1919 League of Nations Covenant

7/27/2019 1919 League of Nations Covenant

1/94

T H E

LEAGUE OF NATIONS

Old C olony Trust C om pany

17 Court Street

52 Tem ple Place 222Boylston Street

Boston , Massachuse t t s


2/94

Coptes of our 52-page booklet

T H E

L O D G E L O W E L L D E B A T E

containing the addresses of

HENRY CABOTLoi>GE,Senatorfrom

Massachusetts,

and A. LAWRENCE

L OWE L L , President of Harvard

University, in Symphony Hall,Bos

ton,may be had on application


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T H E

LEAGUE OF NATIONS

Old Co lony Trus t Company

17 C o u r t S t r e e t

52 Te m ple Place 222 Boylston Str eet

B o s t o n , M a s s a c h u s e t t s


4/94

C O P Y R I G H T I 9 I 9

BY OLD COLONY TRUST COMPANY '

First Edition,'10 000

Second Edition, 10,000

Third Edition, 10,000

Fourth Edition, 10,000

T HE UNIVE RS IT Y P RE S S , CAM BRIDG E , U . 3 . A .


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F O R EWO R D

TT^VERY person in the world capable of rational

J thought wishes and hopes not only for immedi

ate peace, but that, so far as human agencies can make

it, war shall be made impossible in the future. It is

inevitable that thinking men, although inspired by the

same high motives, shall differ as to the means to

secure permanent peace and equity between nations.

Written instruments will not alter human na ture, nor

can the passions of men, in the last recourse, be con

trolled by signed pledges; bu t that treaties between

honorable nations, consistent with their normal life

and progress, are enduring has been proven.

We believe that President Wilson, Mr. Taft, Sena

tor Lodge, and Senator Knox , whose recent speeches

we have reprinted here, have one thought in common;

and that is, their wish to see the present nego tiations

in Paris result in a permanent equitable peace for all

peoples.

OLD COLONY TRUST COMPANY


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CONTENTS

P AGB

TE X T OF COVENANT ON THE LEAGU E 7

SPEECH OE HENRY CABOT LODGE,

Senator from Massa

chusetts, in the Senate, February 28th , 1919 . . . . 19

SPEECH OE PHILANDER C. K N O X , Senator from Pennsyl

vania, in the Senate, M arch 1st, 1919 35

SPEECH OE WILLIAM HOWARD TAET, former President,

in the Metropolitan Opera House, New York City,

M arch 4th, 1919 65

SPEECH OE PRESIDENT WILSON, in the Metropolitan

Opera Hou se, New Yo rk City, M arch 4th , 1919 . . 77


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R O O T A M E N D M E N T S M E E T

A P P R O V A L O F U S E N V O Y S

D E N V E R P O S T 'B ^ - j g ia te d Press.) A P R I L 1

Paris, April 1. Commenting on the six amendments to the

covenant of the League of Nations suggested by Elihu Root, vr

was stated Tuesday by one of the legal specialists associated with

the American peace conference delegation that he believed all the

amendments were acceptable to the American delegation.


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ELIH^ ROOT. 'S AMENDMENTS.

,

1 . I n f o wc Ar b i t r a t i o n a n d Ar m a n e n t - L im i t a t i o n s .

2 . Five-yf ta r l i i r . i t on t e r r i t o r i a l and p o l i t i c a l I n t e g r i t y ,

3 , Acknowledge th e Monroe .D o c tr in e .

4 , P r o v i d e f o r p e r i o d i c r e v i s i o n .

5 ,

P r o v i d e f o r w i t h d r a w a l .

\

6 . Pow er t o i n s p e c t a l l m i l i t a r y a c t i v i t i e s ( L e o n B o u r^ e r^ p )
http://liir.it/http://liir.it/


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T E X T

OP C O V E N A N T ON L E A G U E OF N A T I O N S

R E A D

BY P R E S I D E N T W I L S O N AT P L E N A R Y

S E S S I O N

OF THE

P E A C E

C O N F E R E N C E

AT

P A R I S , F E B R U A R Y

14, 19 19 .

COVENANT-

PR E A M B L E

I

N order to promote international cooperation and

to secure international peace and security by the

acceptance of obligations not to resort to war,

by the prescription of open, just and honorable re

lations between nations, by the firm establishment of

the understandings of international law as the actual

rule of conduct among Governments, and by the main

tenance of justice and a scrupulous respect for all

treaty obligations in the dealings of organized peoples

with one another, the powers signatory to this cov

enant adopt this constitution of the League of

Nations.

A R T I C L E

ONE

The action of the high contracting parties under the

terms of this covenant shall be effected through the instru

mentality of meeting of a body of delegates representing the

high contracting parties, of meeting at more frequent inter

vals of an Executive Council, and of a permanent inter

national secretariat to be established at the seat of the

League.

A R T I C L E

TWO

Meetings of the body of delegates shall be held at stated

intervals and from time to time as occasion may require for

the purpose of dealing with matters within the sphere of

action of the League. Meetings of the body of delegates

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shall be held at the seat of the League or at such other place

as may be found convenient and shal l cons is t of representa

t ives of the high con trac t ing par t ies . Ea ch of the hig h con

t rac t ing par t ies shal l have one vote but may not have more

than three representa t ives .

A R T I C L E T H R E E

The Execut ive Counci l shal l cons is t of representa t ives of

the Uni ted S ta tes o f Amer ica , the Br i t i sh Empi re , F rance ,

I ta ly , and Japan, together wi th representa t ives of four other

Sta te s , m em bers of the Le ag ue . T h e se lec t ion of these four

States shall be made by the body of delegates on such prin

ciples an d in such m an ne r as the y thin k fit. P en d in g the

appointment of these representa t ives of the other S ta tes ,

represe nta t ives of shall be m em bers of the Ex ecu t ive

Council .

Meetings of the council shall be held from time to t ime as

occas ion may require and a t leas t once a year a t whatever

place may be decided upon, or fai l ing any such decis ion, at

the sea t of the League, and any mat ter wi thin the sphere

of action of the League or affecting the peace of the world

may be deal t wi th a t such meet ings .

Invi ta t ions shal l be sent to any power to a t tend a meet ing

of the council at which matters directly affecting i ts interests

are to be discussed and no decis ion taken at any meeting

will be binding on such powers unless so invited.

A R T I C L E F O U R

All mat ter of procedure a t meet ings of the body of de le

gates or the Execut ive Counci l , inc luding the appointment

of the commit tees to inves t iga te par t icular mat ters , sha l l be

regula ted by the body of de legates or the Execut ive Counci l ,

an d m ay be decided bj[_amajorj ty^of__the^States repr esen ted

at the meet ing.

The firs t meeting of the body of delegates and of the

Execut ive Counci l shal l be summoned by the Pres ident of

the Uni ted S ta tes of America .

A R T I C L E F I V E

The permanent secre tar ia t of the League shal l be es tab

l ished at , which shall con sti tute the seat of the L ea gu e.

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The secretariat shall comprise such secretaries and s taff as

may be required, under the genera l d i rec t ion and control of

a secre tary genera l of the League, who shal l be chosen by

.

the E xecu t ive Counc i l

;

the secre tar ia t shal l be appointed by

the secre tary genera l , subjec t to confi rmat ion by the Execu

tive Council .

The secretary general shall act in that capacity at al l

meet ings of the body of de legates or of the Execut ive

Council .

The expenses of the secre tar ia t shal l be borne by the

S ta tes members o f the League in accordance wi th appoin t

ment of the expenses of the Internat ional Bureau of the

Universa l Pos ta l Union .

A R T I C L E S I X

Representa t ives of the high contrac t ing par t ies and off i

c ia ls of the league when engaged on the bus iness of the

League shal l enjoy diplomat ic pr ivi leges and immuni t ies ,

and the buildings occupied by the League or i ts officials or by

representa t ives a t tending i t s meet ings shal l enjoy the bene

f i t s of extra terr i tor ia l i ty .

A R T I C L E S E V E N

Admiss ion to the League of S ta tes not s ignator ies to the

covenant and no t named in the p ro toco l he re to a s S ta tes to

be invi ted to adhere to the covenant requires the assent of

t h e n o t l e s j j t o ^ w o d t h i r d s . , o X i h e ^ S l a t es j e p j e a e n t e d j n t h e

body of delegates , and shall be l imited to fully self-govern

ing countr ies , inc luding dominions and colonies .

No Sta te shal l be admit ted to the League unless i t i s able

to give effective guarantees of i ts s incere intention to ob

serve i t s in ternat ional obl iga t ions , and unless i t sha l l con

form to such pr inc iples as may be prescr ibed by the League

in regard to i t s naval and mil i ta ry forces and armaments .

A R T I C L E E I G H T

The high contrac t ing par t ies recognize the pr inc iple tha t

the maintenance of peace wi l l require the reduct ion of

na t iona l a rmaments to the lowes t po in t cons i s ten t wi th

nat ional safe ty and the enforcement by common act ion of

intern at ion al ob l iga t ions , hav ing .special rega rd to the geo-

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graphica l s i tua t ion and c i rcumstances of each S ta te ; and

the Executive Council shall formulate plans for effecting

such reduct ion. The Execut ive Counci l shal l a lso determine

for the cons idera t ion and ac t ion of the severa l Governments

wha t mi l i t a ry equ ipment and a rmament i s fa i r and reason

able in proportion to the scale of forces laid down in the

program of d i sa rmament , and these l imi t s , when adopted ,

shal l not be exceeded wi thout the permiss ion of the Execu

tive Council .

The h igh con t rac t ing pa r t i e s agree tha t the manufac ture

by pr iva te enterpr ise of muni t ions and implements of war

lends i t se l f to grave objec t ions , and di rec t the Execut ive

Council to advise how the evil effects at tendant upon such

manufacture can be prevented, due regard being had to the

necessi t ies of these countries which are not able to manu

fac ture for themselves the muni t ions and implements of war

necessary for their safety.

The h igh con t rac t ing pa r t i e s under take in no way to con

ceal from each other the condit ion of such of their indus

t r ies as are capable of be ing adapted to warl ike purposes or

the sca le of the i r a rmaments , and agree tha t there shal l be

ful l and frank interchange of informat ion as to the i r mi l i

t a ry and nava l p rograms .

A R T I C L E N I N E

A permanent commiss ion shal l be cons t i tu ted to advise

the League on the execut ion of the provis ions of Art ic le 8

on mil i ta ry and naval ques t ions genera l ly .

A R T I C L E T E N

The h igh con t rac t ing pa r t i e s under take to re spec t and

preserve as agains t external aggress ion the te rr i tor ia l in teg

r i ty and exis t ing pol i t ica l independence of a l l S ta tes mem

bers of the Le agu e. In case of any such agg ress ion , or in

case of any threa t or danger of such aggress ion, the Execu

tive Council shall advise upon the means by which the

obligation shall be fulfilled.

A R T I C L E E L E V E N

Any war or threa t of war , whether immedia te ly affec t ing

any of the high contrac t ing par t ies or not , i s hereby de-

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clared a matter of concern to the League, and the high con

tracting parties reserve the right to take any action that

may be deemed wise and effectual to safeguard the peace

of nations.

It is hereby also declared and agreed to be the friendly

right of each of the high contracting parties to draw the

attention of the body of delegates or of the Executive Coun

cil to any circumstances affecting international intercourse

which threaten to disturb international peace or the good

understanding between nations upon which peace depends.

A R T I C L E T W E L V E

The high contracting parties agree that should disputes

arise between them which cannot be adjusted by the ordi

nary processes of diplomacy they will in no case resort to

war without previously submitting the question and matters

involved either to arbitration or to inquiry by the Executive

Council and until three months after the award by the arbi

trators or a recommendation by the Executive Council

;

and

that they will not even then resort to war as against a mem

ber of the League which complies with the award of the

arbitrators or the recommendation of the Executive Council.

In any case under this article, the award of the arbitra

tors shall be made within a reasonable time, and the recom

mendation of the Executive Council shall be made within six

months after the submission of the dispute.

A R T I C L E T H I R T E E N

The high contracting parties agree that whenever any

dispute or difficulty shall arise between them which they

recognize to be suitable for submission to arbitration and

which cannot be satisfactorily settled by diplomacy, they

will submit the whole m atter to arb itration . Fo r this pur

pose the court of arbitration to which the case is referred

shall be the court agreed upon by the parties or stipulated

in any convention exis ting between them. T he high con

tracting parties agree that they will carry out in full good

faith any award tha t m ay be rendered . In the event of any

failure to carry out the award, the Executive Council shall

propose what steps can best be taken to give effect thereto.

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ARTICLE F OURTEEN

The Executive Council shall formulate plans for the estab

lishment of a permanent court of international justice andthis court shall, when established, be competent to hear and

determine any matter which the parties recognize as suitable

for submission to it for arbitration under the foregoing

article.

A R T I C L E F I F T E E N

If there should arise between States, members of the

League, any dispute likely to lead to rupture, which is not

submitted to arbitration as above, the high contracting

parties agree that they will refer the matter to the Executive

Council

;

either party to the dispute may give notice of the

existence of the dispute to the secretary-general, who will

make all necessary arrangements for a full investigation

and consideration thereof. F o r this purpose the parties

agree to communicate to the secretary-general, as promptly

as possible, statements of their case with all the relevant

facts and papers, and the Executive Council may forthwith

direct the publication thereof.

Where the efforts of the council lead to the settlement of

the dispute, a statement shall be published indicating the

nature of the dispute and the terms of settlement, together

with such explanations as m ay be app ropriate. If the dis

patch has not been settled, a report by the council shall be

published, setting forth with all necessary facts and expla

nations the recommendation which the council thinks just

and proper for the settlement of the dispute. If the report

is unanimously agreed to by the members of the council

other than the parties to the dispute, the high contracting

parties agree that they will not go to war with any party

which complies with the recommendations and that if any

party shall refuse so to comply, the council shall propose

measu res necessary to give effect to the reaso n. If no such

unanimous report can be made, it shall be the duty of the

majority and the privilege of the minority to issue state

ments indicating what they believe to be the facts and con

taining the reasons which they consider to be just and

proper.

The Executive Council may in any case under this article

refer the dispute to the body of delegates. Th e dispute shall

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be so referred at the request of ei ther party to the dispute,

provided tha t such reques t must be made wi thin 14 days

af ter the subm iss ion of the dispute . In any case referre d

to the body of delegates al l the provisions of this art icle and

of Art ic le 12 re la t ing to the ac t ion of the Execut ive

Council shall apply to the action and powers of the body of

delegates .

A R T I C L E S I X T E E N

Should any of the high contrac t ing par t ies break or d is

regard i t s covenants under Art ic le 12 i t sha l l thereby

ipso facto be deemed to have committed an act of war

agains t a l l the other members of the League, which hereby

-undertake immediately to subject i t to the severance of al l

tra de o r f inancial r elat ion s, the pro hib it ion of .al l inter

course be tween the i r na t ionals and the nat ionals of the cove

na nt- br ea kin g Sta te, an d th e pre ve ntio n of al l f inancial,

commercia l , or personal in tercourse be tween the nat ionals

of the covenant-breaking Sta te and the nat ionals of any

othe r S ta te , whe the r a member o f the League or no t .

I t shall be the duty of the Executive Council in such cases

to recommend what effec t ive mil i ta ry or naval forces the

members of the League shal l severa l ly contr ibute to the

armed forces to be used to protec t the covenants of the

L e a gue .

The h igh con t rac t ing pa r t i e s agree fu r the r tha t they wi l l

mutual ly support one another in the f inancia l and economic

measures which may be taken under th is a r t ic le , in order

to minimize the loss and inconvenience resul t ing f rom the

above measures , and tha t they wi l l mutual ly support one

another in res is t ing any specia l measures a imed a t one of

the i r number by the covenant -break ing S ta te , and tha t they

wil l a fford passage through the i r te rr i tory to the forces of

any of the high contrac t ing par t ies who are coopera t ing to

protec t the covenants of the League.

A R T I C L E S E V E N T E E N

In the event of d isputes be tween one S ta te member of the

League and another S ta te which is not a member of the

League , o r be tween S ta tes no t members o f the League , the

h igh con t rac t ing pa r t i e s agree tha t the S ta te o r S ta tes no t

members of the League shal l be invi ted to accept the obl iga-

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t ions of membership in the League for the purposes of such

dispute, upon such conditions as the Executive Council may-

deem just , and upon acceptance of any such invitation, the

above provisions shall be applied with such modif ications as

may be deemed necessary by the League.

Upon such invi ta t ion being g iven the Execut ive Counci l

shal l immediate ly ins t i tu te an inquiry in to the c i rcumstances

and mer i ts of the d ispute and recommend such act ion as

may seem best and most effectual in the circumstances.

In the event of a power so invited refusing to accept the

obl igat ions of membership in the League for the purposes of

such d ispute , and tak ing any act ion agains t a Sta te member

of the League which in the case of a Sta te member of the

League would const i tu te a breach of Ar t ic le 12 , the pro

visions of Article 16 shall be applicable as against the State

tak ing such act ion .

If both parties to the dispute when so invited refuse to

accept the obl igat ions of membership in the League for the

purposes of such d ispute , the Execut ive Counci l may take

such act ion and make such recommendat ions as wil l p revent

hosti l i t ies and will result in the sett lement of the dispute.

A R T I C L E E I G H T E E N

The h igh contract ing par t ies agree that the League shal l

be in trus ted with general supervis ion of the t rade in arms

and ammunit ions with the countr ies in which the contro l of

this traff ic is necessary in the common interest .

A R T I C L E N I N E T E E N

To those colonies and ter r i tor ies which as a consequence

of the war have ceased to be under the sovereignty of the

States which former ly governed them and which are in

habited by peoples not yet able to stand by themselves under

the s t renuous condi t ions of the modern wor ld , there should

be applied the principle that the well-being and development

of such peoples form a sacred trust of civil ization and that

securit ies for the performance of this trust should be em

bodied in the const i tu t ion of the League.

The best method of giving practical effect of this pr in

ciple is that the tutelage of such people should be intrusted

to advanced nat ions who by reason of their resources , their


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experience or their geographical position, can best under

take this responsibility and that this tutelage should be

exercised by them as mandatories on behalf of the League.

The character of the mandate must differ according to

the stage of the development of the people, the geographical

situation of the territory, its economic conditions, and other

similar circumstances.

Certain communities formerly belonging to the Turkish

Empire have reached a stage of development where their

existence as independent nations can be provisionally recog

nized, subject to the rendering of administrative advice and

assistance by a mandatory power, until such time as they

are able to stand alone. Th e wishes of these comm unities

must be a principal consideration in the selection of the

mandatory power.

Other peoples, especially those of central Africa, are at

such a stage that th mandatory must be responsible for the

administration of the territory, subject to conditions which

will guarantee freedom of conscience or religion, subject

only to the maintenance of public order and morals, the pro

hibition of abuses, such as the slave trade, the arms traffic,

and the liquor traffic, and the prevention of the establish

ment of fortifications or military and naval bases, and of

military training of the natives for other than police pur

poses and the defense of territory, and will also secure

equal opportunities for the trade and commerce of other

members of the League.

There are territories, such as southwest Africa and cer

tain of the South Pacific isles, which, owing to the sparse-

ness of their population, or their small size, or their

remoteness from the centers of civilization, or their geo

graphical continuity to the mandatory state, and other cir

cumstances, can be best administered under the laws of the

mandatory state as integral portions thereof, subject to the

safeguards above mentioned in the interests of indigenous

population.

In every case of mandate, the mandatory state shall ren

der to the League an annual report in reference to the

territory committed to its charge.

The degree of authority, control, or administration to be

exercised by the mandatory state shall, if not previously

agreed upon by the high contracting parties in each case, be

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explici t ly defined by the Executive Council in a special act

or char ter .

The high contrac t ing par t ies fur ther agree to es tabl ish a t

the sea t of the League a mandatory commiss ion to rece ive

and examine the annua l repor t s o f the manda tory powers ,

and to ass is t the League in insur ing the observance of the

terms of a l l mandates .

A R T I C L E T W E N T Y

The high contrac t ing par t ies wi l l endeavor to secure and

mainta in fa i r and humane condi t ions of labor for men,

women, and chi ldren, both in the i r own countr ies and in

a l l countr ies to which the i r commercia l and indus t r ia l re la

t ions extended ;and to that end ag ree to establish as pa rt of

the o rgan iza t ion of the League a pe rmanent Bureau of

Labor .

A R T I C L E T W E N T Y - O N E

The h igh con t rac t ing pa r t i e s agree tha t p rov is ion sha l l

be made th rough the ins t rumenta l i ty o f the League to secure

and mainta in f reedom of t rans i t and equi table t rea tment for

the commerce of a l l s ta tes members of the League, having

in mind , among o the r th ings , spec ia l a r rangements wi th

regard to the necess i t ies of the regions devas ta ted dur ing

the war of 1914-18.

A R T I C L E T W E N T Y - T W O

The high contrac t ing par t ies agree to place under the

control of the League a l l in ternat ional bureaus a l ready es tab

l ished by general treaties if the part ies to such treaties con

sent . Fur thermore , they agree tha t a l l such in ternat ional

bureaus to be consti tuted in future shall be placed under

the control of the League.

A R T I C L E T W E N T Y - T H R E E

The high contrac t ing par t ies agree tha t every t rea ty or

in te rna t iona l engagement en te red in to he rea f te r by any

Sta te member of the League, shal l be for thwith regis tered

with the secre tary-genera l and as soon as poss ible publ ished

by him, and tha t no such t rea ty or in ternat ional engage

ment shal l be binding unt i l so regis tered.

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A R T I C L E T W E N T Y - F O U R

I t shall be the r ight of the body of delegates from time

to t ime to advise the reconsiderat ion by State members of

the League of t reat ies which have become inappl icable , and

of in ternat ional condi t ions , of which the cont inuance may

endanger the peace

of

the wor ld .

A R T I C L E T W E N T Y - F I V E

The h igh con t rac t ing par t ies severa l ly ag ree tha t the

present covenant is accepted as abrogat ing a l l ob l igat ions

inter se which are inconsis ten t with the terms thereof, and

solemnly engage that they wil l no t hereaf ter en ter in to any

engagements incons is ten t wi th the te rms

thereof.

In case

any of the powers s ignator ies hereto or subsequent ly ad

mi t ted to the League sha l l befo re becoming a par ty to th i s

covenan t , have under taken any ob l iga t ions wh ich a re in

consis ten t with the terms of th is covenant , i t shal l be the

duty of such power to take immediate s teps to procure i ts

re lease f rom such obl igat ions .

A R T I C L E T W E N T Y - S I X

Amendments to th is covenant wil l take ef fect when ra t i

f ied by the States whose representat ives compose the Execu

t ive Counci l and by three- four ths of the States whose rep

rese ntat ives com pose th e bo dy ofv dele gate s.

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SPEECH

OF

HENRY CABOT LODGE

S E N A T O R F R O M M A S S A C H U S E T T S

I N

T H E

S E N A T E , F E B R U A R Y

28, 1919

-

y \ ^ PEOPLE,

m e n a n

d

wom en alike, who

are

cap-

L\ able of connected thought, abhor war anddesire

X

J L

noth ing so much as to make secure the future peace

of theworld. Everybody hates wa r. Everyone longsto

makeitimpossible. W e ough t to lay aside once and for all

the unfounded and really evil suggestion that because men

may differ as to the best method of assuring thew orld's

peacein the future, anyone is against permanent peace,if

it can be obtained among allthe nations of mankind. Be

cause one man goes

to

theCapitol inW ashington by one

street and another man bya different street it does not fol

low that they are not both going to theCapitol. We all

earnestly desire

to

advance tow ard the preservation

of the

world's peace

and

difference

in

method makes

no

distinc

tion inpurpose. It is almost needlessto say that the ques

tion now before us is so momentous that it transcendsall

party lines. P ar ty considerations

and

party interests dis

appear indealing with suchaquestion as this. I will follow

any man andvote for anyme asure which in myhonest

opinion will makeforthe maintenanceof the world's peace.

I will follow no man and votefor no measures which, how

ever well intended, seem in my best judgment to lead to dis

sensions rather than to harmony among thenations or to

injury, peril,or injustice to my country.

No question has ever confronted the United States Sen

ate which equals in importance tha t which is involved in

the LeagueofN ations intended to secure the futu re peace of

the wo rld. Th ere should be no undue haste in considering

it . My onedesire is that notonly the Senate, which is

charged with responsibility, but that the press and the people

of thecountry should investigate every proposal w iththe

19


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utmost thoroughness and weigh them all carefully before

they make up their minds. If th ere is any proposition or

any plan which will not bear, which will not court, the most

thorough and most public discussion, that makes it an ob

ject of suspicion at the very outset. Bew are of it ; be on

your gu ard against it. D emand that those who oppose the

plan now offered present arguments and reasons, based on

facts and history, and that those who favor it meet objec

tions with something more relative than rhetoric, personal

denunciation, and shrill shrieks that virtue is to be preferred

to vice and that peace is better than w ar. Glittering and

enticing gene ralities will no t serve. W e must have facts,

details, and sharp, clear-cut definitions. The Am erican

people cannot give too much thought to this subject, and

that they shall look into it with considerate eyes is all that

I desire.

In the first place, the term s of the league the agree

ments which we m ake m ust be so plain and so explicit

that no ma n can misund erstand them. W e m ust, so far as

it can be done by human ingenuity, have every agreement

which we make so stated that it will not give rise to differ

ent interpretations and to consequent argu m ent. M isunder

standings as to terms are not a good foundation for a treaty

to prom ote peace. W e now have before us the draft of a

constitution for a Leag ue of N ations, prepared by a comm is

sion or committee, which is to be submitted to the repre

sentatives of the nations. Th e nations, thro ug h their dele

gates,

have not agreed to it. It has not passed beyond the

stage of a com mittee repo rt. It is open to amendm ent and

change in the peace conference. Th e Senate can take no

action upon it, but it lies open before us for criticism and

discussion. W hat is said in the Senate ough t to be placed

before the peace conference and published in Paris, so that

the foreign Governments may be informed as to the various

views expressed here.

In this draft prepared for a constitution of a League of

Nations, which is now before the world, there is hardly a

clause about the interpretation of which men do not already

differ. As it stands there is serious danger tha t the very

nations which sign the constitution of the league will quar

rel about the meaning of the various articles before a twelvem onth has passed. It seems to have been very hastily

2 0


25/94

drafted, and theresult iscrudeness andloosenessof expres

sion, unintentional,Ihope. Th erearecertainly many doubt

ful passagesandopen questions obviousin thearticles which

cannot

be

settled

by

individual inference,

but

which mustbe made

so

clear

and so

distinct that

we may all

understand

the exact meaning of the instrument to whichwe are to be

askedto set ourhands. Thelanguage of these articles does

not appear to me to have the precision and unmistakable

character which a constitution, a treaty, or a law ought to

present. The language only too frequently is not the lan

guage of laws or statutes. The article concerning manda

tories,

for

example, contains

an

argument

and a

statement

of existing conditions. Arg um entsand historical facts have

no place

in a

statute

or a

treaty. Statutory

and

legal lan

guage m ust assert

and

command,

not

argue

and

describe.

I

press this point because thereisnothingsovitalto thepeace

of theworldas thesanc tityof treaties. Thesuggestion tha t

wecan safely sign because we can always violate or abro

gateisfatal notonlyto anyleaguebut topeaceitself. You

cannot found world peace uponthecynical scrapof paper

doctrine sodear to Germany. To whatever instrument the

United States sets itshand it must carryout the provisions

of that instrument

to the

last

jot and

tittle, fulfil

it

abso

lutely bothin letterand in spirit. If thisis not donethe in

strument will become a source of controversy instead of

agreement, of dissension instead of harmony. Th is is all

the more essential because it is evident, although not ex

pressly stated, that this leagueis intendedto beindissoluble,

for thereis noprovision for its terminationor for thewith

drawal of anysignatory. We are left to infer thatany na

tion, withdrawing from the league exposes itself to penal

ties

and

probably

to war.

Th erefore, before

we

ratify,

the

termsand the language inwhich the terms are stated must

be as exact and as precise, as free from any possibilityof

conflicting interpretations, as it is possible to make them.

The explanation or interpretation of any of these doubtful

passagesis not sufficient if madeby one man, whether that

manbe the President of the United States,or a senator, or

anyone else. Th ese questionsand doubts mustbe answered

and removedby the instrument itself.

W h a t

I

have just said indicates

the

vast importance

of the

formand themannerinwhichtheagreements whichwe are

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26/94

to sign shall be stated . I now com e to que stion s of sub

s tance, which seem to me to demand the most carefu l

thought of the en t i re Amer ican people , and par t icu lar ly of

those cha rge d w ith the responsib i l ity of ra t i ficat ion . W e

abandon ent i re ly by the proposed const i tu t ion the pol icy

la id down by Wash ing ton in h i s Farewel l Address and the

M on roe D octr in e . I t is w orse tha n id le , i t i s not ho nest ,

to evade or deny th is fact , and every fa i r -minded suppor ter

of this dr af t plan for a leagu e ad m its i t . I kn ow tha t some

of the ardent advocates of the p lan submit ted to us regard

any sugges t ion o f the impor tance o f the Wash ing ton po l icy

as foolish and i r re levan t . Pe rha ps i t i s. Pe rha ps the t ime

has come when the pol ic ies of Washington should be aban

doned

;

but if we are to cast the m aside I think t ha t at lea st

i t should be done respectfully and with a sense of grati tude

to the g rea t m an who fo rmu la ted them . F or near ly a cen

tury and a quar ter the pol ic ies la id down in the Farewell

Address have been fo l lowed and adhered to by the Govern

m ent of the U nite d State s and by the Am er ica n people . I

doubt if any purely polit ical declaration has ever been ob

served by an y people for so lon g a t im e. T he principles of

the Farewell Address in regard to our foreign re la t ions have

been sus ta ined and acted upon by the Amer ican people down

to the p resen t mo m ent . W ash ing ton dec la red aga ins t per

m an en t a l l iances . H e d id not c lose the doo r on tem po rar y

al l iances for par t ic u lar purpos es . O ur en tr y in to the grea t

war jus t c losed was ent i re ly in accord with and v io la ted in

no respec t the po licy la id down by W ash ing ton . W he n we

wen t to war wi th Germany we made no t r ea t ies wi th the

na t ions engaged in the war aga ins t the German Govern

m ent . T h e Pre s ide nt wa s so carefu l in th is d irect ion th at

he did not permit himself ever to refer to the nations by

wh ose s ide we fou ght as " a l l ies ," but a lwa ys a s " nat io ns

assoc ia ted wi th us in the w ar . " T he a t t i tude r ecom me nded

by Wash ing ton was sc rupu lous ly main ta ined even under

the pre ssu re of the gr ea t conflict . N ow , in the twi nk ling

of an eye, while pass ion and emotion re ign , the Washington

policy is to be entirely laid aside and we are to enter upon

a perm ane nt and indisso luble a l l iance. T h a t which we re

fuse to do in war we are to do in peace deliberately, coolly,

and with no w ar ex igency. L et us not over look the pro

found gravity of this s tep.

2 2


27/94

Washing ton was no t on ly a very g rea t man bu t he was

also a very wise m an . H e looked far in to the fu ture an d he

never om i t ted hu m an na tu re f rom h is' ca lcu la tions . H e

knew wel l tha t hu m an na tu re had no t changed fundam en

ta l ly s ince m an kin d had a h is to ry . M ore ove r , he w as des t i

tu te of any personal ambit ions to a degree never equaled by

an y o th er very gre at m an kn ow n to ' us . In a ll the v i ta l

quest ions with which he deal t i t was not merely that he

tho ug ht of h is cou ntry f ir st and of h imself second. H e

thought of h is country f i r s t and never thought of h imself

a t a l l . H e w as so gre at a m an tha t the fact th at th is coun

try had prod uce d h im was eno ugh of itse lf to jus t i f y the '

Revo lu t ion and our ex is tence as a N at io n . D o no t th ink

that I overs ta te th is in the fondness of patr io t ism and with

the par t ia l i ty of one of h is cou ntry m en. T h e opin ion I

ha ve exp ressed is the opin ion of the w or ld . Fif te en yea rs

a f t e r Was h in g to n ' s d ea th B y r o n w r o te t h e f amo u s an d

familiar l ines

Where may the wearied eye repose

When gazing on the Great ,

Where neither guilty glory glows,

Nor despicable state?

Yes, O ne the f irst the last the best

The Cincinnatus of the West

W hom Envy dared not hate

Bequeathed the name of Washington,

To make man b lush there was but one

That was the opin ion of mankind then , and i t i s the

opin ion of mankind today, when h is s ta tue has been erected

in P ar is and is abou t to be erected in L on do n. I f we th ro w

aside the pol i t ical tes tament of such a man, which has been

of l iv ing force down to the present ins tan t , because a l tered

circumstances demand i t , i t i s a subject for deep regret and

no t fo r r e jo ic ing . W he n W ash ing ton p repared the f a rewel l

address he consu l ted Hami l ton , perhaps the g rea tes t con

s t ruc t ive mind among modern s ta tesmen , who p repared a

large pa r t of the d ra f t ; Ma diso n , one of the ch ief f ram ers

o f the Cons t i tu t ion and Pres iden t o f the Un i ted S ta tes ; John

Jay , ch ief jus t ice and one of the great lawyers in our h is

to r y . F o l lo w in g th em came Th o m as J e ff e rs o n, J am es M o n

roe,

an d J o h n Q u in cy A d ams , b r in g in g th e M o n r o e D o c -

23


28/94

trine to completion and rounding out the principles of

W ash ingto n to which they were all alike devoted. If w e

are to be driven by modern exigencies to dismiss Washing

ton and his counselors and the men who declared the Mon

roe Doctrine from our consideration, we ought, at least, as

these stately figures pass off the stage of guiding influence,

to pay homage to them and not relegate them to the shades

of the past with jeers and laughter directed against their

teachings.

But if we put aside forever the Washington policy in

regard to our foreign relations, we must always remember

that it carries with it the corollary known as the Monroe

D octrine. U nd er the term s of this league dra ft rep orted

by the committee to the peace conference the Monroe Doc

trine disappears. It has been our cherished guide and

gua rd for nearly a century. The M onroe D octrine is based

on the principle of self-preservation. It involves but one

essential prop osition tha t the Am ericas should be sepa

rated from the interference of Europe and that American

questions in all parts of this hemisphere should be settled

by Am ericans alone. I have seen it said that the M onroe

Doctrine is preserved under Article 10; that we do not

abandon the Monroe Doctrine, we merely extend it to all

the world. H ow anyone can say this passes my com prehen

sion. The M onroe D octrine exists solely for the protection

of the American Hemisphere, and to that hemisphere it was

limited. If you extend it to all the world, it ceases to exist,

because it rests on nothing but the differentiation of the

Am erican Hem isphere from the rest of the world. U nde r

this draft of the statutes of the League of Nations American

questions and European questions and Asian and African

questions are all alike put within the control and jurisdic

tion of the league. Eu rope will have the right to take part

in the settlement of all American questions, and we, of

course, shall have the right to take part in the settlement

of all questions in Eu rope and Asia and Africa. Eu rope

and Asia are to take part in policing the American continent

and the Panama Canal, and in return we are to have, by

way of compensation, the right to police the Balkans and

Asia M inor when we are asked to do so. Pe rhap s the time

has come when it is necessary to do this, but it is a very

grave step, and I wish now merely to point out that the

24


29/94

American people ought never to abandon the Washington

policy and the- M onro e D octrine w ithout being perfectly

certain that they earnestly wish to do so. Sta nd ing always

firmly by these great policies, we have thriven and prospered and have done more to preserve the world's peace

than any nation, league, or alliance tha t ever existed. Fo r

this reason I ask the press and the public and, of course, the

Senate to consider well the gravity of this proposition be

fore it takes the heavy responsibility of finally casting aside

these policies which we have adhered to for a century and

more and under which we have greatly served the cause of

peace both at home and abroad.

Very complete proof must be offered of the superiorityof any new system before we reject the policies of Wash

ington and Monroe, which have been in all foreign relations

the Palladium of the Republic. W ithin the mem ory of

those to whom I now speak the Monroe Doctrine stopped

the incursions of England'upon the territory of Venezuela

and settled the boundary question finally by arbitration.

Under the Monroe Doctrine we arrested the attempt of

Germany to take Venezuelan territory on another occasion.

In these two instances the doctrine was enforced by a Demo

cratic President and by a Republican President, and they

were supported in so doing by all the people of the United

States w ithou t reg ard to pa rty. I mention these cases

merely to show that we are not cutting away from the body

politic dead limbs, but that we are abandoning two cardinal

principles of American, government, which, until the presen

tation of this draft for the constitution of the League of

Nations, were as vital as on the day when Washington ad

dressed the people of the United States for the last time or

when President Monroe announced his policy to the world.

W ha t has happened since Nov. n , 1918, to make them so

suddenly valueless, to cause them to be regarded as injuri

ous obstacles to be cast out upon the dust heaps of history?

Two other general propositions, and I shall proceed to

exam ine these league articles in detail. In article 10 we, in

common, of course, with the other signatories and members

of the projected league, guarantee the territorial integrity

and the political independence of every member of the

league. T ha t means tha t we ultimately gua rantee the in

dependence and the boundaries, as now settled or as they

25


30/94

may be settled by the treaty with Germany, of every nation

on earth. If the United States agrees to gua ranties of tha t

sort we must maintain them. Th e word of the Un ited

States, her promise to guarantee the independence and the

boundaries of any country, is just as sacred as her honor

far more important than the maintenance of every financial

pledge which the people of this country would never consent

to break.

I do not now say the time has not come when, in the

interest of future peace, the American people may not decide

that we ought to guarantee the territorial integrity of the

far-flung British Empire, including her self-governing do

minions and colonies, of the Balkan States, of China, or

Japan, or of the French, Italian, and Portuguese colonies in

Africa; but I do suggest that it is a very grave, a very

perilous promise to make, because there is but one way by

which such guaranties, if ever invoked, can be maintained,

and tha t way is the w ay of force whether military or

economic force, it m atters not. If we gua rantee any country

on the earth, no matter how small or how large in its in

dependence or its boundaries, that guarantee we must main

tain at any cost when our word is once given, and we must

be in constant possession of fleets and armies capable of

enforcing these gua ranties at a mo men t's notice. Th ere is

no need of arguing whether there is to be compulsive force

behind this league. It is the re in article 10 absolutely and

entirely by the m ere fact of these gu aran ties. Th e ranks of

the armies and the fleets of the navy made necessary by such

pledges are to be filled and manned by the sons, husbands,

and brothe rs of the people of Am erica. I wish them care

fully to consider, therefore whether they are willing to have

the youth of America ordered to war by other nations with

out reg ard to what they or their representatives desire. I

would have them determine after much reflection whether

they are willing to have the United States forced into war

by othe r nations ag ainst her own will. I hope they will

take time to consider this promise b efore they m ake it

because when it is once mad e it cannot be broken and

ask themselves whether that is the best way of assuring

perfect peace thro ug ho ut the future years. A wo rld's peace

which requires at the outset preparations for war for war,either economic or m ilitary in ord er to m aintain that

2 6


31/94

peace presents questions and awakens thoughts which cer

tainly ought to be soberly and discreetly considered.

The second general proposition to which I would call at

tention is this

:

We now in this draft bind ourselves to sub

mit every possible international dispute or difference either

to the league court or to the control of the executive council

of the league. T hat includes imm igration , a very live ques

tion. A re we ready to give to other nations the power to

say who shall come into the United States and become

citizens of the Republic? If w e are ready to do this, we

are prepared to part with the most precious of sovereign

rights,

that which guards our existence and our character

as a N ation . A re we ready to leave it to other nations to

determine whether we shall admit to the United States a

flood of Japan ese, Chinese, and Hin du labo r? If we accept

this plan for a league, this is precisely what we promise to

do.

A re we prepared to have a League of N ations, in which

the United States has only one vote, open our doors if they

see fit to any and all immigration from all parts of the

wo rld? M r. Ta ft has announced that the question of im

migration will go before the international tribunal, and says

now that all organized labor is for the league. If A merican

labor favors putting the restriction of immigration in the

control of other nations, they must have radically changed

their minds and abandoned their most cherished policy.

Certainly the gravity of such promises as are involved

in the points I have suggested is sufficient to forbid haste.

If such promises are to be given,

#

they must be given in cold

blood, with a full realization of what they mean, and after

the American people and those who represent them here

have considered all that is involved with a serious care such

as we have never been called upon to exercise before. W e

are asked to abandon the policies which we have adhered to

during all our life as a Na tion. W e are asked to gua rantee

the political independence and the territorial integrity of

every na tion which chooses to join the league and tha t

means all nations, as the President stated in his speech at

M anchester. W e are asked to leave to the decision of o ther

nations what immigrants shall come to the United States.

We are asked also to give up in part our sovereignty and

our independence and to subject our own will to the will of

other nations, if there is a m ajority against our desires. W e

27


32/94

are asked, therefore , in a la rge and important degree

to subst i tu te in terna t ional i sm for na t ional i sm and an

interna t ional s ta te for pure A m ericanism . Cer ta in ly such

things as these deserve reflect ion, discussion, and earnest

thought .

The f i rst and most pract ical quest ion for us to consider

and decide is whether the terms of this committee draft of

a const i tut ion for the league of nat ions real ly makes for

harmony among the na t ions or wi l l tend to produce dissen

sion an d con trov ersy . W e al l desire peace, bu t in ou r zeal

for peace we must be careful not to create new obligat ions

and new and unt r ied condi t ions, which may lead to foster ing

war ra ther than peace .

I have s ta ted some of the doubts and quest ionings which

have arisen in my own mind, and I could print in the Record

le t te rs which I have rece ived showing other points and ques

t ions wh ich have occurred to oth er m inds . Th is dem on

st ra tes the unc er ta int ies wh ich c loud th is inst ru m ent f rom

beg inning to end. W he n the U ni t ed Sta tes enters in to an

indissoluble permanent al l iance there ought to be, as I have

sa id , no unc er ta int ies in the te rm s of the agre em ent . I

earnest ly desi re to do everything tha t can be done to secure

the peace of the world, but these art ic les as they stand in

this proposed const i tut ion seem to give a r ich promise of

be ing fe r t i l e in p roduc ing con t rove rs i e s and misunders t and

ings . T he y a lso m ak e some dema nd s wh ich I do not be lieve

an y na t io n w ould subm it to in a t ime of s t ress . T he ref or e

this machinery would not promote the peace of the world ,

bu t wo uld have a direct ly opp osi te effect. I t w ou ld tend

to increase the subjec ts of misunderstanding and dispute

am on g the na t ion s. Is i t not possible to dra f t a be t te r , mo re

expl ic i t , l ess dangerous scheme than the one here and now

pres ented ? Su re ly we are no t to be shu t up to th is as the

last and only word to take or leave.

To those who object that the cri t ic ism of this tentat ive

draf t p lan of the commit tee of the peace conference must

be not only destruct ive but construct ive i t might be said

tha t the burden of proof l ies upon those who propose , in

order to establ ish the future peace -of the world, that the

Uni ted Sta tes must cur ta i l i t s independence , par t wi th a

port ion of i ts sovereignty, and abandon al l the pol icies which

have been so successful for more than a hundred years.

28


33/94

Those who support the present draft of the Constitution for

the league must demonstrate that it is an improvement be

fore they can expect its general acceptance. Bu t the Sena te

cannot at this time undertake to make plans for a league,

because we are in the process of negotiation, and the Senate

does not begin to act until the stage of ratification is reached.

At the same time there are certain constructive propositions

which it would be well, I think, for the peace conference

to consider. If it is said that you can preserve the M onroe

Doctrine by extending it, which appears to me clearly to

mean its destruction and to be a contradiction in terms, then

let us put three lines into the draft for the league which

will preserve the Monroe Doctrine beyond any possibility of

doubt or question. It is easily done. Let us also have , if

we enter the league, a complete exclusion from th.e league's

jurisdiction of such questions as are involved in immigra

tion and the right of each country to say who shall come

within its bord ers and become citizens. Th is and ce rtain

other questions vital to national existence ought to be ex

empted from any control by the league or its officials by a

very few words, such as can be found in the arbitration

treaties of 1907. The re should be some definite provisionfor peaceful withdrawal from the league of any nation de

siring to w ithdraw . Lastly, let us have a definite statem ent

in the constitution of the league as to whether the league is

to have an international force of its own or is to have the

power to summon the armed forces of the different members

of the league. Le t it be stated in plain languag e wh ethe r

the " m easures," the " recom me ndations," or the suggestions

of the executive council are to be binding upon the members

of the league and are to compel them to do what the league

delegates and the executive council determine to be neces

sary.

On the question of the use of force we should not proceed

in the dark. If those who suppo rt the league decline to

make such simple statements as these, it is impossible to

avoid the conclusion that they are seeking to do by indi

rection and the use of nebulous phrases what they are not

willing to do directly, and nothing could be more fatal to the

preservation of the world's peace than this, for every ex

ercise of power by the executive council which the signa

tories to the league might fairly consider to be doubtful

29


34/94

would lead to very per i lous controvers ies and to menacing

dissens ions .

Unless some bet ter cons t i tu t ion for a league than th is can

be drawn, i t seems to me, af ter such examinat ion as I have

been able to give , tha t the world ' s peace would be much

be t te r , much more sure ly p romoted , by a l lowing the Uni ted

Sta tes to go on under the Monroe Doctr ine , respons ible for

the peace of th is hemisphere , wi thout any danger of col

l i s ion wi th Europe as to ques t ions among the va r ious Amer

ican States , and if a league is desired i t might be made up

by the European nat ions whose in teres ts a re chief ly con

cerned, and wi th which the Uni ted S ta tes could coopera te

ful ly and a t any t ime, whenever coopera t ion was needed.

I suppose I shall make myself the subject of deris ion for

quot ing f rom the Fa rewel l Address , bu t i t s t a te s a moment

ous t ru th so admirab ly tha t I cannot re f ra in f rom quot ing

i t, for I th ink i t oug ht to be bor ne in m ind. W ash ing ton '

sa y s :

Europe has a se t of pr imary in teres ts which to us have

non e or a very remo te re la t ion. H en ce she m ust be enga ged

in frequent controversies the causes of which are essential ly

fore ign to ou r concerns . H enc e , there fore , i t m ust be un

wise in us to implicate ourselves by artificial ties in the

ordinary vic iss i tudes of her pol i t ics or the ordinary com

binations and coll is ions of her friendships or enmities .

I t must a lso be remembered tha t i f the Uni ted S ta tes

enters any league of nations i t does so for the benefi t of the

w or ld at lar ge , and not for i ts ow n benefi t. T h e people of

the U ni te d S ta tes are a peace- loving people . W e hav e no

boundaries to rec t i fy , no schemes , and no des i res for the

acquis i t ion or conques t of te rr i to ry . W e have in the m ain

kept the peace in the A m eric an hemisp here . T h e S ta tes of

South Amer ica have grown cons tan t ly more s tab le , and

revolut ions have wel l -nigh disappeared in the S ta tes south

of those bo rd er in g on the Carib bean . N o one ques t ion s

that the United States is able to prevent any confl icts in the

Amer ican hemisphere which would invo lve the wor ld in

any way or be more than passing difficult ies , which in most

cases could be sett led by arb itra t io n. If w e joi n a leagu e,

therefore , i t must be wi th a view to mainta ining peace in

Europe , where a l l the g rea tes t wars have or ig ina ted , and

where there is a lways danger of war , and in Asia , where

3


35/94

serious conflicts may arise at any mom ent. If we join a

league, of course, we have in mind the danger of European

conflicts springing up in such a way as to involve us in the

defence of civilization, as has just happened in the war with

Germany. But such wars as that are, fortunately, ra re ; so

rare that one has never before occurred, and when the time

came we took our part; but in the main our share in any

league must be almost wholly for the benefit of oth ers. W e

have the right, therefore, to demand that there shall be

noth ing in any agreem ent for the ma intenance of the

world's peace which is likely to produce new causes of dif

ference and dissension, or which is calculated to injure the

United States, or compel from us undue sacrifice, or put

us in a position where we may be forced to serve the ambi

tions of othe rs. Th ere is no gain for peace in the Am ericas

to be found by annexing the Americas to the European

system. W hate ver we do there we do from almost purely

altruistic motives, and therefore we are entitled to consider

every proposition made with the utmost care in order to

make sure that it does not do us injustice or render future

conditions worse instead of better than they are at present.

To me the whole subject is one of enormous difficulties.

We are all striving for a similar result; but to make any

real advances toward the future preservation of the world's

peace will take time, care, and long consideration. W e can

not reach our objects by something hastily constructed in

a few weeks in Paris, in the midst of the excitement of a

w ar not yet ended. T he one thin g to do, as I said in the

Senate sometime ago, and that which I now wish above all

- others, is to m ake the peace with Germ any to make a

peace which by its terms will prevent her from breaking out

again upon the world; to exclude Turkey from Europe,

strengthen Greece, and give freedom and independence to

the Armenians and to the Jewish and Christian populations

of Asia Minor; to erect the barrier States for the Poles,

Czecho-Slovaks and Jugo-Slavs; to take possession of the

Kiel Canal; to establish the Baltic States and free them

from Russia and restore Danish Schleswig to Denmark.

Provision must be made for indemnities or reparation, or

by whatever name we choose to call the damages to be ex

acted from Germany. W e ought, in my judgm ent, to re

ceive indemnities which would enable us to provide for the

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Lusitania claims and for the destruction of our ships by

subm arines to go no further. But the enormous losses

of England and Italy in shipping should be made good,

either in money or in kind. Belgium m ust be restored

and fully compensated for her terrible injuries.

Finally there is France and the indemnities to France

oug ht to be ample and complete. Th e mach inery taken

from h er factories should be restored. Th e cattle driven

from her fields should be bro ug ht back. T he debt of the

free and civilized world to France is inestimable. O ur own

debt to her is very large. Fra nce ha s been our outpost and

our bulw ark. She has bared her breast to the storm and

stood between us and the advancing hordes of Germany in

the darke st days. It was Franc e, aided by the small but

gallant army of England, which checked the onrush of the

Germ ans at the first battle of the M arn e. It is he r land

which has been desolated and her villages and cities which

have been destroyed. She should have compensation to the

utmo st limit in every way. Ete rnal justice demands it. But

it is also to our immediate and selfish interest as a nation

tha t Franc e should be ma de as stron g as possible. Alsace

and Lorraine she must have without question and without

reduction, and other barriers if necessary to make her im

pregnable to German assault, for on the strength of France

more than anything else, because she is the neighbor of

Germ any, rests the future peace of the wo rld. W e ought,

then, to make this peace with Germany and make it at once.

M uch time has been wasted. Th e delays have bred restless

ness and confusion everywh ere. Germ any is lifting h er

head again. T he whining after defeat is chan ging to

thre ats . She is seeking to annex nine millions of Germ ans

in German Austria. She is reaching out in Russia and re

viving her financial and commercial penetration everywhere.

Her fields have not been desolated nor her factories de

stroyed. Germ any is again threate nin g and the only source

of a great war is to be found for the future as for the past

in Germ any. She should be chained and fettered now and

this menace to the world's peace should be removed at once.

Whatever else we fought for certainly our first and para

m ount purpose was to defeat Germany. T he victory over

Germ any is not yet complete. Let it be m ade so witho ut

delay.

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37/94

That which I desi re above everything e lse , tha t which i s

neare st to m y hea r t , is to br ing our soldiers hom e. T h e

m ak ing of a Le ag ue of Nat io ns wi l l not do tha t . W e can

only br ing our soldiers home, ent i re ly and comple te ly , when

the peace w i th G erm any is m ad e and procla im ed. L et th a t

peace be made and I can assure the world tha t when the

t rea ty of peace wi th Germany comes to th is chamber there

wil l be no delay in the Senate of the U ni ted S tate s. W e

m ust b r ing o ur m en back f rom Fra nce the men wh o

fought the war , the men who made the personal sacr i f ice .

Let us ge t them back a t once , and to tha t end le t us have

the peace made wi th Germany, made now, and not de lay i t

unt i l the compl ica ted quest ions of the League of Nat ions can

be se t t led wi th the care and considera t ion which they de

m and . W h at is i t tha t de lays the peace w i th G erm an y?

D iscussions over the Le ag ue of N at io ns ; no thin g e lse . Le t

us ha ve peace now , in this ye ar of grace , 1919. T h a t is the

first step to the future peace of the w orld . T h e ne xt step

will be to make sure, if we can, that the world shall have

peace in the ye ar 1950 or 20 00 . L et us hav e the peace with

Germany and br ing our boys home .

This i s the immedia te th ing to do toward the es tabl i sh

ment of the world 's peace, but there is an issue involved in

the league const i tu t ion presented to us which far over

shad ow s a ll o th ers . W e are asked to dep ar t now for the

f irst t ime f rom the fore ign pol ic ies of W as hin gto n. W e are

i nv i t e d t o m ove a wa y f r om Ge or ge Wa sh i ng t on t owa r d

the other end of the l ine at w hich sta nd s the sinister f igure

of Trotzky, the champion of in terna t ional i sm.

W e have in th is cou nt ry a Gov ernm ent of the people , for

the people, and by the people, the freest and best Govern

ment in the world , and we are the grea t rampar t today

aga ins t the ana rchy and d i sorde r which have t aken posses

s ion of Russia and are t ry ing to invade every peaceful coun

t ry in the w orld . F o r Lin coln 's Gov ernm ent of the people ,

for the people, and by the people we are asked to subst i tute

in the Uni ted Sta tes on many vi ta l points government of ,

for , and by oth er people. P au se and consider well before

you take th is fa teful s tep . I do no t say tha t agre em ents m ay

not be m ade am on g the na t ions which s t and fo r o rde red

freedom and civi l izat ion, which wil l do much to secure and

preserve the peace of the world; but no such agreement has

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38/94

yet been presented to us. W e mu st beware of the dangers

which beset our path. We"m ust n ot lose by an improv ident

attempt to reach eternal peace all that we have won by war

and sacrifice. W e m ust build no bridges across the chasm

which now separates American freedom and order from

Russian anarchy and destruction. W e must see to it tha t

the democracy of the United States, which has prospered so

mightily in the past, is not dra wn by any h asty erro r or by

any glittering delusions, through specious devices of super-

national government, within the toils of international so

cialism and ana rchy. I wish nothing but good to all the

races of men. I hope and pray that peace, unbroken peace,

may reign everywhere on earth . But Am erica and the

Am erican people are first in my heart now and always. I

can never assent to any scheme no matter how fair its out

ward seeming which is not for the welfare and for the

highest and best interest of my own beloved people of whom

I am one the A merican people the people of the United

States.

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39/94

SPEECH OF

PHILANDER C. KNOX

SENATOR FROM PENNSYLVANIA

I N T H E S E N A T E , M A R C H I , 1 91 9

F

1 "AHE

Official Bulletin

(p r in te d da i ly under the o rder

I o f the Pres id en t o f the U n i te d S t a te s ) has pub-

J L l ished , un de r dat e of Fr ida y , F eb ru ar y 14 , 1919,

and und er the t i tl e " T ex t of C ovenan t on L eag ue o f N a

t io n s , "

the repor t of the Peace Conference Commiss ion on

the L eag ue o f N at ion s . T he docum ent was r ead to the

plenary sess ion by the Pres ident , chairman of th is par t icu lar

commiss ion , who accompan ied h is r ead ing wi th comments .

This document and the league p lan which i t ou t l ines , in so

far as they can be unders tood, may include so much that is

s t range to our t rad i t ional foreign pol icy , contrary to our

fundamental pr incip les of in ternat ional in tercourse and con

duct , des truct ive of t reaty r ights indispensable to the safety

of ourselves and o ther nat ions of th is hemisphere , and so

much that would require (before and in order that i t could

become operat ive) such bas ic changes in our Const i tu t ion

to enable us to make the necessary sur render of h igh sover

eign r ights on which our great l iber t ies res t that not only

the Senate , which in due t ime may be cal led upon to advise

and consent to the ratif ication of the plan, but the entire

Congress and the who le peop le o f the Un i ted S ta tes mus t

g ive thereto the fu l les t and most mature , carefu l and calm

consid erat ion . T he subm iss ion of th is p lan for ado pt ion

wil l const i tu te , for our people , far and away the greates t

and mos t impor tan t mat te r p laced befo re them s ince the

nat io n wa s founde d. A re we now invi ted to ass is t in for m

ing an d become a pa r t of the Un ited Sta tes of the w or ld ?

" As I have a lready s ta ted , the document which we have

before us is in i ts present form merely the repor t of a com

miss ion; i t has been laid on the conference table at plenary

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40/94

sess ion , f rom which , as Mr . Clemenceau has assured the

members , i t may be removed for debate , amendment and

ado ption or rejectio n. In view of these facts , we m ig ht

well forego i ts discussion until the conference in plenary

session has adopted i t , except that the report i tself has ac

quired for this nation a peculiar s ignif icance by reason of

the fact that the Pres ident pres ided over the body which

draf ted i t ; that he par t ic ipated in the proceedings incident

to the draf t ing ;tha t as pres iden t of the com missio n he re ad

the repor t submit t ing i t to the p lenary sess ion of the con

ference

;

tha t he indorse d the docum ent and thereby com

mit ted h imself as nat ional execut ive to i t ; and that he has

officially assured, in his cable to the members of the Foreign

Relat ions commit tees of the two houses of Congress , that

there are good reasons even for the verbiage of the docu

ment, crude as that is .

" By way of c lear ing the ground, and that no doubt may

exist as to my own personal att i tude on war and the pacif ic

sett lement of international disputes, I crave indulgence, at

this point for a few words of explanation in order that such

negative conclusions as I may reach shall not be charged to

unfr ie ndlin ess or bias. I m ay in the f irst place observ e tha t

I am and always have been agains t war and al l i t s a t tendant

woe, misery , ho rro rs and cr ime. In com mo n with a l l Ch r is

t ians I cannot and would not do o therwise than condemn

it in terms as ex travagant as language can f rame.

" Feeling thus, I shall at any and all t imes do my utmost

to bring into the world a reign of law, of order , and of

universal peace. N o m an dream s lof t ier or feels m ore in

tensely tha n I on these m at te rs . I real ize m oreo ver t ha t

with nat ions as with indiv idual* sacr i f ice br ings growth ,

moral and sp ir i tual , and fur ther that when al l i s sa id and

done the moral and the sp ir i tual th ings are a l l that are wor th

wh ile in l ife, na tion al and individ ual. I am will ing, the re

fore, personally, to sacrifice, and to see my country sacrifice,

the u tmost poss ib le to the es tab l ishment of peace and r ight

eousn ess in the wo rld. B ut m y co un try 's sacrifice cou nts

for so much in the world that, s ince mere sacrif ice i tself

avai le th l i t t le , I wish to make sure before p lacing our na

tional offer ing on the altar that when the f ire is kindled and

the of fer ing is burned we shal l have measurably and pro

por t ionately advanced the cause of human l iber ty and happi-

36


41/94

ness . I t is in this spir i t tha t I app roac h the discussion of the

present pro ject .

" Af ter the most mature del iberat ion i t i s poss ib le for me

to give, I am convinced that you may place the case as high

as you will , yet you cannot in the present state of society

spel l out an a t ta inable end which would jus t i fy the des truc

t ion o f ou r g rea t coun t ry and Governmen t -the g rea tes t

dem ocra cy of all rec ord ed t im e. O u r l iberties, ou r free

insti tutions, our civil ization, tradit ions and ideals are all

worth all we have ever given to get them and all we could

possibly give, even to the point of extermination, to preserve

them.

" Conjure in your mind, i f you can , a wor ld without the

Declarat ion of Independence, without our Const i tu t ion and

free ins t i tu t ions , without our proclamations of emancipa

tion of races and of nations, without this nation itself, which

al l these th ings have bui lded and made mighty , and then te l l

m e, I chal lenge you, what is in that now put before us which

wo uld f ill in ter m s of bless ing not to ourselve s, but to the

wor ld the gap caused by their b lo t t ing out .

" Th e wor ld has no th ing mo re p rec ious fo r m an toda y

and for the myr iad generat ions yet unborn than our own

gre at Go vernm ent , in s t i tu t ions and people a people which

without the obl igat ion of t reaty or a l l iance, without thought

of gain , and with only the thought of pro tect ing e ternal

r ight, put on the full accoutrement of war and went to

batt le that the inalienable human r ights of l ife, l iberty and

the pursuit of happiness might st i l l have a dwelling place

am on g men , ' tha t gov ern m ent of the people , by the people

and for the people might not perish from the earth. '

"Ho ld ing our Governmen t and i t s in s t i tu t ions in th i s

fervent reverence, and profoundly averse to war for i ts own

sake ,

I must for myself demand that any p lan proposed

shall , to secure my support , meet these simple and reasonable

test s :

" Do i ts provis ions abol ish war and make i t hereaf ter im

possible, for I would be will ing we should go far and r isk

much to accomplish this

?

D o i ts provis ions s t rike dow n ou r

Const i tu t ion , or des troy our sovereignty , or threaten our

natio nal indep ende nce and l ife? F or if the plan propose d

does these th ings then i t must receive the condemnat ion of

every loyal citizen.

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42/94

"And I tell you here in all soberness that these matters

must be approached by all of us in a spirit of candid fair

ness, without cavil, bias, or partisanship, for our fate and

the fate of the world, if this matter go certainly forward,

waits upon our decision. And one word further let me say,

if we are to go forward with this plan it must be whole

heartedly and with absolute good faith. N either we, nor

those who represent us in the league bodies, must trifle with

our sacred plighted word. Fo r weal or woe we m ust stand

by our covenant. W e m ust never leave in our histo ry the

tain t of the ' Scrap of Pa pe r.'

" H av ing thus m ade my explanation, I proceed to the

plan

itself,

which I shall discuss without heat or color, and

with such judicial calm and fairness as I am able to bring

to my command.

"Any definite and precise examination or criticism of

the Covenant is made immeasurably difficult because of the

looseness of expression which characterizes the document

throughout; and while I shall not take your time to discover

mere matters of verbiage, there are two such matters to

which I invite your attention because they relate to matters

more or less basic. The first is the language of Article i,

which provides that ' Th e action of the H igh Co ntracting

Parties . . . shall be effected through the instrumentality of

meeting of a body of delegates.' Th is as a m atter either of

language or of logic is sheer nonsense, and yet this article

purports to lay down one of the fundamental precepts of

the plan. One is tempted to believe on casual read ing tha t

this is mere infelicity of expression and that after all the

meaning may be plain; but further study raises a serious

doubt, because it is not at all clear whether the document

sets up one or two operating entities for its enforcement,

as the following extract will show :

" Article i prescribes tha t ' The action of the high con

tracting parties under the terms of this covenant shall be

effected through the instrumentality of meeting of a body of

delegates representing the high contracting parties ' and not

of the league.

"Article 2 declares that any war or threat of war is a

matter of concern to the league, and that the high con

tracting parties reserve the right to take any action that

may be deemed wise and effectual to safeguard the peace of

38


43/94

nations. Assuming the language is carefully chosen, it is

obvious thatit isquite im possiblefor theleagueitself, which

is thecreature of the high contracting parties, to reserve a

right against

the

parties creating

it, and yet it is

quite

in

telligibleandaccurateto saythatthehigh co ntracting parties

who create the league reserve a right as against the league

itself.

" Again

in the

last parag raph

of

Article

19 the

Hig h Con

tracting Parties

'

agree

to

establish

' a

Mandatory Commis

sion which shall, inter alia, assist

the

League

in

insuring

the

observance of theterms of allm andates.

"Art ic le

15

provides that

in

case

a

dispute 'between

the

States, members

of the

League, '

has not

been submitted

to

arbitration under Article

13 (and

possibly

12)

then

'the

High Contracting Parties agree that they will refer

the

mat

ter

to the

Executive Council, '

but

'ei ther party

to the

dis

pute

may

give notice

of the

existence

of the

dispute

to the

secretary-general ' of theLeague.

"Under Art ic le

18 'the

high contracting parties'agree

that

the

League shall

be

intrusted with general supervision

of

the

trade

in

arms

and

ammunitions,

etc., etc' It

would

be absurd here

to

sub stitute

'

League

' for '

high contracting

parties

' so

that

the

sentence would read

' The

League agrees

that

the

League shall

be

intrusted,

etc'

" A g a i n inArticle21 'the high contracting parties agree

that provision shallbemade throug h the instrumentalityof

the League to secure and maintain freedom of transit and

equitable treatment for the commerce of all states members

of theLe agu e.' Obviously herethehigh contracting parties

and the League can scarcely refer to the same operating

entity."

How

important this matter

of a

possible double inter

national entity is, becomes at once apparent when it is ob

served thattheprovisionsof thesupercovenantofArticle10

reads,

' thehigh contracting parties undertaketo respectand

preserve as against external aggression the territorial in

tegrity and existing political independence of all states

members of the League.'

"I shall later co

1919 League of Nations Covenant

Documents