1857th - UNIDIR

United Nations

GENERALASSEMBLYTWENTY·FIFTH SESSION

Official Records

CONTENTSPage

Agenda item 9:General debate (continued)

Speech by Mr. Muller (South Africa)............... 1Speech by Mr. Zahedi (Iran) 5Speech by Mr. Lupis (Italy) .. .. .. .. .. .. .. . .. .. 8Speech by Mr. Malik (Indonesia) 10Speech by Mr. Prevatt (Trinidad and Tobago) 13Statements by the representative of Libya . . . . . . . . . . 17Statement by the representative of the United Kingdom

of Great Britain and Northern Ireland............ 17Statements by the representative of Iraq. . . . . . . . . . . . 17Statements by the representative of Italy 18Statements by the representative of Iran. . . . . . . . . . .. 20Statements by the representative of Pakistan. . . . . . .. 20Statements by the representative of India. . . . . . . . . . . 25

President: Mr. Edvard HAMBRO (Norway).

AGENDA ITEM 9General debate (continued)

. 1. Mr. MULLER (South Africa): Mr President, mydelegation has already extended to you from this ros­trum its warm congratulations on your election as Presi­dent of this session of the General Assembly and hasassured you of its co-operation at all times. I wishto associate myself with those remarks and extend toyou my personal congratulations and good wishes.

2. This Assembly is no ordinary Assembly. It marksthe twenty-fifth anniversary of the founding of theUnited Nations and is a significant milestone in thestory of the international community. It is a time for'looking forward and a time for looking back. We mustlook back at the past quarter of a century to identifythe successes and failures, to examine where our proce­dures have been sound and where we have been mis­guided, to recognize where we have tried too hardand where not enough, and to assess the correctnessof our priorities, emphasis and direction. The informa­tion wederive from this necessary process ofintrospec­tion must be carefully weighed so as to enable us toproduce a sound programme for the future attentionof the Organization, one that will help it to achieveits most important aims more effectively.

3. On looking back, the unfortunate but unavoidableconclusion is that the achievements of the Organizationhave not matched the high hopes of its founders. Acrisis of confidence has been experienced by Membersand even noted by the Secretary-General. Dissatisfac­tion with the lack of progress by the Organization is

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1857thPLENARY MEETING

Thursday, 1 October 1970,at 3 p.m.

NEW YORK

reflected in the call from many quarters for a revisionof the Charter with a view to improving the effective­ness of the Organization as an instrument for promotingpeace and international security.

4. It is understandable that this prescription for themaladies of the Organization should appeal to some,but it seems to my Government that treatment of thiskind would be misdirected; we should be attemptingto cure a symptom instead of the disease. Despite itsimperfections, it is not the Charter which is basicallyat fault, but the lack of will on the part of Membersto apply it constructively. Chapter I of the Charterembodies the highest common denominator of the aspi­rations of the peoples of the world acting in community;but when Member States have participated in the pro­ceedings of organs created by the Charter, they havegenerally acted as individuals, promoting their ownor narrow sectional interests only. The rights, interestsand sensitivities of other States have been relegatedto a position of subordinate importance, and this hasgiven rise to friction between nations, and the dis­semination, even by the Secretariat, of political prop­aganda directed against Member States. This patternof behaviour of States diverges fundamentally fromthe vision of the architects of San Francisco, whowould "save succeeding generations from the scourgeof war". The conclusion to which wc are drawn isthat in order to enable the world body more effectivelyto fill the role it was originally designed to play inworld affairs, Member States must return to the spiritof San Francisco. My Government believes that thisis the first essential step towards restoring the authorityand prestige of the United Nations. The second is thatStates should honour the letter and the spirit of theexisting Charter, being guided by the broadly definedpurposes and principles set out in Chapter I.

5. It has been said, increasingly of late, that theUnited Nations is merely a mirror of the realities ofthe existing world situation. There is no disputing that.Nations tend to reach decisions, and act, outside theframework of the United Nations, according to thedictates of self-interest, and then to seek to justify theiractions in this forum, or, alternatively, to find ascapegoat to divert attention. In that way MemberStates have tended to neglect their individual respon­sibilities.

6. By signingthe Charter, Member States undertook,for instance, to strive for the creation of the conditionsof stability and well-beingwhich are essential for peace­ful and friendly relations among nations. Article 55of the Charter deals with that aspect. The creationof these conditions is a responsibility which falls

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primarily within the sphere of action of individualStates, which should ardently pursue the goals ofeconomic and social development and the well-beingof their own peoples. Signatories of the Charter, how­ever, have also committed themselves to act, in theirrelations with one another, in accordance with the pur­poses and principles of the Charter, and they havethereby accepted a responsibility vis-a-vis other Statesand their peoples. Membership has, therefore, broughtwith it both domestic and international obligations.

7. It is the appropriate time for Members to take stockof their domestic and international achievements,measured against, the standard of the Charter. I amnot suggesting that the United Nations should takeupon itself the task of weighing up the achievementsand/or failures of any particular State or States, acourse which would be in violation of the provisionsof the Charter. I am suggesting rather that MemberStates should themselves, in this anniversary year, inthe spirit ofArticle 56 ofthe Charter, direct their enquir­ing scrutiny at their own achievements over the past25 years. It is not merely the question of where theystand today that is relevant, but also of where theyare today in comparison with 1945.Accordingly, Statesshould first assess their progress domestically in thefields referred to in Article 55. They might ask them­selves to what extent they have succeeded in promotinghigher standards of living, full employment, conditionsof economic and social progress and development andrespect for and observance of human rights and funda­mental freedoms among their own peoples. Secondly,they should consider whether' in their behaviourtowards others they have acted, and are continuingto act, in accordance with the purposes and principlesof the Charter.

8. As for my own Government, we know that muchremains to be done in the future. But I am glad tosay also that much has been accomplished in the past25 years. The general advancement on all fronts ofour diverse peoples has been such that their well-beingin 1970 certainly exceeds the most optimistic expecta­tions of 1945. We, therefore, are satisfied that we aremaking significant headway in acquitting ourselves ofour commitment under Article 55 of the Charter. Letthere be no doubt that we are as concerned as anyother State about the realization of the objectivesexpressed in that Article. We are furthermore satisfiedthat we shall continue to make progress in the mannerwhich is best suited to, and is dictated by, "the par­tfcular circumstances" existing in the area under ourjurisdiction-to borrow a phrase from Article 73 ofthe Charter.

9. Article 55 emphasizes respect for the right of self­determination of peoples. This does not mean that inmultinational countries or groupings, one group ornation which happens to be in the majority should beallowed, in the exercise of its right of self­determination, to deprive other numerically smallernations of the same right. Accordingly, in the exerciseof self-determination in such multinational countries,the history and diversity of the peoples living thereshould be taken fully into account.

10. South Africa is a multinational country. Ourpopu­lation does not consist of only two elements, a blacknation and a white nation: It is composed, in fact,of a white nation and several non-white nations orpeoples and the distinction between them is based onthe fact that their language, culture, history and tradi­tions differ from one another as markedly as day doesfrom night. In other words the distinction is not basedsolely on race or colour. We believe that in applyingthe principle of self-determination, the rights of eachofthese nations should be preserved. Since 1948, whenit first came to power, my Government has activelypromoted self-determination for those of our peoplesnot yet enjoying it, on this basis.

11. Today all peoples in South Africa possess self­government in varying forms and at various levels ofdevelopment. Most of our black African peoples, forinstance, already have their own legislative and execu­tive assemblies, or councils, with the necessaryadministrative departments. The Xhosa people of theTranskei were the first to receive a modem parliamentand their own Government after their first general elec­tion was held in 1963. During the past two years nofewer than eight new territorial Governments havebeen established with their own legislative and execu­tive councils and with approximately 50 state depart­ments already under their control. In this process ofevolution towards independence the peoples of eachof these territories have acquired a representative andresponsible Government which is actively engaged inplanning their own future and preparing them forindependence in co-operation with the South AfricanGovernment, in a peaceful and orderly manner.

12. On the 15th of last month, in the South AfricanParliament, my Prime Minister restated governmentpolicy in that respect. He reaffirmed that our policydoes not constitute a denial of human dignity and addedthat while he claimed for himself the right of maintain­ing his identity as a white person, he also concededto every non-white nation living in South Africa theright to .its own identity. He continued as follows:

"Here in South Africa a Bantu person has nevergot into trouble for having requested and demandedself-determination for his people. Quite the contrary!We are in fact guiding them along the road to selfM

determination; we are in fact preparing them for self­determination; we are in the process of training themand making them and their land receptive to self­determination. If honourable members or the outsideworld ask me when it will happen that they go theirown way, I can merely reply once again that thisParliament has passed certain legislation and thatany black nation is at liberty to come to this Parlia­ment and say that the time has arrived for it to goits own way. This Government, or whatever otherGovernment may be in power, will deliberate andnegotiate with that nation.

"I want to make the principle very clear: if thereis a desire to hold discussions, we shall be obligedand ready to enter into such discussions. It standsto reason that we would prefer these discussions

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19. I now wish to refer briefly to the wider field ofthe individual Member's responsibility. Here it is theduty of Member States to reflect to what extent eachof them, individually, has adhered to the basic purposesand principles of the Charter. Without this, all ourefforts to promote the moral and social welfare of our

18. We do not claim that in the pursuit of the idealsset out in Article 55 we have reached the stage wherewe can be self-satisfied. We do not claim to be perfect;but neither are we hypocrites. We acknowledge thecommon ideals and aspirations of mankind and we haveformulated our policies accordingly. We recognize theproblems that we have to overcome; we do not, how­ever, criticize others for their shortcomings, for werealize that no State can be perfect. But many othersdo not hesitate to condemn our policies on moral andpractical grounds. These charges are, however, com­pletely unfounded. How can a system be wrong whichleads peoples to self-determination and enables andassists them in maintaining their national identities;which provides them with higher social, educationaland economic standards that can be attained anywhereelse on the continent; which prepares them for indepen­dence by providing them with technical assistance andadministrative support, thus creating opportunities for~di of them to gain valuable experience in the art ofgovernment at various levels; which guarantees secur­ity for all by avoiding a struggle for power betweennon-white and white in South Africa and also betweencompeting and traditionally hostile African national­isms? In the light of the realities of the world todayand of the substantial progress we have made in SouthAfrica in the field of human upliftment and in the lightof the premises and objectives of our policies as I havedescribed them, I feel that the record of South Africacan be measured honourably against the ideals set outin the Charter.

13. After the black peoples of South Africa haveattained independence we shall not desert them. Weshall continue to assist them in a spirit of goodneighbourliness. We shall continue to co-operate withthem to our mutual advantage and, in the nature ofthings, on a much larger scale than we are alreadydoing in the case of our other newly independent Afri­can neighbours. In the long term this political develop­ment could lead to a commonwealth of independentpeoples and States, living side by side on a basis ofsovereign equality. They will continue to be inter­dependent economically, but there will be no domina­tion of anyone people or anyone State by others.

15. Against that background we do not believe thatwe can legitimately be accused of denying the peoplesof South Africa the right of self-determination. As Ihave said, our whole policy is aimed at avoiding domi­nation of anyone people or anyone State by others.It is designed to enable each nation, while maintainingits identity, to realize its own ambitions to the full.That surely is the essence of self-determination.

16. Apart from the right of self-determination, thereare other equally important basic rights. Almost threedecades ago President Roosevelt outlined his four"freedoms" which are today no less important thanthey were then. In those, and other fields mentionedin Article 55 of the Charter, substantial progress hasbeen made in my country. Freedom of religion andspeech, the liberty of the person, inviolabilityof personand property and free access to courts of impartialjustice are assured. But here, too, the rights of theindividual must not be exercised in such a way as todeprive others of that same right. Hence, those rightscan be enjoyed only within the framework of an ordered

14. To the sceptics who may still refuse to believein the feasibility or practicability of the programmeI have outlined-perhaps because of the size andeconomic viability of the Territories or homelands weare leading to independence-let me say this: the popu­lations of the Territories in question range between300,000 and 3.5 million, populations which exceedthose of many States which belong to this Organizationand are represented here today. Their areas, too,exceed the areas of many Members of the United

. Nations. The gross national income of several of thoseTerritories compares more than favourably with thatof some Member States. Moreover, South Africa itselfhas one of the strongest and fastest developingeconomies in the entire world. In the light of oureconomic interdependence and our commitment toregional co-operation, economic stability in southernAfrica will be guaranteed and development in all fieldsassured.

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place in those black territories so that they may be standards of living, full employment and conditions" jmore viable and better prepared to stand on their ofeconomic and educational progress anddevelopment. ')own feet. But it is by no means my intention to be realized for the individual human being. [ Imake it a condition that they must be viable before I) 11

they have the right to approach us. This is their 17. Other freedoms are related to the fundamental jfinalienable right, which they can exercise tomorrow needs of man, for example, freedom from poverty and d 1

if they so desire." want and the need for health, education and other social l~ Iservices. Freedom from poverty and want is directly IIrelated to economic advancement. It is significant in Il;1this respect that the real per capita income of South 11Africa rose by 66 per cent during the 20 years from i, i1949 to 1969. As regards other services, we have It,limplemented an education programme which will ~. i

within one generation eliminate illiteracy and which ~"Iprovides opportunities for a university education to ";Iincreasing numbers of students of all races; we have' ,. iopened up avenues of technical instruction for non- :-lwhite persons in all fields; we have established andJstaffed Africa's most outstanding hospitals and heavily''';subsidized them, so that black African patients arecharged a single fee of 70 United States cents irrespec-tive of the complexity of the treatment they receiveor the period they remain in hospital; we have built600,000 houses in 20 years, 400,000 of which were forblack African persons.

4 General Assembly - Twenty-fifth Session - Plenary Meetings

26. Two weeks ago, my Prime Minister reminded Par­liament of his statement on assuming office four yearsago that the independent black States on the bordersof the Republic had no cause to spend a single centon arms for their own defence since they knew thatSouth Africa would not attack them and that they hadnothing to fear from us.

27. Certain States persist, however, in questioningour good faith. In these circumstances my Prime Minis­ter stated that he was prepared to negotiate a non­aggression treaty with any African State, whether thatState was an immediate neighbour or was situatedfurther away, such as Zambia, the United Republicof Tanzania and other States in Africa. He added thathe was prepared to take the initiative in negotiatinga non-aggression treaty of this nature.

28. From this rostrum I wish to invite other AfricanStates to give serious consideration to my Prime Minis­ter's offer to conclude non-aggression pacts with them.It is our earnest hope that they will respond positivelyto this gesture. For my part, I shall be happy to discussthe matter further with representatives of any otherAfrican States who may be interested in our proposalor who may wish to have further information aboutit.

t Official Records of the General Assembly, Twenty-fourth Ses­sion, Annexes, agenda item 106, document A/7754.

29. We have heard a great deal in the last 12 monthsof the Lusaka Manifesto.' If the spirit which thisManifesto has been said to symbolize does indeedreflect a genuine desire on the part of the African Statesto find a peaceful solution to the problems of Africa,one might have expected Ir.V Prime Minister's initiativeto have been welcomed. This unfortunately has notso far been the case. I note with disappointment, indeedsurprise, that certain African States have already.rejected our offer. I hope very much that they willreconsider their attitude, for I know of nothing morethat South Africa can do or say to convince them thatany fears they may have of aggressive intentions onour part are totally unfounded. I trust, however, thatif they should persist in spurning our offer they willat least refrain from accusing us of aggressive designsin future, for continued accusations of this sort cannotbe reconciled with a rejection ofa non-aggression pact.

30. For our part, we are firmly resolved to pursuepolicies which will contribute to the maintenance ofpeace and the solution of the urgent problems whichwillface Africa in the years ahead. We would welcomeco-operating with others in this great and challengingtask. The Charter enjoins us to practise tolerance andto co-operate with one another. Surely in this com­memorative year it is for us to respond positively. Letus all, therefore, rededicate ourselves to the ideals ofthe Charter and resolve to work together to achievegreater understanding and a better future for all man­kind.

20. Unless Members, individually and collectively,are willing to apply these provisions in their daily rela­tions with others, there can be little hope of achievingthe ideals of the Charter, of making a reality of thebetter world envisaged in 1945.

21. My Government, for its part, has made it cleartime and again that we base our relations with otherStates, first, on acceptance of the rule of non­intervention in their internal affairs; and secondly, onacceptance of the principle that differences of politicalsystems are no bar to peaceful coexistence andfriendly relations.

22. We are of Africa. It is in this continent; especiallyin the southern region, that our destiny lies. We believeit to be in everyone's interest that all the countriesof the region should develop and prosper, that the realenemies of Africa-disease, ignorance, poverty andmisery-should be conquered.

peoples would be in vain. These provisions impose that South Africa has no aggressive designs. Indeed,a duty on Member States not only towards their own any form of aggression is foreign to our history, ourpeoples but also towards other States and their peoples. traditions, our outlook and our policy.I wish to refer to only three of these provisions, whichin present circumstances cannot be sufficientlyemphasized: first, the call to the United Nations tobe a centre for harmonizing the actions of nations inthe attainment of the purposes and principles of theCharter; secondly, the call to all Members to settletheir international disputes by peaceful means in sucha manner that international peace and security and jus­tice are not endangered, and, thirdly, as a corollary'to this, the call to all Members to refrain from thethreat or use of force against the territorial integrityor political independence of any State.

23. It is of cardinal importance, moreover, that thesecurity and stability of this region should be pre­served. We are therefore dismayed to note theemphasis being placed in various United Nationsbodies on the use of force as a means for attainingpolitical objectives in southern Africa.

24. The strengthening of international security andthe preservation of peace and order throughout theworld is a major preoccupation of the United Nationsthis year. How can these aims be reconciled withresolutions not only condoning but actually encourag­ing the use of force in an area of the world whereit is least likely to solve any problems'! It should notbe necessary for me to point out that it cannot bein the interest of any of the peoples of southern Africato have the stability and security of the region shat­tered, for without stability and security the future pro­gress and prosperity of the region are in jeopardy. Iwish to state in this connexion that I welcome thestand which the Secretary-General took in a statementa fortnight ago against subversive activities and inter­ference in the internal affairs of other nations.

25. My Government has been obliged to take cogniz­ance of the growing threat to the southern Africanregion and it has a duty to ensure the security of itspeoples. Having said this, I must emphasize, however,

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1857th meeting - 1 October 1970 5

31. Mr. ZAHEDI (Iran): Mr. President, it is only fit- settlement of the dispute. It continues to remain ourting that on this twenty-fifth anniversary of the United earnest hope that efforts to resume the talks will sue-Nations, a man of your stature, who has contributed ceed. While the need for seeking peace and tranquillityso much to a better understanding of the United through pacific means should remain a cardinal con-Nations Charter, should preside over our proceedings. sideration, due regard must also be paid to well­

established principles of conduct.

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32. You bring to this Assembly a distinguished career,not only as the representative of your country, butalso as a scholar. Your works on the Charter have,from the very beginning, enriched the minds of thestudents of the United Nations.

33. It therefore gives me great pleasure to extendto you our warmest and most heartfelt congratulationson your election as the President of the twenty-fifthsession of the General Assembly.

34. Our principal cause for satisfaction on thistwenty-fifth anniversary of the United Nations is thefact that the Organization' has survived. These past25 years have been the most trying and difficult periodin world history. During this period, man has livedunder constant threat of total annihilation.

35. Conflicts have always existed' in the relationsamong nations. However, conflicts in our age haveassumed a more dangerous character. Under theshadow of the cold war and the nuclear age, conflictsfacing the United Nations imposed a much heavierand a much graver responsibility than did those whichplagued the League of Nations. But the UnitedNations, unlike the League, still remains a reality andthe world's only hope for peace and security.

'36. We believe that the imminence of total disasterhas further sharpened man's instinct for survival, mak­ing him recognize the imperative urgency for peacethrough international co-operation and conciliation.Thus, whereas the Versailles Peace Treaty of 1919was tom to pieces within 20 years, we have now wit­nessed how the Federal Republic of Germany and theSoviet Union have succeeded in signing a Treaty"which holds a promise of peace and security in Europe.It is encouraging that, in keeping with the fundamentalprinciples of the Charter, this Treaty is based on therenunciation of force as an instrument of change inthe existing conditions in Europe. We regard thisTreaty as a clear expression of the recognition of theneed for peace through international co-operation andconciliation.

37. The recent initiative in the Middle East, whichhas led to a halt in the fighting and the reactivationof the Jarring mission, is indicative of another movein this direction. Despite the emotions, the complexityof the problem and the almost uncontrollable forcesoperating in different directions, a basis for negotia­tions was found.

38. It is, however, a matter of great concern thatafter much painstaking preparation the talks are nowat a standstill. The recent peace initiative offered aray of hope. We felt it opened the door to a peaceful

2 Signed in Moscow on 12 August 1970.

39. In the case of the Arab-Israeli conflict, those prin­ciples are spelled out in the Security Council resolutionof 22 November 1967 [242 (1967)]. which provides thebasis for a durable peace with justice in the area. Inthis context, Iran was the first country to declare thatacquisition of territory by force is no longer admissible.This principle was later embodied in the above­mentioned Security Council resolution which, interalia, called upon Israel to withdraw its armed forcesfrom occupied Arab territories.

40. It is my delegation's sincere hope that Ambas­sador Jarring's efforts in this direction will lead to therealization in this area of the motto "Peace, justiceand progress" which we have adopted for this anniver­sary session.

41. In the field of decolonization, the United Nationscan rightfully boast ofa great record of accomplishmenton this tenth anniversary of the Declaration on theGranting of Independence to Colonial Countries andPeoples.

42. Largely through the power ofpersuasion and con­certed action of this Assembly, millions of people wholanguished under the colonial yoke have attained free­dom and independence. They have taken their rightfulplace in the community of nations.

43. While we must rejoice in this phenomenaldevelopment, we must at the same time express ourconcern for the freedom of the remaining colonialpeoples, and vigilance should continue to be our guideuntil all territories under colonial rule are free again.

44. Much still remains to be achieved in the fieldof disarmament. But we must acknowledge that someprogress has been made. The signing of the Treatyon the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons [reso­lution 2373 (XXiI)] was a landmark in the long, barrenand difficult negotiations.

45. To facilitate matters further in the implementationof this Treaty to which we soon become a party, asmy beloved Sovereign, His Imperial Majesty theShahinshah Aryamehr, has mentioned on a numberof occasions, Iran is ready to declare the Middle Easta nuclear-free zone, should other countries of the areaagree to do so. The strategic arms limitation talks con­stitute another important step forward. While we wel­come these measures, we would also like to expressthe hope that, in accordance with our Charter, theUnited Nations will be kept in the picture at all timesduring all phases of negotiations on disarmament.

46. I have especially outlined some of the positiveaspects of developments in international affairs to showthat prospects for peace and security during the next

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48. While my Government will be expressing itsviews on the various items ofthe agenda in the Commit­tees, I should like here to refer to certain items thatare of particular interest to us.

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47. There is much that is urgent on our agenda, andmuch that is not on our agenda is even more urgent.I hope that at the present moment of crisis nothingwill be said or done here to aggravate the perils whichthreaten the world in the Middle East and Far East.

25 years are far brighter than they were at the inception for peace in the world I mentioned earlier that peaceof the United Nations. This is so despite the set-backs, is possible only through international co-operation andfrustrations and failures of which we are all well aware conciliation. I venture try say tJ-- 1t in our case theseand which have greatly damaged the effectiveness of are no high-sounding words devoid of real meaning.our Organization. They constitute the corner-stone of our independent

national policy. In essence this policy is based onpeaceful coexistence and non-interference in the in­ternal affairs of others:

50. On the eve of the Second Development Decadethe gap between the rich and the poor continues towiden at a rapid rate. Unless that trend is checkedin time it will be impossible to bridge the gap withoutserious consequences. The Second DevelopmentDecade offers a challenge, and it is our earnest hopethat developed nations will assume their full responsi­bility in meeting that challenge. Here I must point outthat the developed countries cannot absolve them­selves of their responsibility for the dangerous implica­tions that might result should the Second DevelopmentDecade fail.

54. We follow that policy with regard to all countriesin every region, irrespective of their social or political.systems. In the Middle East, our own region, we natur­ally take a keener interest in the application of thatpolicy. In this area; an important step was recentlytaken, and the way was paved for a better understand­ing with the Government of the United Arab Republic.It gives me pleasure to report that relations with theUnited Arab Republic have been resumed. That opensthe way for greater co-operation and for the consolida­tion of the deep-rooted ties between our two peoples.

55. The best example of our sincere and genuinedesire for-peace with justice through international con­ciliation, co-operation and understanding is the recentsettlement of the question of Bahrain. In this day andage, when force still appears to be the main recourseofnations in the defence of national interests, we chosepeaceful settlement as the means ofresolving our differ­ences with the United Kingdom on the question ofBahrain, to which we attached the greatest importance.That question had remained unresolved for a centuryand a half. The imminent departure of the United King­dom forces from the Persian Gulf area provided afavourable atmosphere for a further effort to be madetowards the solution of the problem.

56. Although the question of Bahrain was closelylinked to our national interests we nevertheless feltthat it was only just and fair that after a century anda half of separation from us the wishes of the peopleshould be determined. Accordingly, we decided to seekthe good offices of the Secretary-General, to whomI must pay a high tribute in this regard. To facilitatematters further, and as a sign of our good intentions,we took the unusual step of accepting in advance thefindings of the Secretary-General's personal represen­tative piovided they were endorsed by the SecurityCouncil. On 11 May 1970 [1536th meetingjthe SecurityCouncil endorsed the report submitted by theSecretary-General's personal representative. 3 Sub­sequently, Iran declared its acceptance.

57. Seldom have Governments shown readiness tosubmit questions of national interest to the judgementand action of bodies outside their own control. In thisinstance, Cf lljeration for the common good, in con­formity wi ~.le basic principles of the Charter, pre­vailed over self-oriented policies. By having recourseto the machinery of the United Nations we have shownhow effective the United Nations system can be inthe peaceful settlement of international disputes, pro­vided Member States abide by the purposes and princi­ples of the Charter.

53. 1 should now like to turn to the question ofsecurity a See Official Records of the Security Council, Twenty-fifth Year,in our immediate region. In describing what is required Supplement for April, May and June 1970. document 5/9'/72.

52. We firmly believe that the fruits of exploitationmust be devoted to the common interest and allocatedin the first place to the needs ofdevelopment. In theory,the sea and atmosphere can be divided into marginalwaters and international waters, air space and outerspace. But the environment cannot be divided bynational frontiers; abuses in on" part are bound to havean effect on the other parts.

51. Much has been said, and will be said, of the workof the United Nations Dev '.?ment Programme, theUnited Nations Industrial Development Organization,the United Nations Conference on Trade and Develop­ment and other... , to which we attach great importance.Our views on the work of these organizations are wellknown. I therefore do not wish to tax your patienceby repeating them. However, I do wish to say a fewwords on how we are to exploit the resources of thesea-bed and ocean floor beyond the limits of nationaljurisdiction.

49. As usual, development heads the list. I am sorryto say that the First United Nations DevelopmentDecade has been a failure. We had hoped that thedeveloped nations, which had originally committedthemselves to the basic objectives of that DevelopmentDecade, would play their full part in the realizationof Its objectives. While we recognize the difficulties

. which may have confronted them, we neverthelessfirmly believe that a contribution of 1 per cent ofnational income would not impose a heavy burden onthem.

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71. Our goal must be a world of enduring peace anduniversal prospe rity and opportunity, with ami :00m

67. To sum up my remarks on this subject, as I havestated in this Assembly, and as the Permanent Rep­resentative of Iran has informed the President of theSecurity Council several times, we are ready at anytime, at any hour, at any moment, anywhere, to startnegotiations with the Government of Iraq, for the pur­pose of reaching a peaceful settlement of the Shatt­el-Arab dispute, on the basis of the boundary to beset at mid-channel on thalweg and freedom of naviga­tion for all countries throughout the entire river, inaccordance with the accepted principles of interna­tional Iaw,

69. The crises of our times give new proof each yearof the importance ofputting the peace-keeping functionofthe United Nations on a solid and permanent footing.We hope other nations will join those of us who havealready done so, in earmarking troop contingents forthis purpose. Realization of the end in view nowdepends mainly on decisive action by the super­Powers.

68. We remain faithful to the pledge made severalyears ago by His Imperial Majesty ShahinshahAryamehr to contribute to the peace-keeping resourcesof the United Nations.

70. The Charter places on us the responsibility ofhelping to build a world in which those who comeafter us will feel safe and happy, materially andspiritually. That means enlisting youth activities in thecause of the United Nations. My august Sovereign sawthis need early, and was the first to press the UnitedNations to act upon it. It is to his foresight and initiativethat we owe the recommendation now before us fromthe Economic and Social Council [resolution 1539(XLIX)) to establish a United Nations volunteer corps.We regard this as only a beginning of what will eventu­ally be an important part of the United Nations struc­ture.

61. I would have preferred to remain silent on ourdifferences with Iraq, which happen to be the onlysore spot in the relations with our neighbour. But HisExcellency the Foreign Minister of Iraq yesterday[1854th meeting) chose to rehash the same old story,which he recounted to this Assembly last year. Hehimself concedes that he has nothing new to say thisyear on this subject.

64. We cannot tolerate the legacy of imperialism inany form, nor will we accept Iraq as an heir to col­onialism. The era ofcolonialism is over. Shatt-el-Arab,as a border river, is as much ours as it is Iraq's. Wedo not demand exclusive domain over it. We seek nomore than is accorded to us by the practice of nationsunder well-established rules of international law, asshown in the case of the Danube, the Rhine and theScheldt rivers.

63. The 1937 Treaty is dead, not because of Iran,but through the action, or inaction, of Iraq. For 32years all our efforts to persuade Iraq to live up toits obligations under the Treaty were of no avail. Byits persistent refusal to honour a substantial part ofthe 1937 Treaty, namely, articles 4 and 5, and article2 of the Protocol annexed to the Treaty, the Govern­ment of Iraq in effect rendered the whole Treaty nulland void.

60. The dec!aration of. the British Government towithdraw from the Persian Gulf region which, ofcourse, we welcomed whole-heartedly, cleared the wayfor such regional co-operation for the maintenance ofpeace and stability in this area.

59. With the entire northern coastline of the PersianGulf belonging to Iran, my Government naturallyattaches particular importance to peace and stabilityin that area. To that end we have spared no effortto co-operate with other littoral States and emirates.

65. Let me recount how the crisis between our twocountries started. A few hours after midnight, on 15April 1969, the Ambassador of Iran in Baghdad wasawakened, to be officially notified by the Deputy

4 Boundary Treaty between Iran and Iraq. with Protocol. signedat Tehran on 4 July 1937.

· 62. Most of what I have to say, in order to disabusethis Assembly about baseless charges, is in fact alsofound in the records of the General Assembly. I wishonly to declare once again that the 1937 Treaty' isnothing but a dead letter now.

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1857th meeting - 1 October 1970 7 l~.1

58. In the introduction to his report on the work of Foreign Minister of Iraq that Iraq would use force ~" 'Ithe Organization, the Secretary-General states: "The against vessels sailing to Iranian ports flying the Iranian j~. "/1

Bahrain settlement is a striking example of how the national flag. Iraq went so far as to threaten to lower If i

good offices of the Secretary-General can be used for the Iranian flag if Iranian merchant vessels were to r Ithe peaceful settlement of international disputes". refuse Iraqi demands. To make its threat appear real, !' I[A/8001/Add.l and Corr.1, para. 14). Moreover, the the Iraqi Government concentrated the bulk of its mili- ! !settlemer.t of the Bahrain issue has opened up a noble tary forces along Shatt-el-Arab, facing Iran. r iand new vista in which peace, progress and concerted jf {

efforts for the common good would characterize reia- 66. Under the circumstances, Iran was left no choice r itions not only between Iran and our Bahraini brothers but to take firm measures to defend its sovereign rights f; !but all States and emirates in the Persian Gulf area. by sending troop contingents to the border, which took r,'-1

place eight' to nine weeks after Iraq sent its troops l 'to the border. Subsequently, a number of countries, It Iincluding Kuwait, Turkey, Pakistan, Afghanistan and l~i

Jordan, offered to mediate between Iran and Iraq. We ~,Iresponded positively to those overtures and we made t iit clear that as soon as Iraq sent its troops back tOh !their barracks, we would do the same. Unfortunately, hithe Iraqi Government failed to respond. What could I' 1li \have been the reason for Iraq's refusal? I believe the f.'answer has now become clear. Was it not because F:it wanted to have its forces on secure and safe frontiers? ~r:.

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79. Such a conclusion is particularly evident in rela­tion to the problems on which I shall first concentratemy attention, as they are of pre-eminent interest formy country: the problems of Europe on the one hand,and those of the Middle East and the Mediterraneanon the other.

80. In Europe, we have witnessed several develop­ments bound to exert a positive influence on the con­solidation of peace and detente. The Treaty betweenthe Federal Republic ofGermany and the Soviet Unionis a good omen for the dialogue which is being estab­lished between the two parts of Europe. In order toensure a lasting contribution to the equilibrium inEurope, this dialogue must proceed in step with newprogress on the road to setting up a politically andeconomically integrated community in Western Euro­pean countries, a community which we consider asopen to co-operation on all its frontiers and towardsall continents.

81. To stress the constructive spirit which must leadour search for the solution of the problems ofour conti­nent, I shall recall the friendly climate which has beenestablished in the relations between Italy and two ofour neighbours: Yugoslavia and Austria.

82. Concerning Austria, the Secretary-General waskind enough to mention, as a fruitful example ofrecourse to the procedures for solving controversiesprovided for in Article 33 of the Charter, the contactsthat Italy has had with the Austrian Government onthe Alto Adige question. The permanent missions ofthe Member countries have already been informed ofthe substantial progress accomplished by Italy andAustria towards settling the dispute regarding theinterpretation and implementation of the 1946 Parisagreement. This dispute was the subject of resolutionsadopted by the General Assembly in its sessions of1960 [I497 (XV)] and 1961 [1661 (XVI)).

83. I should like to recall that the envisaged settle­ment is based on three elements. The first of theseis the announcement made by the Italian Governmentin Parliament on 3 December 1969 regarding a seriesof measures which it intends to adopt in favour ofthe populations of Alto Adige. These measures aimat widening the legislative and administrative jurisdic­tions of the province of Bolzano. The second elementis the statement made by the Austrian Governmentin the Nationalrat on 15 December 1969 according towhich, once the measures outlined above have beencarried out, it will consider as settled the controversywith Italy concerning the application of the Parisagreement. The third element is the conclusion andimplementation of an agreement between Italy andAustria regarding the application of the European con-

for diversity. That appears ·to be our children's ideal. 78. The problems of peace and security throughoutLet us make it our own. the world must be considered in a global context: any

partial solution would prove sterile and ephemeral,unless it were a part of that wider design that the Minis­ter for Foreign Affairs of Italy, Mr. Aldo Moro, speak­ing from this same rostrum last year, defined as "thestrategy of peace" [1 783rd meeting).

73. I should like also to address myself to your illustri­ous predecessor and to express to Mrs. Angie Brooks­Randolph our deep gratitude to her for having steeredlast session's proceedings with charm, wisdom andcompetence, thus gaining the confidence of us all.

72. Mr. LUPIS (Italy):" Mr. President, I trust I maybe allowed, first of all, to express the gratification ofmy Government and of the Italian delegation at seeingthe representative of a friendly country, whose con­stant efforts have been dedicated to preserving peace,elected to the Presidency of the General Assembly.Your election is the best testimony of the unanimousesteem and prestige which you, an eminent representa­tive of the democracy of your country, enjoy amongus because of your legal erudition, your profoundknowledge of international problems and your partici­pation in the activity of the Organization since its verybeginning.

5 Mr. Lupis spoke in Italian. The English version of his statementwas supplied by the delegation.

6 Issued as document A!PV .1857/Add. 1.

74. I also wish to associate myself with the tributewhich has here been renewed to our Secretary-General.In U Thant we salute not only the symbol of the con­tinuity of our Organization but also the faithful anddevoted interpreter of the principles of the Charter.We express the most sincere wish that he may continueto serve the cause of the United Nations for a longtime to come.

75. Mr. President, I should like to express to youpersonally and to the Assembly the sincere regret ofthe Italian Minister for Foreign Affairs at not havingbeen able to take part in person, as he had wished,in this debate, since he is representing Italy at PresidentNasser's funeral in Cairo.

Mr. Johnson (Jamaica), Vice-President, took theChair.

76. Following the inspiring initiative taken yesterday[1855th meeting] by the Minister for Foreign Affairsof the Philippines, Mr. Carlos Romulo, I shall brieflysummarize my statement, which is being distributedin its entire text with the understanding that it willbe recorded verbatim as an annex to the minutes ofthis meeting."

77. The significant coincidence of this session withthe twenty-fifth anniversary of the United Nationsprompts me to begin my statement with a frankly realis­tic assessment: the results achieved by the UnitedNations in this quarter of a century have not so farfulfilled all our hopes, although the Organization rep­resents a first important step in the evolution of theinternational community. We must, therefore, continueto concentrate our efforts with the aim of correctingthe imperfections of ~he United Nations system in theexisting institutional framework and of transformingthe United Nations into an efficient and swift instru­ment for the preservation of peace.

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94. As far as the second aspect is concerned, I shouldnow like to remark that the problem of eliminatingthe instruments of destruction remains before us inall its complex essence. In Geneva, the Conference

90. We are still convinced that a solution throughbilateral negotiations to problems pending betweenItaly and Libya might constitute the basis for theresumption of fruitful co-operation between the twocountries. We hope that such a solution may be reachedin conformity with the principles of international lawand of the United Nations Charter.

91. Although the problems I have tackled mostdirectly affect the interests of my country, they repres­ent a detailed aspect of a broader problem, that ofdirecting a global strategy of peace, as we conceiveit, towards the settlement of regional conflicts jeopar­dizing peace and security, and of gradually eliminatingthe political, military, economic and social imbalancesthat cause tensions and conflicts.

92. As far as the first aspect is concerned we mustnote with deep regret the enduring crisis in South-EastAsia and the lack of substantive progress towards thatpolitical and negotiated settlement which, by respect­ing the will of the populations concerned, is the condi­tion for restoring a lasting peace in that tormented area.

93. On the other hand, we recall with deep satisfac­tion that peace has returned in Africa following thesolution of the conflict which has shed the blood ofthe people of a great country, Nigeria. May thatcountry, in a climate of reconciliation and concord,resume its place in the work for progress and peaceupon which all the countries of that continent mustembark.

85. The Italian Government is following with con­stant attention the progress of the Alto Adige popula­tions and will continue in its endeavours to carry outthe measures envisaged. It expects that, on the Aus­trian side as well, all the necessary steps will be takento fulfil the commitments undertaken. The ItalianGovernment hopes that in the light of the initiativesalready taken and those which it aims to undertakein the future, the relations between Italy and Austriawill develop in a renewed climate of trust and concord,opening the way to an ever more intensive and reward­ing collaboration.

84. The first two stages of the envisaged solution havetherefore already been acted upon. Italy, for its part,has taken other steps in performing the operations setforth for settling the disputes. All the administrativemeasures envisaged in the "calendar of operations"have already been adopted. In particular, I shall men­tion the creation of the Preparatory Committee respon­sible for drawing up the draft constitutional law andthe drafts of ordinary law. After 19 January 1970, infull observance of the limit indicated in the announce­ment of the Italian Government. we submitted to theChamber of Deputies the draft constitutional lawdirected at modifying the statute of the Trentino-AltoAdige region. The competent parliamentary commis­sion has already started its examination as an urgentmatter. The drafts of ordinary laws concerning thefurther measures envisaged are under preparation.They will be submitted to Parliament in December,as announced.

86. The hopeful note that has inspired my considera­tions on Europe must yield to the most serious anxietywhen I proceed to reviewing the situation in the MiddleEast and the Mediterranean, at a time when we mustmourn the untimely demise of President Nasser.

87. Injoining in the unanimous tribute which has beenpaid to his memory from this rostrum we express thefirm belief that the new leaders of the United ArabRepublic will pursue the action undertaken with suchdetermination by President Nasser in order to find apolitical solution to the conflict.

88. All the recent events must spur us to renew ourefforts towards the re-establishment of peace in theMiddle East with the observance of Security Councilresolution 242 (1967) and the fulfilment of the needfor security of all the parties involved in a balancedcontext, in which the future of the Palestinian peoplewill no longer be considered solely in the light of itshumanitarian aspects but also in that of its politicalelements. The security and integrity of the State ofIsrael, a Member of the United Nations, is a permanentaim of Italian policy as much as the security, integrity

7 Signed at Strasbourg on 29 April 1957 under the auspices ofthe Council of Europe.

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agreement aims at widening the application of this con- tial is the need to set the desired solution of the conflict k

vention to cover controversies about facts or situations in the framework of a system of guarantees to be com- lj: jprior to the date when the said convention came into pleted by a system for monitoring the supplying of I~lforce. armaments. Along those lines Italy has directed its fl

action, which is aimed at overcoming tension and IL Iradicalism in an area of the world so near to it. Italy W iis always prepared to make a sensible contribution to ILlensure that stability, security and peace prevail in the m~ iMediterranean. That was stated by the President of 1~ I

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89. I should like to conclude my considerations on Ithe Mediterranean by mentioning, not without regret, ~ :ilthe relations between Italy and Libya. The measures . !of confiscation of property and of expulsion imposedupon the Italian community in Libya do not appearto us to have served the cause of Libya and its people.If a problem existed between the two countries, whichare neighbours because ofhistory as well as geography,it could have been solved in mutual agreement andthrough negotiation, so as to avoid the violation ofinternational obligations and decisions taken by theUnited Nations, and in the light of the spirit of under­standing and co-operation which has always inspiredItaly's relations with all Arab countries.

General Assembly - Twenty-fifth Session - Plenary Meetings

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99. Ifwe really want to strengthen the United Nationsit is necessary that all Member States be willing tosacrifice "la raison d'Etat" to the reason of peace,which requires respect for a universal order foundedon law and aimed at progress and co-operation amongpeoples.

101. Mr. MALIK (Indonesia): On behalf of theIndonesian delegation, may I be permitted first of allto extend our most sincere congratulations to Ambas­sador Hambro on his election as President of thismemorable twenty-fifth session of the GeneralAssembly.

100. Although the results achieved by the UnitedNations towards this end may appear modest,nevertheless the Organization offers us the potentialof its structures, means and systems that we shall use­fully use, provided we realize the logic of the presentevolution consisting in a gradual process for overcom­ing national interests in order to arrive at increasinglyorganized forms of collective solidarity. The twenty­fifth anniversary of the United Nations provides afavourable occasion to embark upon this gigantic politi­cal and moral effort, directed at achieving the threeaims which inspire this United Nations GeneralAssembly: peace, justice and progress.

102. His election to this high office is not only a recog­nition of his personal qualities and accomplishments,but is also, I am sure, a tribute to his country andthe Norwegian people. It is our conviction that hiscompetent leadership, special knowledge ofand experi­ence in the United Nations will bring us closer to therealization of the ideals and principles embodied inthe Charter.

103. I should like to take this opportunity also toexpress my deep appreciation to the former Presidentof the General Assembly, Her Excellency Mrs. AngieBrooks-Randolph, who guided us admirably throughall the difficult proceedings during the last session.

104. I should like further to pay tribute to ouresteemed Secretary-General U Thant and express ourappreciation for his patient and single-mindedendeavours in the cause of peace, and to assure himof Indonesia's unwavering support towards that end.

105. It was a great shock to me to learn upon myarrival here of the death of President Gamal AbdelNasser of the United Arab Republic. His death is notonly a great loss to the Arab world. He has consistentlychampioned the cause of the non-aligned and develop­ing nations. For this we are greatly indebted to him.I should like to avail myself of this opportunity toextend, on behalf of my delegation, my deepest sym­pathies and feelings of grief and sorrow to the delega­tion of the United Arab Republic, and through it tothe bereaved family and to the Government and peopleof the United Arab Republic on the sudden demiseof their beloved President.

of the Committee on Disarmament has achieved someprogress in the field of so-called collateralmeasures-for instance, in the case of the agreementon the draft treaty on the denuclearization of the sea­bed." On the other hand, difficulties persist in relationto the banning of biological and chemical weapons,while there has been no initiative at all to extend theprohibition of nuclear tests. That is but a new argumentto stress the need-consistently voiced by the ItalianGovernment-to consider the problem of disarmamentas a unified whole, without limiting the discussion tocollateral measures, and, instead, facing the task ofoutlining an organic programme for the actual reductionof armaments. In this context we are following withinterest the development of the talks between theSoviet Union and the United States on the limitationofstrategic armaments. We express the wish that thosetalks will lead to results that will take into accountthe security requirements of non-nuclear-weaponcountries and represent a first real step towards haltingthe arms race.

95. No less important than disarmament for therenewal of international order is the elimination of anyform ofhuman discrimination and oppression. Colonialregimes and systems ofapartheid are, from this view­point, intolerable and inconsistent with the interna­tional community as we conceive it. We thereforeadvocate that the action of the United Nations in thatfield be directed through peaceful means at re­establishing a more humane and democratic order insouthern Africa.

96. The celebration of the tenth anniversary of theDeclaration on the Granting of Independence to Colo­nial Countries and Peoples is a reminder of the Organi­zation's responsibility in this field. The same idealsof solidarity and understanding extolled in that Declara­tion must also inspire our stand on the problems ofdevelopment, as we firmly believe that the establish­ment of a greater social justice throughout the interna­tional community is also an essential condition forbuilding peace.

10

98. The structural and functional strengthening of theUnited Nations also implies the need to face the prob­lem ofgiving a truly universal dimension to the Organi­zation as is required by its functions and respon­sibilities. In this context we hope that the People'sRepublic of China, with which Italy is negotiating forrecognition and establishment of diplomatic relations,will take on the international responsibilities facing itand contribute to the strengthening of peace in theworld.

97. The global strategy of development for the nextdecade provides the hasis for organically programmingdevelopment and rationalizing the use of availableresources, including the aspects concerning the neces­sary co-ordination and simplification of the interven­tion carried out under the aegis of the United Nations.

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8 See Official Records of the Disarmame ..t Commission, Supple­ment for 1970, document De/233, annex A.

106. My delegation also joins me in expressing ourdeepest condolences to the delegation of Malaysia on

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1857th meeting - 1 October 1970

the occasion of the passing away of Mr. RadhakrishnaRamani. May I request the delegation of Malaysia toconvey our sympathies to the bereaved family and theGovernment and people of the Federation of Malaysia.

107. This regular annual session of the GeneralAssembly is marked distinctly by our programme tocelebrate the silver jubilee of this Organization. Speak­ing from a personal point of view, we find it a mosthappy coincidence that, as this august Assembly com­memorates the twenty-fifth year ofthe United Nations,Indonesia too rejoices in celebrating the twenty-fifthyear of its independence, the more so since this Organi­zation played a not insignificant part in the final stagesof Indonesia's struggle for independence. In thisrespect I should like to confirm the remarks of HisExcellency Mr. Luns, Foreign Minister of the Nether­lands, that the solution of the question of West Irianlast year, through the good offices of the UnitedNations, has indeed strengthened the relations betweenour two countries.

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108. For both the United Nations and Indonesia itis indeed a time for sober analysis, not so much toreflect on our achievements in the past, but rather tomeasure whether we could improve the implementsof the present to build a better future. This is the taskthat awaits us. The next generation has alreadyreminded us seriously of this task when it met hereduring the World Youth Assembly. The theme "Peace,justice and progress" should not merely be a com­memorative trimming; it must be translated into a moretangible meaning to be fully enjoyed by the generationsthat will succeed us. These are their hopes and aspira­tions. Vie must not fail them.

109. In assessing the present international situation,my delegation shares the views of many of the dis­tinguished speakers who have spoken before me andexpressed some degree of satisfaction on the detenteamong the major Powers.

110. Last year we were heartened by the statementson the ending of the cold war confrontation, signallingthe beginning of a new era of negotiation. We havefollowed closely the developments of the strategic armslimitation talks between the United States of Americaand the Soviet Union. The world will indeed be gratefulif these talks can open the way to broader agreementson disarmament and related matters.

111. We also welcome the German-Soviet non­agression Treaty of 12 August 1970 as an importantmilestone in the history of international relations inpost-war Europe, and as a concrete step towards re­ducing tension on that continent. Likewise we havefollowed also with great interest the preparations thatare being made for a conference on European security.

112. Hopeful as the foregoing may appear, we are,however, still deeply concerned about developmentsin other parts of the world. The Middle East crisis,which constitutes perhaps the most dangerous of ourimmediate concerns, not only remains unsolved buthas even deteriorated.

114. Turning to our area, the Viet-Nam war has beenaggravated by the events of March and April this yearin Cambodia. This led to the expansion of the warin Viet-Nam. Concerned about these developments,Indonesia took the initiative of convening in Djakartain May 1970 a conference of Foreign Ministers ofcountries in Asia and the Pacific to discuss the situationin Cambodia. We did not presume that a solution couldbe achieved by simply convening a meeting. Thatwould be tantamount to doing great injustice to thegravity of the situation. On the other hand, Indonesiawas of the opinion that the countries of South-EastAsia could not remain mere onlookers awaiting theirfate while the exigency of the situation became moreand more threatening to the peace and tranquillity ofSouth-East Asia as a whole. Something had to be done.The Djakarta conference was not designed to pointthe finger of judgement as to who was wrong or whowas right. It was only to remind the countries andthe international bodies concerned of their obligationsand their responsibilities and to appeal to their con­science to initiate action of some sort which could atleast alleviate the hardships and tribulations of thepeople of that region.

115. Those nations that have experienced wars ofindependence, as we have in Indonesia, should beaware of the sufferings, the years of devastation andtragedy that the people ofViet-Nam have had to endureas a result of foreign intervention. And the latter pat­tern, unfortunately, has again appeared in the internaldevelopment of Cambodia. Here too, outside interfer­ence and intervention from abroad have seriouslyafflicted Cambodia's internal affairs. The Djakartacon­ference therefore demanded among other things thatall foreign troops be withdrawn forthwith from Cam-

9 Third Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries. held at Lusaka, Zambia. from 8 to 10September 10 Committee on the Peaceful Uses of the Sea-Bed and the Ocean1970. Floor beyond the Limits of National Jurisdiction.

12 General Assembly - Twenty-fifth Session - Plenary Meetings.

bodia in order to facilitate the cessation of hostilities. importance to international activities with regard toIt furthermore requested all parties to respect the questions concerning the sea in general, to the peacefulsovereignty, independence, neutrality and integrity of uses of the sea-bed and ocean floor and to the develop-the territory of Cambodia and to abstain completely ments in the law of the sea in particular. We first wel-from interfering in the internal affairs of that country. corned the idea advanced last year by the United StatesIt also requested the eo-Chairmen and all the partici- and the USSR on a treaty on the demilitarization ofpants of the Geneva Conference of 1954 to reconvene the sea-bed and ocean floor, and we hope that a treatyand to reactivate the International Commission for to prohibit the emplacement of weapons of massSupervision and Control in Cambodia. destruction on the sea-bed can soon be agreed upon.

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124. The question of the sea-bed and ocean floorbeyond national jurisdiction seems to be very com­plicated. As we had agreed last year, we had hopedto see this year a complete set of principles governingthe use of the international sea-bed area which wouldform the basis of an international regime and the futuremachinery to regulate the exploitation of sea-bedresources. We note the different views of the delega­tions in the Committee-" and the inability of the Com­mittee to complete its task. But we also note certainareas of agreement. We hope that, as the Chairmanof the Committee stated, a report can be producedby the middle of November so that we may be ableto discuss it in our present session.

127. Of pressing and utmost importance among theitems on our agenda is no cf »ubt the question of theSecond United Nations Development Decade.

125. The question of the representation of Chinashould be considered in the context of the principleof universality of the United Nations. In this respect,my delegation would like to reiterate its position thatthe People's Republic of China should be given itsrightful place in this world body. Based on the sameprinciple, modalities should also be studied in orderto enable countries outside the United Nations, includ­ing those which are still divided, to participate in theactivities of the Organization and its agencies.

126. My delegation is fully aware of the importanceof the problems relating to disarmament. They are allaimed at strengthening international peace and se­curity. Towards that end my delegation will continueto co-operate with other delegations when the mattercomes up for discussion in the First Committee.

128. Ten years ago the United Nations initiated aframework of programmes to direct a major, concertedattack on the global issues of economic and social prog­ress by launching the First Development Decade. Sincethat time, new institutions have been established andnew measures taken, designed to meet specific problemareas. Despite these commendable actions, however,countless millions of people in the developing part ofthe world still suffer the agonies of hunger, disease,malnutrition, illiteracy and unemployment. In addition,these are compounded by the problems of race,urbanization, population pressures and the deteriorat­ing human environment. The exigencies of these prob­lems, both old and new, require an integrated approachto bring about their solution.

120. Indonesia will continue to support the strugglefor freedom and independence ofthe oppressed peoplesand resolutely condemns the policy of apartheid andracialism now being perpetrated in southern Africa.

121. Permit me to add a word on the question ofhijacking as a most disturbing and dangerous meansof political expression. Forcible diversion of civil air­craft in flightcannot be condoned as a means of bringingattention to a cause or giving vent to grievances, irres­pective of their merits. My Governrnent fully endorsedresolution 2551 (XXIV), and in accordance with thatresolution is currently engaged in drafting a law onthe relevant matter.

122. I should like now to turn to some of the specificissues on the agenda of this session of the GeneralAssembly.

123. As an archipelago on the cross-road of two conti­nents and two big oceans, Indonesia attaches great

119. In southern Africa, this problem has becomeeven more aggravated by the condemnable policy ofapartheid and racialism of South Africa, Portugal andthe illegalminority racist regime of Southern Rhodesia.In this particular context, I should like to mention thecases of Namibia, Zimbabwe and the colonial ter­ritories of Portugal-Angola, Mozambique and Guinea(Bissau). Ifallowed to remain unchecked, such a policymay yet cause the outbreak of a racial war.

117. Surely, those are not impossible demands. Onthe contrary, they merely reflect a fervent hope, a sin­cere appeal to the parties concerned to help to restorein that part of the world conditions that are conduciveto a life of peace and tranquillity.

116. I may add that the summit conference of non­aligned countries in Lusaka9 also expressed the hopethat the Paris talks could help in finding a peacefulsolution to the problems of Laos and Cambodia.

118. Another long-standing and burning world issuewhich, in spite of our untiring efforts, remains unsolvedis the liquidation of colonialism. Admittedly, many ofthe once colonized territories now have registeredmembership in the United Nations as sovereign andindependent nations. We must, however, not be blindto the fact that approximately more than 40 millionof the world's citizens are still suffering under colonialoppression.

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129. A review and appraisal of the efforts of the lastten years have established that a major stumbling blockto achieving the goals ofthe First Development Decadewas the lack of determined commitment on the partof some industrialized countries. The reluctance ofthese nations to follow up their verbal endorsementof those aims with the political and financial commit­ment for their implementation is, I believe, rooted intheir preoccupation with military and other considera­tions. This leads to an over-emphasis of the role ofdefence and security as compared to the other equallyurgent requirements of economic and social welfare.This fact is readily evidenced by the disproportionateamounts spent by the industrialized countries on mili­tary expenditures, amounting last year alone to over$200 thousand million dwarfing the comparativelysmall amounts allocated as aid to the developingnations.

130. We have come to realize and value the inherentconnexion between international peace, social justiceand economic progress. However, if nations continueto view international considerations in a limited per­spective of restricted national interests, and if theymaintain their present system of priorities, then theSecond Development Decade will be doomed to sufferthe same fate as its predecessor. Therefore, it is impera­tive that participating nations go beyond the narrow,nationalistic considerations which have, until now,governed the priorities of industrialized countries.

131. Ifwe are to solve the interrelated issues of worldpeace and global development, then we must adopt

. a broader concept of world order, and establish newstandards and priorities by which to reallocateresources and to guide our future actions along thepath of global development.

132. Therefore, my delegation appeals to all thecountries concerned, regardless of their political,economic or social systems, to assume this broaderperspective of global order. Recognizing that the con­tinuing, economic and social disparities prevalent intoday's world constitute a volatile situation whichthreatens world peace and security, we call on theinternational community to resolve the problems ofeconomic and social dichotomies between the develop­ing and the developed nations. We urge all Govern­ments to give their full support to the completion ofthe international development strategy and the launch­ing of the Second Development Decade, in a spiritof true collective responsibility and international sol­idarity.

133. Like the United Nations, Indonesia too enter!"this year its twenty-sixth year of existence as a memberof the international community of independent nations.We have survived the sufferings caused by the normaldiseases of infant years, including attempts to breakup the unity and integrity of the nation, or even tochange the state philosophy, the Pancha Shila, Allthose attempts met only with failure. The unity of thenation on the basis of the Pancha Shila has grownstronger than ever before.

134. In the true spirit of the Pancha Shila we haveintensified our efforts to accelerate the country'seconomic development and to strengthen our regionalco-operation schemes. Special mention in this regardmust be made of the the Association of South-EastAsian Nations-or ASEAN-which has alreadyentered its third year ofexistence. It is with satisfactionand deep appreciation to the other members-Malaysia, Singapore, Thailand and the Philip­pines-that we should like Members of the Assemblyto take further note of its progress and achievementsin the economic, social and cultural fields. Our jointprojects are well under way. We will continue tostrengthen ASEAN, in the spirit of the principles of"peace, justice and progress", and in the convictionthat world peace is built on the foundations of peacewith our neighbours. It is through the realization ofpeace with our neighbours that we can more positivelycontribute to peace for all mankind.

135. Mr. PREVATT (Trinidad and Tobago): Beforecommencing my statement, I should like to refer tothe untimely and tragic death of President Gamal AbdelNasser of the United Arab Republic. President Nasserwas a great statesman and leader who had made aninvaluable contribution to the progress of the thirdworld and I wish, on behalf of the Government andr eople of Trinidad and Tobago, to associate myselfwith the eulogies so fittingly paid to him by previousspeakers, and to extend to the Government and peopleof the United Arab Republic our sincerest condolences.

136. It is with great pleasure and satisfaction thatI extend to Ambassador Hambro, on behalf of theGovernment and people of Trinidad and Tobago, con­gratulations and best wishes on his election to the Presi­dency of this Assembly. My delegation pledges its fullco-operation, and is confident that he will successfullyguide us in the important and far-ranging discussionsthat lie before us.

137. As we celebrate at this session the twenty-fifthanniversary of this Organization, it is fitting that weshould give some thought to our past record so thatwe may draw from it such lessons as may enable usto make in the next 25 years more substantial progressin achieving the aims and objectives of the UnitedNations.

138. The first major point my delegation would wishto make concerns the principle of universality. It isthe view ofmy delegation that acceptance of this princi­ple by all the present Members of the United Nationswould contribute immensely to the usefulness of theOrganization as an instrument for peace and security.If this august Assembly shares my hope that the next25 years of its existence may see more meaningful pur­pose and direction in its affairs, then it is time to ensurethat those States which remain outside this world bodyare brought into it. To attempt to shape the futurewithout the participation of those States, representingin one instance approximately one quarter of theworld's population, is to deny the Organization thegreater effectiveness of which it is capable.

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14 General Assembly - Twenty-fifth Session - Plenary Meetings

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146. But, in the final analysis, however much opin­ions may differ about the nature and level of the targetsto be set and the kinds of policy measures to be agreedupon in the international strategy for the SecondDevelopment Decade, it is the element of commitment,on the part of both developed and developing countries,which is crucial and indispensable to any effectiveapproach to a concerted development effort. If thisindividual, mutual and reciprocal commitment to thestrategy is lacking, we will have been engaged inanother fruitless and wasteful exercise in formulatingthe development strategy for the 1970s.

145. In the Second Development Decade it is incum­bent on us to arrive at concrete solutions to concreteprogrammes. That is why Trinidad and Tobago,together with the rest of the developing world, is con­vineed that in the development strategy for the 1970s,we must define in quantitative terms both the goalsand targets for development in the Decade as well asthe requirements to be met for the realization of thosegoals. We must also set ourselves a clear time-tablefor the adoption of the required policy measures ifwe are not to repeat the failures of the First Develop­ment Decade.

147. It is impossible to deal here with all the problemsof development. I should like merely to refer specifi­cally to some of Trinidad and Tobago's major concernsin international economic relations. We do not thinkit unreasonable to ask developed countries to permitentry into their markets of goods produced in develop­ing countries on the basis of a comparative advantagein the manufacture of such goods. At the root of thisproblem of access to markets is the fundamental ques­tion of the division of labour between the developedand the developing countries. We recognize thatdeveloped and developing countries have a certainnumberofpersons engaged in the same lines ofprodue­tion. We feel, however, that other avenues can be foundmore easily by the developed countries for trainingor retraining such people, or absorbing them in otherendeavours, and that they should be phased out ofoperations which result in the denial of markets todeveloping countries makingvaliant efforts to diversifytheir economies and employ their own people. Weregard this question of the international division oflabour as one of the more fertile fieldsfor the manife:ta­tion of true co-operation in the international com­munity" As yet, the developed countries have not beenprepared, on the whole, to give up minor trading advan­tages that may be shown not to be of real, long-terminterest to the developed countries themselves.

142. Peace cannotbe finalJ yattained simplybydisarrn­ament and non-recourse to war. We cannot have realand lasting peace if there is no hope for the under­developed, which in today's world comprise 80 percent of the population but have access to no morethan 20 per cent of its wealth.

143. The accelerated pace of the decolonization pro­cess in the past 25 years and the consequent increasein membership of the United Nations, from 51 Mem­bers at its inception to 126 Members at the presenttime, have transformed the world body in more thanmere numerical terms. The United Nations has beenbrought face to face with the economic problems andneeds for development assistance of most of the newnations in the Organization. It is to the credit of theUnited Nations that it has responded to the needs feltby the large majority of its Members and that increasingproportions of its attention and resources are concen­trated upon programmes of assistance in the field ofeconomic and social development.

144. It was the preoccupation of individual Govern­ments with the problems of development, and the rec­ognition on the part of the international communityof the need for a combined attack on these problems,that led to the decision of the General Assembly on19December 1961 to proclaim the 1960s as the Decadeof Development [resolution 1710 (XVIJ). I do not intend

139. If has now become obvious that the machinery to speak again of the expectations that were arousedof the Organization is out of date, and unresponsive by the First Development Decade and the disappoint-to the changing demands of international life. We ments that ensued by the end of it. Suffice it to saybelieve that it is urgently necessary to take steps to that for some of us the Decade was largely charac-streamline our procedures, and we look forward to terized by innumerable studies and analyses whichfruitful and constructive suggestions when we discuss identified the needs but which did not result in anythe item on our agenda entitled "Rationalization of significant fulfilment of those needs. These innumer-the procedures and organization of the General able studies, reports, analyses and diagnoses are theAssembly" . foundations on which we can and must move forward

to positive action.140. Our esteemed Secretary-General has found itnecessary to call attention to the growing tendencyfor States to rely on the use of force as a means ofsettling their international differences. Such a tendencyis particularly alarming for small States such as ourswhich find it impossible to protect their independenceand territorial integrity against larger States, which arecapable of mobilizingsuperior forces. I wish to reiteratemy country's position: Trinidad and Tobago isunequivocally opposed to the use of force in the settle­ment of international disputes.

141. One approach to the task of achieving a peacefuland orderly world is through disarmament. The casefor disarmament is irrefutable. Every peace-lovingState, every State which is concerned with the survivalof the human race, must, of necessity, lend its activesupport to efforts at ending the arms race and prevent­ing the spread of nuclear weapons and at reducing exist­ing stockpiles of weapons. While it must be concededthat the United Nations has in the past made effortsto achieve this most desirable goal, the results so farhave not been substantial, and we look forward tomeaningful progress in this field in the not-too-distantfuture.

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155. An urgent need therefore arises for rational andequitable management of the area and its resources.An international regime-including internationalmachinery-for the international zone must be estab­lished at an early date if that common heritage is notto be consumed by wasteful exploitation and if weare to avoid abrasive colonial-type conflicts in this area.In the absence ofa balanced and comprehensive decla­ration of principles governing activities in the zone,peace and order are not likely to prevail in the marineenvironment. My delegation wishes to express its pro-

154. We are all agreed that the resources of the sea­bed and ocean floor and the subsoil thereof lyingbeyond the limits of national jurisdiction belong to allmankind. My delegation envisages that the benefitsto be derived from the exploitation of the resourcesof the area of'the international zone will assist consider­ably in redressing the economic imbalances andinequities between developed and developingcountries. The Government of Trinidad and Tobagohas nevertheless noted the warning sounded at theGeneva session of the sea-bed Committee of the con­sequences that might follow ifconsideration were givensolely to the problem of the distribution of the benefitswhich may accrue from the exploitation of the marineresources, and not to all the economic and financialaspects of such exploitation as a whole. Justicedemands that the exploitation of the resources of thesea-bed should be so conducted that it would notadversely affect the economy of developing countries,

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that are to be mined from the sea-bed and ocean floor.Over-production, with consequent market disruptionand price fluctuations, could well offset any benefitsdeveloping countries may derive from the exploitationof the resources of the international sea-bed zone.

153. The permanent sovereignty that States possessover their natural resources is indisputable. It is asovereignty that is all-embracing and carries with itthe totality of rights of ownership. The GeneralAssembly, in its myriad resolutions on this subject,has expressly recognized and reaffirmed the inherentright of all States to explore, conserve and exploit theirnatural resources, whether those resources are on landor in the marine areas adjacent to their coasts.

152. It has become commonplace to insist that thebrunt of development efforts rests and must continueto rest with the developing countries themselves. Wewhole-heartedly agree with that principle and we aredoing whatever is possible to inspire in our own peoplethe dedication, the will and the effort needed in thedevelopment process. We wish to make the point, how­ever, that it is in the interest of developed countriesto support our efforts by adequate complementarymeasures, since our development will lead to stability,increased purchasing power, and therefore to a betteratmosphere for trade, development and the lesseningof world tension.

150. As regards financial resources for development,we in the developing countries are totally convincedof the paramount importance of the mobilization ofdomestic resources to supply as much as possible ofour capital needs. The Government of Trinidad andTobago has promoted with substantial success, andis continuing to promote, the establishment of indigen­ous financial institutions. Nevertheless, because of ourshortage of resources we need foreign private capitaland foreign aid as adjuncts to our internal efforts,though these should never become the centre-pieceof our development strategy. But we in the developingcountries are engaged in an attempt to redefine therelationship between the developed countries and thedeveloping countries so as to give economic contentto our political independence. For that reason, giventhe need for financial and technical assistance fromexternal sources, this need is best filled if suchassistance is multilateral rather than bilateral, therebyeasing somewhat the restrictions which are a part oftied aid.

149. In his address at the opening of the Inter­American Economic and Social Council in Caracas inFebruary this year, the Prime Minister of Trinidad andTobago, speaking of regional and hemisphericeconomic solidarity, made specific mention ofthe ques­tion ofthe resumption ofeconomic relations with Cuba.On that occasion my Prime Minister suggested thatCuba should not be excluded from efforts at regionaleconomic co-operation in the Caribbean and in LatinAmerica. We are happy to note that at this GeneralAssembly there has been expression of acceptance ofthat view.

151. The United Nations budget estimates for thefinancial year 1971 provide for sizable increases overlast year's. But notwithstanding the tangible over-allbudgetary increase, the tiny percentage allocated tonew development projects remains virtuallyunchanged. I have already stated that Trinidad andTobago favours the multilateral approach to develop­ment financing. We are therefore concerned at the more

148. One well-known impediment to the economic tight-fisted attitude taken by major contributors indevelopment of the new nations, and a limiting factor recent times in allocating funds to international organi-in our trade re~'l!;ons, has been the fact that tradition- zations.ally the developing countries have been linked not withone another but with a metropolitan Power, and wein the Caribbean, for example, were induced to com­pete with one another for limited benefits rather thanto work together to enlarge the benefits which regionalco-operation can confer. It has been one ofour cardinalobjectives in Trinidad and Tobago to preserve andstrengthen our traditional links with the metropolitancountries, and at the same time to forge new linkswith our natural and immediate neighbours. Successso far is encouraging. The Caribbean Free Trade Areais functioning and the Caribbean Development Bankhas begun to operate. Trinidad and Tobago will con­tinue to seek to play a constructive role in promotingregional co-operation and closer harmony, not onlybetween the islands of the Caribbean, but also betweenthose islands and all our sister countries of LatinAmerica.

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159. The importance of non-economic factors in theprocess of development is universally recognized.Development is as much a human and social problemas it is an economic problem. The goal of developmentis to assure to each and every citizen his or her fullmeasure of human dignity by building in each countrya humane and equal society with its own political,economic and cultural identity. Even if a country iseconomically developed, if the overwhelming majorityof the citizens of that country are denied their funda­mental human rights and freedoms, such a countrymust be deemed to have denied itself the rights andprivileges enjoyed by civilized States, and free meneverywhere are obliged to assist in bringing freedomto its oppressed citizens.

160. At the third non-aligned summit conferencerecently held in Zambia, where I led my country'sdelegation, Trinidad and Tobago unreservedlyendorsed the Lusaka Declaration. Trinidad andTobago uncompromisingly asserts the right of thepeoples who are not yet free, to freedom, self­determination and independence. We support thelegitimate struggle of the people of southern Africaand people everywhere against the policy of apartheidand racist discrimination in their search for the enjoy­ment of human rights and fundamental freedoms, andin the spirit of the United Nations Charter we demandthe complete liquidation m colonial structurewherever it exists, and more i :.~diately in southernAfrica, in Namibia, in Zimbabwe, in Angola, inTvlozambique and in Guinea (Bissau),

161. J have tried to articulate the hopes and expecta­tions of Trinidad and Tobago as a member of thedeveloping world. In addition to the inevitable changewhich the increase in the Organization's membershiphas brought about, the developing nations have broughtto the world body a wider conception of what con­stitutes a threat to peace and activated the provisionsof the Charter enjoining the employment of interna­tional machinery for the promotion of the economicand social advancement of all peoples. Developmentcan take place only in an ordered community, in whichinter-State relations are conducted in '\ccordance withthe "rule of law. We are therefore partk-ularly pleasedto see the word "justice", which is the mother of allgood law, inscribed in the motto marking the silverjubilee of our Organization.

162. With faith in the future of our Organization andwith confidence in our ability to live up to the principles

found regret that the sea-bed Committee was unable too long we have had to abide by laws made for usto reach agreement at its August session in Geneva by the major metropolitan countries. The time has nowon such a declaration of principles. We participated come when we must ourselves assist in a progressiveactively in that session, and in spite of the unsatisfac- development ofthe law in this area. Ifanew conferencetory results we are nonetheless optimistic. We take is held to deal with these matters, a large number ofcomfort from the fact that on some important questions the Members of this Assembly will be pronouncingthere is near agreement. What is heartening is that themselves on these questions for the first time. Forfull agreement has been reached on the principles all these reasons, and especially because the problemsregarding the peaceful settlement of disputes and the of the law of the sea are intimately interrelated,promotion of scientific research. Trinidad and Tobago supports the holding of a new

conference to deal comprehensively with these mattersand rejects any piecemeal approach.156. At that session also the need to strengthen the

scientific research capabilities of developing countrieswas stressed. Training is in the view of my delegationan integral part of the process of economic develop­ment. Training of personnel from the developingcountries in sea-bed operations must be an essentialactivity of any international machinery to be estab­lished. We strongly recommend that prior to the estab­lishment ofan international regime for the internationalsea-bed zone, and its subsidiary body, the Intergovern­mental Oceanographic commission, the Food andAgriculture Organization of the United Nations andother agencies within the United Nations family shouldconsider intensifying, expanding and expediting theirprogrammes for the training of nationals of developingcountries in the various aspects of marine science andtechnology.

157. The Government of Trinidad and Tobagoattaches the greatest importance to this question. Itis our hope that the specialized agencies will take posi­tive action towards strengthening the scientific infra­structure of the developing countries, and we wouldsuggest that the United .Nations Development Pro­gramme, inthe context ofthe Long-Term and ExpandedProgramme of Oceanic Exploration and Research,should direct its attention to the establishment andfunding of regional oceanographic institutions in thedeveloping countries. Developing countries willbe ableto participate meaningfully in the international sea-bedregime when it comes into force and effect, hopefullyin the near future, only if such programmes for trainingare intensified and such oceanographic institutionsestablished at an early date.

16 General Assembly - Twenty-fifth Session - Plenary Meetings

158. The problems of the law of tl . sea are intimatelyinterrelated. The law of the sea as it now exists isthe creature of the developed countries, especially ofthe maritime Powers, which formulated it with theirown interests in mind. Moreover, in the Conferenceson the Law of the !jea held in 1958 and 1960, manyof the developing countries were unable to participate,as they got their independence only in the last decade.My delegation, during the last session of the GeneralAssembly, was one of the main proponents of the viewthat a new conference on the law of the sea shouldbe convened to deal comprehensively with all theorganically interrelated problems of the marineenvironment. In the 12 years since the adoption ofthe 1958 Geneva Convention rapidly developingtechnology has in fact made the law obsolete. Theseconferences did not provide substantive rules for theexploration and exploitation of the resources of theinternational zone. As developing countries, for far

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116. We know that Iran had laid a claim to Bahrainthat was totally rejected by its people. as was shown

172. I only wish to say that discussions are now goingon between the two countries. I have just receiveda statement made by the Foreign Minister of Italy inthe Chamber of Deputies on 24 September, when hereferred to this problem. He said then that he hadreceived "a friendly and courteous" letter from thenew Foreign Minister of Libya and added that "dis­cussions between the two countries are under way" .He likewise confirmed the "express desire of theLibyan Government to resume co-operation betweenthe two countries" .

175. Mr. EL-SHIBIB (Iraq): When I listened thisafternoon to the statement of the Foreign Minister ofIran I nurtured a glimmer of hope when he spoke aboutthe question of Bahrain and specified that a genuinedesire for peace with justice through international con­ciliation, co-operation and understanding was his coun­try's policy. I was particularly hopeful because hisstatement came after the reasonable and generous offermade by my Foreign Minister in his statement in thegeneral debate yesterday [1854th meeting]. I thoughtthat at long last Iranian foreign policy would be foreverrid of the last vestiges and traces of territorial aggran­dizement.

174. Sir Colin CROWE (United Kingdom): In hisstatement this morning the representative of Syriastated that the British Parliament had taken a decisionto supply arms to South Africa. I simply wish to pointout that that statement was inaccurate. No such deci­sion has been taken by the British Parliament or bythe United Kingdom Government.

173. I do not wish to speak at any greater lengthon this point. but I would reserve the right ofmy delega­tion to speak again. I would simply have wished thatthe Italian delegation had not referred to this problemhere while the discussions between our two Govern­ments are still under way.

163. The PRESIDENT: Several States haveindicated their wish to exercise their right of reply.It is proposed to call upon them in the order in whichtheir requests were received.

165. I listened with interest to the statement madeby His Excellency Giuseppe Lupis, Head of the Italiandelegation and Cabinet Minister. Mr. Lupis expressedhis regret for the problems which have arisen betweenLibya and the Italian Republic during the past fewyears. We for our part regret that he saw fit to referto those problems between Italy and Libya here inthis Assembly. We regret this above all because weare at present in contact with and having discussionswith the Italian Government in order to remove thoseproblems which are the vestiges of a colonial past.We had hoped, and we continue to hope, that thismatter will be settled by common consent betweenthese two neighbouring and friendly States.

167\ I hope that the Italian delegation, which repre­sents modern democratic Italy, will not try to defendbefore this au- it gathering a community which wascreated by set' ers who were themselves the remnantsand vestiges of a colonial past of which our Italianfriends are well aware, and from which we Libyanshave suffered so much.

166. The steps which have been taken in Libya bythe revolutionary council and by the RevolutionaryGovernment of Libya were in fact national necessities.They were part and parcel ofthe liberation ofour coun­try from the vestiges and marks left by our colonialpast. Those measures were in fact and should be consi­dered as being necessary prerequisites to bringingabout normal relations between our country anddemocratic Italy.

164. Mr. KIKHIA (Libya) (interpretation fromFrench): I am sorry to have to take the floor at thislate hour, but I had no choice.

168. The Head of the Italian delegation referred tointemationallaw and to international traditions. MayI simply say to him that, in modem international lawand present-day international relationships, decoloni­zation has become a basic rule underlying all interna­tional activities. What Libya did should have been done20 years ago. We did it, like most countries representedhere which belong to Africa or Asia and which haveemerged from a colonial past, but we did it a littlelater. Only a year ago did we carry out our nationalrevolution, our progressive revolution.

169. When Libya did away with foreign bases, whenLibya got rid of the last foreign soldiers, it was quitenormal that it should rid its economy and its life ofthose problems which remain a barrier to genuinefriendship between us and the Italian people.

170. We in Libya were under Italian occupation ferapproximately 35 years. The Libyan people suffered

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25 years. was neither a United Nations nor any international ~ Icommunity as we have them today. More than one !~ jthird of the Libyan population was wiped out. We It'!fought against Italian fascism, we fought for the libera- r~ Ition ofour country and we achieved our independence. k IWe have nevertheless maintained relations with our t: .!former colonizers and have established normal rela- t~1tions with Italy. But there remained the problem of ~. J

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in the report of the Special Representative of the 182. Now the Foreign Minister of Iran has come andSecretary-General." It was totally ignored and never told us that Iran concentrated troops on the bordertaken seriously by the international community, and because we did so first. Then, at the end of his state-at long last Iran has shown an appreciation of the ment, he said that Iraq had chosen a safe sanctuaryrealities of the international situation and accepted the for its forces. I cannot judge the ability of Iranianface-saving formula that was found. troops, but do they think that makes it safe for Iraqi

troops?

177. In my opinion, that is a way out of an illegaland inadmissible situation. I felt that here was an oppor­tunity whereby Iran could also extricate itself froma position that was illegal and unacceptable. Unfor­tunately, when I listened to the statementof the ForeignMinister ofIran I was very disappointed and distressed.

178. As I mentioned earlier, it was disappointingbecause my Foreign Minister said yesterday thatwherever and whenever there was a dispute betweenIraq and Iran regarding the provisions of the validBoundary Treaty of 1937 between the two countries,Iraq was willing to abide by the ruling of the Interna­tional Court of Justice. We said that in complete faithand complete solemnity, but apparently it was notaccepted by the Foreign Minister of Iran.

179. The second reason for my disappointment is this:Iran is a country with a long history of internationalrelations. Its representative, the man most responsiblefor formulating it policy, informed this august bodythat a solemnly ratified and binding Boundary Treatybetween two countries is, to use his words, a deadletter. I feel that that statement, coming at a time ofrespect for the sanctity of treaties between States andadherence to the principles of the Charter among whichis respect for treaties, is not only disappointing butshows a total disregard for the sense of occasion ofthis particular session and this body, which is essen­tially based on respect for law and the willingness ofStates to abide by their contractual obligations.

180. When Iran unilaterally abrogated its borderTreaty with Iraq, that action was accompanied by themassing of troops and statements threatening to useforce against Iraq in support of that illegalact. Amongthose who made such statements was the ForeignMinister of Iran. It was done publicly, and privatelyto a number of personalities who tried to intercedeon that issue.

181. The concentration of troops, threats, violationsofIraqi territorial integrity and interference in the inter­nal affairs of Iraq reached an intolerable level inJanuary 1969. We used the utmost restraint. We feltthat we should resort to international machinery? whichcan be most useful and is able to deal with such explo­sive situations. We requested the Secretary-Generalof the United Nations to send a representative or rep­resentatives to the border between Iraq and Iran to­see the dangerous and provocative nature ofthe Iranianconcentration of troops and to judge the invalidity ofIranian allegations that there was a similar concentra­tion of troops on our side of the border.

11 SeeOfficial Records ofthe Security Council, TwentY-Jifth Year,Supplement for April, May and June 1970, document S/9772.

183. I do not want to take any more of the time ofthis august body, and I know the hour is very late.But Iraq and Iran are neighbours. Relations betweenthe two peoples are so historically bound throughtradition, culture and inter-marriage that I am sure theyharbour nothing but love for each other. It is theGovernment of Iran that must respect its treaty obliga­tions, the rule of law and the accepted ways and normsfor States to deal with each other. It is called uponto show such respect. As my Foreign Minister saidyesterday, if Iran has any quarrels, disputes or com­plaints regarding the provisions of the Treaty of ourconduct regarding those provisions, then the Interna­tional Court of Justice is the body to which it canresort, and I solemnly declare from this rostrum thatwe are willing to accept its judgment.

184. The Foreign Minister of Iran comes and tellsus that he is willing to start negotiatingwith Iraq. Now,what would those negotiations be about? To be clearon this matter, I am sure that all representatives hereare fully aware that what the Foreign Minister hasinvited Iraq to negotiate is the establishment of a. newborder between countries who have for thousands ofyears-for all eternity-been livingnext to each other,who are bound by a Treaty defining their borders thathas been in effect for the past 50 years. I am sureall representatives realize the unacceptability of thatlogic. And, in addition, what faith, trust or value canwe place in new negotiations or a new treaty when,with such ease, with such whimsy, a binding, legal,solemnly ratified Treaty can be called a dead letter?

185. Mr. VINCI (Italy): I regret that the' Italiandelegation has to speak again in this meeting in orderto exercise its right of reply. Since I have to do so,may I first ofall offer our condolences to the delegationof Malaysia on the passing away of AmbassadorRamani. He was well known and highly esteemed inour midst since his first term of office as PermanentRepresentative of his country to the United Nations.He was a distinguished diplomatist. He left manyfriends and many affections here. We share sincerelythe mourning of the Malaysian Government and theMalaysian delegation.

186. This morning we were gratified to hear fromthe Under-Secretary of the Ministry of Unity andForeign Affairs of Libya what sounded like a strongrededication to the principles and purposes of the Char­ter as well as a firm pledge to abide by the resolutionsof the United Nations. Permit me, Sir, to quote fromhis speech. He stated:

" ... the United Nations has repeatedly failed toimplement scores of resolutions and recommenda­tions adopted in the past twenty-five years, concern-

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"The Government of Libya dedares"-also pur­suant to the provisions of article VI, paragraph Iof the same resolution 388 (V)-"concerning therespect of the rights and interests of the Italiannationals in Libya that no claim, even by individualsmay be moved against the property of the Italiannationals in Libya because of deeds by the Govern­ment and by the former Italian administration ofLibya accomplished prior to the establishment ofthe State of Libya. "

"The Government ofLibya guarantees, therefore,to the Italian nationals, owners of property in Libya,within the observance of the Libyan law, the freeand direct exercise of their rights. ' ,

192. Paragraph 2 of the same article contains the fol­lowing provision:

193. I believe that to be in a position to advocate-andI refer to what I said at the beginning of my statement-respect for the resolutions of the General Assembly,any delegation should feel as its first duty to respectall resolutions, creating obligations for it or any interna­tional instrument or treaty to which its country is aparty.

194. Now, contrary to the obligations I have justspoken about, taken by the Libyan Government, thisGovernment, on 21 July 1970, issued a decree confisca­ting, without indemnity, the real property of the Italiannationals living in Libya. The decree specifies that theterm "real property" covers the agricuitural, non­agricultural and desertic lands and all immovables ofany kind, including whatever there may be on or inthem: fixtures, means of transportation, livestock andall working tools. Moreover, after the confiscationresulting from the decree of 21 July 1970, the LibyanGovernment issued a series of other measures againstthe Italian nationals that constitute many violationsof the general principles of international law, of theItalian-Libyan Agreement, and of the United Nationsresolution.

195. There have been serious measures taken torestrict the personal liberty of the Italian nationals,who were not allowed to leave their farms. Italiannationals calling on our diplomatic and consular officeswere searched and there have been sequestrations ofvaluables that they were carrying. Bank accounts werefrozen and an invitation was issued not te pay thecredits of the Italian nationals.

196. Now, how can these measures be consideredconsistent with the obligations taken by Libya in

190. However, since we are speaking about resolu­tions and obligations in the international field, I mustrecall in.this connexion that the situation of the Italiannationals in Libya was extensively regulated by'General Assembly resolution 388 A (V), article VI of15 December 1950 and by the agreement provided forby that resolution and concluded successfully betweenItaly and Libya on 2 October 1956. After becominga Member of the United Nations Libya took part inthe work of the General Assembly for the fullimplementation of resolution 388 A (V).

187. In another part of his statement he said:

"We believe that the cause of the Organization'sshortcomings lies less in the United Nations thanin the failure of certain countries to honour theirobligations under the Charter." [Ibid., para. lJ9.]

" ... United Nations resolutions calling for thereturn of the Palestinian people to their occupiedhomes, lands, property, and farms, or for cornpen-:sation for those who do not wish to return."[Ibid., para. 12 I.]

189. I should like to make it clear that I am not iden­tifying every single position. But the statement thatwe have heard this afternoon from the representativeof Libya raises many serious questions about the valueand the meaning attributed by his delegation to GeneralAssembly resolutions and to obligations originated bytreaties freely entered into by States. We deeplyappreciate the very moderate and kind terms in whichHis Excellency Mr. Kikhia has just spoken. I wantto make this quite clear: we are not questioning, weare not discussing now, the arguments which have beenput forward by the Libyan delegation. We are.certainlynot discussing or questioning here the process ofdecolonization. My country has always supported thatprocess and we will always do so with the strongestconviction. And I think everybody can testify to thefact that Italy has done its best to accelerate that move­ment for the emancipation of African Countries.

188. Finally, th; Chairman of the Libyan delegation,in dealing with the Middle Eastern question, recalledthe

191. The Libyan Government expressed its approvalof General Assembly resolution 792 (VIII) whichrecalls resolution 388 (V). The Libyan representativeexpressed his approval-I am speaking of the Libyanrepresentative of that time-of the measures adoptedby the General Assembly for the implementation ofresolution 388 (V), for instance at the 465th meetingof the Sixth Committee of the General Assembly on29 November 1955. The Government of Libya sub­sequently expressed its approval of resolution 988 (X)of 6 December 1955, which also confirms resolution

. 388 (V), and contains measures for the implementationof that resolution. thus accepting in full the said resolu-

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ing the rights of oppressed peoples, self- tion 388 (V). Article VI of resolution 388 (V) contains ,:' 1

1det~r~ina!ion and th~ achievement of the goals of provision~ for th~ prote~tio~ of the rights a!1d interests ~'socialjustice, economic development and the protec- of the Italian nationals In Libya. It states, In fact, that nItion of human rights." [1856th meeting, para. 117.] the property and rights and interests of the Italian l~. )

nationals in Libya shall be respected and sh~ll not be it ltreated less favourably than the property, fights and 1£ 1interes!s of other foreign na~ionals. Pursuant to that ll~ ,jresolution, the Italian and Libyan Governments on 2 ~ IOctober 1956 signed an agreement whose article 9 -ri.'.ireads:?,;

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accordance with the aforesaid resolution, with the countries. We hope that such a solution may beTreaty signed by the Libyan Government, and with reached in conformity with the principles ofintema-the United Nations Charter altogether? That is the tionallaw and of the United Nations Charter." ISee .question I put. para. 90 above.]

197. The Chairman of the Libyan delegation hasspoken of the Italian inhabitants in Libya in such termsas tc identify them with European settlers elsewherein Africa, or, even worse, with fascism. It is a well­known fact that fascism was overthrown in Italy 27years ago. Is it possible to consider 20,000 Italians,many of them, if not most of them, born after 1943,as belonging to the fascist party which no longer existssince the Republic of Italy was established? These areall questions that I wanted to put here before theAssembly.

198. I am ready to follow our colleagues from Libyawhen they say that they want to handle this issue whichhas been raised, not by us, or through any initiativeon our part, but by the measures that I have just listed.In short, how can we deal with this problem if thereis not the same spirit, the same will, to respect notonly the spirit of the Charter but also the resolutionsof one of the principal organs of the United Nationswhen they create obligations?

199. I think it can hardly be said that Italy is notalways willing to hear the other side, to try to cometo terms, to try to negotiate. We have shown on severaloccasions that we are. The head of the Italian delega­tion today has indicated what we have done with regardto other neighbour countries. We are always readyto negotiate, but certainly not under duress. Is thisin accordance with the resolution? We do not pretend,furthermore, that resolutions are eternal. We do notpretend that international treaties are eternal. But thereare procedures to be followed; there are ways to pro­ceed in accordance with the Charter. We have allaccepted obligations under the Charter and we are allfaithful-we should all be faithful-to the Charter. Butto show that we are faithful to the Charter, we mustfirst of all show that we respect and implement theprovisions ofthe Charter and General Assembly resolu­tions which have not been objected to by the delega­tions concerned.

200. Now I go back to the offer to go on with ournegotiations. It certainly ltl our wiil. The Chairmanofthe Libyan delegation mentioned the statement madeby oUL Foreign Minister before, I think, the Committeeof Foreign Affairs of the Chamber of Deputies. MayI call the attention of Mr. Kikhia, the Chairman ofthe Libyan delegation, to the fact that the Chairmanof our delegation stated exactly the same thing thisafternoon? Even in the summary which he gave ofhis own statement, after having made a very short men­tion of what has happened in relation to our countries,he ended by using the following words which I wouldlike to quote again:

"We are stilI convinced that a solution throughbilateral negotiations to problems pending betweenItaly and Libya might constitute the basis for theresumption of fruitful co-operation between the two

201. I think that what I have said is exactly in thespirit of that statement. In taking note of what therepresentative of Libya has just said, I should like todraw his attention to this final statement.

2J2. Mr. VAKIL (Iran) (interpretation/ram French):Yesterday, I announced from this rostrum [1854tlzmeeting] that our Foreign Minister would provide thenecessary explanation today in the statement whichhe was going to make. before the General Assembly,in connexion with the statement made by the ForeignMinister of Iraq. The representative of Iraqimmediately asked for the floor and he came up tothis platform to reply to questions that we had notyet raised. He replied to questions which we had notraised, because I had said that my Foreign Minister,during his statement today, would provide the neces­sary information with regard to the statement madeby the Foreign Minister of Iraq.

203. I wonder, then, where this misunderstandingoriginated. Perhaps we do not use the same ter­minology. Perhaps the language which we use is notvery well understood by our neighbours from Iraq.

204. To give a single example, the efforts of peaceand conciliation which we have made to resolve thequestion of Bahrain were unanimously applauded bythe Security Council. The Secretary-General was goodenough to mention them specifically in his introductionto his annual report [A/800l/Add.l and Corr.l]. ThePermanent Representative of Iraq then came up to thisplatform to qualify our attitude as being a manoeuvreto save face.

205. I think that that really is where the difficultyhas arisen. I think that is why we do not succeed inmaking our Iraqi friends understand us.

206. I do not want to take up the time of the Assemblyto reply to questions which he raised today. I havealready said yesterday that all those questions appearin letters which not only he himself but also his pre­decessors addressed to the President of the SecurityCouncil and to which I replied on behalfof my Govern­ment. There is absolutely nothing new in what hisMinister said yesterday and today, and I therefore donot want to take up any more of the Assembly's time.But I insist on telling him that Iran maintains relationsof good-neighbourliness, friendship and co-operationwith all the adjacent countries except Iraq. Thus, noone can accuse us of not showing sufficient goodwillto improve our relations. He said that there were veryclose relations between the people of Iraq and thepeople of Iran. Naturally. But to overcome this crisisand to resume those relations, goodwill and sincerityare required. I can assure him that we are ready toundertake conversations with Iraq in that spirit.

207. Mr. RASHID (Pakistan): In an Assembly sessionwhich has peace, justice and progress as its theme

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214. With regard to Europe, we wish that India woulddraw the proper lesson from the experience of thosecountries which forcibly tried to impose alien regimeson other peoples. Ifitdid so, it would change its attitudeon Kashmir as France so wisely did on Algeria.

213. There was another insinuation in the IndianMinister's statement. It was rather puzzling. He saidthat the future rulers of Pakistan " ... may even drawfrom the lesson of modern trends in Europe andelsewhere" [ibid., para. 220). Let me tell him that therulers of Pakistan, present or future, will look to Asiaand Africa, to the great forces of liberation, the self­determination of peoples, the search for economic jus­tice, the movement for regaining the dignity of manas the source of inspiration.

215. Let me now come to some concrete points inthe Indian Minister's statement which can be brieflyanswered. He talked of opening trade and travelfacilities between India and Pakistan. What are thesecompared to the settlement of those disputes whichhave persistently hampered the establishment of goodrelations between the two countries? Are these notjust peripheral issues? We urge on India the necessityto realize that it is no use pretending that there is a

212. The third element in the Indian Minister's state­ment seems to be based en a complete ignorance ofthe purposes of the general debate in the GeneralAssembly. What is the general debate meant for if itdoes not give Member States an opportunity to expresstheir viewpoints on international problems as theseimpinge on them? India always says that it will notmention the India-Pakistan question during the generaldebate. Of course it does not do so-for the simplereason that it wants the world to forget the problem.It is in forcible occupation of Kashmir; why shouldit wish the world to be reminded of that fact? ButPakistan is the aggrieved party. How can it not mentionKashmir in its statement? The India-Pakistan questionis not something outside the agenda of the UnitedNations: it is a question of which the Security Councilis seized and which it has been unable so far to resolve.It is a question on which India refuses serious negotia­tions. Can we bury it in silence? Is it a waste of time.to talk about unresolved disputes? There is only a slightdifference between what India says about Pakistanwasting the Assembly's time by talking of India­Pakistan problems and what certain Powers say aboutAfrican States wasting the time of the United Nationsby talking about conditions in southern Africa.

209. It is no use talking of the Tashkent Declaration'!in the manner that the Indian Foreign Minister did.That Declaration was meant to be the beginning ofa process of peacefully resolving all outstanding dis­putes. When a peaceful solution is being persistentlyobstructed by India, it is not honest on the part ofIndia to refer to that Declaration as if it embodieda final settlement. To do so is to be unfair not onlyto Pakistan but also to the intentions and policies ofthe third party, the Government of the Soviet Union,whose good offices brought about that Declaration.

208. The first of those elements consisted of insinua­tions meant to create a wedge between Pakistan andits Arab brethren. The Indian Minister has the temerityto attempt to draw a parallel between Pakistan andIsrael. In doing so he seemed to be ignorant of thelaws of Israel or of Pakistan or, more probably, ofboth. There is no law of ingathering in Pakistan. Mus­lims number more than 500 million around the world.No Muslim State now or in history has attempted toingather them or declared such ingathering as its aim.The Muslims of Pakistan are the indigenous peopleof the land who fought for and won independence forthemselves. If that fact had not been still rankling incertain chauvinictil" Tn('li~n hearts the Indian Foreign"'''''A ....... .""'60'" 'I' ••• _ ...... _. a ••• _ £ ,

Minister would not have made such an insinuation.But he did not rest content with it. He forgot himselfso much as to bring in the revered memory of thedeparted Arab leader whose passing we mourn. Mr.Swaran Singh accused us of trying at this time to"create discord between two neighbouring countries"[ibid., para. 236). One would have thought that thememory of the departed hero was too sacred to bedragged into India-Pakistan disputes. But to Mr. Swa­ran Singh it is just grist to the mill of his propaganda.He knows well that the dispute between India andPakistan has existed for 23 years and continues, and,because ofIndia' s intransigence, shows no sign ofease­ment even today. Is there any concord between Indiaand Pakistan which we are trying to upset?

210. The second element was the note of sancti­moniousness, the self-flattering posture which hasbecome a habit with India. There was the usual talkof "free press in India". A picturesque phrase wasadded: "wide and intense freedom". That intense free­dom was exemplified only a month ago by the closingof the offices in New Delhi of the British BroadcastingCorporation, an agency of wide repute. As The NewYork Times reported on 27 August: "The action cameafter a television documentary about poverty and reli­gious rites of India led to an angry dispute betweenBritain and India."

12 Signed by the Prime Minister of India and the President ofPakistan on 10January J9f.J6.

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1857th meeting - 1 October 1970 21 t'lrecriminations are out of place. I regret that, on Tues- 211. The documentary shown was produced by a . Iday [/853rd meeting), in reply to my advisedly moder- well-known French film producer and had been criti- ~ !ate statement on India-Pakistan problems, the Foreign cally acclaimed in France. But its artistic merit notwith- .~ IMinister of India thought fit to make some intemperate standing, it incurred the wrath of the Government of j~'i

remarks, freely resorting to invective. While his strong India simply because it sought to depict Indian realities f1 iwords can easily be ignored, his allegations need to objectively. So much for "the wide and intense ~ ibe refuted. However, before I do so, comment is neces- freedom" in India. I presume the Foreign Minister of f;')sary on three elements in his statement. India does sometimes listen to statements made in the r· I

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secure peace when it does not in fact exist. Time andagain India rejects this approach. The Indian Ministersaid that, in discussion between the two countries,"there should be no insistence that one side mustaccept in advance the priorities ofthe other side" [ibid.,para. 219). That seemingly innocuous statement is onlya cover for India's insistence that minor matters bediscussed between the two countries and that the majordispute, the one concerning the state of Jammu andKashmir in particular, be frozen and shelved. Thepriorities we suggest are not our priorities; they arethe priorities of peace. Settle major disputes, andeverything else will follow. But India's approach is:settle all minor matters and leave the causes of tensionalone. That is the approach that foredooms all attemptsat establishing good-neighbourly relations between us.

216. Then the Indian Minister, in resisting the ideaof self-determination for the people of Kashmir, wentso far as to say that India and Pakistan do not owetheir independent existence to the principle of self­determination. In saying so he has done less thatjusticenot only to my country, Pakistan, but also to his own.To his way of thinking Pakistan and India came intoexistence "as a result of a political settlement betweenthe Indian National Congress, the Muslim League andthe British Government" [ibid.,para. 222). To his wayof thinking, therefore, both India and Pakistan arenothing but the gifts of imperial Britain. In fairnessto both India and Pakistan I must correct his notion.What was there behind that political settlement exceptthe overwhelming will of the two peoples for indepen­dent nationhood? The exercise of self-determinationadmits of many modalities, but every one of these hasto satisfy one basic criteriqn: it has to ensure theuncoerced expression of the will of the people con­cerned. In the circumstances prevailing in the sub­continent on the eve of independence, elections andreferendums were the appropriate modalities and thesewere employed with a fairness which was not ques­tioned by any side.

217. It is this free exercise of self-determinationwhich is being denied to Kashmir. The Indian Ministershould be familiar by now with the jurisprudence ofthe United Nations, which does not and cannot acceptthat elections organized by any interested party canbe a substitute for "he ascertainment of the will ofa people under impartial auspices. Jn this contextIndia's position is identical with that of the colonialPowers. In many situations those Powers asserted thatthey had held elections in a certain Territory and thatthat was the end of the matter as far as that Territory'sself-determination was concerned. It is not without sig­nificance that a certain colonial Power once citedIndia's arguments on Kashmir as clear support for itsown attitude.

218. Next, the Indian Minister asserted that India hadsaid at the very outset that the accession of Kashmirto India was complete in both law and fact. Let merefresh his memory by quoting the following statementswhich were made by India and are on the record ofthe Security Council. At the 234th meeting oftne Secur­ity Council, referring to the acceptance hy India of

the accession affected by the Maharajah, the feudalruler of Kashmir, the representative of India stated:

"The Indian Government was careful ... tostipulate that it was accepting the accession onlyon the condition that later, when peace had beenrestored, the expression of the popular will shouldbe ascertained in a proper manner. It was on thatcondition, and that condition alone, that the IndianGovernment accepted accession. "13

219. Then at the 239th meeting another Indian rep­resentative stated:

"As the Security Council is aware, the Govern­ment of India is fully committed to the view that,after peace is restored and all people belonging tothe State have returned there, a free plebiscite shouldbe taken and the people should decide whether theywish to remain with India, to go over to Pakistanor to remain independent, if they chose to do so. "14

220. Indeed, a distinguished representative of India,the late Sir B. N. Rau, who was a famous jurist andlater became a member of the International Court ofJustice, stated in the Security Council-I refer to therecord of the 463rd meeting-that Kashmir hadacceded to India "tentatively" . I repeat:"tentatively" .

221. With regard to the Indian Minister's statementin the context of Kashmir that an integral part of acountry cannot be separated by a plebiscite, let metell him that Kashmir is not a, part of India. He wouldalso profit from consulting the statement made by oneof his predecessors, Mr. Krishna Menon, who wasparticularly venomous against Pakistan, at the 767thmeeting of the Security Council, when he said:

"If, as a result of a plebiscite, the people decidedthat they did not want to stay with India, then ourduty at that time would be to adopt those constitu­tional procedures which would enable us to separatethat territory" .15

The word "duty" deserves to be stressed.

222. Actually, by his statement relating to Kashmirthe Indian Foreign Minister confirmed the truth of myremarks. By saying that India's "position remainsunchanged" [1853rd meeting, para. 222), he himselfbrought out the hollowness of his other statement thathis Government is prepared to discuss with Pakistanall matters, including Kashmir.

223. Then he repeated the familiar Indian aJIegationthat "Pakistan occupies by force a large part ... ofKashmir" [ibid., para. 226). He even added the ratherthreatening remark: "This must end" [ibid.). Let meremind him ofPakistan's standing offer. solemnly madeand repeated before the United Nations and the wholeworld, that in fulfilment of the international agreement

13 Official Records of the Security Council, Third Year, 234thmeeting, p, 217.

14 lbid .• 239th meeting, p, 328.Hi lbld., Twelfth Year. 767th meeting, para. 68.

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between India and Pakistan we are prepared to with­draw all our forces from Jammu and Kashmir as soonas India undertakes to do likewise, so that the peopleof Kashmir will be free to decide their future withoutany outside interference, pressure or coercion. LetIndia fulfil its part of the agreement; it will not findus stalling. There will not be a day's delay on ourpart. As to whether we committed aggression, the bestauthority to answer that question is the people ofKashmir. Let them answer the question. The only waythey can answer it is by being enabled to vote eitherfor India or for Pakistan in a plebiscite. But why isit that India avoids the plebiscite whilePakistan is eagerfor it?

224. Mr. Swaran Singh quoted a certaia statementpublished in Dawn of 8 September. By doing so herefuted his own allegation that the press has no freedomin Pakistan. He does not seem to be familiar at allwith the volume of critical material that is appearingin the Pakistan press. Let the Indian rulers fulminateagainst the present administration in Pakistan but any­one visiting our country can judge that it has a freeand vigorous press.

225. Representatives will recall that when I spokeof the plight of the large Indian Muslim community,I said that it was not a subject for polemics and thatI did not wish to draw up an indictment against India.Is it not deplorable that the Indian Minister shouldhave failed to respond to my remarks in the spirit inwhich they were made?

226. He talked of India's "pride and glory" thatdifferent religious communities "manage to livetogether in spite of occasional friction and distur­bances" [ibid., para. 228). Would he have us believethat it is India's "pride and glory" to call the killingof thousands "occasional friction"? If that isjust "oc­casional friction" what, I shudder to think, in India'slexicon, could be called serious disorders?

227. I wish that the Indian Minister had not provokedme to quote some pertinent facts. He says that it iswrong to leave the impression that "in these riots thevictims belong to only one community" [ibid.). Letmerefer to the statement made by his own Home Minis­ter in the Indian Parliament on 11 May 1970 whenhe said: "In Bhiwandi, the overwhelming majorityof those who suffered were Muslims and in Jalgaonit was Muslimsalone whowere killedand whose houseswere burned" .

228. The Illustrated Weekly of India on 31 May 1970said:

"Communal riots have become ugly facts of ourdaily lives. We know that nine out of ten killed areMuslims. Nine out of ten homes and business estab­lishments destroyed are Muslim homes or enter­prises. To add to the tyranny and injustice, the vastmajority of those apprehended and victimized bythe administration are also Muslims. Is it any greatwonder that an Indian Muslim no longer feels securein secular India?"

As I already indicated in my statement two days ago,Muslims in India are about one-tenth of the totalpopulation.

229. Let me also refer to another statement in theParliament made by Mr. Jyoti Basu in which he said:"Today there is one communal riot in India every 54hours. " Does the Indian Minister not know that from1950 to the end of February 1970, 3,188 riots occurredin India, resulting in 6,919 dead and 29,548 injured?These are figures gleaned from the Indian press--figures, according to Mr. Swaran Singh, of "oc­casional friction" .

230. I said in my statement that Pakistan, being closeto India and being a party to the Liaquat-NehruAgreement;" cannot remain silent when thousands ofMuslims are slaughtered in India. What kind of ananswer is the one made by the Indian Minister thatPakistan should not try to be the advocate of IndianMuslims? Pakistan expects every Member State of theUnited Nations to be an advocate of any communitythat is victimized, persecuted, threatened with loss oflifeor property. Since Pakistan knows the facts regard­ing one such community, the Indian Muslims, it isbound by duty, by justice, by honour, to bring thesefacts to international attention. The Indian Ministersays that this embarrasses Indian Muslims. If so, itonly shows the extent and depth of the persecution(0 which Indian Muslims are subjected. I would invitethe Indian Minister to ponder whether his remarksevince an attitude of which he should be proud.

231. As regards the Indian charge that Pakistan doesnot treat its minorities well, I have made the solemnstatement that we are not afraid of any impartial inquiryin this respect. However, the charge that 200,000 mem­bers of the minorities fled to India this year is grosslyexaggerated. It is true that there has been some migra­tion this year, but it is due to two factors. First, thereis the deliberate campaign mounted by India to lurethe Hindus of East Pakistan to India. Each Hindu mi­grant from East Pakistan is offered land and cashassistance in India. Second, there were crop failures.Is it any wonder that, in a low-income economy, espe­cially when there are floods and crop failures, a sub­stantial number of people should migrate, especiallywhen they are offered enticements on the other side,where they have their relations? The Guardian ofLondon, in its issue of 14 May, reported "but thereis no evidence of any large scale Hindu migration from

"East Pakistan". The Statesman of New Delhi, in itsissue of 16 May 1970, reported that the Indian HighCommissioner had toured East Pakistan and found that"the situation all over the country was peaceful"•

232. I may mention here that we gave the Indian HighCommissioner complete freedom to tour EastPakistan,while India rejected the Pakistan High Commissioner'srequest for permission to visit the riot-torn areas inIndia. Is this not an indication as to who has somethingto hide and who has not?

233. I must also mention the fact that, of'ai; ilie Hinduemigrants to India, 86,000 have returned and been

16 India-Pakistan AgreementonMinorities, signed on8April 1950.

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245. Mr. EL-SHIBIB (lraq): I must humbly apologizefor having taken the rostrum again-I know how latethe hour is-but I promise to be very brief.

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personalities have applauded the measures that weretaken in Libya because they understand well the mean­ing of history. We hope that the Government of thedemocratic republic of Italy will also understand therealities of the present-day world and that our Govern­ments will be able to discuss our mutual relations ina spirit of frankness and sincerity, and that we canclose a chapter of the past and open one for the future,a new chapter of relations between my country andItaly. The solution to the problems of the Italian colonyin Libya is, as I said, sine qua non for bringing aboutnormal relations between us.

241. After fascism, after the war, our problem wasdiscussed here in the United Nations as if it were aslave market. Our problem was discussed in anatmosphere ofconspiracy. We know the famous Bevin­Sforza plot which was hatched outside the UnitedNations, aimed at dividing our country and leavingit under colonial domination. And if that attempt failedhere in the United Nations it was by one only vote;there was no two-thirds majority. That vote was castby a country very dear to us, a country linked to Africa• y blood ties. It was Haiti's vote which saved Libya's

.stiny.

246. You have listened with me to the reply of therepresentative of Iran, Ambassador Vakil. I am surewe all know how able he is, but he has surpassed himselfwith his reply this afternoon by producing a master­piece of evasiveness. I had asked many questions, andI was anxious to receive a clear reply.

242. Thus, even after the war, Italy did not easilyrenounce its designs in Libya. I did not wish to referto this. But fascism has been mentioned-and I hopeI will not be accused of being cynical-because fascismnow bears guilt for the whole colonial past.

243. We had reserved our right of reply until suchtime as we had studied the documents which weredistributed. I hope that the discussion will not continueand that this point will not now become a problemin the United Nations. I hope that we will now ceasethese statements. If there is any further reason to referto this problem here, this reason will have nothingto do with the item we are discussing and does notfacilitate the task of finding a reasonable solution tothe problem of establishing normal relations betweenLibya and Italy.

237. I simply wished to say that Mr. Vinci alludedto General Assembly resolution 388 (V) and stated thatLibya had voted in favour of it. May I be allowedto correct him? Libya entered the United Nations asa Member on 14 December 1955 in the famous"package deal" which involved 16 States entering atthe same time. Italy and Libya joined on the sameday-I believe that it was 14 December 1955, in otherW" ..A .... .... " ......0 yna...... ~f'."'...hn..."' .... "1...:,,... W"C' ado...."'rl

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238. May I also correct another point? AmbassadorVinci referred to the Italian colony in Libya, and hesaid it could not be compared with other Europeanminorities in Africa.

resettled in Pakistan in the last 20 years. Would they that time Mussolini, the founder of fascism, was thehave returned if there had been persecution in Pakistan, editor of the progressive newspaper A vanti. And heand if they had not been disillusioned in India? was against the war waged by Italy. That is perhaps

one of the ironies of history. From 1911 to 1922 itwas democratic Italy which waged war against theLibyan people and which exterminated thousands ofLibyans before the fascists came to power. The fascistssimply finished where the others had begun.

235. Mr. KIKHIA (Libya) (interpretation fromFrench): I wish merely to clarify certain points men­tioned by Mr. Vinci, ambassador of Italy. It wouldappear that the Italian delegation has prepared a veryadequate dossier. For our part, we came here withno expectation that the Italian delegation would referto this issue in the General Assembly.

236. We have been in touch with the Italianauthorities in Rome; I arrived only the day before yes­terday. We were at that time in contact with Romeby telephone and were certain that, as the bilateralnegotiations were proceeding satisfactorily, therewould be no need to have this problem discussed,Actually, it is a minor problem when we take intoaccount what is happening in the world today, par­ticularly in recent days.

234. Lastly, the Indian Minister's remarks aboutPakistan's Constitution hardly merit an answer. Theworld knows that Pakistan is in the process of evolvinga new Constitution and democratic institutions whichwill be genuine, strike roots in the minds of the peopleand not be a mere sham and an imitation. I wouldsuppose that one of the aims which the framers ofour Constitution will keep in mind is not to forge onefor show only.

239. The Italian colony in Libya is made up of Italiansettlers who arrived during the Italian occupation andremained after the independence of Libya. They wereprivileged persons under colonial domination: theItalian Government confiscated the property ofLibyans who were fighting against the Italian occupa­tion and gave it back to the Italians. The same happenedin Algeria and in many African countries. We cannot,therefore, draw a distinction between the Italian minor­ity in Libya and the other white minorities in Africa.

240. Ambassador Vinci said that it was not a fascistminority. I believe I am correct in saying that I didnot refer to the word "fascism" because I did notwish to recall past misfortunes. I did not utter the word"fascism": I referred to Italy's colonial past whichwas a fact, because Italian occupation started in 1911;Italy's aggression against Libya occurred in 1911. At

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259. Secondly, the issue in Kashmir IS basically thatof Pakistani aggression against Indian territory. Allaggressors try to justify their aggression by trying toraise a dispute about the area on which they commitaggression. Some speak of secure frontiers and othersof kith and kin.

260. Thirdly. India's efforts to come to an amicablesettlement are based on our genuine desire to developand strengthen good-neighbourly relations withPakistan. Our hope in the early days that some com­promise formula might be worked out was frustratedby Pakistan's refusal to pull out of Kashmir, whichwas to be the first step towards any settlement of thisissue. Indeed, it was Pakistan which failed to honourits commitment to the United Nations; its aggression...~

257. The day before yesterday I mentioned article4 of the Tashkent Declaration in which both India andPakistan pledged not to indulge in propaganda againsteach other. If Pakistan is serious about settling Indo­Pakistan issues it should honour this commitment. Itshould realize by now that neither propaganda nor eventhe use of force is going lu make us forsake our dutyofdefending the territorial integrity of our land. Unfor­tunately for Indo-Pakistan relations, Pakistan hadhoped, ever since its establishment, to use outside pow­ers to settle this bilateral problem for Pakistan. It maynow realize that this dependence on other Powers willnot solve this problem.

258. Since the Pakistani representative becameeloquent on the right of self-determination and on thedesirability of honouring commitments, may I restatethe position of Kashmir to show the incorrect basisof Pakistan accusations. First, Kashmir has been anintecral oart of India from the time that that Stateacceded to India. We said this to the United Nations,the first time that we addressed it, in our letter of1 January 1948 complaining of Pakistani aggression onIndian territory in Kashmir.17 That position cannot bechanged and has not changed.

256. I regret that the Pakistani representative has con­tinued this afternoon with the familiar barren debateon Kashmir. I say "barren" because he knows verywell that whatever the differences on that issue maybe, they can be settled only in bilateral negotiationsbetween our two countries. India is always willing toenter into bilateral negotiations with Pakistan on thisand on all other Indo-Pakistan differences without anypreconditions.

11 See Official Records ofth« Security Council, Third Year, Sup­plement for November 1948, document S/628, pp. 139-144.

1857th meeting - 1 October 1970 25

247. I repeat our questions very briefly: we have a in India. I should like merely to say that these accusa-boundary treaty with Iran. Does Iran respect it or not? tions are politically motivated to further Pakistan's hos-If they have any dispute with us, wc abide by the tile designs against my country and I reject all thesecompulsory ruling of the International Court ofJustice. allegations as incorrect. The world knows very wellWould they abide by that or not? I was looking for the record of India in the field of human rights,answers to those questions, but I must say I was deeply individual freedom, democracy, secularism and thedisappointed; I received none. equality of opportunity enjoyed by an the minorities

of India, which has enabled members of minority com­munities in India to occupy the highest positions inthe States.

248. The representative of Iran mentioned in passingthat Iran had a border problem only with Iraq. I neednot answer that, as I am sure that Iran's neighbourscan provide the best answer; and those of you whohow the history of the region know the answer too.

252. The PRESIDENT: I have three rights of replyyet to be exercised, those of India, Italy and Pakistan.

751. Lastly, we know that the practice of treaty­breaking has brought only great dangers to the world,and to its perpetrators not the best of fates.

253. Mr. Swaran SINGH (India): I am sorry to haveasked for the floor at this late hour. I will try to bevery brief. We exercised our right of reply within twoor three hours after Pakistan had spoken. Now, therepresentative of Pakistan 48 hours later, has cometo the forum to reply to what .I had said, in order toestablish the self-evident truth that Pakistan's facts andarguments are not only different from ours but alsotake longer to think out and present.

249. Iran spoke about its good relations with othercountries. J know that in the Arab world alone Iranhas broken diplomatic relations with at least threecountries in the past. I would merely mention Lebanon,Syria and the United Arab Republic. Relations withthe latter have just been restored.

250. Furthermore, there is a principle which governsinternational relations and which is essential to themaintenance and preservation of respect for law andrelations between States, and that ispacta sunt servan­da-treaties are to be observed. It seems that our Ira­nian brothers have not heard of that principle. Ambas­sador Vakil accused us of not understanding the Iranianlanguage. My only fear is that we understand it onlytoo well.

254. LTnder the pretext of the right of reply, the rep­resentative of Pakistan has treated this Assembly toa long tirade ofabuse and untruths against my country.Representatives will have noticed that the Home Minis­ter of Pakistan spoke for 30 minutes on the strengthof what he called a right of reply. He has delivereda statement which is longer than that of most otherrepresentatives in the general debate. That merely illus­trates what I said the other day that Pakistan has persis­tently sought to exploit this august forum for its narrow,sectarian purpose of propaganda against India insteadof the more constructive purpose of making a contribu­tion to common international issues during this silverjubilee of our Organization.

255. The Home Minister of Pakistan has repea.edthe false charges about the maltreatment of minorities

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in 1965 shows absolutely clearly what regard Pakistanhas for its commitments to the United Nations.

261. Fourthly, India and Pakistan are obliged underthe Tashkent Declaration to discuss and settle all theirdifferences, including those about Kashmir, bilaterallyand peacefully. In spite of the threats and provocationsfrom Pakistan, we continue to adhere to that Declara­tion and are willing to enter into bilateral negotiationswith Pakistan on all Indo-Pakistan issues without anypreconditions. I repeat this offer here and now to theGovernment of Pakistan: let us sit down and discussways and means of implementing all the provisionsof the Tashkent Declaration rather than create greaterdifficulties by making sharp and barren statementsagainst each other.

262. I should like to assure the delegation of Pakistanthat we in India want to develop good-neighbourly andfriendly relations with the Government and people ofPakistan. After the 1965 armed conflict the Heads ofGovernment of Pakistan and India signed at Tashkentthe Declaration which clearly spells out the obligationswillingly undertaken by the two countries. I shouldlike to remind the Minister leading the Pakistan delega­tion that we have agreed to renounce the use of forcefor resolving whatever may be the differences betweenour countries. We have agreed to show restraint inthe use of language even in matters on which theremay be lack of agreement.

263. In this spirit I should like to repeat the offerthat India has been making that these matters shouldbe settled by bilateral talks and this offer of ours, agenuine one made with the best of intentions, requiresa positive response from the delegation of Pakistan.

264. Mr. VINCI (Italy). I regret to have to speakagain, but I think that I must set the record straight.

[The speaker continued in French.]

265. My first clarification is the following. In the firstplace, I did not say-and I think the verbatim recordwill bear this out-that Libya had participated in theadoption of resolution 388 (V). Obviously, I could nothave said that, since Libya was not yet an independentcountry.

266. But Libya did subsequently become an indepen­dent country, and its representatives at the UnitedNations have confirmed resolution 388 (V)-forexample, by expressing its approval of resolution 988(X) of6 December 1955, which flowed from resolution388 (V). Hence, it is difficult to deny that Libya freelyapproved resolution 388 (V).

267. Moreover, Libya negotiated an agreement withItaly. In order to negotiate a valid internationalagreement, both parties must be determined to do so.This agreement was concluded on 2 October 1956, andresolution 388 (V), to which I have referred, was itsbasis. That was the first clarification I wished to make.

268. The second is this. It was far from my mindto refer to fascism. Unfortunately, the head of the

delegation of Libya, Mr. Kikhia, alluded to fascism.The verbatim record will show that to be so. I donot remember the exact words that he used, but hesaid something to the effect that the Italian communityin Libya was a residue-and I ask to be forgiven ifthat is not the word he used-of that period. I wishit to be clearly understood that it was far from mymind to make any reference to fascism.

269. I wish to make another clarification. We did notintend to raise the question of Italian nationals in Libyabefore this General Assembly. The head of ourdelegation, Mr. Lupis, referred in his statement toItaly's relations with its neighbours. Indeed, it wouldhave been very strange if he had not spoken of aneighbour such as Libya, with which Italy has hadrelations throughout its history. Mr. Lupis simplyindicated that our relations had not been able to prog­ress in the same direction as those that we had withother neighbours; rather, they had moved in theopposite direction. He concluded by expressing thehope that those relations could be improved and thatit would be possible to find a solution to the questionsthat had been raised as a result of the measures takenagainst the Italians in Libya, a bilateral solution inconformity WIth the principles of the United NationsCharter. I emphasize: with the principles of the UnitedNations Charter.

270. Finally-s-and this will be my lastclarification-we have spoken of these resolutions hav­ing in mind the precise meaning of the duty of eachState Member of the United Nations to respect resolu­tions of the Organization which entail obligations forthe Member States. That is the main duty of eachMember State, if we wish the recommendations,resolutions and decisions of the United Nations to berespected and the prestige and authority of the UnitedNations to increase, I repeat what I have already said:if one wishes to ask that certain resolutions be putinto effect, then one must be the first to respect resolu­tions to which one raised no objections.

271. Those were the only clarifications I wished tomake. I ask the delegation of Libya to believe me whenI say that I had no intention other than the one I havejust indicated, and that certainly there was no intentionto raise this question before the General Assembly.I have given these clarifications so that the situationmay be properly understood. I have spoken twice andI hope that I shall not have to speak again.

272. Mr. SHAHI (Pakistan): In order not to give therepresentative of India cause again for a grievanceabout the time taken by Pakistan to reply to his state­ment of two days ago, my delegation has decided totake this rostrum immediately. However, I should liketo assure the Foreign Minister that if we did take timeit was because we attached importance to his pro­nouncement and we thought that it deserved a consi­dered rather than an off-the-cuff reply. However, atthis moment I shall depart from our normal practiceand try to answer certain charges which the ForeignMinister of India has made against my country.

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281. In regard to the point that Pakistan refused topull out its forces from Kashmir, we made no suchrefusal. We agreed that Pakistan forces should be with­drawn and, under the terms of the agreement concludedunder the auspices of the Security Council, Indiaagreed to withdraw the bulk of its forces. Negotiations

279. If India is more clear on this point and assuresus that there could be bilateral talks on Kashmir with­out preconditions on either side and that negotiationson the status of Kashmir are not ruled out, then therecould be a basis for a bilateral dialogue.

280. In regard to the charge of aggression, this hasbeen made innumerable times and for many years inthe Security Council, and after hearing all these chargesand deciding on them, the Security Council adoptedresolutions on the right to self-determination of thepeople of Jammu and Kashmir. In any case, my HomeMinister has replied to this charge.

278. All we want is that both parties should enterinto the talks with an open mind, without precondi­tions, and if only India were not to say, just beforethose talks take place, that Kashmir is not negotiable,those bilateral talks could take place. But unfor­tunately, every time an attempt has been made toapproach the matter on a bilateral basis, India againsays that Kashmir is an integral part of India. TheForeign Minister of India just now made that veryobservation. He said that India did say at the timethat it brought the complaint to the united Nationsthat Kashmir was an integral part of India-althoughPrime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru sent telegram aftertelegram to the Prime Minister and founder ofPakistan,who was then the Head of State, Quaid-I-AzamMohammed Ali Jinnah, that the accession was provi­sional and that there would be a plebiscite in Kashmir.This was a promise he was making to Pakistan, tothe people of Kashmir and to the world. Thereforethis is something which causes us infinite sorrow. whenthey say that Kashmir is an integral part of India andsimultaneously offer to open negotiations on Kashmir.We do not understand this.

277. Now, in regard to the question of Kashmir, theForeign Minister of India stated that it can be settled

276. We have no desire, to challenge the record ofIndia on human rights, on secularism and democracy.All we desire is that the benefits of those human rights.of secularism and democracy for which India standsshould be made meaningful. real and applicable to thehelpless Muslim minority of India, as to any other seg­ment of the Indian population. When minorities areattacked in a planned, organized manner every year,every month, and more often, is it enough to say thatthe Constitution of India provides for secularism,democracy and human rights? We know that in theCharter there are very noble phrases about humanrights, and if these are grossly and systematically vio­lated it is one of the primary duties of this Organizationto concern itself with those situations. Otherwise thisOrganization serves no purpose whatsoever.

275. The reason we talk about the minorities in Indiais that time and again, almost every year, pogromstake place. The Indian newspapers and the statementsof Indian parliamentarians are full of these harrowingaccounts of slaughter. We have been careful not tobring any charges against the Government of India.But can it be denied that organized hate groups andmurder gangs exist in India, whose sole object is physi­cally to exterminate people of different religions, andpeople of the Muslim religion ip particular, whom theyconsider to be the residue ofcertain historical situationswhich existed ages ago?

273. First of all, the Foreign Minister stated that the only on a bilateral bash, and our debate is barren.Home Minister of Pakistan launched a tirade against How many times have we not tried to approach IndiaIndia and that his statement was full of untruths. But on a bilateral basis. President Ayub made repeatedthe Foreign Minister of India did not point to a single attempts in 1958, 1959, 1960 and right up to 1965. Hestatement of my Minister which was untrue. Is it a approached Prime Minister Nehru, then Prime Ministerresponsible way ofdealing with a neighbouring country Shastri, for a settlement on a bilateral basis. Thereto say that, no matter how well-documented and was no response. Then, after the 1965 war, thanksauthenticated its statements are, whatever it says is to the great peace initiative undertaken by the Sovietsimply to be brushed aside as untrue? We should be Union, leading to the Tashkent Declaration, it wasmost grateful to know which of these statements are agreed that we should try the bilateral approach again,untrue and we would be prepared to document our and we did try. The Foreign Minister of India led astatements. most able delegation to Pakistan in March 1966, and

again the negotiations foundered on the rock of theIndian position that Kashmir h not negotiable. If weare going to negotiate the status of Kashmir, and ifthe Indian side says that Kashmir is not negotiable,we ask our selves: What are we to discuss in thesebilateral talks? Would the world expect Pakistan toenter into talks with India in order to sign, seal anddeliver Kashmir to India?

274. The Foreign Minister stated that we had broughtfalse charges against India about the treatment of theminorities and that we were politically motivatedagainst India and had hostile designs against it. Letme say in all sincerity that it would be madness forPakistan to have any hostile designs against India. Indiais a country of 550 million people. Pakistan has a popu­lation of 125 million people. India has four times thearea of Pakistan. In any situation involving a militaryconflict it has much greater defence in depth. India'sgross national product is four or five times that ofPakis­tan; it has a great defence production capacity; it haspowerful friends and it has de facto allies. Thereforewe in Pakistan are realistic enough to know that ifwe entertain any hostile designs against India, theydo not stand a chance of being realized. We need notbe given any credit for good intentions. but at leastwe could be given credit for a little intelligence anda little sense of realism.

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28 General Assembly - Twenty-fifth Session - Plenary Meetings

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287. Pakistan claims to be right on all points, andalleges that India is wrong on all points. I wish it werethat simple. Obviously Pakistan believes it is.

The meeting rose at·7.15 p.m.

285. Mr. SEN (India): We are very glad to learn thatPakistan has no hostile intentions against India.However, that lack of intention did not prevent Pakis­tan from attacking India several times.

286. Pakistan wishes to have all the details of themany allegations it has brought forward in this forum.We shall give Pakistan all the details which will prob­ably amount to a very sizable number of documents,and refute all the allegations when Pakistan is readyto sit with us and discuss all these matters.

288. We have no wish to follow Pakistan's exampleand turn this Assembly into a forum for the discussionof Indo-Pakistan affairs. That would be an abuse ofour rights and wasteful of the Assembly's time. I shallmerely state that we completely and categorically rejectan that the Pakistan delegation has alleged againstIndia.

289. We reiterate our offer to discuss with Pakistanall matters that stand in the way of friendship betweenour two countries.

290. Even when the representative of Pakistan spokeof possible agreement on opening talks, he attachedconditions. Pakistan says it will pull out its troops fromKashmir. Why has it not done so all these years? Letthe representatives draw their own conclusions.

took place between the two sides so as to synchronize with other countrv.- of the region are concerned, Ithese withdrawals. Then, after several years of negotia- should only like to say that it ill befits Iraq to speaktions, Indiajust refused to carry on these negotiations about good neighbourliness; that country should befor the demilitarization of the State any further. My the last to mention the subject.Home Minister said just now that we would be readyto withdraw our forces from Kashmir if India is alsoprepared to abide by the terms of the agreement aboutthe withdrawal of its forces.

283.Mr. NADIM (Iran) tlnterpretatlonfrom French):May""! apologize for taking up the time of the Assemblyat this late hour, but I can assure you that I shall beextremely brief.

284. Responding to the last statement of the represen­tative of Iraq, during which he replayed a record whichis all too familiar in this Assembly, I would simplysay-as the representative of Iran said here yesterday[1854th meeting] and as our Foreign Minister repeatedtoday-that the so-called treaty of 1937 is a dead letter,because Iraq failed to observe its main provisions. Con­sequently we cannot enter into any negotiations, orappear before international authorities, on the basisofa treaty which is null and void. As far as our relations

282. Finally, I should like to reiterate our strongdesire for good-neighbourly relations with India. Weshould like them to be peaceful and friendly, and ifthe two countries are to establish the basis of peaceful,constructive, co-operative coexistence, it is absolutelynecessary to eliminate the outstanding cause of thetensions between us-the Jammu and Kashmir dis­pute-because the Charter of the United Nations callsupon nations not only tc abjure the use of force, butalso to settle their disputes peacefully. The two gotogether, and we are prepared to respond to any over­tures by India on the basis of the renunciation of theuse of force and the settlement of disputes by peacefulmeans, through the modalities which are available tothe Security Council under Article 33 and its rules ofprocedure.

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