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    THE PROCESS OF APPOINTMENT OF JUDGES ININDIA AND U.S.A- A COMPARATIVE STUDY

    SUBJECT: - INDIAN CONSTITUTIONAL LAW- THE NEW

    CHALLENGES

    SUBMITTED TO: Prof.C.M.Jariwala

    SUBMITTED BY: Hareesh Gupta

    Roll No.10

    LL.M. (Ist Semester)

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    Dr.Ram Manohar Lohiya National Law University,

    Lucknow

    ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

    It is indeed a proud privilege to express my deep sense of gratitude and indebtedness to

    my respected teacher and guide Prof.C.M.Jariwala, for his valuable guidance, scholarly

    inspiration, which he has extended to me for the successful completion of this endeavour.

    I sincerely acknowledge the help rendered by the Librarian and Staff of the Dr.Ram

    Manohar Lohiya National Law University, Lucknow, and also the librarian and staff of the

    Bishnu Ram Medhi Government Law College,Guwahati, Assam whose cordial relations helped

    me for successful completion of project.

    Hareesh Gupta

    LL.M (Ist Semester), Roll No.10Dr.Ram Manohar Lohiya National Law

    University, Lucknow

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    TABLE OF CONTENTS

    Page(s)

    1. INTRODUCTION

    1.1. Research Methodology

    1.1.1 Research Objective

    1.1.2 Hypothesis/Research Questions

    1.1.3 Methodology and Sources of data used in Research work

    1.1.4 Research Scheme

    2. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND AS TO THE PROCESS OF APPOINTMENT

    OF JUDGES IN INDIA AND U.S.A

    2.1 Constituent Assembly Debates

    2.2 Past proposals for Reforms in India-since 1945

    2.3 Position prior to Constitution in United States of America

    3. CONSTITUTIONAL PROVISIONS AND JUDICIAL INTERPRETATIONS

    ON THE PROCESS OF APPOINTMENT OF JUDGES IN INDIA AND U.S.A

    3.1 Constitutional Provisions and Process of Appointment in India

    3.2 Judicial Interpretations

    3.3 Constitutional Provisions and Process of Appointment in U.S.A

    3.4 The Role of the Legislature in the Process of Appointment of Judges in U.S.A

    3.5 Judicial Interpretations

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    4. COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF THE PROCESS OF APPOINTMENT OF JUDGES

    IN INDIA AND U.S.A

    5. CONCLUSIONS AND SUGGESTIONS

    Appendices

    (i) The Judicial Structure of the Courts in United States of America.

    (ii) The Process of Appointment of Judges in United States Federal Courts.

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    Table of Cases

    Supreme Court Advocates on Record Association v. Union of India

    S. P. Gupta v. Union of India

    Subhas Sharma v. Union of India

    Samsher Singh v State of Punjab

    Union of India v Sankalchand Himatlal Sheth

    Re Presidential Reference case

    Marbury v. Madison

    Morrison v. Olson

    Mistretta v. United States

    United States of America v. Fermin Hilario

    Jon E. Edmond v. United States

    List of Abbreviations

    A.I.R - All India Reporter

    SC - Supreme Court

    v. - Versus

    SCC - Supreme Court Cases

    J. - Justice

    NJC - National Judicial Council

    SCR - Supreme Court Review

    Para - Paragraph

    OPD - Office of Policy Development

    FBI - Federal Bureau of Investigation ABA - American Bar Association

    U.S.C. - United States Cases

    List of Constitutions

    Indian Constitution

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    American Constitution

    1. INTRODUCTION

    Judges have, of course, the power, though not the right, to ignore the mandate of a statute, and

    render judgment in despite of it. They have the power, though not the right, to travel beyond thewalls of the intertices, the bounds set to judicial innovation by precedent and custom. None the

    less, by the abuse of power, they violate the law1

    - Benjamin N.Cardozo

    The framers of Indias written Constitution wisely built into it checks and balances in

    order bring about a harmonious balance in the powers and responsibilities of the three branches

    the Executive, the Legislature and the Judiciary of the Government. They knew that in a

    democratic set up, the absence of such a balance, and the distortion and even perversity resulting

    therefrom, would render effective governance an impossibility. The people particularly look up

    to the judiciary to maintain and preserve the equilibrium by its interpretation of various laws and

    decisions on the legality and constitutionality of the exercise of their functions by various

    authorities, in cases coming before it. Though under the Indian Constitution the polity is dual, the

    Indian judiciary unlike United States of America which is dual (consisting of federal and state

    courts) is integrated which can interpret and adjudicate upon both the Central and State laws.

    The structure of the judiciary in the country is pyramidical in nature. At the apex, is the Supreme

    Court. Most of the States have a High Court of their own. Some States have a common High

    Court. The appointment of Judges of the Supreme Court and their removal are governed by

    Article 124 of the Constitution of India. Articles 125 to 129 provide for certain incidental

    matters. The appointment and removal of the Judges of the High Courts are governed by Article

    217. Articles 218 to 221 and 223 to 224A provide for certain matters incidental thereto.

    The issue of appointment and removal of judges in India has been in controversy since

    long time and has been a matter of debate amongst the legislature, executive and judiciary in the

    recent past. The present position as to the process of appointment of judges is the consequence of

    the judicial interpretation laid down in Judges cases I, II and III - S. P. Gupta vs. UOI2, Supreme

    1 Benjamin N.Cardozo, The Nature of the Judicial Process, Yale University Press,1921,pp. 129 and 135

    2 AIR 1982 SC 149

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    Court Advocates-on-Record Association vs. UOI3 and Special Reference No.14 which was a

    departure from the established existing system of process appointment of judges which prevailed

    till the year 1981.Till then the process of appointment of judges were practically made by the

    executive in consultation with the judiciary and it played a dominant role, but doubts were made

    as to the primacy of the opinion of the executive since then as to the process of appointment of

    judges which led to judicial interpretations out of which none of the interpretations were in

    consonance with the express constitutional provisions, thereby keeping the process of

    appointment of Judges vague and devoid of transparency.

    This project work makes the comparative analysis of the process and removal of judges with its

    counterpart United States of America as both federal nations have certain common features in

    their written constitution, independence of judiciary being the most important one. The

    comparative analysis is made with an objective to analyse the existing system of process of

    appointment of judges in both countries and to suggest more transparent and effective process for

    appointment of judges in India in the light of the said comparative analysis which ensures just,

    fair and efficient judicial process in the administration of justice

    The project would also critically examine the Judges cases I, II and III and the possibility for

    reconsideration of those cases which are the law of land as to the process of appointment of

    judges. While the method of selection to subordinate judiciary has not evoked any controversy,

    the method of appointment to and more particularly the actual manner in which appointments

    were made to the High Courts and the Supreme Court has been a subject matter of good amount

    of controversy, whether before the decision in S.P. Gupta or thereafter and even after the 1993

    decision of the Supreme Court in Supreme Court Advocates-on-Record Association.

    The controversy as regards appointment of judges is that while the decision in the S.P. Gupta

    was criticized for upsetting the existing situation by vesting the power of appointment in the

    executive and by diminishing the importance of the Chief Justice of India and the judiciary, the1993 decision in SCAORA is criticized for precisely the opposite reasons. It is said by the critics

    of the 1993 decision that in a democracy, accountability is an important consideration and the

    authority or authorities making such appointments should be accountable to the people. The

    3 (1993) 4 SCC 441; AIR (1994) SC 268

    4 Special Reference No.1 of 1998,RE (1998) 7 SCC 739

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    debate is not yet over and perhaps may never be. The formula laid down by the Constitution

    makers in Articles 124(2) and 217(1) of the Constitution was drafted after considering all

    possible alternatives which would avoid criticism in future. Though, of course, ever since the

    commencement of the Constitution from time to time doubts have been expressed on the

    operation of the formula, no agreed alternative to it has yet been found. In view of the

    interpretation given to the formula by the Supreme Court in the Judges Case, the wisdom of its

    continuation underwent severe scrutiny and suggestions came either for the overruling of the

    interpretation of the formula or its replacement by a National Judicial Commission for

    recommending to the President appointment of the Supreme Court and High Court judges. Since

    the Court overruled the Judges Case in the Second Judges Case and affirmed the overruling in

    the Third Judges Case, no exercise to change the original constitutional formula is either in

    operation or under serious consideration, but the same is criticized for giving primacy to the

    Chief Justice of Indias opinion over the executive and also for making the consultation process

    cumbersome by introducing the system of collegium as the same is not provided in the

    Constitution . The said question was placed for decision before the larger bench of nine judges in

    Judges-II case (as re-affirmed in Judges-III case) from the decision in Subhash Sharma v. Union

    of India5 which had already criticized the opinion of judges in S.P.Guptas case and laid ground

    for its over-ruling.

    The research work will be guided by the following proposition/hypothesis which are based

    on a close examination of constitutional provisions relating to appointment of judges, their

    history, interpretation and application, and the problems faced during their operation:-

    First, the Constitution makers did not want the appointment of Judges to be made exclusively by

    the executive.

    Second, doubts were expressed from the very beginning whether the formula for the appointment

    of Judges adopted in the Constitution will serve the purpose of establishing and maintaining anindependent and competent judiciary which undoubtedly was one of the foremost objectives of

    the Constitution makers.

    Third, these doubts were confirmed with respect to the High Courts even before the

    5 AIR 1991 SC 361

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    commencement of the Constitution and soon after the commencement of the Constitution even

    with respect to the Supreme Court.

    Fourth, though the Constitution makers intended effective involvement of the Judges,

    particularly of the Chief Justice of India and the Chief Justices of the High Courts, in the

    appointment of Judges, they denied the Chief Justice of India the last word (i.e. concurrence) in

    the matter.

    Fifth, the Constitution makers did not agree to make the appointment of Judges subject to either

    the recommendations of any panel or approval of the legislature.

    Sixth, the Constitution makers sincerely believed that for the purpose of an independent and

    competent judiciary they could not do better than what they had provided in the Constitution for

    the appointment of Judges, that the provisions were the best possible and most suitable for India

    and that the high constitutional functionaries involved in the process will discharge their

    constitutional obligation with full responsibility.

    Seventh, time and experience has proved that the Constitution makers were not completely

    wrong in their estimation and that subject to occasional aberrations the provisions have worked

    as intended and expected.

    Eighth, the experience of giving primacy to the executive in the matter of appointment of Judges

    after the Judges Case had within a short period of less than a decade proved that the

    interpretation of the provisions in that case had gone against the expectations of the Constitution

    makers of providing an independent and competent judiciary.

    Ninth, until the Judges Case, which gave primacy to the executive in the matter of appointments,

    even though difficulties were faced in the appointment of Judges, the idea of a judicial

    appointments commission or other similar body outside the scheme already laid down in the

    Constitution was not seriously entertained at any level.

    Tenth, the Constitution provides for a consultative process among several constitutional

    functionaries and reasonably expects a participative consensual decision. This is most

    important proposition as the same has been overlooked by Judges Cases-I, II & III.

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    Eleventh, practice of consultation by the Chief Justice of India and the Chief Justices of the High

    Courts with their colleagues before making their recommendation for appointment was prevalent

    and specifically recommended by the Law Commission in its 80th Report (1979).

    Finally, no clear consensus has either been sought, or has emerged or is in sight so far on the

    creation of an alternative arrangement for the appointment of the Judges replacing the one

    already provided in the Constitution. There is a strong case to consider constitutional changes in

    the judicial appointment process in India if disappointment is not to visit judicial performance

    and disinvestment of democracy is not to vitiate the judicative establishment.

    The project would also discuss briefly how far and to what extent independence of judiciary

    and power of judicial review as one of the basic structure of the Indian Constitution influence

    the process of appointment of judges in India.

    1.1. RESEARCH METHODOLOGY:

    1.1.1 Research Objective

    This research work makes the Comparative Analysis of the Process of Appointment of Judges in

    two federal countries with written constitution, namely, the United States and India. The

    comparative study as to the process of appointment of judges in India with its counterpart United

    Sates of America is initiated with a view to analyse the strengths and weaknesses in the present

    system of appointment of judges in India and to suggest alternative system of appointment of

    judges within the constitutional framework which would bring more transparency and public

    confidence in the existing process of appointment of judges. It describes the process of

    appointment of judges in both the countries with special emphasis on the recent developments

    taking place on the issue of appointment of judges in India The U.S.A is selected for the

    comparative analysis because it has certain similarities with the Indian Constitution, for example,

    they each posses a written, federal constitution with a democratic setup that has been the subjectof interpretation by an independent judiciary and more importantly independence of judiciary is

    recognised in both the countries as one of the significant feature in their constitutions.

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    1.1.2 Hypothesis/Research Question

    The research problem addressed in this project work is that whether the provisions of the Indian

    Constitution as to the process of appointment of judges are clear and unambiguous or it needs to

    be supplemented by the judicial interpretation or it needs a constitutional amendment. It is

    known that the present position as to the process of appointment of judges in India is the

    consequence of Judges Cases I, II and III, i.e., S.P.Gupta vs UOI reported in AIR 1982 SC 149,

    Supreme Court Advocates-on-Record Association vs UOI reported in 1993 (4) SCC 441 and

    Special Reference 1 of 1998 reported in 1998 (7) SCC 739 and after the overruling of the

    S.P.Guptas Case the law laid down in Second Judges Case is the law governing appointment of

    judges in India which departs with the text of Article 124(2) and Article 217 of the Indian

    Constitution and is criticized by saying that it has made the Supreme Court and High Court

    totally undemocratic. Now, in view of the recent incidents of impeachment of Calcutta High

    Court judge Soumitra Sen, cash being delivered to the "wrong" judge of the Punjab and Haryana

    High Court and the pension funds withdrawal scam involving the Ghaziabad judiciary, the

    question is whether the existing process of appointment of judges as established by the judicial

    precedents is satisfactory or does it need a rethinking. Secondly, the project would also analyse

    the feasibility of other alternative methods of appointment of judges in India which ensures

    judicial independence and public confidence in judiciary.

    1.1.3 Research Methodology

    Researcher in this work has been done having relied mainly on Doctrinal Method of research.

    The methodology adopted for the present seminar paper is doctrinal, analytical and descriptive.

    The researcher mainly depended on the primary sources like Statutes and Research Committee

    Report and secondary sources like books, articles, journals, case laws and websites. Opinions of

    research scholars, professors, experts in respective fields and opinions of advocates who have

    dealt with this subject are used as real contribution to this work. Internet has provided with amajor contribution of most relevant and latest information on the web which has helped the

    researcher to explore the subject through various dimensions. Dr. Ram Manohar Lohiya National

    Law University, Lucknow and its e-resources have played a crucial role in bringing out special

    material for the project paper. Opinions of experts published on the web also contributed to a

    great extent for conducting research in the subject.

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    1.1.4 Research Scheme

    The topic on The Process of Appointment of Judges in India and U.S.A- A Comparative Study

    is taken with a view to analyze in detail the existing system of appointment of judges in India

    and U.S.A and to suggest more effective process of appointment of judges in the background of

    the said comparative study. Considering all the above aspects and to facilitate the discussion and

    perfect solutions for above problems and for thematic development of the subject the research

    work is divided into seven chapters. Brief overview of the chapters is as follows

    Chapter I deals with Introduction. In this chapter the researcher has given a brief overview of

    the project topic including its objective and scope and also discusses in brief the research

    problem to be addressed by the project.

    Chapter II deals with the historical background as to the process of appointment of judges in

    India and U.S.A. This chapter primarily deals with the pre-constitutional status as to the

    appointment of judges in India and U.S.A. The Indian Constituent Assembly debates while

    framing the provisions relating to appointment of judges are discussed in this chapter. The

    historical background in regard to the Indian Constitution would also include the suggestions of

    the various committees and Law Commission Reports on the appointment of judges before the

    passing of judgment of Supreme Court Advocates on Record Association v. Union of India.,

    1993 (4) SCC 441.

    Chapter III deals with constitutional provisions as to the appointment of judges in India and

    U.S.A and interpretations made in leading judicial decisions by the apex court on the said issue.

    Chapter IV deals with the comparative analysis as to the method of process of appointment of

    judges followed in India and U.S.A.

    Chapter V deals with Conclusions and Suggestions as to the alternative method of appointment

    of judges in India.

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    2. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF THE CONSTUTUTIONS OF THE TWO

    COUNTRIES

    2.1 Opinion of the Constituent Assembly of India

    During the discussions in the Constituent Assembly on the appointment of judges of the Supreme

    Court, three main proposals had come up for consideration. One was that the President should

    make appointments with the concurrence of the CJI; anotherwas that appointments should be

    subject to confirmation by 2/3rd vote by Parliament and the third was that they should be in

    consultation with the Council of States (Rajya Sabha) Dr Ambedkar in his reply to the

    discussions had firmly ruled out any involvement of the legislature in judicial appointments on

    the ground that it would be very cumbersome and would lead to political pressures.

    On the question of appointments with the concurrence of the CJI, Dr Ambedkar had said "to

    allow the CJI practically a veto upon appointment of judges is really to transfer the authority to

    the Chief Justice, which we are not prepared to vest in the President or the government of the

    day." As regards appointment by the President, Dr Ambedkar had explained that it would be

    after consultation with persons who are ex-hypothesi well qualified to give proper advice in such

    matters. The decision finally taken [Article 124(2)] was for appointment by the President "after

    consultation with such of the judges of the Supreme Court and of the high courts in the state as

    the President deems necessary for the purpose." This procedure had worked fairly satisfactorily

    till 1993 when the Supreme Court interpreted the words "after consultation" to mean "with the

    concurrence" of the Court and the government of the day chose not to seek a review of this

    decision by a larger bench. After this the role of the executive at the Central and state levels

    became marginal and the decision on the appointment of judges today rests de facto with the

    judges themselves.

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    2.2. Past proposals for reforms in the process of appointment of judges in India since

    1945

    2.2.1 Introduction: For a proper appreciation of the research problem dealt with herein, it is

    relevant to notice the several suggestions put forward and attempts at reform tried in last several

    years on the issue of appointment of judges in India. They are briefly discussed, as follows:

    2.2.2 Recommendations of Sapru Committee: In the year 1945, the Sapru Committee

    (constituted to look into this aspect in view of the impending independence of the country)

    recommended that Justices of the Supreme Court and the High Courts should be appointed by

    the head of State in consultation with the Chief Justice of Supreme Court, and, in the case of

    High Court Judges, in consultation additionally with the High Court Chief Justice and the head

    of the unit concerned.

    2.2.3 Recommendations of the High Powered Committee appointed by the Constituent

    Assembly: The Constituent Assembly appointed a high-powered ad hoc committee consisting

    of outstanding jurists of the country for recommending the best method of selecting Judges for

    the Supreme Court. The committee submitted a unanimous report opining that it would not be

    desirable to leave the power of appointing Judges of the Supreme Court with the President alone.

    It recommended two alternative methods in that behalf, namely, (i) the President should, in

    consultation with the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court (so far as appointment of puisne Judge

    is concerned), nominate a person whom he considers fit to be appointed as Judge of the Supreme

    Court and the nomination should be confirmed by a majority of at least seven out of a panel of

    eleven (composed of some of the Chief Justices of the High Courts, some members of both the

    Houses of Central legislature and some of the law officers of the Union); (ii) the said panel of

    eleven should recommend three names out of which the President, in consultation with the Chief

    Justice, may select a Judge for appointment. The same procedure should be followed for the

    appointment of Chief Justice of the Supreme Court except of course that in his case there should

    be no consultation with the Chief Justice.6

    2.2.4 Suggestion of Shri B.N. Rao: In his Memorandum on the Union Constitution, Shri B.N.

    6B.Shiva Rao: The Framing of Indias Constitution. Vol.2 at p. 590.

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    Rao, the Constitutional Advisor suggested that appointment of judges should be made by the

    President with the approval of at least two-thirds of the Members of the Council of States, which

    was proposed to be constituted to advise the President in exercise of his discretionary functions

    and of which the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court was to be an ex-officio member.

    2.2.5 Recommendations of Federal Court: The draft Constitution was forwarded to the

    Federal Court for its views. In March, 1948 a conference of Judges of the Federal Court

    (including its Chief Justice) and Chief Justices of the High Courts was held to consider the

    proposals in the draft Constitution concerning the judiciary. The Memorandum submitted by the

    conference recommended that the appointment of the Judges of the High Court should be made

    by the President on the recommendation of the Chief Justice of the High Court after consultation

    with the Governor of the State and with the concurrence of the Chief Justice of India.

    2.2.6 Basis adopted in articles 124 and 217: Perhaps, the several proposals mentioned above

    (except the one by Shri B.N. Rao) constitute the basis for the method of appointment devised by

    Articles 124 and 217. At the same time, the Constituent Assembly chose to employ the

    expression consultation in preference to the expression concurrence.

    2.2.7 Fourteenth Report of the Law Commission of India: In its Fourteenth Report (1958),

    the First Law Commission of India, headed by, Shri M.C. Setalvad 7, and composed of some very

    distinguished personalities of the time, examined this issue at length. In its concluding

    observations it observed: the almost universal chorus of comment is that the selections are

    unsatisfactory and that they have been induced by executive influence. It has been said that

    these selections appear to have proceeded on no recognizable principle and seem to have been

    made out of considerations of political expediency or regional or communal

    sentiments.

    After noticing that the appointments made have not always been on merit, the Report observed:

    It is widely felt that communal and regional considerations have prevailed in making the

    selection of judges.What perhaps is still more to be regretted is the general impression

    that now and again executive influence exerted from the highest quarters has been responsible

    for some appointments to the Bench.. The report recommended that every appointment

    7Distinguished jurist and first Attorney General of India

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    to the High Court and the Supreme Court should be made with the concurrence of the Chief

    Justice of India. In effect, this report sought to revive the idea of concurrence, which was not

    accepted by the Constituent Assembly. Of course, this recommendation was not implemented.

    2.2.9 Observations of the Supreme Court in Shamsher Singhs Case: In its judgment in

    Shamsher Singh v. State of Punjab8, the Constitution Bench of the Supreme Court dealt with the

    appointment of Judges. The Bench observed: In all conceivable cases, consultation with

    highest dignitary of Indian justice will and should be accepted by the Government of India and

    the court will have an opportunity to examine if any other extraneous circumstances have entered

    into the verdict of the Minister, if he departs from the counsel given by the Chief Justice of India.

    In practice, the last word in such sensitive subject must belong to the Chief Justice of India, the

    rejection of his advice being ordinarily regarded as prompted by oblique considerations vitiating

    the order. A most emphatic statement regarding the role of Chief Justice of India in all such

    matters.

    2.2.10 80th Report of the Law Commission of India: In the year1977, at the instance of the

    then Prime Minister of India, the Ministry of Law, Justice and Company Affairs requested the

    Law Commission to examine the question of appointment of Judges of High Court and Supreme

    Court and to submit a report. The Law Commission headed by Shri H. R. Khanna J. went into

    the matter at length and recommended (by the time of submission of the Report Shri H.R.Khanna

    J. resigned and hence it was sent by a Member of the Commission) that while making a

    recommendation for appointment of a Judge of a High Court, the Chief Justice of the High Court

    should consult his two senior-most colleagues and while forwarding the recommendation should

    incorporate therein the fact of such consultation and indicate the views of the two colleagues.

    The unanimous recommendation of this body, it was recommended, should normally be accepted

    by the executive.9. Interestingly, the Commission had proposed in its questionnaire, constitution

    of a high level panel (a consultative panel, called Judges Appointment Commission) consisting

    of persons known for their integrity, independence and judicial background to ensure

    dispassionate scrutiny and to eliminate extraneous considerations in the matter of these

    appointments (the panel was to consist of Chief Justice of India, Minister for Law and Justice

    8AIR 1974 SC 2192

    980th Report on Method of Appointment of Judges, (1979)

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    and three persons each of whom has been the Chief Justice or a Judge of the Supreme Court) but

    it dropped the proposal in view of the opposition by most of the High Courts.

    2.2.11 79th Report of the Law Commission of India: In the Seventy-ninth Report of the Law

    Commission of India (on Delay and Arrears in High Courts and other Appellate Courts [1979]),

    it was recommended that in the matter of appointment of Judges of the Supreme Court, the Chief

    Justice of India should consult his three senior most colleagues and should, in the

    communication incorporating his recommendation, specify the result of such consultation and

    reproduce the views of each of his colleagues so consulted. It appears that this procedure was

    followed between 1977 and 1979 but given up thereafter. Though the said recommendation

    applies equally in the matter of appointment to the High Courts, there is no evidence to show

    whether the said recommendation was ever followed and if so, for what period.

    2.2.12 Bar Councils 1979 Opinion: Reference may also be made to an opinion expressed by

    the Bar Council of India in 1979 that of all the segments of the society, the members of the Bar

    are pre-eminently suited to judge persons who should be appointed as Judges of the High Court

    and Supreme Court and, therefore, any reform or modification in the model for selection and

    appointment of Judges of the High Court and Supreme Court must provide for adequate

    representation of the organized bar in the mechanism.

    2.2.13 Majority view in S.P. Guptas case: In S.P. Guptas case10Justice Bhagwati (who was in

    the majority) did not accept the concept of the primacy of the Chief Justice of India. He opined

    that proposal for appointment can emanate either from Chief Justice of India or from any of the

    other three constitutional functionaries (in the case of appointment to High Court) and that it was

    open to the Central Government to override the opinion of Chief Justice of India or the other two

    constitutional functionaries. He said that opinion of all the three functionaries to be consulted

    (Article 217) stands on equal footing. He added, quite significantly, that if the opinion of Chief

    Justice of India and Chief Justice of the High Court is unanimous, the Government shouldordinarily accept it. In the course of his opinion, the learned Judge also referred to the

    desirability of a collegium to make recommendation to the President in regard to appointment of

    Supreme Court and High Court Judges. He thought that such a collegium should be broad-based

    and should make the recommendation in consultation with wider interests. He referred to the

    10AIR 1982 SC 149

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    fact that in countries like Australia and New Zealand the idea of a Judicial Commission has been

    gaining ground.

    2.2.14 Recommendations of Bar Council of India for Collegium: The Bar Council of India

    organized a national seminar of lawyers at Ahmedabad on 17th October, 1981. It opined that the

    role of executive in the matter of appointment to High Court and Supreme Court should only be

    formal and minimal. The initiative in the matter of selection and appointment of Judges should

    invariably rest with the Chief Justice of India. For appointment to the Supreme Court, it

    recommended a collegium consisting of (1) the Chief Justice of India, (2) five senior Judges of

    the Supreme Court, and (3) two representatives of the Bar representing the Bar Council of India

    and the Supreme Court Bar Association. The recommendation of such collegium should be

    binding on the President though it would be open him to ask for reconsideration of specific cases

    on stated grounds. In the matter of appointment to the High Court, it was recommended, the

    collegium should consist of the Chief Justice of the High Court and his two senior-most

    colleagues and two leading advocates to be nominated by the Bar Association of the High Court

    as its representatives.

    2.2.15 121st Report of Law Commission of India for Constitution of a National Judicial

    Service Commission: The Law Commission again went into this matter at great length in the

    year 1987. Its recommendations are contained in the One Hundred Twenty-first Report on a

    New Forum for Judicial Appointments submitted in July, 1987. After noticing the several

    recommendations made earlier and the developing trends in other countries, the Law

    Commission recommended the constitution of aNational Judicial Service Commission. It opined

    a broad based National Judicial Service Commission representing various interests with pre-

    eminent position in favour of the judiciary is the demand of the times. The Report11

    recommended that the Judicial Service Commission should be composed of eleven persons,

    namely, the Chief Justice of India and three senior most Judges of the Supreme Court, the

    immediate predecessor in office of the Chief Justice of India, three senior most Chief Justices of

    the High Courts, Minister for Law and Justice, the Attorney General of India and an outstanding

    law academic. The report further opined that it must be left to such Commission to devise its

    own procedure for initiation of proposal for recommending individuals for appointment and that

    11121stReport of the Law Commission of India

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    no hard and fast rule can be laid down in that behalf. It was observed that recommendation of

    such a Commission should be binding upon the President but it shall be open to the President to

    refer the recommendation back to the Commission in any given case along with information in

    his possession regarding the suitability of the candidate. If, however, after reconsideration, the

    Commission reiterates its recommendation, the President shall be bound to make the

    appointment. It was also recommended that the Chief Justice of the High Court, to which

    appointment is proposed to be made, should be co-opted as a member of the Commission.

    Besides the Chief Justice of the High Court, the Chief Minister of the State (wherein the High

    Court is situated) was also recommended to be co-opted. (This was on the premise that

    Governor is only a constitutional head who has to act upon the advice of the Chief Minister). It

    is evident that the Law Commission had in mind the appointment to High Courts only. It does

    not appear to have dealt with appointment to Supreme Court in this Report.

    2.2.16 Views of Arrears Committee: The Committee noticed the method of appointment of

    High Court Judges under the Government of India Act, 1919, Government of India Act, 1935,

    Expert Committee Report of 1947, recommendations of the Judges Conference 1948, the

    Constituent Assembly debates, the purport of Article 217 of the Constitution, the principles

    contained in S.P. Guptas case12 and the non-observance of the Memorandum of Procedure and

    observed as follows in paras 6.10 and 6.11:

    6.10 The fact situation aforesaid has led to a loss of credibility and a serious threat to the

    independence of the judiciary. Alarmed by this development, the Law Commission,

    jurists, academicians, lawyers, etc. bestowed serious thought upon the matter. An almost

    unanimous voice came to be echoed to minimize the executives say and to vest the last

    word in the matter of appointment of judges in the Chief Justice of India.

    6.11 The present system of appointment of Judges to the High Courts has been in vogue for

    about four decades. It functioned satisfactorily as long as the well-establishedconventions were honoured and followed. The gradual, but systematic violation and

    virtual annihilation of the conventions over the past two decades or so is essentially

    responsible for the present unfortunate situation. Has the system, therefore, failed or

    have the concerned failed the system is an all important question. It is apparent that the

    12 Ibid

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    system has not failed, but all those concerned with operating the system have failed it by

    allowing it to be perverted.

    2.2.16.1 Recommendations of the Arrears Committee: The Committee then noticed the 80th

    Report of the Law Commission (which affirmed the correctness of the existing procedure)

    submitted in 1979 as well as the 121st Report of the Law Commission (which suggested the

    constitution of the National Judicial Service Commission). The Committee also referred to

    Bhagwati Js opinion in S.P. Gupta, views expressed at the seminar organized by Bar Council of

    India Trust at Ahmedabad in October 1980 and to the views expressed by Justice Y.V.

    Chandrachud, then Chief Justice of India in 1983 regarding the constitution of a collegium.

    After examining the aforesaid material in extenso the Committee made the following

    recommendation:

    6.19 One common thread which passes through the various suggestions is that the role

    of the executive in the matter of appointment of Judges should be diluted and that the cause

    for most of the ills in the functioning of the present system could be traced back to the veto

    power of the executive. This, indeed, is capable of being remedied by making certain

    amendments to Article 217 providing for concurrence of the Chief Justice of India, instead of

    consultation with him, in the matter of appointment of Judges of the High courts. The

    Committee is conscious of the fact that the recommendation of the joint Conference of the

    Judges of the Federal Court and Chief Justice of the High Courts, convened by the Chief

    Justice of the Federal Court, and also a specific amendment moved to Draft Article 193

    (corresponding to Article 217 of the Constitution), providing for concurrence of the Chief

    Justice of India came to be rejected, when the articles concerning the judiciary came up for

    debate, in the Constituent Assembly. However, it cannot be overlooked that Dr. Ambedkar

    had expressed the view that the provision regarding consultation with the President of India

    and the Chief Justice of India was sufficient for the moment. The experience of the

    working of Article 217 for the last about two decades has belied the hope and belief

    expressed by Dr. Ambedkar. A time has come to revive the proposal with regard to the

    concurrence of the Chief Justice being made a pre-requisite to the appointment of Judges.

    The Satish Chandra Committee had also expressed a similar view. The misgivings and

    apprehensions which weighed in rejecting the proposed amendment during the debate in the

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    Constituent Assembly can be allayed by providing that the Chief Justice of India should

    consult such of the senior Judges of the Supreme Court as he deems necessary, besides the

    Chief Justice of the High Court concerned before giving his concurrence.

    6.20 In the light of the foregoing discussion, the Committee proposes that the main

    portion of clause (1) of Article 217 be substituted as follows:

    217 (1) Every Judge of a High Court shall be appointed by the President by warrant

    under his hand and seal after consultation with the Governor of the State, and, in the

    case of appointment of a Judge, other than the Chief Justice, the Chief Justice of the

    High Court and with the concurrence of the Chief Justice of India, and shall hold office

    until he attains the age of sixty-two years:

    Provided that the Chief Justice of India shall give concurrence after consultation with

    such of the Judges of the Supreme Court as he deems necessary and the Chief Justice of

    the High Court concerned.

    The Committee further recommends that in the existing proviso to clause (1) of article 217, the

    word further be added in between the words provided and that. In view of the

    recommendation of the Committee regarding deletion of Article 224, the expression in the case

    of an additional or acting judge, as provided in Article 224, and in any other case has not been

    incorporated in the amendment proposed above.(The Committee also examined the issue of

    transfer of High Court Judges and after an elaborate discussion, recommended amendment of

    Article 222 making the consent of the concerned Judge a condition for his transfer).

    2.2.16.2With respect to the appointment of Chief Justice of India dealt with by Article

    124(2), the Committee made the following recommendation in para 7.20:

    7.20 The Committee, therefore, recommends that the second proviso to Article 124(2) be

    deleted and an appropriate proviso be substituted to the effect that the senior most Judge of the

    Supreme Court shall ordinarily be appointed as the Chief Justice of India. However, in case he

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    is not proposed to be appointed as Chief Justice of India, reasons therefor shall be recorded in

    writing and the appointment shall then to be made in consultation with the seven Judges next in

    order of seniority to the senior most Judge, after communicating to them the recorded reasons.

    2.2.17 Purpose of 67th Amendment Bill served by the judgement in SCAORA: It would be

    evident from the several methods of appointment (to Supreme Court and High Courts) suggested

    by the various bodies, committees and organizations, the method and procedure of appointment

    devised by the 1993 decision of the Supreme Court in SCAORA13 and in the 1998 opinion

    rendered under Article 143 that, the 1993 decision gives effect to the substance of the

    Constitution (Sixty-seventh Amendment) Bill, without of course calling it a National Judicial

    Commission, and without the necessity of amending the Constitution as suggested by the said

    Amendment Bill. Indeed, it carries forward the object underlying the Amendment Bill by

    making the recommendations of the Chief Justice of India and his colleagues binding (primacy

    of opinion) on the President. The 1998 opinion indeed enlarges the collegium. In this sense,

    the purpose of the said Amendment Bill evidenced by the proviso to Article 124(2) and the

    Explanation appended thereto is served, speaking broadly. The method of appointment evolved

    by these decisions has indeed been hailed by several jurists and is held out as a precedent worthy

    of emulation by U.K. and others. (See the opinion of Lord Templeman, a member of the House

    of Lords, cited hereinabove.) The said decisions lay down the proposition that the consultation

    contemplated by Articles 124 and 217 should be a real and effective consultation and that having

    regard to the concept of Judicial independence, which is a basic feature of the Constitution, the

    opinion rendered by the Chief Justice of India (after consulting his colleagues) shall be binding

    upon the Executive. In this view of the matter, much of the expectations from a National

    Judicial Commission (N.J.C) have been met. The said Constitution Amendment Bill was, it

    would appear, prepared after a wide and elaborate consultation with all the political parties and

    other stakeholders. However, the aspect disciplinary jurisdiction remains unanswered.

    2.3 Position prior to Constitution in United States of America

    Prior to the adoption of the Constitution, the United States was governed by the Articles

    of Confederation. Under the Articles, almost all functions of the national government were

    vested in a single-chamber legislature called Congress. There was no separation of executive and

    13 1993(4) SCC 441

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    legislative powers. The first proposal presented to the Constitutional Convention was the

    Virginia Plan, which would have set up both a Supreme Court and inferior federal courts.

    Opponents of the Virginia Plan responded with the New Jersey Plan, which called for the

    creation of a single federal supreme tribunal. Supporters of theNew Jersey Plan were especially

    disturbed by the idea of lower federal courts. They argued that the state courts could hear all

    cases in the first instance and that a right of appeal to the Supreme Court would be sufficient to

    protect national rights and provide uniform judgments throughout the country14.

    The delegates gathered at the Constitutional Convention in Philadelphia in 1787

    expressed widespread agreement that a national judiciary should be established. The present

    Constitution of United States America was adopted at thePhiladelphia Convention held on 17th

    September 178715. It came into force on 4th March 1789, after it had been ratified by the

    minimum required number of states. Later on the Judiciary Act of 1789, set up a judicial system

    composed of a Supreme Court, consisting of a chief justice and five associate justices; three

    circuit courts, each comprising two justices of the Supreme Court and a district judge; and 13

    district courts, each presided over by one district judge.

    The U.S Constitution provides for the Presidential type of government in the U.S. All

    executive powers are vested in the President. The appointment of Federal judges is an executive

    power vested in the President of United States of America (President).

    Supreme Court justices are appointed by the President with the Advice and consent of the

    Senate and, like other federal judges, hold office during good behaviour16. There is no specific

    tenure for retirement of Justices under American Constitution.

    Under the system of checks and balances followed in the US, judges to be appointed to

    the Supreme Court are nominated by the President, but the consent of the Senate is necessary for

    the confirmation of the appointments. This is not a special procedure for judicial appointments,

    but is what the Constitution stipulates for all senior appointments by the US government. The US

    14 Outline of the U.S legal system for more details http://usinfo.state.gov/products/pubs/legalotln/federal.htm

    accessed on 19th November, 2008.

    15 V. Bhagwan,(rev.) World Constitution, 6th revised ed. Sterling Publishers Private Ltd.

    16 Article III of the American Constitution.

    http://usinfo.state.gov/products/pubs/legalotln/federal.htmhttp://usinfo.state.gov/products/pubs/legalotln/federal.htmhttp://usinfo.state.gov/products/pubs/legalotln/federal.htm
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    Presidents have always zealously guarded the power of nomination of a person to the Supreme

    Court in the US; equally zealous has been the Senate in the exercise of its power of confirmation.

    Out of the 132 nominations made by the Presidents ever since the Supreme Court started

    functioning, the Senate had refused confirmation in as many as 27 cases. There have also been

    many instances of US Presidents trying to apply indirect political pressure on the Supreme Court

    when they found the Courts stand unhelpful in pursuing certain policies, which they wished to

    push. President Roosevelt in 1937 attempted to create five more judges posts in the Supreme

    Court and to nominate persons who were known to be sympathetic to his New Deal policies.

    President Reagan had used his enormous personal influence to appoint to the Supreme Court

    persons supportive of his right-wing philosophy. President Bush insisted that another Afro-

    American fill a post in the Supreme Court vacated by an Afro-American judge, though the

    Senate had strong reservations on the Presidents candidate based on some adverse reports on

    him. The President could get the confirmation for his nominee only by a narrow 52:48 vote in the

    Senate. These instances clearly show how different the US system is from that in India and how

    impracticable it will be to draft it on the Indian Constitution. The Supreme Courts decision of

    1993 has reduced the executives role in the appointment of judges to the minimum level and if

    the judges are also allowed to continue in service for life, the concept of judicial accountability

    in India will get diluted more drastically.

    3. CONSTITUTIONAL PROVISIONS AND JUDICIAL

    INTERPRETATIONS ON THE PROCESS OF APPOINTMENT OF

    JUDGES IN INDIA AND USA

    3.1 Constitutional Provisions and process of appointment of judges in India

    3.1.1. Appointment of Judges to the Supreme Court

    Article 124(2): Clause (2) of Article 124 inter alia says that:

    every Judge of the Supreme Court shall be appointed by the President by warrant under his

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    hand and seal after consultation with such of the Judges of the Supreme Court and of the High

    Courts in the States as the President may deem necessary for the purpose and shall hold office

    until he attains the age of sixty-five years:

    Provided that in the case of appointment of a Judge other than the Chief Justice, the Chief

    Justice of India shall always be consulted.

    Under our constitutional scheme, the President is the constitutional head. In exercise of the

    powers vested in him by the Constitution, he acts upon the aid and advice of Union Council of

    Ministers. So far as the executive power of the Union is concerned, it is exercised by the Union

    Council of Ministers in the name of the President. Clause (2) of Article 124 speaks of

    consultation, whether it be with the Chief Justice of India, Judges of the Supreme Court or with

    the Judges of the High Court. The expression is not concurrence. The Constituent Assembly

    debates show that when it was suggested by some of the members that the expression should be

    concurrence and not consultation, it was not agreed to. Similarly, the suggestion to provide

    for approval of Parliament or its upper House - probably inspired by the U.S. Constitution was

    also not agreed to by Dr. Ambedkar17

    3.1.2 Appointment of Judges to High Courts

    The procedure for appointment of Judges of the High Courts is slightly different from the one

    concerning the appointment of Judges of the Supreme Court. Clause (1) of Article 217 says that

    every judge of a High Court shall be appointed by the President by warrant under his hand and

    seal after consultation with the Chief Justice of India, the Governor of the State, and, in the case

    of appointment of a Judge other than the Chief Justice, the Chief Justice of the High Court and

    shall hold office, in the case of an additional or acting judge, as provided in Article 224, and in

    any other case, until he attains the age of sixty-two years. A reading of this clause shows that

    while the appointment is made by the President, it has to be made after consultation with three

    authorities, namely, the Chief Justice of India, the Governor of the State and the Chief Justice of

    the High Court. (Of course, in the matter of appointment of Chief Justice, the consultation with

    the Chief Justice is not required). Just as the President is the constitutional head, so are the

    Governors. However, according to the practice, which had developed over the last several

    17Constituent Assembly debates Vol.8 p.258

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    decades and which was in vogue till the aforementioned 1981 decision of the Supreme Court

    (S.P.Gupta), the Chief Justice of the High Court used to make the recommendation which was

    considered by the Governor of the State (Council of Ministers headed by the Chief Minister)

    who offered his comments for or against the recommendation. The matter then went to the

    Central Government. At that stage, the opinion of the Chief Justice was sought and based upon

    such advice; the appointment was either made or declined, as the case may be.

    3.1.3 Practice followed till 1981: A practice had developed over the last several decades

    according to which the Chief Justice of India initiated the proposal, very often in consultation

    with his senior colleagues and his recommendation was considered by the President (in the sense

    explained hereinabove) and, if agreed to, the appointment was made. By and large, this was the

    position till 1981.

    3.2. Judicial interpretations on the process of appointment of judges in India: The

    Turning Point

    The beginning and end of judicial reform is the appointment of the right kind of judges, be it in

    the Supreme Court, the High Court or the subordinate judiciary. The appointment of judges is

    the prime and foremost link in the chain of judicial reform. As Justice Bhagwati would say, a

    right appointment would go a long way towards securing the right kind of judges who would

    invest the judicial process with significance and meaning, for the deprived and exploited

    sections of humanity.

    The procedure as laid in the constitutional text, underwent a change after the three

    pronouncements of the Supreme Court, which need to be considered for a fuller and more

    incisive understanding of the present scenario and its effect on the selection and appointment of

    judges.

    In SP Guptas case, which we will call the 1st judges case, for facility of reference, the

    Supreme Court considered the question of transfer of a judge from one High Court to another

    court, without ascertaining his consent and the non-confirmation of an ad-hoc judge, the issues

    being crucial for the cardinal principle of Independence of Judiciary. The decision of the

    majority of the seven judges, affirmed the power of the executive to decide these issues and

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    dismissed the petitions. The question of initial appointment of judges was nowhere in issue, but

    the majority judgment, holding that the expression consultation used in Art 124 (2) and 217 of

    the Constitution did not mean concurrence, declared that the Executive could appoint a judge,

    even if the Chief Justice had different views in the matter. Justice Bhagwati, delivering the

    majority judgment, also held that consultation with the Chief Justice would mean that there

    should be a collegiumto advise the Chief Justice. It was, however, not spelt out as to what

    should be the composition of the collegium, at this stage. It was also held that the solitary view

    of the Chief Justice would not constitute consultation within the meaning of Articles 217 and

    224 (2). Thus, the expression colleguim came to be used for the first time in paragraph 29 of

    the judgment and it was a virtual insertion into the Constitution.

    In the year 1991, doubts were expressed about soundness of the S.P. Gupta judgment in

    Subhash Sharma vs. Union of India18, by a Bench presided over by Justice Ranganath Misra,

    CJ in regard to the interpretation of the word consultation occurring in Articles 217 and 224

    (2) of the Constitution and the matter was referred to a larger Bench on two points: The view

    that the four learned judges shared in SP Guptas case, in our opinion does not recognise the

    special and pivotal position of the Chief Justice of India (paragraph 45). The correctness of the

    opinion of the majority in S.P. Guptas case19, relating to the status and importance of the Chief

    Justice of India and the view that the judge strength is not justiciable, should be reconsidered by

    a larger Bench. It was further clarified in paragraph 51 that apart from the two questions

    which we have indicated, all other aspects dealt with by us are intended to be final by our

    present order.

    Consequently, a Bench of nine judges was constituted and judgment was pronounced on 6-10-

    1993, in what we shall call the 2nd judges case. The judgment runs into 306 pages and travels

    far beyond the order of reference. Noted jurist, Late H.M. Seervai, in his celebrated

    Constitutional Law of India, has called the judgment null and void for not following the

    mandatory provisions of Act 145 (4) & (5) which as per the dictum laid down by Sir Barnes

    Peacock, CJ enjoins that it is a fundamental principle essential to the due administration of

    justice that every judicial act which is done by several judges ought to be completed in the

    18 AIR 1991 SC 631

    19 Ibid

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    presence of whole of them. If after discussion and after deliberately weighing the arguments of

    each other, the judges cannot agree, then several judgments ought to be delivered in the open

    court in the presence of others.

    That the judgment was not so pronounced is evident from the lament of Justice M. M. Punchchiin his dissenting judgment. The same is quoted from paragraph 90 of the 2nd Judges case. This

    nine judge bench sat from April 7, 1993 to hear this momentous matter, concluding its hearing

    on May 11, 1993 close to the onset of the summer vacation. I entertained the belief that we all

    after July 12, 1993 on the reopening of the court, if not earlier, would sit together and hold some

    meaningful and frank discussion on each and every topic, which has engaged our attention,

    striving for a unanimous decision, in this historic matter concerning mainly the institution of the

    Chief Justice of India, relatable to this court.

    I was indeed overtaken when I received the draft opinion dated June 14, 1993, authored by

    my learned brother Justice J.S. Verma for himself and on behalf of my learned brethren

    Yogeshwar Dayal, G.N. Ray, Dr. A.S. Anand and S.P. Bharucha-JJ. The fait accompli appeared

    a stark reality, the majority opinion an accomplished fact. The hopes I entertained of a free and

    frank discussion vanished. But then came the opinion dated August 24, 1993 of my learned

    brother Ahmadi J like a pebble of hope hewn out of a mountain of despair, followed by the

    opinions of my learned brother Kuldip Singh and Pandian-JJ dated Sept 7, 1993 and September

    9, 1993, respectively. Any review meeting thereafter was not possible as the views by that time

    seemed to have been polarized.

    It is therefore clear that there was no discussion, no meeting of minds and no consensus among

    the nine judges, on 14 June, 1993, when the final draft judgment was signed/circulated by

    Justice Verma, who spoke for himself and other colleagues (Yogeshwar Dayal, G.N. Ray, Dr.

    A.S. Anand and S.P. Bharucha JJ). The judgment therefore plainly is Per Inqurium.

    The 2nd Judgescase declared that the opinion given by the Chief Justice in the consultationprocess has to be formed taking into account the views of the two senior most judges of the

    Supreme Court. The Chief Justice of India is also expected to ascertain the views of the senior

    most judge of the Supreme Court, whose opinion is likely to be significant in adjudging the

    suitability of the candidate by reason of the fact that he has come from the same High Court or

    otherwise. Article 124 (2) is an indicator that ascertainment of the views of some other judges of

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    the Supreme Court is requisite. The object underlying 124 (2) is achieved in this manner as the

    Chief Justice of India consults them for the formation of his opinion.

    In matters relating to appointments in the High Courts, the Chief Justice of India is expected to

    take into account the views of his colleagues in the Supreme Court, which are likely to beconversant with the affairs of the concerned High Court. The Chief Justice may also ascertain

    one or more senior judges of that High Court, whose opinion according to the Chief Justice of

    India is likely to be significant in the formation of his opinion.The opinion of the Chief Justice

    of High Court must be formed after ascertaining the views of at least the two senior most judges

    of the High Court.

    This procedure continued till the President of India, Rashtrapati K.R. Narayanan had doubts and

    required clarification and light from the Supreme Court in regard to the appointment procedure,and that is how the 3rd Judges case, Special Reference No. 1 of 1998, came to be made under

    Article 143 of the Constitution. The President referred 9 questions, which are not being repeated

    for the sake the brevity.

    A Bench of 9 judges was again constituted, headed by Justice S.P. Bharucha. Normally, an

    advisory opinion under Article 143 does not have to be binding, but the Attorney General made

    a statement before the Court that government would abide by the opinion of the Court.

    The 9 judge Bench consisting of S.P. Bharucha, M.K. Muhkerjee, S.B. Majumdar, Sujata V.

    Manohar, G.T. Nanavati, S Saghin Ahmad, K Venkataswami, B.N. Kinful and G.B. Patnaik- JJ

    answered the reference unanimously, in paragraph 44 of the reference.

    The Chief Justice of India must make a recommendation to appoint a judge of the Supreme

    Court and to transfer a Chief Justice or puisne judge of a High Court in consultation with the

    four senior most puisne judges of the Supreme Court. In so far as an appointment to the High

    Court is concerned, the recommendation must be made in consultation with the two senior most

    -puisne judges of the Supreme Court. The court further held that the requirement of

    consultation by the Chief Justice of India with his colleagues, who are likely to be conversant

    with the affairs of the High Court concerned, does not refer only to those judges who have that

    High Court as a parent High Court. It does not exclude judges who have occupied the office of a

    judge or Chief Justice of that High Court on transfer.

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    The court also clarified that the views of the other judges consulted should be in writing and

    should be conveyed to the Government of India by the Chief Justice of India along with his

    views...

    Today, we are back to square one because there is a hue and cry that the consultative procedurehas become not only cumbersome, but well nigh impossible. The Chief Justice of a High Court

    is, by the policy of the government, a judge from outside the state who has little information and

    knowledge in regard the legal practitioners in the state. In many a state, seniormost judges

    constituting the collegium are from outside, with the result that appointments suffer for want of

    adequate information. It maybe noted that broadly there are two areas of enquiry. One is the area

    of legal acumen of the candidate to adjudge his/her suitability and the other is antecedents. The

    Chief Justice of India and other judges of the Supreme Court and High Court can only judge

    legal acumen. They have no access to the antecedents of a candidate, for which the Executive is

    the best judge.

    It is also to be argued that the collegium has now to consist of four (instead of two) senior most

    judges of the court in the appointment of a High Court judge. The Supreme Court judge,

    acquainted with the particular High Court is also to be consulted, raising the number to six. The

    increased number of consultees has made the consultation process cumbersome and delays in

    filling up vacancies are bound to occur. Every communication has to be in writing and the views

    of the consultees are to be communicated to the government.

    There is no indication as to what happens if there is no consensus among the consultees or if the

    majority disagrees with the Chief Justice of India. S.P. Guptas case has already laid down that

    the entire correspondence between the various authorities concerned is open to public scrutiny

    (since the entire record was summarised and made public in that case).

    Justice Verma who wrote the lead judgement in the 2nd Judges case was asked by V. Venkatesan

    of Frontline dated 10.10.08, My 1993 judgement, which holds the field, was very muchmisunderstood and misused. It was in that context I said the working of the judgment now for

    some time is raising serious questions, which cannot be called unreasonable. Therefore, some

    kind of rethink is required. My judgement says the appointment process of High Court and

    Supreme Court Judges is basically a joint or participatory exercise between the executive and the

    judiciary, both taking part in it. Broadly, there are two distinct areas. One is the area of legal

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    acumen of the candidates to adjudge their suitability and the other is their antecedents. It is the

    judiciary, that is, the Chief Justice of India and his colleagues or, in the case of the High Courts,

    the Chief Justice of the High Court and his colleagues (who) are the best persons to adjudge the

    legal acumen. Their voice should be predominant. So far as the antecedents are concerned, the

    executive is better placed than the judiciary to know the antecedents of candidates. Therefore,

    my judgement said that in the area of legal acumen the judiciarys opinion should be dominant

    and in the area of antecedents the executives opinion should be dominant. Together, the two

    should function to find out the most suitable (candidates) available for appointment.

    The views of the government are reflected in the newspaper report (Hindustan Times) of 19

    October, 2008 and I quote the relevant extract: The government has accepted a parliamentary

    panels recommendation to scrap the present procedure for appointments and transfers of

    Supreme Court and High Court judgesThe Law Ministry has agreed to review the 15-year-old

    system after the Parliamentary Standing Committee on Law & Justice recommended doing

    away with the committee of judges (collegium). Presently, the collegium decides the

    appointments and transfers of judge.

    The question is, from here where do we go? Do we restore the 1982 judgment, which was the

    starting point of the collegium or do we accept the primacy of the Chief Justice and the power ofthe executive for appointment of judges, which practice has prevailed since the inception of the

    Constitution? These are questions of vital importance, which will have to be settled by the

    Supreme Court by reviewing the three judgments, which have held the field since 1982.

    Alternatively, the government can amend the Constitution. If the amendment is challenged, the

    entire matter will be opened before the Court.

    3.2.1 The Controversy

    While the method of selection (appointment by Government being a mere formality) to

    subordinate judiciary has not evoked any controversy, the method of appointment to and more

    particularly the actual manner in which appointments were made to the High Courts and the

    Supreme Court has been a subject matter of good amount of controversy, whether before the

    decision in S.P. Gupta or thereafter and even after the 1993 decision of the Supreme Court in

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    Supreme Court Advocates-on-Record Association. While the decision in the S.P. Gupta was

    criticized for upsetting the existing situation by vesting the power of appointment in the

    executive and by diminishing the importance of the Chief Justice of India and the judiciary, the

    1993 decision in SCAORA is criticized for precisely the opposite reasons. It is said by the critics

    of the 1993 decision that in a democracy, accountability is an important consideration and the

    authority or authorities making such appointments should be accountable to the people. A

    distinction is made between appointment and functioning. While in the matter of functioning,

    the executive can have no say, it is said, the executive must be necessarily involved in the

    process of appointment. The argument is that someone must be responsible for the appointment

    made and since Chief Justice of India or his colleagues are not accountable to the people, the

    concentration of power of appointment in them is undemocratic. The argument further is that

    the executive is accountable to the Legislature, which in truth represents the will of the people

    the consumers of justice - and that involvement of Executive is the only way of infusing the

    element of democracy and accountability in the process relating to the appointment of judges of

    the High Courts and Supreme Court. The contrary argument in support of the existing method

    (ordained by the decisions of the Supreme Court in 1993 and 1998 aforementioned) is that in

    Indian conditions and culture, entrusting this power to, or involvement of the Executive in the

    appointment process is bound to prove detrimental to the independence and integrity of the

    judiciary, as the experience during the years 1973 to 1977 and again during the period 1982 to

    1993 (period during which S.P. Gupta held the field) shows. The supersessions, arbitrary and

    motivated transfer of Judges of High Court, the manner in which additional Judges in High

    Courts were dealt with (either by extensions for short periods or by not confirming them), the

    several attempts at muzzling the judiciary during the period 1973 to 1977 (including the

    supersession of senor-most judges of the Supreme Court in the matter of appointment of Chief

    Justice of India) and the manner in which several appointments were made during 1981 to 1993

    are all said to furnish proof of the fact that in our present stage of development, the domination

    or involvement of the executive in this process is not desirable. It is said that democratic culture

    has not yet taken root in our country and that feudal tendencies are very much part of our thought

    and action. The attempt to control every institution, personalized rule, refusal to see the merit of

    diffusion of power of governance (a basic feature of democracy) are propensities which are not

    conducive to an independent and efficient judiciary. If the vesting of the power of selection of

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    subordinate judiciary in the High Courts exclusively is not bad, how does the selection of Judges

    of High Courts and the Supreme Court become bad goes the argument. It is further pointed out

    by the proponents of this point of view that today executive is the biggest litigant and the power

    vested in the Supreme Court and the High Courts by Articles 32 and 226 respectively is intended

    to act as a check upon the executive and that today the major portion of the work in every High

    Court and the Supreme Court is under these provisions; if so vesting the power of appointment,

    whether wholly or partially, in the executive is bound to prove prejudicial to this constitutional

    perspective. The U.K. example, it is said, is not relevant to this country at the present stage of

    development and in so far as U.S.A. is concerned, it cannot and ought not to be emulated in this

    country, more particularly after the recent episode (the un-edifying manner in which the judiciary

    in that country acted in the Bush-Gore election controversy). Incidentally, the American

    experience reinforces the inadvisability of executives role in the matter of appointment.

    However, under the Indian Constitution the said power of appointment of judges neither resides

    exclusively in the Judiciary, as because the Indian Constitution has provided for the

    participatory and consultative method of appointment process by way of consultation with the

    judiciary giving primacy to neither of the wings. But the said balance as intended is not followed

    in the present process of appointment of judges which is a matter of serious concern as the

    guardian of the constitution is itself acting beyond what the constitution has expressly provided

    thereby bringing the process of appointment of judges justiciable and subject to judicial review.

    3.3 Constitutional Provisions and Process of Appointment in U.S.A

    3.3.1 Background and the Structure of the Judicial System (Federal and State Courts)

    The judicial system in the United States is known as dual court system, which means both state

    and federal governments have their own set of courts. Thus, there are 51 separate sets of courts

    in the United States, one for each state and one for the federal government. The project will

    discuss the process of appointment of judges of federal courts only.

    The judicial structure of the courts in the United States of America is well explained with

    the help of the diagram. (Appendix-I)

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    The appointment of a Supreme Court Justice is an event of major significance in American

    politics. Each appointment is important because of the enormous judicial power the Supreme

    Court exercises as the highest appellate court in the federal judiciary. Appointments are usually

    infrequent, as a vacancy on the nine-member Court may occur only once or twice, or never at all,

    during a particular Presidents years in office. Under the Constitution, Justices on the Supreme

    Court receive lifetime appointments. Such job security in the government has been conferred

    solely on judges and, by constitutional design, helps insure the Courts independence from the

    President and Congress. The procedure for appointing a Justice is provided for by the

    Constitution in only a few words. The Appointments Clause20 states that the President shall

    nominate, and by and with the Advice and Consent of the Senate, shall appoint Judges of the

    Supreme Court. The process of appointing Justices has undergone changes over two centuries,

    but its most basic feature the sharing of power between the President and Senate has

    remained unchanged: To receive lifetime appointment to the Court, a candidate must first be

    nominated by the President and then confirmed by the Senate. Although not mentioned in the

    Constitution, an important role is played midway in the process (after the President selects, but

    before the Senate considers) by the Senate Judiciary Committee. On rare occasions, Presidents

    also have made Court appointments without the Senates consent, when the Senate was in recess.

    Such recess appointments, however, were temporary, with their terms expiring at the end of

    the Senates next session. The last recess appointments to the Court, made in the 1950s, were

    controversial because they bypassed the Senate and its advice and consent role. The

    appointment of a Justice might or might not proceed smoothly. From the first appointments in

    1789, the Senate has confirmed 122 out of 158 Court nominations. Of the 36 unsuccessful

    nominations, 11 were rejected in Senate roll-call votes, while nearly all of the rest, in the face of

    committee or Senate opposition to the nominee or the President, were withdrawn by the

    President or were postponed, tabled, or never voted on by the Senate. Over more than two

    centuries, a recurring theme in the Supreme Court appointment process has been the assumed

    need for excellence in a nominee. However, politics also has played an important role in

    Supreme Court appointments. The political nature of the appointment process becomes

    especially apparent when a President submits a nominee with controversial views, there are sharp

    20Article II, Section 2, clause 2

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    partisan or ideological differences between the President and the Senate, or the outcome of

    important constitutional issues before the Court is seen to be at stake.

    3.3.2. Methods of Appointment

    Section 2, Article II, the United States Constitution states: "[The President] shall nominate,

    and by and with theAdvice and Consent of the Senate, shall appointJudges of the Supreme

    Court, and all other Officers of the UnitedStates

    Justices of the Supreme Court, judges of the Circuit Courts of Appeals and the District Courts

    [i.e. included under "all other officers of the U.S." referred to in the Constitution] all are

    appointed by the President of the United States with the advice and consent of the Senate. These

    justices and judges are appointed for life, and they can only be removed through impeachment by

    the Congress. There is no statutory qualification for judicial appointment to the Supreme Court

    or the lower federal courts.

    3.3.3 Process of Appointment of Judges of the Federal Courts

    The process of appointment of Judges of the federal court is discussed briefly:-

    1. Vacancy

    The process of appointment of a federal judge starts from the occurrence of a judicial vacancy.

    The vacancy of a judgeship may arise from death, resignation, and retirement of a judge. Also,

    vacancies can arise from legislation creating new judicial position and impeachment by the

    Congress.

    The process of appointment of federal judges is summarized with the help of a figure

    (Appendix-II)

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    2. Selection and Nomination of Candidates by the President

    The President nominates candidates for justices and judges to the Senate after he receives

    recommendations from the Department of Justice and his own White House staff.

    Department of Justice

    The Department of Justice, which is supervised and directed by the Attorney General, is

    responsible for making recommendations to the President concerning appointments to federal

    judicial positions. Within the Department, the Office of Policy Development (OPD)has primary

    responsibility for the judicial selection process of all Article III judicial vacancies. The staff of

    the OPD interview a prospective nominee in person. They ask federal and state judges,

    prosecutors, and defenders as well as other attorneys and support staff about the candidates

    reputation and merit for the federal bench. They also examine any articles written by or about the

    candidate, and review all of the cases, news, writings, and web sites mentioning the candidate, as

    well as financial disclosure statements and a physicians evaluation of the candidates health. A

    questionnaire is sent to the potential candidate to collect his or her personal data. The OPD does

    not solicit the candidates personal views on constitutional interpretation or political issues.

    Instead, the candidate is asked whether he or she has any views that would prevent the candidate

    from following the precedents of the higher courts or from being fair and impartial in all cases

    that might come before the court. If the preliminary evaluation of a prospective nominee is

    positive, the candidates name will be transmitted to the Federal Bureau of Investigation for

    investigation and to the American Bar Association (ABA), an independent non-governmental

    organization, for evaluation.

    Federal Bureau of Investigation

    The Federal Bureau of Investigation's (FBI) investigation of potential judicial nominees is

    focused on general background issues. FBI agents usually begin their investigation by

    interviewing the judicial candidate to confirm the accuracy of the candidates security

    questionnaire, which requires information to verify education, jobs, and residences, as well as

    any background issues since the candidates eighteenth birthday. FBI agents also interview

    federal and state judges and other government officials, as well as attorneys, business and civic

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    leaders, religious and civil rights leaders, neighbours, and doctors. They also check for arrests

    and convictions, civil lawsuits, and credit history. Additionally, a check on the candidates tax

    record is included in the file. The OPD has stated that the FBI investigation is a critical

    component of OPDs evaluation of the candidates suitability for the federal bench.

    The American Bar Association

    The American Bar Association interviews judges and lawyers in the candidates community

    about the candidates qualifications, including temperament, and also interviews the candidate.

    At the end of the ABA process, the ABA sends an informal piece of advice to the Department of

    Justice on its rating of the candidate as well qualified, qualified, or not qualified if the

    President were to nominate the candidate. If the ABA rating is positive, the FBI report is

    satisfactory, and the Department of Justices evaluation is favourable overall, the Attorney

    General formally recommends the nomination to the President.

    The White House

    The White House Counsels Office works closely with the Department of Justice in the selection

    of potential federal judges. Also, the Office works as closely as possible with Senators, and also

    considers recommendations by Members of the House of Representatives, state Governors, state

    judicial selection panels, bar associations, government officials, and citizens.

    President

    The papers sent by the Department of Justice to the President include:

    1. A letter from the Attorney General to the President formally recommending the nomination;

    2. A memorandum from the Deputy Attorney General to a "designated" White House Assistant

    "touching on matters not in the Attorney General's formal letter" (typically who recommended

    the candidate and what political clearances were obtained);

    3. The candidate's resume or biographical sketch;

    4. A summary of the FBI Report along with the complete report itself; and

    5. All other file material on the candidate including the response to the personal data

    questionnaire.

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    If the President approves the nomination, he signs it and sends it to the Senate.Following the

    nomination, the Department of Justice submits the FBI Questionnaire, the results of the FBI

    background investigation and the entire Senate Questionn