use of Swadeshi or home made
textiles and other articles. 79 The provision regarding use
of Khadi and other swadeshi goods clearly reflected the influence
of Gandhi on the adi vas is.
David Hardiman thinks that the political significance
of varjela/sarjela divide among the adivasis ceased to exist .. in 1930s as the tribal tenants started their common struggle
against the exploitative system. According to him, as a result
of new emergent consciousness, they became less concerned
. th th t l f th . 1· . 8 O Th · Wl e s y e o e1r 1 v1ng. 1.s was, however, not
78. P.G. Shah, op. cit., pp.l23-24.
79. Ibid., pp.l27-28.
80. David Hardiman, The Coming of Devi, 1987, pp.212-l4.
99
necessarily true in all cases. The emergence of Gulia Maharaj
movement among the Bhils of West Khandesh clearly shows
the adi vasi concern for their way of living. As late as 1940,
the echo of Varjela-Sarjela controversy could still be heard
in some tribal areas. In East Khandesh, where Bhil Sew a
Mandal was actively engaged in the work of uplift of adivasis,
ad vacating prohibition, a meeting of the Bhils was organised
by the Mandal to welcome the Governor of Bombay during
his visit to the district. One Bhil Patil was instructed to
speak that they wanted closure of all liquor shops. As soon
as the speaker had finished his speech, there was an indignant
repudiation of the speaker from many sides and a violent
controversy emerged the issue. 81 over
Another major reform movement which changed the life
of many Bhils in this period was initiated by Gulia Bhamda
of Marwad village in Taloda taluka of West Khandesh. He was
popularly known as Gulia Maharaj. He came to be regarded
as a saint by the Bhils of adjoining villages. Advasis flocked
to have his 1 Dar shan 1 • He visited many Bhils hamlets ad vising
the Bhils not to drink or eat meat. The Bhil women were
advised to use bangles and Kumkum on their forehead.82 Gulia
81. Governor of Bombay to Linlithgow, dated 4 Feb. 1940 in Linli thgow Papers , Vol. 54.
82. Weekly Report of Dist. Magistrate, West Khandesh, dated 9th June, 1938 in Home/Sp.F.982, 1938-43.
100
attempt to reform the way of life of the Bhils made great
impact in the area. When he died on July 9th, 1938, about
10 to 12 thousand Bhils came to have his last 83 Darshan.
Many Bhils stopped drinking due to his preaching. The result
was that excise department suffered a loss of Rs. 22,000 on
account of duty on 11,000 gallons of liquor even in a short
period (June-July, 1938). One liquor dealer of Taloda suffered
a loss of Rs. 44,000 in two months time. Bhils constructed a
tomb of Gulia at Marwad to keep the spirit of reform alive. 84
Gulia had spent about 12 years at Pandharpur, performing
penance before returning to his village Marwad to initiate
reforms at the end of May, 1938. He led a very rigorous
puritanical life. After his death, his younger brother Ramdas
took up the mantle of his elder brother. Although Gulia died
after a short period of preaching, his influence spread very
fast. On August 9, 1938, more than 20,000 Bhils gathered
at Marwad to worship the saint. 85
Influence of the saint was
felt in Taloda, Shahda, Nandurbar, Navapur Sakri talukas
and in the adjoining regions of Nasik district. After his death,
Adi vas is listened to the discourses of Ramdas Maharaj. In
every Bhilati one could see the red flags which were symbols
83. Weekly Report of DM, West Khandesh, dated 20th July, 1938.
84. Weekly Report, DM, West Khandesh, dated 4th April,1938.
85. Special Report of Collector and DM, West Khandesh about Gulia Maharaj and his younger Brother Ramdas, dated Aug. 9th, 1938 in Home/Special F.982, 1938-43.
101
of Gulia Maharaj. After the death of Gulia, voluntary Hartal
was observed by all the shopkeepers of Taloda. Two Bohri
traders who did not respond to Hartal, were socially boycotted
by the Bhils. 86
After the death of Gulia Maharaj, a process
of deification was started through rumours. Many of his followers
believed that Gulia did not die and was simply concealing himself.
In the second week of August, a large congregation of about
30,000 Bhils did obeisance to Ramdas who was standing on
a raised platform, as Romans used to do to Pope at Saint
Peters in medieval days. They started performing Arti at
Gulia 1 s Samadhi. 87
On August 9, 1938, Mangesh Babhuta Patil
( MLA Congress) of Shahda, S. V. Thakkar of Dhulia and Mohini
Raj Deshmukh of Shahda approached the Bhil congregation
at Marwad. The Congress leaders failed to convince an assembly
of around 20,000 Bhils, who told them that they had no belief
in Congress and that their Guru Gulia was the ablest man.
The Congress leaders were not allowed to hold a to 88
mee mg.
In order to gain faith of Bhils, Congress ministry declared
West Khandesh as dry area. But the consumption of liquor
had already declined in the district due to role played by
Gulia Bhagwan Movement. 89 The largest congregation of Bhils
86. ReEort of Mamlatdar of Taloda to the Collector of West Khandesh, 7 Aug., 1938.
87. ReEort of Collector and DM, West Khandesh, Aug. 16' 1938.
88. Weekly ReEort of DM, West Khandesh, 18 Aug., 1938.
89. Bombay Chronicle, 30 Aug., 1938.
102
was held at Marwad in the last week of August, when around
60,000-70,000 Bhils visited Gulia 1 s Samadhi to pay their homage.
The local Conress leaders, after their failure to hold. meeting
at the site of congregation, started visiting villages. In the
village meetings at Sundarpur, Amdad and Khapre in the Nawapur
Peta, they advised the Bhils to abstain from drinks.. In their
speeches, they gave referenc·es to the services of Gulia Maharaj. 90
But the influence of the movement proved short-lived and
started waning after September. In the middle of September,
only 16,000-17,000 Bhils visited Samadhi while on October
24, only 6, 000-7,000 people came for the congregation. 91 Congress
leaders made another attempt on November 21 to preach the
principles of Congress organisation to a gathering of 4, 000
Bhils at the time of Arti ceremony at Marwad but Ramdas
did not allow them to speak saying that they had nothing
to do with Congress principles or propaganda. 92
The Congress and Bhil Sewa Mandal used the opportunity
created by the waning influence of Gulia to establish its own
political influence. Bhil Sew a Mandal organized Panch committees
90. Weekly Report of DM, West Khandesh,. Sept. 1, 1938.
91. Weekly Reports of DM, West Khandesh, Sept. 22 and Nov. 3, 1938.
92. Weekly Report of DM, West Khandesh, 30 Nov. 1938.
103
to settle private disputes in 29 villages of Talod.a taluka.
S. V. Thakkar of Bhil Sew a Manda! took a leading part in the
formation of these Panch Committees. 93
The followers of Ramdas
organised personal assaults, looting of houses and destruction
of crops of their opponents to check declining influence of
the movement. Assaults on 4 Gujars, one Bhil and one Koli
were reported from Taloda and Nandurbar talukas. There was
a fear-psychosis among agriculturists that their crops would
be looted away by the Dindiwallas or close associates of Ramdas
Maharaj. In some areas, bands of people organised between
themselves with a view to prohibit people from attending
the Arti ceremony at Marwad. 94 Depsite the attempts of Police
to check violence and looting of Dindiwallas or Artwallas against
non-followers, there were 31 casualties upto 13th November,
1941 of which 6 had proved 95 fatal. But attacks were not
one-sided. In an incident, some 300 non-follower Bhils from
various villages armed with axes, lathis and spears raided
the hosue of Kal ya Bhil - one of the chief disciples of Gulia
at Talamba village. The inmates of house were severly beaten
up, the relics and insignia of Gulia Maharaj were also destroyed,
and disciples of Gulia were forced to eat cooked meat which
93.
94.
95.
Weekly ReEort of DM, West Khandesh, 12 July, 1939.
Weekly ReEort of DM, West Khandesh, Dec.6, 1939; and Annual Police Administration Report, Bombay, 1941' PP· 62-63.
R. K. Mandalik to dated 17th Nov. 1941; and Weekly 1941.
the Advisor to Governor of Bombay, 1941; Janam Bhumi, dated 13th Nov.
--;;--::::-,.-::---o---Letter of DM, West Khandesh, 13 Oct. ,
104
the raiders had brought with them. In the attack, Bhogia
Bhil who had got skull fracture, died sub seq uentl y. The same
band of non-followers attacked two more houses in the village
in the same manner. The District Magistrate · banned the Arti
ceremoney as l f h . 'd t 96 a resu t o sue mel en s. In another case
about 100 Artiwalla.s attacked Fugira Bhil at Karde village,
chased him when he tried to escape and brutally murdered
him. The group met at the Police Patel 1 s house and declared
that if anybody would dare to inform police, he would be
burnt alive. Such was terror of Artiwallas that the incident
was reported to the police through an anonymous letter after
97 a lapse of three weeks.
When the use of force did not help Ramdas Maharaj
to regain his lost ground, Ramdas attempted a new tactics. He
recruited a number of unmarried young Bhil girls for his sect.
As a result of this a large number of youngmen were attracted
towards the movement. The District Administration issued order
under
girls
District Police Act, prohibiting the entry of
98 into Marwad village of Taloda taluka. Congress
33 such
activists
ad vised in their village meetings, both the followers and
non-followers of Gulia to restrain themselves and refrain from
98. District Magistrate to Govt. of Bombay, Home Dept., dated 27th Nov. 1941; and DSP, West Khandesh to Secretary, Govt. of Bombay, Home Dept., dated C. Dec. 1941.
105
d . 99 row y1sm. The prohibition order on Arti was extended in
August 1942. On 4th August, 1942 when Anniversary of Gulia
Maharaj was celebrated, S. V. Thakkar, Secretary of Bhil Sewa
Mandal obtained signature of a number of Bhils on an application
for permission to perform Arti at Marwad. The application
was submitted to District Magistrate for consideration who
refused permission for Arti. It was obvious, however, that
Arti spirit continued to . 100 ex1.st. The followers of Ramdas
who had been externed from the district, entered the district
in February, 1943 with the object of performing Arti at Marwad.
On 28th February 1943, 200 of them visited Borad village
in Taloda taluka and went away after shouting slogans and
making some purchases. Fearing trouble, a contingent of 75
·1· t d t M d t Art· l O l ml. 1 ary men was poste a arwa to preven 1. .ceremony.
On 2nd March, 1943, about 300 adult male followers of Ramdas
were rounded off after a clash of Police with Artiwallas Party.
In the confrontation 14-15 Bhils were killed and many received
injuries. On the police side only three policemen sustained
injuries. After the clash 291 Bhils (adult males) were captured
but 278 women and 200 children who were with the Artiwalla
band were not arrested. The day before this, a police sub-
inspector of Taloda who had received information about the
whereabouts of Ramdas and his followers in a nullah in Satpura
99. Weekly Report of DM, West Khandesh, 1st April, 1942.
100. Weekly Report of DM, Wr:st Khandesh, 15th Aug., 1942.
101. Weekly Report of DM, West Khandesh, 1st March, 1943.
106
hills, went there with police Patil of Tal ve village. The
Artiwallas asked him to go away if he wanted to be alive
and send 1 white people 1 to them. Next day, when the police
party appraoched them, the Bhils started shooting arrows
with slogans of 1 Ramdas Maharaj ki Jai 1 and 1 Gandhi Maharaj
ki Jai 1 • In reply the police fired 128 rounds against the
Bhils who were armed with their traditional weapons like
swords, spears, axes, dharias, arrows, sickles and cudgels,
etc. The Artiwalls had only
Bhils, 162 were cultivators and
102 one gun. Among the captured
103 111 were landless labourers.
Later on cases against all the arested Bhils except for 20
ring leaders were withdrawn. The ring leaders who were sen-
tenced to various terms of imprisonment by Assistant Session
Judge of Dhulia, were also acquitted in appeal by the Session
Judge of Dhulia. The movement of these ring leaders, however,
was restricted by District Magistrate to certain areas of Dhulia
taluka. 104
Criminal Tribe Settlement Agitation, Sholapur:
The Criminal Tribe Act of 1871 had provided for registering
all the members and any member of such tribes declared
102. DSP Confidential Letter to DM, West Khandesh, dated 5th March, 1943; and Governor of Bombay to Linlithgow dated March 18-23, 1943.
103. Letter from Sepcial Officer for Bhil Uplift, West Khandesh to Collector of West Khandesh, dated 19th June, 1943, in Home/Special F.982~ 1938-43.
104. Weekly Report of OM, West Khandesh, 5th January,l944.
107
as 11 criminal tribes 11 • It also required the ret~istered members
to report themselves to the Police authority at fixed intervals
and to notify his place of residence and any change or intended
change of residence and any absence or intended absence from
his residence. Any contravention of such laws was met with
severe punishment. 105 These restrictive clauses on the movement
of tribal people often led to their harrassment by the village
Patil and Police officials. 106 Occasionally, resentment was
expressed by the people against application of provisions
of Criminal Tribes Act. For instance, trial of a Koli tenant
of Pelhar village who was charged under criminal tribes Act
for failure to appear before the Magistrate of Bassein, led
to a considerable excitement in the villages near Basse in.
Police Patel of Pelhar expressed his ignorance of the provisions
of Criminal Tribes Act and said that the accused was a honest
tenant cultivator who had not committed any offence for the
last six 107 years. The Act was amended by Criminal Tribes
Settlement Act ( 1908) , by application of which Government
thought of reforming the criminal tribesmen.. The Act provided
for settling of convicted members of tribes in a special settle-
105.
106.
Y.C. Simhadri, op. cit., pp.29-30.
Ibid. , p. 34, see also, Report of the Criminal Tribes ~~------~~-~--~----~------~7 Act Enquiry Committee, 1939, pp.40-41, for abuses of
this prov1s1on of regular 1 hazeri 1 by village Patels. It was used to exact forced labour from the tribal under threats by the Patels.
107. Bombay Chronicle, Oct. 18, 1935.
108
ment, to teach them work-habits under the control of special
ff. 108
o 1cers. The Act affected near 1 y 15 lakhs tribals in the
province of whom about 11,000 were already in 109 settlements. •
The total population of settlers and 1 free colonies 1 in 19 3 7
was more than 15, 000; out of these 8, 231 were pure settlers,
of whom 2, 233 men, 72 7 women and 104 1 half-timers 1 (children)
were employed in spinning and weaving mills, railway workshops
and factories. Others were engaged in road -making, metal
breaking, lumbering, field labour and casual labour. The popu-
lation in 'free colonies 1 attached to settlement was 7 ,212.
The settlers were kept under double wire enclosures under
conditions of slavery whereas people in 1 free colonies 1 were
kept under single wire enclosures under slightly less strict
conditions. Sholapur settlement was the largest settlement
with a population of about 3,500-4,000. 110 The other major
settlements in the province were Hubli, Gadag, Ahmedbad,
Kolis, Berads, Lamanis, Thakurs and Katkaris, t 112 e c. In
a number of cases, honest people were also brought to the
settlements. A number of Mang Garudis who were in cattle
dealing business were brought to the Sholapur settlement.
One Juza Bahadur Pardhi in Sholapur settlement was a cultivator
in village Moghlau and Laxman Pandu Gaikwad owned two farms
at Sarore and Chikoli villages. 113 All sorts of physical punish-
ments were inflicted upon them and they were not allowed
114 to move out of settlement after 7 P.M.
Communist agitators started taking interest in Sholapur
criminal tribes settlement in August, 1937. Their initial move
was to enroll them for the Red Flag Union. R. C. Karadkar
held two meetings of settlers on 23rd and 26th August respectively
in which the Congress promise of humane treatment of settlers
was reiterated and an office of Red Flag Union (R. F. U.) was
opened to receive complaints from the settlers. 115 Jawaharlal
Nehru had already declared his sympathetic inclination towards
ciminal tribesmen in his speech in October, 1936 at Nellore.
He said: "I am aware of this monstrous provision of Criminal
112. Ibid.
113. Bombay Chronicle, 23 Oct. 1937.
114. Bombay Sentinel, 15 Sept. 1937.
115. Bombay Provincial Weekly Letter No.35, dated 4 Sept., 1937.
110
Tribes Act which constitutes a negation of civil liberty. Wide
publicity should be given to its working and an attempt made
to have the Act removed from Statute Book. No tribe could
be classified as criminal as such and the whole principle
is out of consonance with all civilized principles of criminal
. 116 justice and treatment of offenders •.• 11
Communists must have been aware of Nehru 1 s views on
criminal tribes because in a series of meetings on 4, :, , 6
and 7 Septemb~r, 1937 in which attendance of settlers varied
from 150 to 400, the settlers were continuously encouraged
to be aware that all Congress workers were behind them and
will help them in abolition of jail like settlements in which
tribesmen were treated like slaves. As a result of this agitation
settlement officer became so anxious that he ordered transfer
of three active settlers from the settlement on September 7th,
1937. 117
District Magistrate was also contemplating action against
B. T. Ranadive, Mr. and Mrs. Karadkar, Channusing and Arnbadas
118 Parikh for speeches made by them.
After a few days lull, on 12th September, another important
meeting was held attended by 500 people. A charter of demands
116. Cited in Y.C. Simhadri, op. cit., p.35.
117. Report of the Police Sub-Inspector, I. B., Sholapur dated Sept. 8, 1937 in Home (Special)- Dept., Govt. of Bombay, File No.543 (82), 1937.
118. Ibid.
111
was framed for action. The demands were -
( l) The settlers should not b.e employed in quarries,
and in case they are employed, they should be paid a monthly
wage of Rs. 20;
(2) Those working for the municipal work and quarries
should get a holiday every week;
(3) Transferred settlers should be brought back to
the settlement;
( 4) Punishments like separating wives and husbands
and children I parents should be stopped;
( 5) Settlers should be allowed to go out of the settlement
till 9 P.M.;
( 6) Settlers should be free to become memebrs of
R. F. U. , Congress and other associations; and
( 7) Repeal of Criminal Tribes Act or complete change
0 "t 119 ln 1 •
S.S. Batliwala also addressed this meeting. In his speech
he reminded the settlers that K. M. Munshi, the Home Minister
himself had been to jails and had suffered lathi charge and
would surely help them to end this oppression. He raised
hopes that within ten days their fencing would be removed.
A Committe was appointed by the Congress ministry
to report on changes necessary to be introduced in the policy
119. Bombay Sentinel, 15th Sept., 1937.
112
and law relating to criminal tribes and to investigate into
their grievances. The Committee consisted of N.G.Joshi, G.K.
Chi tale, Abdul Latif Haji H.Khan, K.B.Antrolikar, Fulsimhji
B.Dhabi, C.S.Devadhar, and K.M.Munshi. Open agitation ceased
in Sholapur settlement after the appointment of this Committee. 120
But soon, after some time, agitation resumed. The feeling
among the settlers that Congress was in power and would readily
assist them, was used by the Communists. This emboldened
the settlers. In a meeting on 29th September, 1937 attended
by 600 settlers, one settler activist took a active part in
leading the settlers, carrying the Red Flag, blowing the bugle,
shouting slogans. At the end of meeting he led a group of
settlers into the settlement gate shouting slogans. He threw
stone at the guard of the gate, his symbolic expression of
rebellion against the Criminal Tribes Act. The stone knocked
off the cap of the guard. He was locked up for the night
for breach of discipline. 121 At this stage, the comunist agitators
started developing a feeling of resentment against the Congress
ministry. The formation of Enquiry Committee was dubbed
as a compromise with the enemies of Mahatma Gandhi. i.e.
the Khan Bahadurs and Rao Bahadurs who were made members
this Committee. These people were compared with dogs. As
120.
121.
Home (Special) Dept., Govt. of Bombay, File No.543(82), 1937 and Weekly Confidential Report, OM, Sholapur, 23rd Sept. 1937.
OM, Sholapur Letter to the Secretary of the Govt. of Bombay, Home Dept. (Special), dated in Home (Special) F.543 (82), 1937.
29th Sept. , 19 3 7 ,
113
tension started mounting, District Magistrate order banned
processions, meetings, etc. in the settlement area after October
2, 1937.122
Despite the ban, the Communist agitators con~inued
to hold meeting's throughout October and their ione became
more bitter. The agitation, however, remained peaceful and
the agitators expressed their desire not to trouble the Congress
0 0 t 123 A 0 f 0 h ld 0 l h lf ml.nl.s ry. ser1.es o meetmgs were e m ear y a
of November 1937. In a meeting of 500 settlers on 8th November,
S. G. Sardesai and R. G. Karadkar ad vised the settlers not to
give any trouble to B.G.Kher during his proposed visit to
the settlement, and to decorate the settlement to welcome him
so that an impression may be generated that they (tribesmen)
were followers of the Congress. But even Kher 1 s visit, who
was acused of having betrayed the settlers, failed to satisfy
the agitators.124
Meanwhile, three more active settlers were
ordered to be transferred on 9th November. On next day,
when these men and their families along with their kids were
being removed, a crowd of 1, 500 settlers created a disturbance.
The settlers stoned the settlement officers, who were forced
to seek shelter. An armed police party ha.d to be posted
at the settlement to restore peace. A case was also registered
against 9 active settlers and fresh orders banning meeting,
122. Ibid.
123. Ibid.
124. Ibid.
114
etc. were . d 125 l.SSUe • K.M. Munshi wrote about the riot and
1 break the wire of settlement 1 slogan of the communists that
11 The result was that the criminal tribes settlers, ignorant
and impulsive people, created violent distutbance in the settle-
ment itself... These tribes have an inveterate tendency to
commit crimes. • • Their (i.e. communists) idea was to create
disturbance in the settlement and through it create facilities
for l t "k 126 a genera s r1 e ••• The press also echoed the sentiment
expressed by Munshi. The Bombay Chronicle wrote: 11 While
the Bombay Congress ministry is earnestly engaged in liquidating
the evil legacy left to it by previous governments in respect
of criminal tribes. • • it is highly regretted that certain persons
in Sholapur should go on spreading all sorts of false reports
about the intention of the ministry.. • Certain elements which
are hostile to the Congress seem to care little for the conse-
quences of th . t" "t" .. 127 e1r ac 1v1 1es. The Times of India was more
harsh in its criticism of the incident. It blamed the communists
for 11 sowing seed of discontent among ignorant people, who
as a consequence indulged in violence at the least provocation
or imaginery grievance •. 11128 Abdul Karim Lunje, the Secretary
of Sholapur City Congress Committee, condemned the role of
125. Bombay Provincial Weekly Letter No.46, dated 20 Nov. 1937.
126. K. M. Munshi to Mahadev Desai, dated 14th Sept., 1937 in K.M. Munshi PaEers.
127. Bombay Chronicle, 13 Nov. 1937.
128. Times of India, 15th Nov. 1937.
115
K. M. Munshi in tackling the problem of criminal tribes settlement
and praised the settlers for showing self-restraint in presenting
their case to the Congress Ministry. The city Congress Working
Committee protested against Lunje 1 s statement and he resigned
from the secretaryship of the Committee. 129
Meanwhile, the
issue of criminal tribes was sidetracked due to the comminist 1 s
agitation regarding release of the political prisoners including
those convicted in November 13th Settlement Rioting Case.
The Communist agitators planned a general strike in Sholapur
on 14th February, 1938 to press for the demand which was
countered by a call of general strike by the Congress on 13th
February, 1938. 130 Despite the precautions of the administration
and ad vice of the Congress activists, more than 300 settlers
struck work in the Mills (out of a total number of 600 employed
in the Mills) on the day of general strike on 14th February,
1938. 131 It was, however, flogging of one member of criminal
tribe named Gangaram Chavan, who was an active member of
R. F. U. and arrested on 14th February general strike, in the
Bijapur jail which embarassed the Congress ministry. Gangaram
Chavan was given 1C 1 class jail and under the jail regulation
was req'uired to grind 30 lbs. of corn daily. He deliberately
129. Bombay Sentinel, 1st Dec., 1937.
30 Nov.1937; and Bombay Chronicle,
130.
131.
DM, Shola pur, Letter to The Secretary Home Dept. Govt. of Bombay, dated 12th Feb.,l938; and Telegram from Collector, Sholapur to Secretary, Home (Special) Dept., dated 14th Feb. , 1938.
Telegram from to the Govt. 1938, in Home
the Backward Class Officer to the Secretary of Bombay, Home· D~, dated 14th Feb.,
(Special) F.543(82), Part I, 1937-38.
116
avoided grinding the complete quota and went on hunger strike
with 12 other prisoners from the criminal settlement, demanding
status of political prisoners. As a result of this, he was
flogged for the breach of jail discipline. The government
promised that such ugly case will not be repeated. 132 Imprison-
ment of all the main communist agitators of Sholapur created
a gap in the political arena for nine months. 133 When after
their release, the communist agitators re-intervened in the
political process, and tried to revive the agitation at Sholapur
settlement and at Hotgi settlement in May-June, 1938, the agitation
134 did not evoke the same response.
132. Report of the Committee of Enquiry into the Case of Flogging of Gangaram Chavan, a prisoner of Bijapur Jail, Govt. of Bombay, Home Dept., 1938.
133. Governor of Bombay to Brabourne, dated 15th Aug., 1 9 3 8 in Linli thgow Papers , Vol. 52.
134. Weekly reports of DM, Sholapur, dated 9th May, 19th and 27th June, 1939.
117
The Criminal Tribes Act Enquiry· Committee submitted
its 1 report to the government in 1939. While suggesting a
few minor changes in the working of the Act, like leniency
in taking Hazeri and its gradual relaxation, to provide some
recreational and sanitary facilities in the settlements, and
review the criminality of certain tribes such as Berads, Bhils,
Kolis, Lamanis, Wadars and Waghris, and the denotification
of a few tribes such as Bagdis, Chapar-bands, Futgudis,
Vanjaris; the Enquiry Committee stressed the need of maintaining
the Criminal Tribes Act and settlements. 135 Such an attitude
was due to internalisation of ethics of the higher social groups
and their stereotypes regarding the behaviour of the 11 Criminal
Tribes 11• So the Committee wrote about the Criminal Tribes
Act ( 1911 Amendment) 11 The main objective of the "Criminal
Tribes Act was to safeguard the rights of society against
the anti -social influences. It 1 s secondary aim was the reformation
of the Criminal Tribes - a reformation, which, in early stages,
had to be carried out against the will of it 1 s 136 members. 11
The same 11 civilized 11 behaviour prevailed upon the gentlemen
of the Enquiry Committee when they analyzed the Sholapur
settlement agitation. They wrote: 11 The Criminal Tribes by
heredity and temperament fall an easy prey to any irresponsible
agitation which does not impose self-control. The restlessness
and criminal tendencies of these tribes easily lead to violent
135. Report of the Criminal Tribes Act Enquiry Committee, 1939, pp. 29-57.
136. Ibid., p.26.
118
activities and are likely as they did in Sholapur, to create
a formidable problem in the life of industrial town. n137
Mandavi Taluka Tenant 1 s Struggle 1938-39
As pointed out earlier in Chapter I, in most of the
cases, the Kaliparaj tribal people had lost their lands to
the Banias and Brahmin Sahukars. The Kaliparaj people of
this region among whom Choudra tribals were numerically pre-
dominant were heavily indebted to the Sahukars. The Choudras
cultivated practically all the lands in the Mandavi taluka
on crop-sharing basis, except for a few cases where lands
were cultivated on cash-rent basis. Most of the Bania and
Brahmin Sahukars were absentee landlords who lived "in Kasba
villages such as Mandavi, Bhodem and Kadod. Apart from
50 per cent of crop share (known as 1 Ardhel 1 system of crop-
sharing), Sahukar-landlords charged several other illegitimate
to 138 exac 1.ons. Indulal Yagnik was very active in this part
of Surat district. Certain temporary relief. measures of the
Congress ministry created an appropriate atmosphere for mass
moblilization by Kisan Sabha especially on the slogan of reduc-
tion of 1Ganot 1 or rent from 50 per cent of produce to H
137. Ibid., p.58.
138. Confidential Letter from Asstt. Collector to Collector·. of Surat, dated 26th Oct., 1938 in Home/Special F.800(53)-B, Part III, 1939.
139 times the land revenue.
119
Indulal Yagnik informed the Collector regarding the Kisan
Sabha instruction to the Raniparaj cultivators of Mandavi taluka
for withholding the payment of rent, pending the passage
of the Rent Bill in the Bombay Legislative Assembly. 14° Kisan
agitation was very active in some Kaliparaj villages like Amba-
pardi, Untewa, Parvat, Tuked, Kasal and Nandpur. When harves-
ting of paddy started in late October and landlords went
to demand their share, the Raniparaj tenants refused to pay
their usual share~ They were, however, willing to pay H times
of land revenue as rent. It appeared as though the writ of
Yagnik was running in these villages. Without his permission,
tenants refused to pay a grain of crop or a pie of rent to
the Sahukars. In case of infringement of decision of withholding
of payment of rent, the village Panch threatened to fine Rs.50.
Collector of Surat warned the Raniparaj people of illegal nature
141 . of their rent strike. In one or two cases, where the tenants
paid rent to the landlords under pressure, they were fined
by the village Panch. 142 In a Kisan meeting at Godwadi village
139. Indulal Yagnik, p. 120.
Atam Katha (in Gujarati), Vol.5, 1971,
140. Weekly Report of DM, Surat, dated 20th Oct., 1938.
141. Indulal Yagnik, A tam Katha, pp.142·-46; Bombay Chronicle, dated 2 and 3 Dec. 1938; and Letter from Asstt. Collector ( Bardoli Camp) to Collector of Surat, dated 20th Oct., 1938 in Home/Special F.800(53)-B, Part III, 1939.
142. Confidential Letters from Asstt. Collector to the Collector of Surat, dated 26th Oct. , 19 38.
120
on 9th November, 1938, many Sahukars from Kadod, Mandavi
and other places tried to create disruption. The small group
of 200 tenants was outnumbered by 600 outsiders and when
Yagnik wanted to start the meeting, the Party of Sahukars
raised cries of 11 Vande-Matram 11 ' 11 Gandhiji Ki Jai 11 a.nd 11 Sardar
Vallabhbhai Ki Jail'. In reply Yagnik asked the Kheduts to
sing Bhajans. The local Congress leader Prem Shankar Bhatt
who was present there, asked the Sahukars to listen to Y agnik
patiently. When Yagnik started again, frequent interruptions
Were made by the Sahukars. l 43 A "t t· k t 1· b g1 a 10n was ep a 1ve y
a series of public meetings in the villages. Kisan meetings
were held at Pardi and Parvat on 6 and 7 December, 1938
respectively. A big Kisan meeting of about S, 000 accorded
welcome to D.M. Pangarkar who was released from jail. D.M.
Pangarkar gave solid support to Yagnik in organising the Rani-
paraj people. In their meetings they exhorted them not to
pay their dues till March, 1939 because in March, 1939 they
were expecting. a bill on Rent Regulation. Swami Shajanand
also addressed a large meeting of 5,000 Raniparaj cultivators
December 17th, 1938' at Amba-Pardi. 144 But unfortunately, on
143. Letter from Police Sub-Inspector, Mandavi to DSP, Surat, dated lOth November, 1938.
DSP, Surat, Notes Regarding Kisan Movement, d:at:ed 6th March, 1940 in Home (Special), Dept., Govt. of Bombay, File No.1019, 1940-41.
14 7. Home Dept. (Special) , (53)-B-V, 1939-41. .
Govt. of Bombay, File No. 800
floor of some 148 tenants.
122
Later on, these 28 kisan activists
were sentenced to 2-3 months of rigorous imprisonment and
were fined Rs.25-30 149 each. The local Congress Committee
and its President Prem Shankar Bhatt also helped the authorities
in tackling the movement by taking legal and suitable action
whenever kisans broke the law. 150
After collapse of the movement, Prem Shankar Bhatt,
the President of taluka Congress Committee, toured the taluka.
In a meeting on 18th May, 1939, he appealed the Choudras
to desist from l~quor and toddy and follow Congress. He also
expressed the view that Kisan Sabha was part and parcel
of the Congress, only the views of Kisan Sabha were diffe-
151 On 17th July, 1939 he organised meeting of Sahukars-rent. a
landlords of Mandavi, where he suggested to an assembly
of 30 Sahukars that they should accept one-third of the produce
as rent. None of the Sahukars responded to this call. Next
day, he again held private discussions with them and was
able to obtain the signature of a few to the effect that six
ann as of produce be paid to them as rent. This was taken
148. Bombay Chronicle, January 9th, 1939.
149. Bombay Sentinel, 16th January, 1939.
150. DSP, Surat, Notes .• , o:e. cit.
151. Weekly Re:eort, DM, Surat, 25th May, 1939.
123
to Bombay for being shown to the Revenue-Minister. 152
The Congress organization followed the policy of settlement
of agrarian class disputes through arbitration. But they also
aimed to obtain the support of the tenants and poor cultivators
by securing some urgently needed concessions in terms of reduc-
tion of rent, etc. The policy had a striking resemblance with
the policy of postponement of agrarian class struggle followed
by the Vietnamese and Chinese Communists during the period
when national liberation struggle had assumed primary impor-
153 tance.
The Kisan leaders Yagnik and D. M. Pangar kar were able
to re-establish their links with the Ranipa1raj cultivators
of the taluka in 1942 only when the Congress activists were
either underground or behind the bars. In a meeting of 700
Raniparaj cultivators on 25th November, 1942 at Devgad, Yagnik,
Narsi Aka and Pangarkar condemned the "zulum" or injustice
of the local forest officers who were attacked for exacting
forced labour, for forcibly taking grain from the people while
collecting revenue, and for taking bribes under threat of removing
152. Weekly Report, DM, Surat, 27th July, 1939.
153. See Ralph Thaxton, 11 The Peasant of Yaocun Memories of Exploitation, injustice and liberation in a Chinese village 11
, in Journal of Peasant Studies, Vol.9, No.1, October, 1981, pp.l-46; and Christine White, "Peasant Mobilization and Anti-Colonial Struggle in Vietnam 11 , in Journal of Peasant Studies, Vol.lO, No.4, July, 1983, pp. 187-211.
124
them from the forest lands given to them for cultivation.
They also requested them to refrain from the Congress sabotage
activities, saying that the government property was their property
because shortly there would be a Kisan kingdom. 1 !)
4 Similar
propaganda meetings were held at Dadhwada, Gamtalao, Tarapore,
Isar, Regama, Garedia, Patal and Vankla villages. The tribal
cultivators were requested to use legal channels for reduction of
1 Ganot 1 or rent and abolition of forced labour in all these
t. 155
mee mgs. This change in the line of Kisan Sabha was due
to their support to the British war efforts during the war.
Pardi Manal Tenants 1 Struggle 1940
Discontent was simmering in the Dhodia and Naika villages
of Pardi Mahal of Surat for a long time. In this Mahal also
most of the lands belonged to the Sahukars who let it out
to the tribal cultivators on Ardhel crop-sharing basis. The
agitation had root in a land dispute in village Paria in 1937.
A case between a Sahukar and Dhodias had resulted in conviction
of 13 Dhodias who were not in a position to furnish a security
of Rs.200 to avoid one year Rigorous Imprisonment. They approa-
ched Christian missionery at Bulsar for help. This frightened
local Kisan leaders like Thakorbhai Kahandas (he had Arya
164. Secret Abstracts of Intelligence week ending, 4th Feb., 1939.
129
( 3) Such Halls as may have worked less than 12 years
to have credited to their account a 1 /12th of the
debt for every year they have worked;
(4) An anna per day to be deducted from the wage,
in case of men until the debt is repaid;
( 5) Everyone to be declared free from debt on expiry
of 12 years, whether the debt be paid or not;
( 6) Every debt to expire with the debtor 1 s life;
( 7) A Dubla may engage himself on an annual wage
of Rs.80, and Rs.15 may be deducted from his
wage for the repayment of debt due if any;
( 8) A village committee to be appointed to settle all
0 0 0 h d b 165 q uestlons pertammg to t e e ts.
In another joint meeting of the landowners and the Halpatis
of Olpad taluk at Syadala on April 19, 1939, attended by
12,000 people, a similar type of settlement wa.s announced
b K 0 l l D 0 166 I h th 0 h f y ana1.ya a esa1.. n many cases, osever e r1.c armers
167 resisted the implementation of such agreement.
The radical Congressmen were not satisfied with the
settlement. Yagnik pointed out that as the latest borrowing
165. See Note before Gandhi 1 s speech at a meeting of peasants at Bardoli, dated 26th January, 1939 in Mahatma Gandhi, Collected Works, Vol. 68, p. 333.
166. Bombay Chronicle, 20 April, 1939.
167. Governor of Bombay to Linlithgow, dated March 15, 1939, in Linlithgow Papers, Vol.53.
130
was taken into account in calculation of 12 years period; and
as many Dublas went on borrowing every year, only few could
get freedom under the settlement. Moreover, the wage-cut
of one anna for the repayment of debt, would result in more
borrowing by the Hall to meet his family expenditure. 168
Gandhi was also not particularly happy with the pact. In
his speech at Bardoli, where the settlement was endorsed
by a gathering of landowners and Halis, he said - These
resolutions gave me an impression that the peasants in this
part are big business men for, through these resolutions they
have indeed struck a big bargain... What is so great about
paying fair daily wages to the Dublas for the full quota of
work whereas formerly they were made to work as much as
the owners desired? I am greatly impressed by it. According
to me, any men and women must get the minimum wage of eight
annas for eight hours of work... You have fixed three annas
as the wages for women labourers, whereas you will take
the same amount of work from her... Hence, even while congra
tulating you, I tell you that you have struck a. bargain._ .. 169
Such an unjust settlement was bound to create tensions.
Kanayalal Desai advised a meeting of about 300 Halis at Swaraj
Ashram, Bardoli on 16th April, 1939 to stop work if farmers
did not pay them daily 170 wages. The Halpatis in Bardoli
168. Indulal Yagnik, op. cit., in Congress Socialist, Vol. IV, No.?-8, dated 19th Feb., 1939.