1 The Problem with Michael978-1-137-31655-4/1.pdf · Haven: Yale University Press, 2008), pp. 237–242; and Henry Corbin, “La Nécessité de l’angélologie,” Le paradoxe du

NOTES

1 The Problem with Michael

1 . Bernardus monachus francus, Itinerarium 18, PL 121.574; F. Avril and

J.-R. Gaborit discuss the pilgrimage, “L’Itinerarium Bernardi monachi et

les pèlerinages d’Italie du Sud pendant le Haut-Moyen-Âge,” M é langes

d’arch é ologie et d’histoire 79 (1967): 269–298. The hagiographical Revelatio

ecclesiae de sancti Michaelis details the foundation of Mont Saint-Michel

by St. Aubert of Avranches, Revelatio ecclesiae sancti Michaelis archangeli in

Monte qui dicitur Tumba V, edited by Pierre Bouet and Olivier Desbordes,

Chroniques latines du Mont Saint-Michel (IXe–XIIe si è cle), vol. 1

(Caen: Presses universitaires de Caen, 2009), pp. 98–99. All Latin citations

are from Bouet’s edition. Mabillon’s edition is published as Apparitio de

Sancti Michaelis in Monte Tumba , AASS, September 8.76–79, which John

Charles Arnold translates into English: “The ‘Revelatio Ecclesiae de Sancti

Michaelis’ and the Mediterranean Origins of Mont St.-Michel,” The Heroic

Age 10 (May 2007), http://www.mun.ca/mst/heroicage/issues/10/arnold.

html . All English citations are from that publication. The Bayeux Tapestry

famously depicts Harold Godwinson pulling soldiers from quicksand

with Mont Saint-Michel in the background. The Museum of Reading

has placed online images from its nineteenth- century copy of the tapestry,

with that of Harold’s exploits found at http://www.bayeuxtapestry.org.uk/

Bayeux8.htm .

2 . For the most recent analysis of Notre-Dame-sous-Terre, see Christian

Sapin, Maylis Bayl é et al., “Arch é ologie du b â ti et arch é om é trie au Mont-

Saint-Michel, nouvelles approches de Notre-Dame-sous-Terre,” Arch é ologie

m é di é vale 38 (2008): 71–122 and 94 and 97 for the mortar of the “cyclo-

pean” wall. Sapin includes a historiography of interpretations that now must

be modified or discarded: Florence Margo, “Les crypts romanes du Mont

Saint–Michel, Ordonnance des espaces,” Espace ecclésial et liturgie au Moyen

 ge (Lyon: La Maison de l’Orient et de la M é diterran é e, 2010), pp. 369–

378; Michel de Bo ü ard, “L’ É glise N ô tre–Dame–sous–Terre au Mont Saint–

Michel,” Journal de Savants (1961): 10–27; Yves-Marie Froidevaux, “L’ É glise

N ô tre–Dame–sous–Terre de l’abbaye du Mont–Saint–Michel,” Monuments

historiques de la France 7 (1961): 145–166; and Paul Go û t, Le Mont-Saint-

Michel , vol. 2 (Paris: A. Colin, 1910).

N OT E S142

3 . Bernardus, Itinerarium ; Avril and Gaborit, “L’Itinerarium Bernardi monachi

et les pèlerinages d’Italie du Sud pendant le Haut-Moyen-Âge,” Katherine

Allen Smith speaks to Aubert’s architectural imitation of Monte Gargano,

“Architectural Mimesis and Historical Memory at the Abbey of Mont-

Saint-Michel,” in Negotiating Community and Difference in Medieval Europe ,

edited by Katherine Allen Smith and Scott Wells (Leiden: Brill, 2009),

pp. 65–82.

4 . Peter Brown, The Cult of the Saints (Chicago: University of Chicago Press,

1981), pp. 60–61.

5 . Augustine, De Vera Religione 55.110, La foi chr é tienne: De vera religione; De

utilitate credendi; De fide rerum quae non videntur , edited and translated by

Joseph Pegon and Goulven Madec, Biblioth è que augustini é nne 8 (Paris:

Descl é e de Brouwer, 1982), p. 182.

6 . Augustine, De civitate dei 8.27, edited by Bernard Dombart and Alfons Kalb,

CCSL 47 (Turnholt: Brepols, 1955), p. 248, translated by Marcus Dods

(New York: Modern Library, 1950), p. 278. Peter Brown well understood

this point, Augustine of Hippo, a Biography (Berkeley: University of California

Press, 1975), pp. 413–418.

7 . Augustine, De civitate dei 10.1–2, pp. 272–273, as denoted by the Greek word

latre í a with its synonym thr ē ske í a and the Latin analogues servitus or religio

(“service to God alone”), as opposed to doule í a and its synonym theosebe í a

and analogue Dei cultum (“worship of God alone”).

8 . Ibid., 10.12, pp. 286–287.

9 . Augustine, Quaestiones in Heptateuch II.94, PL 34.630: doule í a debetur Deo

tanquam Domino, latre í a vero nonnisi Deo tanquam Deo .

10 . Wilhelm Lueken, Michael: eine Darstellung und Vergleichung der j ü dischen und

der morgenl ä ndisch-christlichen Tradition vom Erzengel Michael (Göttingen:

Vandenhoeck und Ruprecht, 1898). For biographical information on

Lueken, see Matthias Wolfes, Biographisch-bibliographisches Kirchenlexikon , s. v.

“Lueken, Wilhelm,” band XVIII (2001), 844–851, www.bautz.de/bbkl/l/

lueken_w.shtml .

11 . Lueken, Michael , pp. 72–77; Narratio de miraculo a Michaele Archangelo Chonis

patrato ,edited by M. Bonnet, Analecta Bollandiana 8 (1889): 289–307. William

M. Ramsay noted the geographical oddities of the region, especially the

presence of dudens , streams that either appear from or disappear into the

earth as if at will: The Church in the Roman Empire before A.D. 170 (Grand

Rapids: Baker Book House, 1979 [1897]), pp. 472–477.

12 . Alan Cadwallader discusses the confusion, “The Reverend Dr. John Luke

and the Churches of Chonai,” Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 48

(2008): 319–338.

13 . Gerd L ü demann and Martin Schr ö der, Die Religionsgeschichtliche Sch ü le in

G ö ttingen (G ö ttingen: Vandenhoeck und Ruprecht, 1987).

14 . Lueken, Michael , p. 77.

15 . I take the concept of “formation” and its usefulness for conceptualizing

Michael from Tony Bennett, particularly his article “Texts, Readers, Reading

Formations,” The Bulletin of the Midwest Modern Language Association 16

N OT E S 143

(1983): 8 [3–17], and his application of the concept to a historicized reading

of the popular fictional character James Bond, Bond and Beyond (New York:

Methuen, 1987).

16 . A point well understood by Susan R. Garrett, No Ordinary Angel (New

Haven: Yale University Press, 2008), pp. 237–242; and Henry Corbin, “La

Nécessité de l’angélologie,” Le paradoxe du monoth é isme (Paris: l’H é rne,

1981), pp. 81–156. Now, Ellen Muehlberger takes as her principal thesis the

centrality of discussions of angels in the formation of late-antique theologi-

cal discourses: Angels in Late Ancient Christianity (Oxford: Oxford University

Press, 2013).

17 . Richard F. Johnson delineates the four “offices” for Michael, “Archangel in

the Margins: St. Michael in the Homilies of Cambridge, Corpus Christi

College 41,” Traditio 53 (1998): 64.

2 Michael, an Ecumenical Archangel

1 . Richard F. Johnson, “Archangel in the Margins: St. Michael in the Homilies

of Cambridge, Corpus Christi College 41,” Traditio 53 (1998): 64.

2 . George W. E. Nickelsburg establishes the chronology of the text, 1 Enoch 1;

A Commentary on the Book of 1 Enoch, Chapters 1–36; 81–108 , with James C.

VanderKam and edited by Klaus Baltzer. (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2001),

pp. 169–171.

3 . Michael Mach, Entwicklungsstadien des j ü dischen Engelglaubens in vorrabbinis-

cher Zeit (T ü bingen: J. C. B. Mohr, 1992), pp. 65–73.

4 . Larry Hurtado, One God, One Lord: Early Christian Devotion and Ancient

Jewish Monotheism (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1988), pp. 71–92, particularly

pp. 75–78.

5 . Hurtado examines the problem of worship vs. veneration (ibid., pp. 17–39).

See also Loren T. Stuckenbruck, Angel Veneration and Christology: A Study

in Early Judaism and in the Christology of the Apocalypse of John , WUNT 2.70

(T ü bingen: J. C. B. Mohr, 1995), pp. 47–51; and Darrell D. Hannah, Michael

and Christ: Michael Traditions and Angel Christology in Early Christianity ,

WUNT 2.109 (T ü bingen: J. C. B. Mohr, 1999). p. 104, n. 59.

6 . Hans Dieter Betz, The Greek Magical Papyri in Translation, including the

Demotic Spells , second ed. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1996), pp.

xliv–xlviii; Fritz Graf, La magie dans l’antiquit é gr é co-romaine (Paris: Les Belles

Lettres, 1994); and Magic in the Ancient World , translated by Franklin Philip,

Revealing Antiquity 10 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1999).

7 . As pointed out by Charles A. Gieschen, Angelomorphic Christology, Antecedents

and Early Evidence , Arbeiten zur Geschichte des Antiken Judentums und des

Urchristentums 42 (Leiden: Brill, 1998), pp. 32–33.

8. Ibid., pp. 53–64; Mach, Entwicklungsstadien , pp. 43–47.

9. See both Eric Eynikel, “The Angel in Samson’s Birth Narrative—Judg 13”

in Angels, the Concept of Celestial Beings—Origin, Development and Reception ,

edited by Friedrich V. Reiterer, Tobias Nicklas, and Karin Sch ö pflin,

Deuterocanonical and Cognate Literature Yearbook 2007 (Berlin: Walter de

N OT E S144

Gruyter, 2007), pp. 113–114 [pp. 109–123]; and Matthias K ö ckert, “Divine

Messengers and Mysterious Men in the Patriarchal Narratives of the Book

of Genesis,”in Angels, pp. 67–69 [pp. 51–78].

10. Eynickel, “The Angel in Samson’s Birth Narrative,” in Angels, pp. 116–118.

11. R. M. M. Tuschling discusses the various creatures found in Tanakh, with

possible connections to other ancient Near Eastern religious traditions,

Angels and Orthodoxy: A Study in Their Development in Syria and Palestine

from the Qumran Texts to Ephrem the Syrian (T ü bingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2007),

pp. 13–27; Mach, Entwicklungsstadien , pp. 16–37.

12. Mach, Entwicklungsstadien , pp. 33–34.

13. Gieschen, Angelomorphic Christology , pp. 64–65.

14. Mach provides a list of functions ( Entwicklungsstadien , pp. 60–63).

15. There is an enormous literature on the apocalypse and its emergence

as a literary genre. For an introduction and general background, con-

sult Christopher Rowland, The Open Heaven, a Study of Apocalyptic in

Judaism and Early Christianity (New York: Crossroad, 1982); John Joseph

Collins, The Apocalyptic Imagination , second ed. (Grand Rapids: William B.

Eerdmans, 1998); Ithamar Gruenwald, Apocalyptic and Merkavah Mysticism ,

Arbeiten zur Geschichte des antiken Judentums und des Urchristentums

14 (Leiden: Brill, 1980); P. D. Hanson, The Dawn of Apocalyptic: The Historical

and Sociological Roots of Jewish Apocalyptic Eschatology (Philadelphia: Fortress

Press, 1979); Martha Himmelfarb, Ascent to Heaven in Jewish and Christian

Apocalypses (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993); and D. S. Russell, The

Method and Message of Jewish Apocalyptic (Philadelphia: Westminster Press,

1964). E. P. Sanders discusses the concept of “covenantal nomism,” by which

he means the propensity of Second Temple sects to establish their validity

and superiority through halakhic orthopraxy: Paul and Palestinian Judaism

(Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1977), pp. 236 and 426–428. Dieter Heidtmann

aptly designates angels as “boundary markers of God” ( Grenzgestalten Gottes )

when arguing for their necessary inclusion in contemporary Christian dis-

course: Die Engel: Grenzgestalten Gottes. Ü ber Notwendigkeit und M ö glichkeit

der christlichen Rede von den Engeln (Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag,

1999), particularly pp. 195–208.

16. Tuschling, Angels and Orthodoxy , pp. 14–21, particularly for the derivation

of the Cherubim and Seraphim from Canaanite prototypes. Marco Bussagli

addresses the Mesopotamian background, Storia degli Angeli (Milan: Rusconi,

1991), pp. 14–20.

17. Edward L. Greenstein, “Trans-Semitic Idiomatic Equivalency and the

Derivation of Hebrew ml’kh ,” Ugarit-Forschungen 11 (1979): 329–336.

18. Anders Hultg å rd, “Das Judentum in der hellenistisch-r ö mischen Zeit und die

iranische Religion-ein religionsgeschichtliches Problem,” ANRW II.19.1, ed.

by Wolfgang Haase (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1979), pp. 512–590; also, the

various articles in The Cambridge History of Judaism I, edited by W. D. Davies

and Louis Finkelstein (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988), espe-

cially Shaul Shaked, “Iranian Influence on Judaism: First Century B.C.E.to

Second Century C.E.,” pp. 308–325.

N OT E S 145

19. Hans Bietenhard, Die himmlische Welt im Urchristentum und Sp ä tjudentum ,

WUNT 2 (T ü bingen: J. C. B. Mohr, 1951), p. 103.

20. Adela Y. Collins, “The Seven Heavens in Jewish and Christian Apocalypses,”

in Death, Ecstasy and Other Worldly Journeys , edited by John Joseph Collins

and Michael A. Fishbane (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1995),

pp. 65–66 [pp. 59–93].

21. bHag 12b, The Babylonian Talmud , edited by Isidore Epstein, with translation by

M. Simon et al., (London: Soncino, 1948–49), p. 71. The texts, criticism, and

bibliographies of Jubilees, translated by R. H. Charles, and 1 Enoch, translated

by M. A. Knibb, appear in The Apocryphal Old Testament , edited by H. F. D. Sparks

(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1984). For further information on 1 Enoch

and an introduction to its enormous literature, refer to Nickelsburg, 1 Enoch 1

and his bibliography. Maxwell J. Davidson provides briefer, but useful general

remarks as well as particular observations as to the dating of Enoch’s various

sections in Angels at Qumran: A Comparative Study of 1 Enoch 1–36, 72–108 and

Sectarian Writings from Qumran , Journal for the Study of the Pseudepigrapha

Supplement Series 11 (Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1992), pp. 18–30.

22. The angelus interpres is central to the visionary experience: Karin Sch ö pflin,

“God’s Interpreter: The Interpreting Angel in Post-Exilic Prophetic Visions

of the Old Testament,” Angels, pp. 189–203.

23. Sparks’s critical apparatus includes variant readings as to the duties of all of

these angels, The Apocryphal Old Testament , pp. 208–209.

24. Collins, “The Seven Heavens,” pp. 65–66.

25. A. Finet, “Les anges gardiens du Babylonien,” in Anges et D é mons , edited

by Julien Ries and Henri Limet, Homo Religiosus 14 (Louvain-la-Neuve:

Centre d’Histoire des Religions, 1989), pp. 37–52.

26. Tuschling, Angels and Orthodoxy , p. 15.

27. William George Heidt, Angelology of the Old Testament (Washington DC: The

Catholic University of America Press, 1949), p. 7.

28. Gen R 48.9, 48.1, Genesis Rabbah , translated by Jacob Neusner (Atlanta:

Scholar’s Press, 1989), p. 411.

29. Heidt, Angelology of the Old Testament , pp. 7–8.

30. S. D. McBride, The Deutoronomic Name Theology (Cambridge: Cambridge

University Press 1969), p. 5, as cited by Aquila H. I. Lee, From Messiah to

Preexistent Son , WUNT 192 (T ü bingen: J. C. B. Mohr, 2005), p. 38, with a

discussion of hypostatization, pp. 37–44. Gieschen, Angelomorphic Christology ,

pp. 36–45, illustrates the ubiquity of the practice. Tuschling, Angels and

Orthodoxy , pp. 93–96, briefly summarizes the scholarship and arguments as

to the validity of the concept of hypostatization.

31. Saul M. Olyan, A Thousand Thousands Served Him (T ü bingen: J. C. B. Mohr,

1993), p. 104.

32. As pointed out by Russell, The Method and Message of Jewish Apocalyptic ,

pp. 257–262. Also, Hultg å rd, “Das Judentum in der hellenistisch–r ö mischen

Zeit,” pp. 345–347; and Shaked, “Iranian Influence on Judaism,” especially

pp. 317–324. Tuschling, Angels and Orthodoxy , pp. 21–28, summarizes the

arguments and literature.

N OT E S146

33. Tuschling, Angels and Orthodoxy , p. 25; Hultg å rd, “Das Judentum in der hel-

lenistisch–r ö mischen Zeit.”

34. James Barr, “The Question of Religious Influence: The Case of

Zoroastrianism, Judaism, and Christianity,” Journal of the American Academy of

Religion 53.2 (1985): 207 [201–235].

35. Yasht 13.1, cited by Russell, The Method and Message of Jewish Apocalyptic ,

p. 259.

36. R. C. Zaehner, The Dawn and Twilight of Zoroastrianism (New York: Putnam,

1961), pp. 76 and 146; Tuschling, Angels and Orthodoxy , p. 25.

37. Barr, “The Question of Religious Influence,” pp. 229–230, casts doubt on

a wholesale adoption of Zoroastrian concepts but does suggest an assimila-

tion of comparable ideas, although without an understanding of their origi-

nal function within Zoroastrianism. Also, Tuschling, Angels and Orthodoxy ,

pp. 26–28. Shaul Shaked argues for a close understanding of the Zoroastrian

system of religious thought and its incorporation within documents from

Qumran: “Qumran and Iran; Further Considerations,” Israel Oriental Studies

2 (1972): 433–446.

38. A skeptical Barr, “The Question of Religious Influence,” pp. 214–217, dis-

cusses the arguments for and against this sort of assimilation.

39. Collins presents an overview of the Enochic literature, The Apocalyptic

Imagination , pp. 43–79, as does Nickelsburg, 1 Enoch 1 , pp. 165–228.

40. Annette Yoshiko Reed provides an exhaustive study of Enoch and the “fallen

angel” traditions in Fallen Angels and the History of Judaism and Christianity

(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 2005).

41. Reed, Fallen Angels ; also, Corrie Molenberg, “A Study of the Roles of

Shemihaza and Asael in 1 Enoch 6–11,” Journal of Jewish Studies 35 (1984):

139 [136–146].

42 . Russell, The Method and Message of Jewish Apocalyptic , pp. 237–240.

43. For the connection of foreign powers with wicked angels, see R. M. Grant,

“Les ê tres interm é diaires dans le Juda ï sme tardif,” Studi e materiali di sto-

ria delle religioni 38 (1967): 245–259. For Daniel more generally, Collins,

Apocalyptic Imagination , pp. 85–115 and Daniel with Introduction to Apocalyptic

Literature , The Forms of the Old Testament Literature 20 (Grand Rapids:

William B. Eerdmans, 1999 reprint [1984]).

44. For an analysis of the political events of Hellenistic Palestine and the connec-

tion of Daniel and Maccabees with the Hasmonaean Revolt, see F. E. Peters,

The Harvest of Hellenism (New York: Barnes and Noble, 1996), pp. 222–

296; and Arnaldo Momigliano, Alien Wisdom: The Limits of Hellenization

(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1975), pp. 109–112. Martin

Hengel addresses the intellectual background, Judaism and Hellenism , trans-

lated by John Bowden (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1981), pp. 175–218.

45. B. Otzen generally calls attention to the use of scripture in the construction

of angelic personalities and functions, in this specific case by the reference

to Deuteronomy 32.8: “Michael and Gabriel: Angelological Problems in the

Book of Daniel,” in The Scriptures and the Scrolls: Studies in Honor of A. S. van

N OT E S 147

der Woude on the Occasion of His 65th Birthday , edited by F. Garc í a Mart í nez, A.

Hilhorst, and C. J. Labuschagne (Leiden: Brill, 1992), pp. 114–124.

46. ha-sar ha-gadol , “great prince” or “great minister” (Masoretic Text); ho á ngelos

ho m é gas , “the great angel” (Septuagint).

47. Lueken discusses Michael as engel des volkes ( Michael , pp. 13–30).

48. Jean Duhaime, The War Texts, 1QM and Related Manuscripts , Companion to

the Qumran Scrolls 6 (London: T & T Clark, 2004), provides a succinct

introduction to the interpretive issues and the enormous literature on the

War Scroll.

49. 1QM, text in The Complete Dead Sea Scrolls in English , translated by Geza

Vermes (London: Penguin, 1998), pp. 163–164, as well as his The Dead Sea

Scrolls, Qumran in Perspective (Cleveland: Collins World, 1978), pp. 51–54, for

a brief description and bibliography. See Davidson’s discussion, Angels at

Qumran , pp. 212–233; also, James Davila, “Melchizedek, Michael, and War in

Heaven,” Society of Biblical Literature 1996 Seminar Papers (Atlanta: Scholars

Press, 1996), pp. 259–272.

50. 1QM, in The Complete Dead Sea Scrolls in English ; Davila, “Melchizedek,

Michael, and War in Heaven,” pp. 260–262. Also, Sylvester Lamberigts, “Le

sens de qdwsym dans les texts de Qumran,” Ephemerides theologicae Lovanienses

46 (1970): 24–39; Crispin H. T. Fletcher-Louis, “Some Reflections on

Angelomorphic Humanity Texts among the Dead Sea Scrolls,” Dead Sea

Discoveries 7 (2000): 292–312; Hannah, Michael and Christ , pp. 55–75, dis-

cusses Michael and his role in the Qumran texts.

51. 4QShirShabb 403 1 i 31. Carol Newsom, Songs of the Sabbath Sacrifice: A

Critical Edition , critical edition and translation, Harvard Semitic Studies 27

(Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1985), pp. 211–212 for translation, pp. 207–225

for text and commentary. Stuckenbruck, Angel Veneration and Christology ,

pp. 156–161, expands on Newsom’s observations as to the problems of

translation caused by the highly abstract language of the texts, as does

Anna Maria Schwemer, “Gott als K ö nig und seine K ö nigsherrschaft in

den Sabbatliedern aus Qumran,” in K ö nigsherrschaft Gottes und himmlis-

cher Kult im Judentum, Urchristentum und in der hellenistischen Welt , edited by

Martin Hengel and Anna Maria Schwemer (T ü bingen: J. C. B. Mohr, 1991),

pp. 45–118.

52. Following the reading proposed by Davila, “Melchizedek, Michael, and War

in Heaven,” p. 264. For 4QShirShabb 405, Newsom, Songs of the Sabbath

Sacrifice , pp. 257–354.

53. Fletcher-Louis, “Some Reflections on Angelomorphic Humanity,”

pp. 292–312; Otto Betz, “The Essenes,” The Cambridge History of Judaism 3

(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1999), pp. 444–453.

54. For a summary of all of the arguments and current scholarship about the

texts and their connection with the Qumran excavations, see James C.

VanderKam, The Dead Sea Scrolls , second ed. (Grand Rapids: William B.

Eerdmans, 2010). Hengel, Judaism and Hellenism , p. 175ff. for the connections

between Essenes and the Hasidim; Betz, “The Essenes,” pp. 445–446.

N OT E S148

55. Tuschling, Angels and Orthodoxy , pp. 29–31; Joachim Schafer, “The Pharisees,”

The Cambridge History of Judaism 3 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press

1999), pp. 402–427.

56. Benedict Viviano and Justin Taylor, “Sadducees, Angels and Resurrection,”

Journal of Biblical Literature 111 (1992): 498 [496–498]; G ü nter Stemberger,

“The Sadducees—Their History and Doctrines,” The Cambridge History of

Judaism 3 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1999), pp. 428–443;

Tuschling, Angels and Orthodoxy , pp. 32–33.

57. Tuschling, Angels and Orthodoxy , pp. 36–39.

58. VanderKam, The Dead Sea Scrolls Today , pp. 73–74; Hannah, Michael and

Christ , pp. 70–74.

59. Hannah, Michael and Christ , p. 71.

60. Richard Bauckham, Jesus and the God of Israel (Grand Rapids: W. B. Eerdmans,

2009), p. 222; Hannah, Michael and Christ , pp. 70–74.

61. bHag 12b. The Hebrew ha-sar ha-gadol , which also appears in bZeb 62a and

bMen 110a, here designates Michael as standing at the heavenly altar and

making offerings.

62. A point raised by Beate Ego, “Der Diener im Palast des himmlischen K ö nigs,”

in K ö nigsherrschaft Gottes und himmlischer Kult im Judentum, Urchristentum und

in der hellenistischen Welt , edited by Martin Hengel and Anna Maria Schwemer

(T ü bingen: J. C. B. Mohr, 1991), pp. 361–384. Other contenders included

Gabriel, as well as the angels Yahoel and Metatron, and even Moses.

63. Tobit was likely written c. 300 bce in Palestine, although reminiscent of

the Mesopotamian Diaspora. For the dating, refer to Paul-Eugène Dion,

“Rapha ë l l’Exorciste,” Biblica 57 (1976): 399–401 [399–413]; and Joseph

A. Fitzmyer, “The Aramaic and Hebrew Fragments of Tobit from Qumran

Cave 4,” The Catholic Biblical Quarterly 57 (1995): 655–675.

64. Hannah, Michael and Christ , p. 100: bHag 12b, bMen 110a, and bZeb 62a,

Babylonian Talmud ; all cite early Amoraim.

65. Daniel Harlow, The Greek Apocalypse of Baruch (3 Baruch) in Hellenistic Judaism

and Early Christianity (Leiden: Brill, 1995), pp. 14–15, for the provenance

and date of the text, and p. 35 for reference to the phi á l ē . Translation and

bibliography in Sparks, The Apocryphal Old Testament , pp. 897–914.

66. Marcel Simon, “Remarques sur l’ang é lol â trie juive au d é but de l’ére chr é-

tienne,” Comptes rendus de l’Acad é mie des inscriptions et belles-lettres (1971):

120–135; Hannah, Michael and Christ , p. 104, n. 59.

67. Tuschling, Angels and Orthodoxy , pp. 34–36.

68. Stuckenbruck, Angel Veneration and Christology , pp. 201–202, and 149–180,

for more general remarks.

69. p.Ber 9.13a–b, cited by Stuckenbruck, Angel Veneration and Christology ,

pp. 63–67.

70. Discussed by Stuckenbruck, Angel Veneration and Christology , pp. 183–185:

“O Lord who sees all things and angels of God, before whom (sing.) all souls

on this day humble themselves with a supplication, that you (sing.) avenge

the innocent blood and render account (for it) quickly.”

N OT E S 149

71. Ibid., p. 202; Hurtado, One God, One Lord , pp. 24–26.

72. Lueken agreed, for angels were far more accessible than God ( Michael ,

pp. 6–7); W. Carr disagreed: Angels and Principalities: The Background, Meaning

and Development of the Pauline Phrase “hai árchai kai hai exousíai” (Cambridge:

Cambridge University Press, 1981), p. 70.

73. bHullin 40a, cited in Stuckenbruck, Angel Veneration , pp. 60–62.

74. Stuckenbruck provides the conclusion ( Angel Veneration , pp. 60–62).

75. Hannah, Michael and Christ , pp. 104–105.

76. Joseph Naveh and Shaul Shaked, Amulets and Magic Bowls, Aramaic Incantations

of Late Antiquity , second ed. (Jerusalem: Magnes Press, Hebrew University,

1987), pp. 37–38. Rebecca Lesses makes a similar argument in regard to the

hekhalot literature and the Sefer ha-Razim , “Speaking with Angels: Jewish

and Greco-Egyptian Revelatory Adjurations,” Harvard Theological Review 89

(1996): 41–60.

77. Bowl 7, lines 8–9; James A. Montgomery, Aramaic Incantation Texts from Nippur

(Philadelphia: University Museum, 1913), pp. 148–149.

78. Naveh and Shaked, Amulets and Magic Bowls , p. 18, voices the view of

Jews as magical specialists. Louis Golomb, An Anthropology of Curing in

Multiethnic Thailand (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1985), observed

that in Thai society, the population in the religious majority often seeks

magical healing from its minority neighbors. This is particularly the case

for exotic diseases often presumed as “foreign” and therefore better under-

stood by outsiders.

79. Herodotus, Histories 5.92F, in Herodotus 3, edition with translation by

A. D. Godley, LCL (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1966),

pp. 110–111.

80. Homer, Iliad , in Homer Iliad 2, edition with translation by Augustus Taber

Murray, LCL (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1976 [1924]),

pp. 122–123.

81. Homer, Odyssey , in Homer Odyssey 1, edition with translation by Augustus

Taber Murray, LCL (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1960–

75), pp. 468–469. Also, Frederick E. Brenk, “In the Light of the Moon:

Demonol ogy in the Early Imperial Period,” ANRW II.16.3, edited by

Wolfgang Hasse (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1986), pp. 2069–2081 [pp. 2068–

2145].

82. Hesiod, Works and Days 109, in Hesiod 1, edition with translation by Glenn W.

Most, LCL (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2006), pp. 121–122.

83. Brenk, “In the Light of the Moon,” pp. 2085–2092, for a summary.

84. Hermann S. Schibli, “Xenocrates’ Daemons and the Irrational Soul,” The

Classical Quarterly 43 (1993): 143–167; John Dillon, The Middle Platonists

(Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1977), pp. 30–32.

85. Plutarch, The Obsolescence of the Oracles , 416 ff./8.C–D, in Plutarch’s Moralia

5, edition with translation by Frank Cole Babbitt, LCL (Cambridge, MA:

Harvard University Press 1962), pp. 384–386. Guy Soury, La d é monologie de

Plutarque (Paris: Soci é t é d’édition “Les belles lettres,” 1942), remains the only

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study dedicated to the subject of Plutarch and daimons. See also F. E. Brenk,

“An Imperial Heritage: The Religious Spirit of Plutarch of Chaironeia,”

ANRW II.36.1 (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1987), pp. 248–349; and Dillon,

The Middle Platonists , pp. 216–219.

86. Plutarch, Isis and Osiris , 360E–F, in Plutarch’s Moralia 5, edition with transla-

tion by Frank Cole Babbitt, LCL (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University

Press, 1962), pp. 60–61.

87. E. R. Goodenough provides a basic introduction to the thought of Philo,

An Introduction to Philo Judaeus , second ed. (Lanham, MD: University Press of

America, 1986 reprint [1962]). See also Samuel Sandmel, “Philo Judaeus: An

Introduction to the Man, his Writings, and his Significance,” ANRW II.21.1,

edited by Wolfgang Haase (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1984), pp. 3–46;

Claude Mond é sert, “Philo of Alexandria,” The Cambridge History of Judaism

3 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), pp. 877–900; David T.

Runia, “How to Read Philo,” Exegesis and Philosophy: Studies on Philo of

Alexandria (Aldershot: Variorum, 1990), pp. 185–198.

88. Plato, Timaeus 40A, in Plato with an English Translation 7, edition and trans-

lation by Harold North Fowler, W. R. M. Lamb, and R. G. Bury, LCL

(Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1927), pp. 82–85. John Dillon,

“Philo’s Doctrine of Angels,” in Two Treatises of Philo of Alexandria , Brown

Judaic Studies Series 25, edited by D. Winston and J. Dillon (Chico, CA:

Scholar’s Press, 1983), p. 197 [pp. 197–205]. Also, David T. Runia, Philo of

Alexandria and the Timaeus of Plato (Leiden: Brill, 1986).

89. Philo, On the Giants II.6–7 and III.12,and On Dreams I.141, in Philo with an

English Translation 5 and 2, edited and translated by F. H. Colson and G. H.

Whittaker, LCL (New York: Putnam and Sons, 1929–62), pp. 448–451 (5)

and 372–373 (2); Dillon, “Philo’s Doctrine of Angels,” pp. 197–200; Runia,

Philo and the Timaeus , pp. 227–231 and 464–467.

90. On Dreams I. 142–43, pp. 372–373.

91. On Dreams I. 139, pp. 370–371; Brenk, “In the Light of the Moon,” p. 2103.

92. On Dreams I. 146–147, pp. 374–375 for the movement of the logoi and I.157,

pp. 378–379 for God as Archangel.

93. Goodenough discusses Philo’s Logos theology and the divine transcendence

that it supports: An Introduction to Philo Iudaeus , pp. 99–107.

94. On Dreams I.147, pp. 374–375; Brenk, “In the Light of the Moon,” pp. 2104,

2106.

95. At least he is designated as such by Franz Cumont, “Les anges du pagan-

isme,” Revue de l’histoire de religions 72 (1915): 168 [159–182], who cites

Augustine, De civitate dei 9.19.

96. C. Evangeliou, “Porphyry’s Criticism of Christianity and the Problem of

Augustine’s Platonism,” Dionysius 13 (1989): 51–70.

97 . Porphyry , De regressu animae , fr. 2, quoted by Augustine , De civitate dei , 10.9 :

Quamquam discernat (Porphyrius) a daimonibus angelos, aeria loca esse daimonum,

aetheria vel empyria disserens angelorum .

98 . Pauliina Remes, Neoplatonism (Berkeley: University of California Press,

2008), p. 115.

N OT E S 151

99 . Gregory Shaw, Theurgy and the Soul (State College, PA: Pennsylvania State

University Press, 1995), p. 130 and passim; Remes, Neoplatonism , pp. 115–

118, 170–173.

100. Iamblichus, Les Mystères d’Égypte 78, edition and French translation by

Edouard des Places (Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1966).

101 . Franz Cumont attributed the appearance of “pagan angels” solely to

the influence of Jews and “Semitic pagans” (“Les anges du paganisme,”

pp. 159–163).

102 . These five dedications to “Zeus Most High” and the “Good” or “Divine

Angel” from Stratonicaea are reproduced by A. R. Sheppard, “Pagan Cults

of Angels in Roman Asia Minor,” Talanta 12/13 (1980–81): 78 [77–101];

and also by Stephen Mitchell, “The Cult of Theos Hypsistos between

Pagans, Jews, and Christians,” Pagan Monotheism in Late Antiquity , edited

by Polymnia Athnassiadi and Michael Frede (Oxford: Oxford University

Press, 1999), pp. 137–138 [pp. 81–148]. Clinton Arnold summarizes

the arguments as to their meaning in The Colossian Syncretism , WUNT

2.77 (T ü bingen: J. C. B. Mohr, 1995), pp. 70–75. Josephus provides evi-

dence for the substantial Jewish population in western Asia Minor: Jewish

Antiquities , 12.147–153, translated by Henry St. John Thackeray, LCL

(Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1998), pp. 76–79. He refer-

ences a letter from the Seleucid King Antiochus III to Zeuxis governor

of Lydia, which discusses the settlement in the area of two thousand

Jewish families from Mesopotamia and Babylonia during the second

century bce .

103. F. Sokolowski, “Sur le culte d’Angelos dans le paganisme grec et romain,”

Harvard Theological Review 53 (1960): 225–229; and Sheppard, “Pagan Cults

of Angels in Roman Asia Minor.” 78 [77–101].

104. As Rangar Cline argues, Ancient Angels: Conceptualizing Angeloi in the Roman

Empire , Religions in the Graeco-Roman World 172 (Leiden: Brill, 2011),

pp. 12–14. A. Thomas Kraabel warns against an automatic assumption of

Jewish origins for all hypsistos inscriptions: “ Hypsistos and the Synagogue at

Sardis,” Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies 10 (1969): 81–93.

105. Cline discusses the inscription, Ancient Angels , pp. 19–26, as does Mitchell,

“The Cult of Theos Hypsistos,” pp. 81–92.

106. This is Mitchell’s approach (“The Cult of Theos Hypsistos,” pp. 99–108).

107. Mitchell again invokes a Hypsistarian cult (ibid., pp. 102–105) while Cline

presses for the common Hellenic term angelos . See Cline, Ancient Angels ,

pp. 65–69, for Phrygian examples and pp. 47–76 for a discussion of all of

these “angels.”

108. CIL VI.1.142, edited by Bottari, p. 23, provides images of the now lost

mural. The thaumaturgic and salvific cult of Sabazios, which first attained

prominence around Pergamon in the fourth century bce , spread through-

out the Roman Empire as a mystery religion: M. J. Vermaseren and Eugene

Lane, Corpus Cultus Iovis Sabazii , 3 vols. (Leiden: Brill, 1983–89). Pine

cones found on fingers of bronze hands exalted Sabazios as the consort

of Cybele the Great Goddess ( Corpus Cultus Iovis Sabazii 3), where he

N OT E S152

replaced the youthful Attis most often encountered as the son and com-

panion of Cybele. Attis is often characterized as a salvific “dying and ris-

ing god,” a construct discredited by Johnathan Z. Smith, Drudgery Divine

(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1990), pp. 99–107 and 125–129.

That does not negate Vibia’s expectations of Sabazios’s powers.

109. CIL VI.1.142, p. 23.

110. CIL XIV.24: I(ovi) o(ptimo) m(aximo) | angelo | Heliop(olitano) | pro salute |

imperator(is) | Antonini et | Commodi | Augus(torum) | Gaionas | d(onum)

d(edit ). Cited by Cumont, “Les anges du paganisme,” p. 160. Also, Cline,

Ancient Angels , pp. 73–74.

111. Franz Cumont, “Les anges du paganisme,” pp. 159–160, voiced the eth-

nic argument to explain the inscription and the astral identity for the

“angel of Baalbek” (p. 179). Cumont presents other angel inscriptions as

well. For a list of pro salute inscriptions, see Table 13 of Jason Moralee’s

“For Salvation’s Sake”: Provincial Loyalty, Personal Religion, and Epigraphic

Production in the Roman and Late Antique Near East (New York: Routledge,

2004), p. 46, and more generally, pp. 1–58. The comprehensive list of

inscriptions from Baalbek found in the appendices make no mention of

angelus (pp. 121–181).

112. PGM III:187–262, with the Michael invocation at 214–217. Text in K.

Preisendanz, Papyri magicae graecae: Die griechischen Zauberpapyri , second ed.

(Stuttgart: Teubner, 1974), pp. 40–43, with English translation by H. D. Betz,

The Greek Magical Papyri in Translation, including the Demotic Spells (Chicago:

University of Chicago Press, 1986), p. 24. Morton Smith edits and emends

the prayer to Michael and dates it, “Pagan Dealings with Jewish Angels,”

Studii Clasice 24 (1986): 175–179. Also, Thomas J. Kraus, “Angels in the

Magical Papyri, the Classic Example of Michael the Archangel,” Angels ,

pp. 611–627.

113. Augustus Audollent, Defixionum tabellae 208 (Frankfurt am Main: Minerva,

1967 reprint [1904]), p. 277, with a description and translation of the tab-

let in John G. Gager, Curse Tablets and Binding Spells from the Ancient World

(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992), p. 216.

114. Gager usefully summarizes the workings of curse tablets as well as the pro-

cess of making them (ibid., pp. 3–41) as does Graf ( La Magie dans l’antiquit é

gr é co-romaine , pp. 139–198; and Magic in the Ancient World , pp. 118–174).

115. Audollent, Defixionum tabellae 255, pp. 354–356.

116. PGM III:1–164, translated by John Dillon, The Greek Magical Papyri ,

pp. 18–22. Also, Christopher Faraone, “The Agonistic Context of Early

Greek Binding Spells,” Magika Hiera: Ancient Greek Magic and Religion , edited

by Christopher Faraone and Dirk Obbink (Oxford: Oxford University

Press, 1997), pp. 3–32.

117. Larry Hurtado, One God, One Lord , discusses Jewish divine agents, includ-

ing Michael, and the emergence of Christ as the principal divine agent for

his followers.

118. Charles A. Gieschen, Angelomorphic Christology , explores the entire ques-

tion and reviews the manifold arguments, particularly p. 3, n. 2, as well as

N OT E S 153

pp. 27–29 and bibliography. Peter R. Carrell briefly reviews the historiog-

raphy, Jesus and the Angels, Angelology and the Christology of the Apocalypse of

John , Society for New Testament Studies Monograph Series 95 (Cambridge:

Cambridge University Press 1997), pp. 4–13. Richard Bauckham uses the

term “divine identity” to explain the emergence of a divine Christ within

Jewish monotheism apart from reliance on hypostatizations or semidivine

heavenly beings in Jesus and the God of Israel (Grand Rapids: William B.

Eerdmans, 2008), particularly pp. 1–59, and most specifically his discussion

of Jesus’s “exaltation above all the angelic powers” (pp. 23–24).

119. Loren Stuckenbruck makes this point, “An Angel Refusal of Worship;

The Tradition and its Function in the Apocalypse of John,” Society of

Biblical Literature 1994 Seminar Papers 33 (Atlanta: Scholars’ Press, 1994),

p. 695 [pp. 679–696]; as does Darrell D. Hannah, Michael and Christ:

Michael Traditions and Angel Christology in Early Christianity , WUNT 2.109

(T ü bingen: J. C. B. Mohr, 1999). Hannah used the controversial term

“angel Christology” rather than “angelomorphic Christology” in the belief

that some early Christians did think of Christ as an angel (pp. 137–162).

Gieschen reviews the distinctions ( Angelomorphic Christology , pp. 27–29) as

does Carrell ( Jesus and the Angels , pp. 98–121).

120. Greek-English Lexicon of the New Testament Based on Semantic Domains , edited

by J. P. Louw and E. A. Nida (New York, 1988–89).

121. A point made by A. Legault, “Christophanies et Angelophanies dans les

r é cits évangélique de la R é surrection,” Science et esprit 21 (1969): 443–457.

122. O. A. Miranda, The Work and Nature of Angels According to the New Testament .

Unpublished PhD dissertation, Princeton Theological Seminary, 1961,

pp. 1–3.

123. Otta Leppa reviews the long-standing arguments for non-Pauline author-

ship, The Making of Colossians: A Study on the Formation and Purpose of a

Deutero-Pauline Letter , Publications of the Finnish Exegetical Society 86

(G ö ttingen: Vandenhoeck and Ruprecht, 2003), pp. 9–53, as does James

D. G. Dunn, who also reviews pro-Pauline positions: The Epistles to the

Colossians and to Philemon, a Commentary on the Greek Text (Grand Rapids:

William B. Eerdmans, 1996), pp. 35–42. For background and context on

the “Colossian error,” see Conflict at Colossae: A Problem in the Interpretation

of Early Christianity , edited and translated by Fred O. Francis and Wayne A.

Meeks, revised ed. (Missoula, MT: Society of Biblical Literature, 1975); and

W. Carr, Angels and Principalities: The Background, Meaning and Development

of the Pauline Phrase “hai árchai kai hai exousíai” (Cambridge: Cambridge

University Press1981), pp. 66–72.

124 . Theologisches W ö rterbuch zum Neuen Testament , vol. III, edited by G. Kittel

(Stuttgart: W. Kohlhammer, 1938), pp. 156–157.

125. Clinton Arnold persuasively summarizes the arguments for the objec-

tive genitive “offering reverence to angels” in The Colossian Syncretism ,

pp. 90–95. Consult as well, however, Larry Hurtado’s review, in which he

praised Arnold’s book, but nevertheless accepted the subjective genitive “in

worship with the angels”: Journal of Biblical Literature 117 (1998): 156–158.

N OT E S154

126. Eduard Schweizer, “Slaves of the Elements and Worshippers of the Angels,”

Journal of Biblical Literature 107 (1988): 465 [455–468]. The Qumran texts,

e.g., often ambiguously used the term “Holy Ones” ( qad ō shim ) to refer

both to angels and the sectarians who become angelic through liturgical

participation: Lamberigts, “Le sens de qdwsym dans les textes de Qumr ā n,”

pp. 24–39.

127. F. O. Francis, “The Background of embateuein (Col. 2.18) in Legal Papyri

and Oracle Inscriptions,” in Conflict at Colossae , pp. 197–200.

128. Schweizer, “Slaves of the Elements and Worshippers of the Angels.”

465 [455–468].

129. Arnold, The Colossian Syncretism , pp. 158–194.

130. Carr, Angels and Principalities , summarizes much of the scholarship (see

particularly pp. 93–122).

131. Bauckham addresses the significance of these phrases ( Jesus as the God of

Israel , pp. 241–249). He also reiterates the importance of Psalm 110 for the

author of Hebrews, even calling the entire epistle an extended exegesis of

that Psalm (p. 236).

132. G. B. Caird, “The Exegetical Method of the Epistle to the Hebrews,”

Canadian Journal of Theology 5 (1959): 47 [44–51].

133. Bauckham, Jesus and the God of Israel , pp. 249–251; Deborah W. Rooke,

“Jesus as Royal Priest; Reflections on the Interpretation of the Melchizedek

Tradition in Heb 7,” Biblica 81 (2000): 81–94.

134. Bauckham, Jesus and the God of Israel , pp. 241–244. Stuckenbruck reviews

the arguments regarding the epistle as a polemic against angel worship

or angel Christology before concluding against them ( Angel Veneration ,

pp. 119–139).

135. Craig R. Koester, Hebrews, a New Translation with Introduction and Commentary ,

Anchor Bible Commentary 36 (New York: Doubleday, 2001), pp. 104–

109; Barnabas Lindar, The Theology of the Letter to the Hebrews (Cambridge:

Cambridge University Press, 1991), pp. 37–41.

136. Carrell ( Jesus and the Angels , pp. 53–70) discusses characteristics of scrip-

tural angelophanies as does Gieschen ( Angelomorphic Christology , pp. 124–

151). Carrell notes mounted riders within the context of Christophanies,

but his observations enlighten as to angelophanies (pp. 204–206; p. 135

for the connection with Daniel). See as well Christopher Rowland, “A

Man Clothed in Linen: Daniel 10.6ff and Jewish Angelology,” Journal

for the Studey of the New Testament 24 (1985): 99–110; and Carrell’s

“Angelomorphic Christology in the Book of Revelation,” Society of

Biblical Literature, 1994 Seminar Papers 33 (Atlanta: Scholar’s Press, 1994),

pp. 662–678.

137. Hannah points to these scriptural passages for God as warrior: Exod.

15.3, Deut. 7.1–2, Isa. 24.21–23, and Ps. 18.6–19 ( Michael and Christ ,

p. 149).

138. Carrell, Jesus and the Angels , pp. 197–200.

139. As Hannah suggests ( Michael and Christ , pp. 148–149).

N OT E S 155

140. Hannah discusses the simultaneity of the heavenly victory over evil by

Michael and earthly victory by the crucified Christ (ibid., pp. 128–129).

141. Richard Bauckham, “The Worship of Jesus in Apocalyptic Christianity,”

New Testament Studies 27 (1980/81): 322–341.

142. Bauckham discusses the terms “lordships” and “glories” in Jude, 2 Peter ,

edited by Ralph Martin, Word Biblical Commentary 50 (Waco, TX:

Word Books, 1983), p. 56; as does Anders Gerdmar, Rethinking the Judaism-

Hellenism Dichotomy, a Historiographical Case Study of Second Peter and Jude

(Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell International, 2001), pp. 174–175.

143. J. Daryl Charles, “Jude’s Use of Pseudepigraphical Source-Material as Part of

a Literary Strategy,” New Testament Studies 37 (1991), pp. 130–145; and “The

Use of Tradition-Material in the Epistle of Jude,” Bulletin for Biblical Research

4 (1994): 12–13 [1–14]. Also, S. J. Joubert, “Language, Ideology and the Social

Context of the Letter of Jude,” Neotestimentica 24 (1990): 325–349.

144. Johannes Tromp, The Assumption of Moses , critical edition with commen-

tary (Leiden: Brill, 1993), with a discussion of the recovered fragments

from the missing diputation between Michael and Satan (pp. 270–285).

145. John Muddiman disputes this point as the basis for Satan’s prosecution. He

looks instead to Moses’s and Aaron’s rebellion at Meribah (Num. 20.2–

13), for which God denied them entry into the Promised Land: “The

Assumption of Moses and the Epistle of Jude,” in Moses in Biblical and Extra-

Biblical Traditions , edited by Axel Braupner and Michael Wolter, Beihefte

zur Zeitschrift f ü r die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft 372 (Berlin, 2007),

pp. 171–172 [pp. 169–180]. Muddiman also argues against an alternative

reconstruction of the lost ending of the Assumption offered by Richard

Bauckham, who in Jude, 2 Peter , pp. 65–76, envisions the dispute between

Michael and Satan to center on a quarrel over Moses’s burial by Michael

and other angels and not Satan’s accusations of sin.

146. See Hannah, Michael and Christ , pp. 130–131, and his discussion of the

meaning of “Lord” (p. 140), with supporting and opposing authorities in

the footnotes.

147. Bauckham, Jesus and the God of Israel , pp. 21–23.

148. Inscriptiones christianae aegypti 49, edited by Gustave Lefebvre, Recueil

des inscriptions grecques-chr é tiennes d’Égypte (Chicago: Ares, 1978 reprint

[1907]).

149. Briefly described by Jutta Dresken-Weiland, “Angels in Early Christian

Grave Inscriptions,” Angels , p. 665 [pp. 663–670].

150. Georges Kiourtzian, Recueil des inscriptions grecques chr é tiennes des Cyclades de

fin du IIIe au VIIe si è cle apr è s J.-C. (Paris: De Boccard, 2000), pp. 247–282.

Dresken-Weiland, “Angels in Early Christian Grave Inscriptions,” pp. 663–

664; Cline, Ancient Angels , pp. 78–93.

151. Kiourtzian, Recueil des inscriptions grecques chr é tiennes des Cyclades , nos. 1–3,

nos. 31–40, pl. LII.

152. Dresken-Weiland, “Angels in Early Christian Grave Inscriptions,” p. 664,

points to the “Angelics.” Kaaren L. King, What Is Gnosticism (Cambridge:

N OT E S156

Belknap Press, 2003), well illustrates the fallacy of pre-Nicene “hetero-

doxy” as some broadly understood category. Cline rightly emphasizes the

ambiguous nature of these tombstones: Ancient Angels , pp. 78–84.

153. Marvin Meyer uses the phrase “text of ritual power” in his introductory

remarks on amulets, Ancient Christian Magic , edited by Marvin Meyer

and Paul Mirecki (Leiden: Brill, 1995), pp. 13–19. Also, Kraus, “Angels in

the Magical Papyri,” Angels , pp. 611–627; Don C. Skemer, Binding Words,

Textual Amulets in the Middle Ages (University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State

University Press, 2006), pp. 75–124.

154. Skemer, Binding Words , pp. 27–29, for references to amulet markets.

155. P. Oxy. 1152, cited in Les plus anciens monuments du Christianisme é crits sur

papyrus II, edited and translated by Charles Wessely, PO 18 (Paris: Firmin-

Didot, 1924), pp. 403–404.

156. Hannah speaks to the grouping of Eloei Adonaei Iao Sabaoth into a sin-

gle epithet for God and briefly discusses the possible theological and

Christological implications of the text, Michael and Christ , pp. 192–193.

157. See P. Oxy. 1069, Les plus anciens monuments , p. 403, for an amulet against

“reptiles and other evils” with a similar mixture of magical syllables and

Christian divine names: “ ōr ō r f ō rf ō r Ia ō Saba ō th Adone .” For other examples,

see the “Mithras Liturgy” found in the Great Magic Papyrus, PGM IV.655

( ō r ō r ) and IV.765 ( ph ō r ), where a performance for purposes of divination

repeats an incantatory string of permutated syllables: “ e ō r ō r ō re ō rri ō ri ō r r ō r

r ō i .”

158. Johnathan Z. Smith describes religion as “a mode of human creativity”

that embodies a “variety of attempts to map, construct, and inhabit posi-

tions of power through the use of myths, rituals and experiences of trans-

formation.” See his Map Is Not Territory (Chicago: University of Chicago

Press, 1993), p. 291, and pp. 289–309 generally. See as well his To Take

Place: Toward Theory in Ritual (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992),

pp. 74–95, where he discusses the localization of sacred power within a

“miniaturized” space, so as to maximize its control as well as “Constructing

a Small Place,” Sacred Space: Shrine, City, Land , edited by Joshua Prawer

and B. A. Kedar (New York: New York University Press, 1998), pp. 18–31,

which further explores the implications of the “miniaturizing” process.

159. For a brief discussion of the theoretical frames and methodological issues,

refer to Meyer, Ancient Christian Magic , pp. 1–12.

160. Justin Martyr, I Apologia 6, edited and translated by Charles Munier, SC

507 (Paris: É ditions du Cerf, 2006). Jaroslav Pelikan characterizes the state-

ment as a liturgical formula and notes a similar one made by Athenagoras,

The Christian Tradition: A History of the Development of Doctrine 1 (Chicago:

University of Chicago Press, 1975), pp. 133–134. Joseph Barbel also hints

at a characterization of the sentence as a confessional formula, although

he points to this sentence as clumsily constructed and therefore unneces-

sarily confusing: Christos Angelos, die Anschauung von Christus als Bote und

Engel in der gelehrten und volkst ü mlichen Literatur des christlichen Altertums ,

Theophaneia 3 (Bonn: P. Hanstein, 1941), p. 61 f. 72.

N OT E S 157

161. Erwin R. Goodenough discusses Justin’s angelology and the place of this

sentence within it; The Theology of Justin Martyr (Amsterdam: Philo Press,

1968 reprint), pp. 189–190, as does Barbel, Christos Angelos , pp. 50–63.Both

discern Justin’s inclusion of angels within traditional Logos teaching.

162. Eric Francis Osborn, Justin Martyr (T ü bingen: J. C. B. Mohr, 1973),

pp. 31–34; Goodenough, Theology of Justin Martyr ; Barbel, Christos Angelos .

163. Justin Martyr, Dialogue with Trypho 56.4, cited by Pelikan, The Christian

Tradition , pp. 182–183. Barbel, Christos Angelos ; Goodenough, Theology of

Justin Martyr .

164. Osborn, Justin Martyr , p. 56, corroborates this reading, which discerns some

precision in the handling of the conjunctions te and ka í : “Angels are divine

beings who are worshipped and honored after, but with, the Father, Son

and Spirit. The angels had the providence and oversight of men.”

3 Michael the Archistrategos

1. Cyril Mango, “The Pilgrimage Centre of St. Michael at Germia,” Jahrbuch

der ö sterreichischen Byzantinistik 36 (1986): 117–119, 124 [117–132]. The

ruins of Germia are today found at the village of Y ü rme.

2. Peter Brown, The Rise of Western Christendom , second ed. (Malden, MA:

Blackwell, 2007), p. 181.

3. Mango, “The Pilgrimage Center at Germia,” pp. 124–125; “St. Michael

and Attis,” Delt í on t ē s Christianik ē s Archaiologik ē s Hetaire í as 12 (1984–86):

51–52 [40–62].

4. Pantaleon, deacon and chartophylax of Hagia Sophia, compiled a dossier

of Michael’s miracles in the later ninth century: Narratio miraculorum maximi

archangeli Michaelis , PG 140.573–592. Migne did not publish this particular

miracle within his Latin version. Cyril Mango edits this passage drawing

upon Paris gr. 1196 (olim Reg. 1473) and Paris gr. 1510 (“St. Michael

and Attis,” 47–49). For the identity of Pantaleon, PG 140.485–486 and

98.1239–44.

5. Vie de Th é odore de Syke ô n 161, edited, translated, and commentary by

A.-J. Festugi è re, Subsidia Hagiographica 48 (Brussels: Soci é t é des

Bollandistes, 1970). The text was most likely composed shortly after

Theodore’s death in 611.

6. Anthropology of pilgrimage proves helpful here. See the various articles

in Sharing Sacred Spaces in the Mediterranean , edited by Dionigi Albera

and Maria Couroucli (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 2012),

particularly Maria Couroucli, “Sharing Sacred Places—A Mediterranean

Tradition,” pp. 7–9 [pp. 1–9]; and Glenn Bowman, “Identification and

Identity Formations around Shared Shrines in West Bank Palestine and

Western Macedonia,” pp. 10–13 [pp. 10–28]. Bowman also speaks to

the problem of the term “syncretism” and its quality of permanency as

opposed to a momentary sharing of practices more characteristic of the

mixed space. Mixed sites are well-documented during the later Ottoman

period and are found today from the Balkans to the Mahgrib. F. W. Hasluck

N OT E S158

remains fundamental, Christianity and Islam under the Sultans , edited by

Margaret M. Hasluck (Mansfield Centre, CT: Martino, 2006 reprint).

Dionigi Albera catalogues contemporary sites: “‘Why Are You Mixing

What Cannot be Mixed?’ Shared Devotions in the Monotheisms,” History

and Anthropology 19 (2008): 37–59; and “P è lerinages mixtes et sanc-

tuaires <<ambigus>> en M é diterran é e,” in Les P è lerinages au Maghreb au

Moyen-Orient: Espaces publics, espaces du public , edited by Sylvia Chiffoleau

and Anna Madoeuf (Beirut: Institut fran ç ais du Proche–Orient, 2005),

pp. 347–378. Other recent studies remind as to the necessity of contex-

tualizing sites and practices: Robert M. Hayden, “Antagonistic Tolerance:

Competitive Sharing of Religious Sites in South Asia and the Balkans,”

Current Anthropology 43 (2002): 205–231; and “The Byzantine Mosque

at Trilye: a Processual Analysis of Dominance, Sharing, Transformation

and Tolerance,” History and Anthropology 22 (2011): 1–17, along with

Glenn Bowman, “Pilgrim Narratives of Jerusalem and the Holy Land:

A Study in Ideological Distortion,” Sacred Journeys: The Anthropology of

Pilgrimage , edited by Alan Morinis (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press,

1992), pp. 149–168; and “’In Dubious Battle on the Plains of Heav’n’:

The Politics of Possession in Jerusalem’s Holy Sepulchre,” History and

Anthropology 22 (2011): 371–399. Bernhard K ö tting discusses ancient

pagan and Jewish pilgrimage as a background to the Christian phenom-

enon, Peregrinatio Religiosa, Wallfahrten in der Antike und das Pilgerwesen

in der alten Kirche (M ü nster: Regensberg, 1950), pp. 12–68; while

Hagith Sivan speaks to the “gentle communal interaction” of reli-

gions in fourth-century Palestine, one that gave way to tension and

antagonistic confrontation at the beginning of the fifth: Palestine in

Late Antiquity (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008), pp. 23, 16–50.

7. Michael McCormick provides the basic English-language study: Eternal

Victory: Triumphal Rulership in Late Antiquity, Byzantium and the Early Medieval

West (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990). Now see the exhaus-

tive study of Johannes Wienand, Der Kaiser als Sieger, Metamorphosen trium-

phaler Herrschaft unter Constantin I (Berlin: Akademie Verlag GmbH, 2012),

which I only obtained as I finished this manuscript. Wienand’s conclusions

appear to support my own here in this chapter, although I have only been

able to skim his work.

8. Lisa Bitel’s Landscape with Two Saints: How Genovefa of Paris and Brigit of

Kildare Built Christianity in Barbarian Europe (Oxford: Oxford University

Press, 2009) provides a conceptual model here, with its emphasis on human

agency in the landscape as a catalyst for religious change.

9. Johannes Peter Rohland believed that Michael’s Christian roles as physi-

cian and general developed separately from different traditions and circum-

stances, only blending together by the eighth century. In this view, and

wrongly to my mind, Michael’s presence in magic spells primarily led to

his role as Christian thaumaturge while scriptural traditions and impe-

rial patronage brought about his veneration as the angelic commander:

N OT E S 159

Der Erzengel Michael Arzt und Feldherr: Zwei Aspekte des vor- und fr ü hbyzan-

tischen Michaelskultes (Leiden: Brill, 1977).

10. For a basic discussion of phenomenology of religion, consult James L.

Cox, An Introduction to the Phenomenology of Religion (London/New York,

2010) or the articles in Experience of the Sacred , edited by Sumner B. Twiss

and Walter H. Conser, Jr. (Hanover, NH: University Press of New England,

1992). John Wylie reviews the concept of “Landscape Phenomenology”

and provides the basic outline of the theoretical issues in Landscape (New

York: Routledge, 2007), pp. 139–186, while Christopher Tilley deepens the

discussion. See his A Phenomenology of Landscape: Places, Paths and Monuments

(Providence, RI: Berg, 1994), particularly pp. 7–34, for the theoretical per-

spectives. Diana Spencer demonstrates an application of landscape theory

and phenomenology to broader cultural analyses in antiquity, Roman

Landscape: Culture and Identity (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,

2010), while the collected articles in Sacred Gardens and Landscapes: Ritual

and Agency , edited by Michel Conan, Dumbarton Oaks Colloquium on the

History of Landscape Architecture 26 (Washington DC: Dumbarton Oaks

Research Library and Collection, 2007), address the intersection of ritual

and sacred landscape.

11. Hasluck, Christianity and Islam , pp. 244–250.

12. Mango, “St. Michael and Attis,” 54–55; also F. R. Trombley, Hellenic Religions

and Christianization c. 370–529 2 (Leiden: Brill, 1993), pp. 114–118.

13. Mango, “St. Michael and Attis,” 54–55, and “Pilgrimage Center at Germia,”

119–122.

14. A fundamental characteristic of hagiography as a genre is to rework scrip-

ture for discursive purposes to reflect current circumstances and con-

cerns: Lynda Coon, Sacred Fictions: Holy Women and Hagiography in Late

Antiquity (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1997), particularly

pp. 1–27.

15. Contemporary theologians and scriptural commentators overwhelmingly

dismiss the fourth verse as a “post-Johannine” interpolation, as, e.g., T. L.

Brodie, The Gospel According to John: A Literary and Theological Commentary

(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993); and R. T. Fortna, The Fourth Gospel

and Its Predecessor (Edinburgh: T & T Clark, 1989), pp. 113–117. Tertullian,

however, seems to have known the verse in the third century. In On Baptism

5, Tertullian referenced John 5.4 as a proof-text for his contention that bap-

tism demonstrated the mediating powers of the Holy Spirit as conveyed

through the “new Law” of the Gospels. The angel moving through the

waters of the pool at Bethesda symbolized the mediating power of “carnal”

angels who characterized the Mosaic law of the Old Testament: Tertullian,

Trait é du bapt ê me 5.5, edited and translated by R. F. Refoul é and M. Drouzy,

SC 35 (Paris: É ditions du Cerf, 1952), pp. 74–75. Raymond Brown points to

the likelihood of a gloss having crept into the textual tradition, The Gospel

According to John (I–XII) , Anchor Bible Commentary 29 (Garden City, NY:

Doubleday, 1966), p. 207.

N OT E S160

16. Pantaleon, Encomium in maximum et gloriosissimum Michaelem coelestis militae

principem , PG 98.1264.

17. Ambrose of Milan, De Sacramentis 3, edited by Otto Faller, CSEL 73

(Vienna: Holder-Pickler-Tempsky, 1955), translated by R. J. Deferrari in

Ambrose, Theological and Dogmatic Works , The Fathers of the Church Series 44

(Washington DC: Catholic University Press, 1963).

18. Ambrose, De Sacramentis 1.

19. Cyril of Jerusalem, Procatechesis 5, edited and translated by Frank Leslie

Cross and R. W. Church (Crestwood, NY: St. Vladimir’s Seminary Press,

1986 [1951]), English translation by L. P. McCauley and A. A. Stephenson, The

Works of Saint Cyril of Jerusalem I, The Fathers of the Church 64 (Washington

DC: Catholic University Press, 1970), pp. 74–75. E. J. Yarnold explores the

connections between the work of Ambrose and Cyril: “Did St. Ambrose

Know the Mystagogic Catecheses of St. Cyril of Jerusalem?” Studia Patristica

12 (1975): 184–189. If not directly familiar with Cyril’s work, Ambrose

surely knew source material used by Cyril.

20. Peter John Cramer examines perceptions and expectations of baptism in

late antique and early medieval Christianity: Baptism and Change in the

Early Middle Ages, c. 200–c. 1150 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,

1993).

21. Mary Beard uses the phrase “rituals in ink,” The Roman Triumph (Cambridge:

Harvard University Press, 2007), p. 292, when pointing to the historical

problem of analyzing “ceremony as performed and ceremony as written.”

Lynda Coon discusses the pitfalls of the genre of hagiography and its dis-

cursive characteristics ( Sacred Fictions ). The observations as to Merovingian

hagiography made by Marc van Uytfanghe, “L’hagiographie et son pub-

lie à l’époque m é rovingienne,” Studia Patristica 16 (1985): 54–62; and Paul

Fouracre, “Merovingian History and Merovingian Hagiography,” Past and

Present 127 (1990): 3–38 well apply to the entire genre. Also, Jacques Dubois

and Jean-Loup Lemaitre, Sources et m é thodes de l’hagiographie m é di é vale (Paris:

É ditions du Cerf, 1993).

22. James Wiseman, “Excavations in Corinth, the Gymnasium Area, 1967–1968,”

Hesperia 38 (1969): 75–78 [64–106]. Rangar Cline notes the magical over-

tones of some lamp inscriptions, Ancient Angels: Conceptualizing Angeloi in the

Roman Empire , Religions in the Graeco-Roman World 172 (Leiden: Brill,

2011), pp. 118–125. David Jordan improbably characterizes the space as a

baptismal site: “Inscribed Lamps from a Cult at Corinth in Late Antiquity,”

Harvard Theological Review 87 (1994): 223–229.

23. James Wiseman reads epi tois Iudaiois toutois , “among these Jews,” no. 21, “The

Gymnasium Area at Corinth, 1969–1970,” Hesperia 41 (1972): 28–30 [1–42].

Jordan emends to read epi tois hudasin toutois , “upon these waters” (“Inscribed

Lamps,” 224). Highly magnified readings of the inscriptions allow for these

emendations.

24. PDM 14.117–49 or 14.150–231 in Hans Dieter Betz, The Greek Magical

Papyri in Translation Including the Demotic Spells , second ed. (Chicago:

University of Chicago Press, 1996), pp. 201–208.

N OT E S 161

25. Wiseman, no. 22, “The Gymnasium Area at Corinth, 1969–1970,” 30–31,

proposes the former reading while Jordan suggests the latter (“Inscribed

Lamps,” 224–225).

26. Sivan, Palestine in Late Antiquity , notes Mamre’s “inter-communal interaction

resented by puritan rabbis as by pious princesses,” p. 31, also 183–184. Cline

speaks to Sozomen’s connections to Gaza, Ancient Angels , p. 116.

27. Arieh Kofsky, “Mamre: A Case of a Regional Cult?” in Sharing the Sacred:

Religious Contacts and Conflicts in the Holy Land, First–Fifteenth Centuries CE ,

edited by Arieh Kofsky and Guy Stroumsa (Jerusalem: Yad Izhak Ben Zvi,

1998), pp. 25–26 [pp. 19–30]. Cline clarifies the natural origins of the Well,

Ancient Angels , p. 114 n. 26.

28. Kofsky, “Mamre,” p. 22, citing Eusebius of Caesarea, Onomasticon and

Demonstratio Evangelica 5.9.8.

29. Sozomen, Histoire eccl é siastique 2.4, edited by J. Bidez, introduction by Bernard

Grillet and Guy Sabbah, translation by Andr é -Jean Festugi è re and annota-

tion by Guy Sabbah, SC 306 (Paris: É dition du Cerf, 1983), pp. 245–249,

provides testimony that draws upon Eusebius, Vita Constantini , III.51–54, his

principal source for this section. G. Schoo, Die Quellen des Kirchenhistorikers

Sozomenos (Aalen: Scientia Verlag, 1973 reprint [1911]), p. 138, isolates the

sources but also advocates Sozomen’s reliable autopsy. Also, Kofsky, “Mamre,”

pp. 24–25.

30. Sozomen, 2.4.5, pp. 246–47; English translation by C. Hartranft, Nicene and

Post-Nicene Fathers Series II, 2 (Grand Rapids: William B. Eerdmans, 1973),

p. 260.

31. Cline, Ancient Angels , again sees Hellenism as a motivating factor for shared

“angel worship” at Mamre (pp. 112–113).

32. For the importance of architecture and objects in the ordering of pil-

grimage space, see Alexia Petsalis-Diomidis, “The Body in Space: Visual

Dynamics in Graeco-Roman Healing Pilgrimage,” in Pilgrimage in Graeco-

Roman and Early Christian Antiquity: Seeing the Gods , edited by Ja ś Elsner and

Ian Rutherford (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), pp. 188–198.

33. A strategy that reflects the new antagonism among faiths seen during the

fifth century: Sivan, Palestine in Late Antiquity , pp. 143–186.

34. Robert M. Hayden analyzes “competitive sharing” in the context of the rela-

tionships among a dominant religion and religious minorities (“Antagonistic

Tolerance,” 205–231; and “The Byzantine Mosque at Trilye,” 1–17). Glenn

Bowman analyzes mixed pilgrimage in present-day Jerusalem where, owing

to the paramount importance of the city in the monotheistic religions, visi-

tors retain a strict identity with regard to one another (“Pilgrim Narratives

of Jerusalem and the Holy Land,” pp. 149–168; and “‘In Dubious Battle on

the Plains of Heav’n,’” 371–399).

35. Sozomen, 2.4.5, pp. 246–249; Evaristus Mader, Mambre: Die Ergebnisse der

Ausgrabungen im heiligen Bezirk Ramet El–Halil in S ü dpal ä stina, 1926–28

(Freiburg: E. Wewel, 1957). A lamp with a chi-rho monogram appears on

table 89, photograph 162. Cline identifies lamps L 163a, L 169b, and L169i,

Ancient Angels , p. 117.

N OT E S162

36. Rohland, Der Erzengel Michael Michael , pp. 25–32.

37. The Life of Adam and Eve in Greek 40, critical edition by Johannes Tromp

(Leiden: Brill, 2005), p. 170, with Rohland’s views on its implications for the

Michael cult, Der Erzengel Michael , pp. 27–32. Marinus de Jonge discusses the

literary hornet’s nest of the Adam literature: “The Christian Origin of the

Greek Life of Adam and Eve ,” in Literature on Adam and Eve, Collected Essays ,

edited by Gary Anderson, Michael Stone, and Johannes Tromp (Leiden:

Brill, 2000), pp. 347–363, as well as “The Literary Development of the Life

of Adam and Eve ,” pp. 239–249. As to the various versions, consult Gary A.

Anderson and Michael E. Stone, A Synopsis of the Books of Adam and Eve ,

revised edition (Atlanta: Scholar’s Press, 1999). An English translation of the

Latin edition of Meyer (Munich, 1878) appears in Apocryphal Old Testament ,

pp. 147–167, with discussion of text and bibliography (pp. 141–147).

38. The Miracle of St. Michael the Archangel at Chonae , BHG 1282, Latin title

Narratio de miraculo a Michaele Archangelo Chonis patrato , Greek edition and

Latin translation by Max Bonnet, Analecta Bollandiana 8 (1889): 289–307.

The earliest known redaction of this text is preserved as the underwrit-

ing in eighth-century uncials found on folia 14, 11, 24, 27, 5, 4, and 3 of

Paris, suppl. 480: Miraculum Sancti Michaelis Archangeli in Conas , in “Analyse

des manuscrits grecs palimpsestes Paris, suppl. 480 et Chartres, 1753, 1754,”

edited by Fran ç ois Nau, Patrologia Orientalis , IV(5).19, pp. 231–278. All cita-

tions are from Bonnet’s text with occasional use of Nau for clarification. All

translations are my own.

39. Glenn Peers also notes the traces of various editions. He situates the final

redaction in the eighth century, owing to reflections of the Iconoclastic

Controversy that he discerns in the text, “Apprehending the Archangel

Michael: Hagiographic Methods,” Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies

20 (1996): 100–121; and Subtle Bodies, Representing Angels in Byzantium

(Berkeley: University of California Press, 2001), p. 143. I have arrived inde-

pendently at conclusions about the Chonae legend, which are much the

same as those of Cline, Ancient Angels , pp. 131–133. See my unpublished

PhD dissertation, John Charles Arnold, “Ego sum Michael,” the Origin and

Diffusion of the Cult of the Archangel , University of Arkansas (1997).

40. Klaus Belke and Norbert Mersich describe the topography, Phrygien und

Pisidien , Tabula Imperii Byzantini 7 (Vienna: Verlag der Ö sterreichischen

Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1990), p. 222.

41. Peers, Subtle Bodies , p. 163.

42. Ibid., pp. 144, 162–165. Also, Peers, “Apprehending the Archangel Michael,”

100–121; Lueken, Michael , pp. 73–74, and footnotes

43. Synaxarium Ecclesiae Constantinopolitanae , edited by Hippolyte Delehaye,

AASS, November Propylaeum, cols. 203–204.

44. Belke, Phrygien und Pisidien , p. 223.

45. Clive Foss, “Pilgrimage in Medieval Asia Minor,” Dumbarton Oaks Papers 56

(2002): 131 [129–151]; Speros Vryonis, Jr., The Decline of Medieval Hellenism

in Asia Minor and the Process of Islamization from the Eleventh through the

Fifteenth Century (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1971), p. 20.

N OT E S 163

46. As Peers suggests ( Subtle Bodies , p. 161). Ramsay, however, located it at

Keretapa, six miles east of the headwaters of the Indos River, which flows

toward Lycia, The Church in the Roman Empire before A.D. 170 (Grand Rapids:

Baker Book House, 1979 [1897]), p. 468.

47. Peers argues that the text edited by Bonnet and Nau was fashioned from

preexisting sources to support the position of eighth-century Iconoclasts.

In his analysis, the figure of the ascetic Archippos serves as an actual human

model of perfection as opposed to that encountered through visual images

of angels and saints ( Subtle Bodies , pp. 143–144). Victor Saxer pointed to the

affinities between the angelic invocations in the Beta and Gamma sections

and the credal formula mentioned by Justin Martyr, with Michael petitioned

alongside the Divine Triad. Saxer also called attention to the adjustment of

this adjuration to reflect Trinitarian teachings promulgated in the fourth cen-

tury, with Michael made to beseech the Trinity on behalf of clients: “Jalons

pour servir à l’histoire du culte de l’archange Saint Michel en orient jusqu’à

l’Iconoclasme,” in Noscere Sancta, Miscellanea in memoria di Agostino Amore

OFM (+ 1982) , edited by Isaac V á zquez Janeiro OFM (Rome: Pontificium

Athenaeum Antonianum, 1985), pp. 386–390 [pp. 357–426]. Furthermore,

the first three chapters constitute a self-contained miracle testimony of the

sort frequently posted at ancient healing shrines: Petsalis-Diomidis, “The

Body in Space,” pp. 207–217. The phrase “Ninety years later” placed at the

beginning of the Delta section clearly demarcates it from the remainder of

the text, which emphasizes Archippos and his connection with the site. It

is safe to conclude that the first three chapters comprise an early version of

the story later reworked to suit the needs of post-Nicene orthodoxy.

48. The hagiographer seems to have made use of legends regarding Philip’s

entrance into nearby Hierapolis, such as the account included in the Acta

Philippi 13, CCSA 11, edited by Fran ç ois Bovon, Bertrand Bouvier, and

Fr é d é ric Amsler (Turnhout: Brepols, 1999), pp. 310–317. These are in turn

conflated with traditions regarding the exploits of John the Theologue

in Ephesus, Acta Iohannis , CCSA 1–2, edited by Eric Junod and Jean-

Daniel Kaestli (Turnhout: Brepols, 1983); also Hansgerd Hellenkemper,

“Fr ü he christliche Wallfahrtsst ä tten in Kleinasien,” Akten des XII.

Internationalen Kongresses f ü r christliche Arch ä ologie (M ü nster: Aschendorffsche

Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1995), pp. 259–271.

49. Neither Chonai nor Chairetopa are the same as ancient Colossae: Alan

Cadwallader, “The Reverend Dr. John Luke and the Churches of Chonai,”

Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 48 (2008): 319–338.

50. The verb kat é rchomai , “to descend” or “to run to the coast like a river,”

echoed New Testament descriptions of the “flowing down” of Divine

Wisdom as in the Epistle of James, 6.13.

51. MMC Α - Β . The verb blyzein , “to bubble forth,” communicated the animis-

tic aspects.

52. MMC Γ .

53. Susan E. Alcock discusses ancient religious landscape, Graecia Capta, The

Landscapes of Roman Greece (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996),

N OT E S164

pp. 172–214, as do the various essays in Seeing the Gods: Pilgrimage in Graeco-

Roman and Early Christian Antiquity , edited by Ja ś Elsner and Ian Rutherford

(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005). Also, Charles Segal, Landscape

in Ovid’s Metamorphoses , Hermes 23 (Wiesbaden: F. Steiner Verlag, 1969),

pp. 23–33.

54. Jonathan Z. Smith speaks to the microcosm as sacred space, Imagining

Religion: From Babylon to Jonestown (Chicago: University of Chicago, 1982),

p. 64.

55. John Elsner, “Pausanias: A Greek Pilgrim in the Roman World,” Past and

Present 135 (1992): 3–29; William Huston, “The Construction of Religious

Space in Pausanias,” in Pilgrimage in Graeco-Roman Antiquity , pp. 291–318.

56. Pausanias, Graeciae Descriptio , 6.22.7, edited by Maria Rocha-Pereira, vol. 2

(Leipzig: Teubner, 1973), p. 134.

57. Glenn Bowman, “Orthodox-Muslim Interactions at ‘Mixed Shrines’ in

Macedonia,” in Eastern Christians in Anthropological Perspective , edited by C. M.

Hann and Hermann Goltz (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2010),

pp. 195–219; also Gilles de Rapper, “The Vak ë f : Sharing Religious Space

in Albania,” translated by David Macey and Bojan Baskar, and “ Kom š iluk

and Taking Care of the Neighbor’s Shrine in Bosnia-Herzegovina,” both

in Sharing Sacred Spaces in the Mediterranean ,edited by Dionigi Albera and

Maria Couroucli (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 2012),

pp. 29–68.

58. Aline Rousselle explains that the conversion of Gallo-Romans relocated

the source of healing away from the sacred landscape itself onto the holy

man or saintly relics placed within the sacred landscape: Croire et gu é rir: La

foi en Gaule dans l’Antiquit é tardive (Paris: Fayard, 1990), pp. 155–169. Her

argument works equally well here.

59. Aelius Aristides, Sacred Tales 2.18, translated by Charles Allison Behr, Aelius

Aristides and the Sacred Tales (Amsterdam: A. M. Hakkert, 1968), cited by

Petsalis-Diomidis, “The Body in Space,” pp. 183–184.

60. Petsalis-Diomidis, “The Body in Space,” ibid.

61. MMC Γ . Justin Martyr, I Apologia 6.

62. Maria Couroucli, “Sharing Sacred Places—A Mediterranean Tradition,”

pp. 7–9, in Sharing Sacred Spaces in the Mediterranean [pp. 1–9]; and Glenn

Bowman, “Identification and Identity Formations around Shared Shrines,”

pp. 10–13 [pp. 10–28].

63. Justin Martyr, I Apologia 6; Franz D ö lger, Der Exorzismus im altchristlichen

Taufritual (Paderborn: F. Schoningh, 1909), pp. 3–5.

64. MMC Γ . The verb emballein , with its nuances of “push” and “attack,” char-

acterized this performance as the exorcism that it was.

65. A word that denotes dumbness or silence in Psalms 30.19 and 37.14 (31.18

and 38.14, NRSV).

66. For specific work on Origen’s angelology, see C é cile Blanc, “L’angélologie

d’Orig è ne,” Studia Patristica 14, Texte und Untersuchungen 117 (Berlin:

Akademie-Verlag, 1976), pp. 79–109. Important general works on Origen

include R. P. C. Hanson, Allegory and Event—A Study of the Sources and

N OT E S 165

Significance of Origen’s Interpretation of Scripture (Louisville: Westminster/

John Knox Press, 2002); Pierre Nautin, Orig è ne: sa vie et son oeuvre (Paris:

Beauchesne, 1977); Henri de Lubac, Medieval Exegesis, The Four Senses

of Scripture , vol. 1, translated by Mark Sebanc (Grand Rapids: William B.

Eerdmans, 1998), pp. 161–224.

67. D. G. Bostock, “Medical Theory and Theology in Origen,” in Origeniana

Tertia: Third International Colloquium for Origen Studies , edited by R. P. C.

Hanson and Henri Crouzel (Rome: Edizioni dell’Ateneo, 1985), pp. 191,

198 [pp. 191–199].

68. Origen, Homily 13.2, Hom é lies sur saint Luc , edited and translated by Henri

Crouzel, Fran ç ois Fournier, and Pierre Perichon, SC 87 (Paris: É ditions du

Cerf, 1962).

69. Origen discussed the names and roles of the principal archangels in De principiis :

Trait é des principes I.8.1, edited and translated by Henri Crouzel and Manlio

Simonetti, SC 252 (Paris: É ditions du Cerf, 1978). Origen may have derived

the idea of Michael as the custodian of prayers from 3 Bar.1–12, text in Sparks,

The Apocryphal Old Testament , pp. 904–914, with discussion and bibliography

(pp. 897–903). Origen may very well have referenced the Talmudic Michael

as High Priest enacting the heavenly liturgy. The exegete certainly delineated

the earthly services of the Levites as an emanation of a heavenly angelic per-

formance: Athanas Recheis, Engel, Tod und Seelenreise , Temi e Testi 4 (Rome:

Edizioni di storia e letteratura, 1958), pp. 87–88. Also, Erik Peterson, Das Buch

von den Engeln , second ed. (Munich: K ö sel-Verlag, 1955).

70. Chrysippos, “Enk ō mion eis ton arch á ngelon Micha ē l,” Epet å eris hetaireias

Vyzantin å on 3 (1926): 88 [85–93].

71. Ibid., p. 93.

72. Saxer locates the primordial origins of the cult in Asia Minor and Egypt

(“Jalons,” pp. 371–402), as does Wolfgang von Rintelen Kultgeographische

Studien in der Italia byzantina , Archiv f ü r vergleichende Kulturwissenschaft 3

(Meisenheim am Glan: Anton Hain, 1968) and “Kult- und Legendenwanderung

von Ost nach West im Fr ü hen Mittelalter,” Saeculum 22 (1971): 71–88.

73. Sozomen, Histoire eccl é siastique 2.3.8, pp. 240–243. Glenn Peers provides

the location in “The Sosthenion near Constantinople: “John Malalas and

Ancient Art,” Byzantion 68 (1998): 112 [110–120]. Cyril Mango places it at

either modern Kourou-Tchesme or Arnavutk ö y ü (“St. Michael and Attis,”

59); Robert Janin preferred north of Kourou-Tchesme, on Cape Akinti–

Bournou between Arnautkoy and Bebek, “Les sanctuaires byzantins de saint

Michel,” Échos d’Orient 33 (1934): 37–40 [28–52].

74. Sozomen 2.3.8, pp. 238–241. English translation by C.Hartranft, Nicene

and Post-Nicene Fathers Series 2.2 (Grand Rapids: William Eerdmans, 1973),

p. 260.

75. Sozomen 2.3.9, pp. 242–243.

76. G. Schoo, Die Quellen des Kirchenhistorikers Sozomenos , p. 138.

77. Sozomen 2.3.9, pp. 242–243.

78. Petsalis-Diomedes, “Visual dynamics in healing pilgrimage,” pp. 206–217, in

Seeing the Gods .

N OT E S166

79. Sozomen 2.3.11, pp. 242–245. Hartranft here mistranslates ta esthi ó mena ,

“food,” as “foot,” p. 260.

80. Ildik ó Csepregi, “Mysteries for the Uninitiated. The Role and Symbolism

of the Eucharist in Miraculous Dream Healing,” in The Eucharist in Theology

and Philosophy , edited by Istvan Perczel, Reka Forrai, and Gyorgy Gereby

(Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2005), p. 97 and notes. See the miracles of

Saint Thecla and those of Cosmas and Damian, Sainte Th è cle, saints C ô me et

Damien, Saints Cyr et Jean (extraits), Saint Georges , translated and annotated by

A.-J. Festugi è re (Paris: A. and J. Picard, 1971), pp. 48–49, and p. 102.

81. Sozomen 2.3.12, pp. 244–245.

82. Ibid.

83. Paul Stephenson, Constantine–Roman Emperor, Christian Victor (New York:

Overlook Press, 2009), particularly pp. 71–86 and 138–140; Fran ç ois Heim,

“L’influence exerc é e par Constantin sur Lactance: sa th é ologie de la vic-

toire,” in Lactance et son temps , edited by Jacques Fontaine and Michel Perrin

(Paris: É ditions Beauchesne, 1978), pp. 55–74.

84. Gunnar Berefelt, A Study of the Winged Angel , translated by Patrick Hort

(Stockholm: Almqvist and Wiksell, 1968), pp. 21–56 with bibliography. Also,

Marco Bussagli, Storia degli Angeli (Milan: Rusconi, 1991), pp. 44–80; Peers,

Subtle Bodies , pp. 25–27.

85. Suetonius, “Vespasianus” 7, The Twelve Caesars 2, edited and translated by

J. C. Rolfe, LCL (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1964), p. 298–299.

86. Raymond Van Dam discusses Constantine’s use of Flavius: The Roman

Revolution of Constantine (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009),

pp. 88–96.

87. Katherine Dunbabin, “ Ipsa deae vestigia . . . Footprints Divine and Human

on Graeco–Roman Monuments,” Journal of Roman Archaeology 3 (1990):

55–109; Francesca L’Hoir, “Three Sandalled Footlamps: Their Apotropaic

Potentiality in the Cult of Serapis,” Arch ä ologischer Anzeiger 15 (1983): 225–

237. Also, Sarolta A. Tak á cs, “Divine and Human Feet: Records of Pilgrimage

Honoring Isis,” in Seeing the Gods , pp. 359–360 [pp. 353–369].

88. Suetonius, Vespasianus 7.

89. Theodoret of Cyrrus, Quaestiones in libros Regum III , cap. XV, Interrogatio

XLVIII. PG 80.719–20.

90. Ü ber das Leben des Kaisers Konstantin I.28–29, Greek edition by Friedhelm

Winkelmann, Eusebius Werke 1 (Berlin: Akademie-Verlag, 1975), pp. 30–31;

Life of Constantine with introduction, English translation and commentary

by Averil Cameron and Stuart G. Hall (Oxford: Oxford University Press,

1999), pp. 80–81; Stephenson, Constantine , pp. 182–189, 131–140; A. H.

M. Jones, Constantine and the Conversion of Europe (Toronto: University of

Toronto Press, 1962), pp. 73–90.

91. The political context was fundamental for the events surrounding the

conversion. In addition to Stephenson, Constantine , pp. 113–189 and Van

Dam, The Roman Revolution of Constantine , pp. 221–353, see H. A. Drake,

Constantine and the Bishops (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2000),

particularly pp. 154–232, and Timothy D. Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius

N OT E S 167

(Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1981), pp. 3–80. Also Wienand, Der

Kaiser als Sieger .

92. Eusebius, VC II.vi–vii; see also II.iv.2–4 where he describes Licinius as sur-

rounded by soothsayers, Egyptian and otherwise.

93. McCormick, Eternal Victory , p. 103; Van Dam, The Roman Revolution of

Constantine , p. 16.

94. Eusebius, VC III.iii.1–3.

95. Rudolf Leeb observes that this is the first appearance of the “serpent slayer”

in imperial iconography and notes the connection to Licinius, Konstantin

und Christus: Die Verchristlichung der imperialen Repr ä sentation unter Konstantin

dem Gro ß en als Spiegel seiner Kirchenpolitik und seines Selbstverst ä ndnisses als

christlicher Kaiser (Berlin: De Gruyter, 1992), p. 50; Stephenson, Constantine ,

p. 185–186; P. Bruun, “Christian Signs on the Coins of Constantine,” Arctos:

Acta Philologica Fennica 3 (1962): 21.

96. Elizabeth DePalma Digeser finds Lactantius primarily responsible for this

policy and traces its roots to his encounters with Constantine in Trier:

The Making of a Christian Empire: Lactantius and Rome (Ithaca: Cornell

University Press, 2000), pp. 115–143, as well as the enlightening “General

Remarks” to Chapter 5 , pp. 167–171.

97. Eusebius, VC III.iii.1–3. Herodian mentioned a victory painting erected by

Septimius Severus to commemorate his triumph over the Persians: Histories

III.ix.12, in Herodian 1, edition with translation by C. R. Whittaker, LCL

(Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1969), pp. 322–323.

98. Eusebius, VC III.iii.3.

99. Leeb, Konstantin und Christus , pp. 50–51.

100. Michael J. Hollerich, Eusebius of Caesarea’s Commentary on Isaiah–Christian

Exegesis in the Age of Constantine (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999),

p. 126, p. 26 for the dating.

101. Eusebius, Commentaria in Isaiah XXVII.1, PG 24.279–280; on Eusebeian

political discourse in the Commentary on Isaiah , Hollerich, pp. 103–130.

102. Eusebius, Commentaria on Isaiah XXVII.1, PG 24.279–280: qui autem nihil

rectum, aequumque nihil habet, sed omnino deflexus et tortuosus est, ac pectore ven-

treque humi reptat, omniumque pedibus ad supplantationem et dejectionem insidias

nolitur .

103. As pointed out by Khaled Anatolios, Retrieving Nicaea (Grand Rapids:

William Eerdmans, 2011), pp. 68–69.

104. Van Dam, The Roman Revolution of Constantine , pp. 283–353; also J ü rgen

Moltmann, The Trinity and the Kingdom , translated by Margaret Kohl

(Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1993), pp. 191–200.

105. Eusebius, Eis K ō nstant í non ton basil é a triakontaet ē r í kos 13, edited by Ivar

Heikel, Eusebius Werke 1 (Leipzig, 1902), p. 236. John Gager provides

the translation for katad é smos , Curse Tablets and Binding Spells , p. 260,

which differs from that of H. A. Drake. Drake’s magisterial study of the

Tricennial Oration overlooks the technical terminology expressed by

katad é smos , “curse tablet,” which he translates as “magic bonds of forbid-

den sorcery”: In Praise of Constantine: A Historical Study and New Translation

N OT E S168

of Eusebius’ Tricennial Orations (Berkeley: University of California Press,

1975), p. 111.

106. For the sacredness of the palace and audience hall, refer to Andr á s Alf ö ldi,

Die Ausgestaltung des monarchischen Zeremoniells am r ö mischen Kaiserhofe ,

Mitteilungen des deutschen archaeologischen Instituts 49 (Berlin: S.

I., 1934), pp. 29–38. For the unity and interchangeability of monarch

and empire, as well as the ideological concept of both custos and cura rei

publicae , see Jean B é ranger, Recherches sur l’aspect id é ologique du principat ,

Schweizerische Beitr ä ge zur Altertumswissenschaft 6 (Basel: F. Reinhardt,

1953), pp. 183–217 and 227–238. Sabine McCormack speaks to continuity

and change in Christian imperial ceremonial, Art and Ceremonial in Late

Antiquity (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1981).

107. Van Dam addresses Sozomen’s reworking of Eusebius in light of his dubi-

ous theology, Roman Revolution of Constantine , pp. 339–342.

108. Severus of Antioch, Cathedral Homily LXXII “Sur la déposition des corps

sacr é s des saints martyrs Procope et Phocas dans l’église dite de Michel,”

Les homiliae cathedrales de S é v è re d’Antioche, Hom é lies LXX à LXXVI , edition

and French translation of the Syriac version of James of Edessa by Maurice

Bri è re, PO 12.1 (1919), pp. 74–75. Pauline Allen and C. T. R. Hayward

provide an English translation in Severus of Antioch (London: Routledge,

2004), p. 128 [pp. 126–35], as well as a brief general discussion of the homi-

lies (pp. 49–52).

109. Severus of Antioch, Cathedral Homily LXXII, p. 76; Allen and Hayward,

Severus of Antioch , p. 129.

110. Severus of Antioch, Cathedral Homily LXXII, pp. 84 and 88; Allen and

Hayward, Severus of Antioch , pp. 132, 134.

111. R. P. C. Hanson provides a good starting point: The Search for the Christian

Doctrine of God (Edinburgh: T & T Clark, 1997). From among the mas-

sive bibliography, consult Anatolios, Retrieving Nicaea ; and Rowan Williams,

Arius, Heresy and Tradition , revised ed. (Grand Rapids: William Eerdmans,

2002), pp. 95–116. Lewis Ayres, Nicaea and Its Legacy (Oxford: Oxford

University Press, 2006) exhaustively examines the concurrent formation

of Arian and Trinitarian discourses; also Rebecca Lyman, “A Topography

of Heresy: Mapping the Rhetorical Creation of Arianism,” in Arianism

after Arius , edited by Michel R. Barnes and Daniel H. Williams (Edinburgh,

1993), pp. 45–62; Martin Werner uses the terms “subordinationst” and

“coordinationist,” The Formation of Christian Dogma , translated by S. G. F.

Brandon (Boston: Beacon Press, 1965), p. 125.

112. Ellen Muehlberger points to this dynamic, in particular with regard to

the work of Athanasius of Alexandria: Angels in Late Ancient Christianity

(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013), pp. 58–88.

113. Anatolios frames the Arian-Trinitarian Controversy around the concepts

of cosmology and soteriology ( Retrieving Nicaea , pp. 33–98).

114. For the teachings of Arius himself as well as other early Arians, refer to

Hanson, Search , pp. 3–18, 100–122; Robert C. Gregg and Dennis E. Groh,

Early Arianism—A View of Salvation (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1981),

N OT E S 169

pp. 1–130; Arianism: Historical and Theological Reassessments , edited by

Robert C. Gregg, Patristic Monograph Series 11 (Cambridge: Philadelphia

Patristic Foundation, 1985), pp. 1–84; G. C. Stead, “The Thalia of Arius

and the Testimony of Athanasius,” Journal of Theological Studies 29 (1978):

20–52.

115. In Lucae evangelium reliquiae tractatus antiquissimi , edited by Angelo Mai,

Scriptorum veterum nova collectione vaticani codicibus III.2 (Rome: In

Collegio Urbano apud Burliaeum, 1828), pp. 191–92.

116. Asterius, Homily 2.10–11, Asterii Sophistae Commentariorum in Psalmos quae

supersunt , edited by Marcel Richard, Symbolae Osloenses Fasc. Supp. 16

(Oslo: A.W. Br ø gger, 1956), pp. 7–8. Wolfram Kinzig presents an exhaustive

refutation of the author’s identity as that of the Arian apologist Asterius

the Sophist. He also denies the presence in the text of either an Arian or

Nicene theological perspective: In Search of Asterius, Studies on the Authorship

of the Homilies on the Psalms (G ö ttingen: Vandenhoeck and Ruprecht, 1990).

Kinzig does present a brief analysis of the angelology of the homilies, and

his findings agree with that found in texts more securely identified as Arian

(pp. 150–153).

117. De Solemnitatibus VI.2–3, Collectio Arrianae Veronensis. Scripta arriana

latina 1 , edited by Roger Gryson, CCSL 87 (Turnholt: Brepols, 1982),

pp. 64–65.

118. Der Hiobkommentar des Arianers Julian , edited by Dieter Hagedorn,

Patristische Texte und Studien 14 (Berlin: De Gruyter, 1973), p. 298. Julian

inquires rhetorically whether the Leviathan, as Satan, were a living thing

or a fitting vehicle of salvation and answers that Satan is not even the equal

of the angels, thus implying that Christ by far is superior to them all.

119. Deux hom é lies anom é ennes pour l’Octave de P â ques , Homily II.16–27, edi-

tion and French translation by Jacques Li é baert, SC 146 (Paris, 1969),

pp. 96–97.

120. For post-Nicene Arianism, see Ayres, Nicaea and Its Legacy , pp. 85 and

pp. 111–211; also Anatolios, Retrieving Nicaea , pp. 53–79. Gregg and Groh

speak to the relationship among Christ and his “brother” angels ( Early

Arianism , pp. 43–76), now to be read against the criticisms of Anatolios,

Retrieving Nicaea , pp. 47–52 and 150–156. Also, R. D. Williams, “Angels

Unawares” and Rudolf Lorenz, Arius judaizans? Untersuchungen zur dog-

mengeschichtlichen Einordnung des Arius (G ö ttingen: Vandenhoeck und

Ruprecht, 1980), pp. 141–179.

121. Anonymi in Iob commentarius I, PG17.399D. Michel Meslin identifies the

Arian origin of his anonymous commentary on Job (published among

the spuria of Origen) and discusses its theological concepts, Les Ariens

d’Occident (Paris: É ditions du Seuil, 1967), pp. 201–226.

122. Der Hiobkommentar des Arianers Julian , p. 12.

123. Anonymi in Iob commentarius I, PG 17.404B, 402A, and 387B.

124. For the roles of Alexander and Athanasius in their struggles with Arius and

the ensuing formation of “Arianism” as a discrete category, see Hanson,

Search for Christian Doctrine , pp. 129–180; Anatolios, Retrieving Nicaea ,

N OT E S170

pp. 79–86 and 99–156, as well as his Athanasius (London: Routledge, 2004),

pp. 1–12 and Athanasius, the Coherence of his Thought (London: Routledge,

1998). Also, Thomas Weinandy, Athanasius: A Theological Introduction

(Aldershot, UK/Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2007) and Ayres, Nicaea and its

Legacy , pp. 62–166.

125. Athanasius, First Oration against the Arians 40 and 42, with Greek text in

The Orations of St. Athanasius against the Arians According to the Benedictine

Text , edited by William Bright (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1884), pp. 41,

43–44; translated by Philip Schaff and Henry Wace, St. Athanasius: Select

Works and Letters 4 (Grand Rapids: William Eerdmans, 1987), pp. 329–330;

Weinandy, Athanasius: A Theological Introduction ; Anatolios, Retrieving Nicaea ,

pp. 118–126; Coherence , pp. 125–163.

126. Athanasius, First Oration against the Arians 55: The Orations of St. Athanasius ,

p. 57; Schaff and Wace, St. Athanasius , p. 338.

127. Athanasius, Third Oration against the Arians 14: The Orations of St. Athanasius ,

pp. 168–169; Schaff and Wace, St. Athanasius , pp. 401–402.

128. Hilary of Poitiers, De trinitate V.11, edited by Pieter Frans Smulders, CCSL

62 (Turnholt: Brepols, 1979–80), p. 161; translated by S. McKenna as The

Trinity , Fathers of the Church Series 25 (New York: Fathers of the Church

Inc., 1954). For context and analysis, see Mark Weedman, The Trinitarian

Theology of Hilary of Poitiers , Supplements to Vigiliae Christianae 89 (Leiden:

Brill, 2007); also D. H. Williams in “The Anti-Arian Campaigns of Hilary of

Poitiers and the ‘ Liber Contra Auxentium ,’” Church History 61 (1992): 7–22;

and “A Reassessment of the Early Career and Exile of Hilary of Poitiers,”

Journal of Ecclesiastical History 42 (1991): 202–217. Also, Ayres, Nicaea and Its

Legacy , pp. 177–186; Hanson, Search for Christian Doctrine , pp. 459–506.

129. Hilary of Poitiers, De trinitate III.7, pp. 77–79.

130. Pseudo-Vigilius of Thapsus, Contra Varimadum I.57, in Florilegia Biblica

Africana Saec. V , edited by Benedictus Schwank, CCSL 90 (Turnholt:

Brepols, 1961), pp. 67–68. Pseudo-Vigilius refutes the Arian use of 1 Thess.

4.16 to prove the created status of the Son: “For the Lord himself, with

a cry of command, with the archangel’s call and with the sound of God’s

trumpet, will descend from heaven, and the dead in Christ will rise first.”

The Arian Varimadus interpreted the passage to state that the archangel

ordered Christ to descend for the Final Judgment.

131. Greek text in Hanson, Search for the Christian Doctrine of God , p. 876.

132. Ibid.

133. Hef è le-Leclercq, Histoire des conciles I.2 (Hildesheim: G. Olms 1973),

p. 1017. For discussion of the council, pp. 989–995 and canons, pp. 995–

1028. My translation: H ó ti ou de ī christiano ù s egkatale í pein t ē n Ekkl ē s í an to ū

Theo ū ka ì api é nai ka ì agg é lous onom á zein, ka ì sun á xeis poie ī n, aper ap ē g ó reutai.

Ei tis o ū n eureth ē ta ú t ē t ē kekrumm é n ē eid ō lolatre í a schol á z ō n, est ō anathema,

h ó ti egkat é lipe t ò n K ú rion h ē m ō n I ē so ū n Christ ò n, t ò n Hui ò n to ū Theo ū , ka ì

eid ō lolatr í a pros ē lthen.

134. Ibid., p. 1017–1018.

135. Saxer, “Jalons,” pp. 384–385.

N OT E S 171

136. Hefele-Leclercq, pp. 1017–1018.

137. Ibid., pp. 999–1000, 1002, 1007–1009, 1012.

138. Athanasius, Contra gentes I.19–21, edited and translated by Robert W.

Thomson (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1971).

139. Cline and I have again arrived independently at very similar conclusions,

although he emphasizes magical performance and pagan veneration as

the object of the Council’s prohibitions and ignores the heretical aspects,

Ancient Angels , pp. 142–146.

140. Theodoret of Cyrrus, Interpretatio epistolae ad Colossanenseis II.18, III.17:

PG 82.613B, 619D.

141. Frances M. Young provides a basic introduction to the Antiochene

approach in Biblical Exegesis and the Formation of Christian Culture (Peabody,

MA: Hendrickson Publisher, Inc., 2002), pp. 161–185.

142. Theodoret, Interpretatio epistolae ad Colossanenseis , PG 82.592–595. Jean-

No ë l Guinot discusses Theodoret’s approaches to exegesis, L’Ex é g è se de

Th é odoret de Cyr , Th é ologie historique 100 (Paris: Beauchesne, 1995). John

J. O’Keefe discusses the basic historicizing approach of Antiochene exege-

sis as well as Theodoret’s inclination to incorporate allegorizing techniques

of the Alexandrian school: “‘A Letter That Killeth’; Toward a Reassessment

of Antiochene Exegesis,” The Journal of Early Christian Studies 8 (2000):

83–103. Alberto Viciano examines Theodoret’s exegetical method as

applied to the Pauline Epistles, “<Homeron ex homerou saphenizein>,

Principios hermen é uticos de Teodoreto de Ciro en su Comentario a las

Ep í stolas Paulinas,” Scripta Theologica 21 (1989): 13–61.

143. Kallistos Ware, “The Meaning of ‘Pathos’ in Abba Isaias and Theodoret of

Cyrus,” Studia Patristica 28 (Leuven, Peeters Press, 1989), pp. 315–322.

144. MMC Γ . Saxer notes the variations and calls attention to the post-Nicene

aspects of the text (“Jalons,” pp. 387–388).

145. For accounts of Nicaea I and Constantinople I, refer to Leo Donald Davis ,

The First Seven Ecumenical Councils (325–787): Their History and Theology

(Collegeville, MN: Liturgical Press, 1983), pp. 33–133.

146. Peers points to “Archippus as a prescriptive ‘image’ of the appropriate

manner of praying to the Archangel, and his answered prayer is the clearest

indication of its appropriateness” ( Subtle Bodies , p. 195).

147. Ibid., p. 147 and Ramsay Church in the Roman Empire , p. 469.

148. Peers discusses Michael’s parr ē s í a ,ibid. pp. 144–145 and 160.

149. Hippolyte Delehaye edited a partial liturgical calendar from Oxyrhynchus

(October 21, 535, through March 22, 536) that designated a universal

feast day for the Archangel on the twelfth of H â tor (November 8): “Le

calendrier d’Oxyrhynque pour l’ann é e 535–536,” Analecta Bollandiana

42 (1924): 83–99. The Coptic liturgy used the term Archistrategos , as

pointed out by Caspar Detlef Gustav M ü ller, Die Engellehre der koptischen

Kirche (Wiesbaden, 1959), p. 19. For the Coptic account of Michael’s

“Installation,” see M ü ller’s edition and German translation: Die B ü cher der

Einsetzung der Erzengel Michael und Gabriel , CSCO 226, Scriptores Coptici

32 (Louvain, 1962), pp. 1–73. Ugo Zanetti provides a comprehensive

N OT E S172

survey of all the Michaeline feasts of the eastern rites: “F ê tes des anges

dans les calendriers et synaxaires orientaux,” in Culto e insediamenti

micaelici nell’Italia meridionale fra tarda antichità e medioevo: atti del convegno

internazionale, Monte Sant’Angelo, 18–21 novembre 1992 , edited by Carlo

Carletti and Giorgio Otranto. (Bari: Edipuglia, 1994), pp. . 323–349.

150. Juan Mateos, Le Typicon de la Grande É glise I, Orientalia christiana analecta

165 (Rome: Pontificum Institutum Orientalium Studiorum, 1962–63),

pp. 94–95; Janin, “Les sanctuaires byzantins de saint Michel,” p. 31.

151. Synaxarium Ecclesiae Constantinopolitanae , edited by Hippolyte Delehaye,

AASS, November Propylaeum, cols. 203–204. M ü ller provides an epitome

of the original Coptic liturgical text, found in Pierpont Morgan Library

MS 593, Engellehre , pp. 187–208. For the unabridged Coptic source, Die

B ü cher der Einsetzung .

152. Mateos, Typicon ; C. R. Gregory, Textkritik des Neuen Testamentes I (Leipzig:

J. C. Hinnrichs, 1900), p. 370.

153. Mateos, Typicon , pp. iv–ix, and p. 95 n. 2 for a translation of the troparion as

found in Paris cod. gr. 1590, dated to 1063 by a colophon on f. 228v: Toi

qui offres au Souverain l’hymne triomphal, la doxologie incessante, Michel, <toi>

le grand capitaine des arm é es c é lestes et le premier qui ait acc è s pr è s de Dieu, ne cesse

pas de prier pour nos ames !

4 The Politics of Angelic Sanctity

1. Liber de apparitione de Sancti Michaelis in Monte Gargano , edited by Georg

Waitz, MGH SRL, pp. 541–543 (BHL 5948). English translation by

Richard F. Johnson, Saint Michael the Archangel in Medieval English Legend

(Woodbridge, UK/Rochester, NY: Boydell and Brewer, 2005), pp. 110–115.

Supposed epigraphs that would identify Garganus with Elvius Emmanuelis

(d. 528), an actual magister militum who lived in nearby Siponto in 506, don’t

appear to exist: Giorgio Otranto, “Il ‘Liber de apparitione,’ il santuario di

san Michele sul Gargano e i Longobardi del Ducato di Benevento,” in

Santuari e politica nel mondo antico , edited by Marta Sordi (Milan: Universit à

cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 1983), pp. 215–216 [pp. 210–245]. Giovanni

Bronzini more aptly suggested Garganus to be a symbolic eponymous hero

despite his unpersuasive attempt to connect him with a Frankish folk char-

acter: “La Puglia e le sue tradizioni in proiezione storica,” Archivio storico

pugliese 21 (1968): 89–90 [83–117].

2. Wolfgang von Rintelen uses the term “Legend migration,” “Kult- und

Legendenwanderung von Ost nach West im Fr ü hen Mittelalter,” Saeculum

22 (1971): 71–88. The eminent Lombardist Gian Piero Bognetti preferred

the term esaugurazione , or “growing out of ”: “I <<Loca sanctorum>> e

la storia della chiesa nel regno dei Longobardi,” L’et à longobarda 3 (Milan:

Giuffrè , 1967), p. 310.

3. Lycophron, Al é xandra 1047–55, in Callimachus, Lycophron and Aratus , edited

and translated by Alexander W. Mair, LCL (Cambridge: Harvard University

Press, 1937), pp. 582–583.

N OT E S 173

4. Strabo, Ge ō graphika ,C 284 = 6.3.9, in The Geography of Strabo 3, edited and

translated by Horace Leonard Jones and John Robert Sitlington Sterrett,

LCL (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1917–49), pp. 130–131.

5. Grattius, Cynegeticon 430–66, in Minor Latin Poets , translated by J. Wight

Duff and Arnold M. Duff, LCL (Cambridge: Harvard University Press,

1978), pp. 194–197; Pelagonius, Ars veterinaria 294, edited by Klaus-Dietrich

Fischer (Leipzig: B. G. Teubner, 1980).

6. Pausanias, Graeciae Descriptio , 10.32.4–7, edited by Maria Rocha-Pereira, vol.

3 (Leipzig: Teubner, 1973), pp. 166–167.

7. Garth Fowden, “City and Mountain in Late Roman Attica,” Journal of

Hellenic Studies 108 (1988): 56–57 [48–59]. Susan Alcock’s discussions of a

dynamic sacred landscape in second-century Greece accord well with that

of Late Antiquity, Graecia Capta: The Landscapes of Roman Greece (Cambridge:

Cambridge University Press, 1993).

8. Michel Rouche, “Le Combat des saints anges et des demons: la victoire

de Saint Michel,” Santi e demoni nell’alto medioevo occidentale 1, Settimane di

studio del Centro Italiano di studi sull’alto medioevo 36 (Spoleto: Centro

italiano di studi sull’alto Medioevo, 1989), p. 538 [pp. 533–557].

9. Francesco Fischetti, Mercurio, Mithra, Michael (Monte Sant’ Angelo: Tip. La

Garganica, 1973), pp. 15–19, sees the cavern as an abandoned and trans-

formed pagan temple.

10. John Charles Arnold delineates a fifth- or sixth-century redaction based

on internal evidence, “Arcadia Becomes Jerusalem: Angelic Caverns and

Shrine Conversion at Monte Gargano,” Speculum 75 (2000): 567–588,

while Nicholas Everett sees in the manuscript history evidence for an

initial redaction in the mid-eighth-century, “The Liber de Apparitione

S. Michaelis in Monte Gargano and the Hagiography of Dispossession,”

Analecta bollandiana 120 (2002): 364–391. The two views are hardly incom-

patible, as the Liber mentions a preexisting libellus . Giorgio Otranto desig-

nates the “Bull,” “Battle,” and “Dedication” divisions, perhaps most clearly

in “Genesi, caratteri e diffusione del culto micaelico del Gargano,” in Culte

et p è lerinages à Saint Michel en occident, les trois monts d é di é s à l’Archange ,

edited by Pierre Bouet, Giorgio Otranto, and Andr é Vauchez (Rome:

É cole fran ç aise de Rome, 2003), pp. 43–64.

11. Marco Trotta and Antonio Renzulli, “I luoghi dei Liber de apparitione di

S. Michele al Gargano: l’ecclesia beati Petri,” Vetera Christianorum 35 (1998):

335–359.

12. Liber 1.

13. Gregory the Great, Dialogues I.10, edition and French translation by Adalbert

de Vog üé and Paul Antin, SC 260 (Paris: É ditions du Cerf, 1978–80). English

translation by Odo John Zimmerman, Fathers of the Church Series 39

(New York: Fathers of the Church, Inc., 1959).

14. Guglielmo P. Cavallo, “Magia e medicina popolare nella Calabria bizantina,”

in I Bizantini in Italia , edited by Guglielmo Cavallo (Milan: Libri Scheiwiller,

1982), pp. 685–686 [pp. 684–686], citing Codex Marcianus gr. II 163 and

Barberinus gr. III 3 ( olim gr. 284).

N OT E S174

15. Don C. Skemer, Binding Words: Textual Amulets in the Middle Ages (University

Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2006), provides an overview

of the copying and use of amulets across the longue dur é e .

16. Liber 2.

17. Marco Trotta and Antonio Renzulli, “La grotta garganica: rapporti con

Mont-Saint-Michel e interventi longobardi,” Culte et p è lerinages à Saint

Michel en occident , p. 428 [pp. 427–48]; Marco Trotta, “I luoghi dei <<Liber

de Apparitione>>. Il santuario di S. Michele dal V all’VIII secolo,” in Culto

e insediamenti , pp. 126–129 [pp. 125–166].

18. Abandoned in the eighth century, the ruins of Siponto today lie west of

Manfredonia, some 55 miles north of Bari on the southern side of the

Garganic promontory. For archeological data and material culture remains,

see the various articles in Siponto Antica , edited by Marina Mazzei (Foggia:

C. Grenzi, 1999). Giuliano Volpe places Siponto’s development within the

context of late-antique Apulia, Contadini, pastori e mercanti nell’Apulia tar-

doantica (Bari: Edipuglia, 1996), pp. 121–123, as does Jean-Marie Martin,

La Pouille du VIe au XIIe si è cle (Rome: É cole fran ç aise de Rome, 1993),

pp. 113–160. Giorgio Otranto discusses Siponto and its relationship with

Monte Gargano, Italia meridionale e Puglia paleocristiane: Saggi storici (Bari:

Edipuglia, 1991), pp. 187–202.

19. Asserted in the two Lives of St. Laurence , with the first dated to the early

eleventh c. and the second to the later eleventh c. For both vitae , see AASS,

February II.57–62. Ada Campione, “Storia e santit à nelle due Vitae di

Lorenzo vescovo di Siponto,” Vetera Christianorum 29 (1992): 169–213, dis-

cusses the dates, as does Nicholas Everett, “ Hagiography of Dispossession,”

371–372.

20. Vita S. Laurentii 1: when Theodoric King of the Goths “struggled bitterly

with Odoacer the King of the Herulis,” AASS Feb. 2.57. For background,

refer to John Moorhead, Theoderic in Italy (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1991),

pp. 6–31; along withThomas Burns, A History of the Ostrogoths (Bloomington:

Indiana University Press, 1984), pp. 55–80; and Herwig Wolfram, History of

the Goths , translated by Thomas J. Dunlap (Berkeley: University of California

Press, 1988), pp. 278–284.

21. Otranto insists that Siponto played an important role in the origin and

development of the shrine, although he notes the role of prominent patrons

in the building of Michaeline churches in late-antique Apulia, Italia meridi-

onale , pp. 187–197. Valerie Ramseyer makes clear how little influence the

urban bishops like Laurence had on the rural countryside, The Transformation

of a Religious Landscape, Medieval Southern Italy 850–1150 (Ithaca: Cornell

University Press, 2006), particularly pp. 37–42.

22. Eberhard Gothein addresses the importance of transhumance in the

area, Die Kulturentwicklung S ü d-Italiens in Einzeldarstellungen (Breslau: W.

Koebner, 1886), pp. 41–45. See Volpe, Contadini , pp. 147–196, for a dis-

cussion of the vici of late-antique Apulia and pp. 192–194 specifically for

the Gargano; also pp. 276–296 for the importance of the local wool and

weaving industry.

N OT E S 175

23. Gioia Bertelli et al. address the road system of the Gargano and provide

detailed maps: “Sulle tracce dei Longobardi in Puglia: alcune testimo-

nianze,” I Longobardi del Sud , edited by Giuseppi Roma (Rome: Giorgio

Bretschneider Editore, 2010), pp. 344–348 [pp. 343–389], as does Volpe, with

particular attention to the road system ( Contadini , pp. 73–83). Jean-Marie

Martin describes late-antique Puglian topography and infrastructure gener-

ally and the Gargano specifically ( Pouille , pp. 117–119).

24. Martin, Pouille , pp. 117–119, for the Gargano and pp. 113–160 for Apulia as

a whole. Louis Duchesne remains useful, “Les é v ê ch é s d’Italie et l’invasion

lombarde,” M é langes d’arch é ologie et d’histoire 23 (1903): 104–107 [83–116].

Otranto discusses the process of Christianization and diocesan formation

( Italia meridionale , pp. 3–94).

25. Liber 4. Johnson translates conlatio as “discussion,” but the traditional mean-

ing of “pooling of resources” seems more appropriate for this context ( Saint

Michael the Archangel in Medieval English Legend , p. 113). Ramseyer’s descrip-

tion of the ecclesiastical organization of late-antique and early-medieval

Salerno well fits that of Apulia, especially her discussions of consortia and

private foundations: The Transformation of a Religious Landscape, pp. 7–11,

62–68, and passim. Also, John Philip Thomas, Private Religious Foundations

in the Byzantine Empire , Dumbarton Oaks Studies 24 (Washington DC:

Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection, 1987), pp. 5–36, and

particularly pp. 59–110, for the situation in late-antique Egypt.

26. Volpe, Contadini, pp. 237–238, and Giorgio Otranto, “Due epistole di papa

Gelasio I (492–496) sulla comunit à cristiana di Lucera,” Vetera Christianorum

14 (1977): 123–137.

27. Liber 3 records the footprints; for the etymology of Apodonia , MGH SRL,

p. 542, f. 2. Trotta, “I luoghi,” discusses the early chapel (pp. 126–129).

28. Trotta, “Il luoghi,” pp. 133–134.

29. Giorgio Otranto, “L’Iscrizione di Pietro e Paolo,” in Il Santuario di S. Michele

sul Gargano dal VI al IX secolo, Atti del Convegno tenuto a Monte Sant’Angelo

il 9–10 dicembre 1978 , edited by Carlo Carletti and Giorgio Otranto (Bari:

Edipuglia, 1980), pp. 183–206. The restored inscription reads: +Petrus et |

+Paulus ambi apo | stoli clavi cla | vabant cruce co | nfissi erant p |ortasque | ita

lucere fecere .

30. Trotta and Renzulli, “La grotta garganica,” Culte et P è lerinages , pp. 428–431.

31. Liber 6.

32. Otranto, “Per una metodologia della ricerca storico-agiografica: il Santuario

micaelico del Gargano tra Bizantini e Longobardi,” Vetera Christianorum 25

(1988): 388–390 [381–405], connects the battle with Grimoald’s victory

as mentioned by Paul the Deacon, Historia langobardorum IV.46, edited by

Ludwig Bethmann and Georg Waitz, MGH SRL, p. 135.

33. Otranto, “Il ‘Liber de apparitione,’” pp. 225–226.

34. Liber 3 and 1.

35. Leopold Kurz discusses their “testing” and subsequent devotion during

the rebellion and fall of Satan, Gregors des Grossen Lehre von den Engeln

(Rottenburg: Bader’sche Verbhl., 1938), pp. 27–42, citing Gregory the Great,

N OT E S176

Moralia in Job I.27.39. Muehlberger speaks to Augustine of Hippo’s insis-

tence on angelic constancy ( Angels in Late Ancient Christianity , pp. 43–56).

36. Andrea Schaller makes the point that pre-tenth-century images of Michael

refer not to Michael himself, but to Christ. The point works quite well

with regard to his Garganic relics: Der Erzengel Michael im fr ü hen Mittelalter:

Ikonographie und Verehrung eines Heiligen ohne Vita (Bern: Peter Lang, 2006),

p. 19.

37. Antonini placentini itinerarium , 22–23, in Itinera hierosolymitana saecvli IIII–VIII ,

edited by Paul Geyer, CSEL 39 (Vienna: F. Tempsky, 1898), pp. 140–141.

38. Agnellus, Liber pontificalis Ecclesiae Ravennatis 1, edited by Deborah Mauskopf-

Deliyannis, CCCM 199 (Turnhout: Brepols, 2006).

39. Denis Feissel and Klaas Worp, “La requ ê te d’Appion, é v ê que de Sy è ne,

à Th é odose II: P. Leid. Z r é vis é ,” Oudheidkundige mededeelingen van het

Rijksmuseum van Oudheden te Leiden = Nuntii ex Museo Antiquario Leidensi 68

(1988): 99 [97–111]; translation by Allan Cameron in Giusto Traina, 428 AD,

an Ordinary Year at the End of the Roman Empire (Princeton: Princeton

University Press, 2009), p. 101.

40. Mark Bradley, Colour and Meaning in Ancient Rome (Cambridge: Cambridge

University Press, 2009), pp. 189–211.

41. The “Gallican Liturgy” associated with Merovingian Gaul speaks of such

liturgical cloths. The only purported ordines for this service appear in two

letters attributed to a Germanus, presumably the bishop of Paris 555–576

(dates in Oxford Dictionary of Christianity , s.v. “Germanus”). Klaus Gamber

has edited and published them as Ordo Antiquus Gallicanus: Der gallikanische

Me ß ritus des 6. Jahrhunderts (Regensburg: F. Pustet, 1965). While the date

of the texts and their evidentiary value are hotly contested and the let-

ters likely present major divergences from sixth/seventh-century liturgical

practice in Gaul, they cannot be completely discounted as evidence for

the Merovingian liturgy. For a discussion of the sources and bibliography,

see Cyril Vogel, Medieval Liturgy, An Introduction to the Sources , translated and

revised by William G. Storey, Niels Krogh Rasmussen, and John K. Brooks-

Leonard (Washington DC: The Pastoral Press, 1981), pp. 107–108 and

275–278.

42. Pseudo-Dionysius, La Hiérarchie céleste 7.3 =209 A-C, edition, transla-

tion, and introduction by R. Roques, G. Heil, and M. de Gandillac, SC

58 (Paris: É ditions du Cerf, 1958), pp. 113–115. English translation in

Pseudo-Dionysius: The Complete Works , translated by Colm Luibheid, prefa-

tory remarks by J. Pelikan, J. Leclercq, and K. Froehlich (New York: Paulist

Press, 1987), pp. 164–165. For further criticism, consult Andrew Louth,

Denys the Areopagite (London: G. Chapman, 1989), pp. 33–51, for the angelic

choirs; William Riordan, Divine Light: The Theology of Denys the Areopagite

(San Francisco: Ignatius Press, 2008); Paul Rorem, Pseudo-Dionysius: A

Commentary on the Texts and an Introduction to their Influence (Oxford: Oxford

University Press, 1993); S. Gersh, From Iamblichus to Eriugena (Leiden: Brill,

1978).

43. Arnold, “Arcadia becomes Jerusalem,” in particular, pp. 581–588.

N OT E S 177

44. “Iscrizioni murali,” no. 128, edition and commentary by C. Carletti, in Il

santuario di S. Michele sul Gargano dal VI al IX secolo: contributo alla storia della

Longobardia meridionale , edited by Carlo Carletti and Giorgio Otranto (Bari:

Edipuglia, 1980), p. 125. Nicholas Everett discusses the graffiti within the

broad context of literacy, Literacy in Lombard Italy, 568–774 (Cambridge:

Cambridge University Press, 2011), pp. 265–274.

45. Armando Petrucci, “Origine e diffusione del culto di San Michele

nell’Italia medievale,” in Mill é naire monastique du Mont Saint-Michel 3 (Paris:

P. Lethielleux, 1993 reprint [1966]), pp. 340–343.

46. R. Janin discusses the church: “Les sanctuaires byzantins de Saint Michel,”

Échos d’orient 33 (1934): 31 [28–52]. David H. Wright addresses the coin-

age: “Justinian and an Archangel,” Studien zur Sp ä tantiken und Byzantinischen

Kunst (Bonn, 1986), p. 77 [75–79].

47. British Museum IV, n. 1. See the description in W. F. Volbach, Elfenbeinarbeiten

der Sp ä tantike und des fr ü hen Mittelalters (Mainz: Philipp von Zabern, 1976),

pp. 78–79, and photograph, table 59. Wright, “Justinian and an Archangel,”

pp. 75–79, also provides a detailed description and bibliography.

48. Wright, “Justinian and an Archangel,” p. 76, cites O. M. Dalton’s long-

accepted translation found in Catalogue of the Ivory Carvings of the Christian

Era (1909), n. 11, pp. 9–11, while suggesting the alternative reading and its

plausible connection to Justinian’s accession.

49. Procopius, Buildings I.viii.6–14, in Procopius 7, translated by Henry Bronson

Dewing and Glanville Downey, LCL (Cambridge: Harvard University Press,

1961), pp. 70–73. Janin identifies this with Constantine’s structure at Hestiae,

“Les Sanctuaires byzantins,” pp. 37–40.

50. Procopius, Buildings , V.iii.16–20, in Procopius 7, pp. 328–331.

51. For the complete conciliar pronouncement, see Davis, The First Seven

Ecumenical Councils (325–787): Their History and Theology (Collegeville,

MN: Liturgical Press, 1983), p. 186 and pp. 170–206 for a discussion of the

Council of Chalcedon and bibliography.

52. W. H. C. Frend, The Rise of the Monophysite Movement (Cambridge: Cambridge

University Press, 2008); John Meyendorff, Christ in Eastern Christian Thought

(Crestwood, NY: St. Vladimir’s Seminary Press, 1987), pp. 29–46; and

Byzantine Theology (New York: Fordham University Press, 1979), pp. 19–31.

53. J. F. Haldon summarizes the theocratic ideology of “unity in orthodoxy,”

Byzantium in the Seventh Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,

1990), pp. 281–286.

54. Rohland, Der Erzengel Michael Arzt und Feldherr: Zwei Aspekte des vor- und

fr ü hbyzantishen Michaelskultes (Leiden: Brill, 1977), pp. 121–124; Warren

Treadgold, A History of the Byzantine State and Society (Stanford: Stanford

University Press, 1997), pp. 171–173. Glenn Peers, “The Sosthenion near

Constantinople; John Malalas and Ancient Art,” Byzantion 68 (1998):

110–120.

55. Janin, “Les Sanctuaires byzantins,” p. 32.

56. For Theoderic and his policies, see Moorhead, Theoderic in Italy , particu-

larly pp. 66–113. Patrick Amory draws on Moorhead for his assessment

N OT E S178

of Roman and Ostrogothic identity, People and Identity in Ostrogothic Italy,

489–554 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), pp. 43–85. Walter

Pohl provides an overview of the problems of identity in late-antique Italy

and its implications for the entire concept of “barbarian” Europe, “Invasions

and Ethnic Identity,” in Italy in the Early Middle Ages , edited by Cristina La

Rocca (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), pp. 11–33.

57. John W. Barker, Justinian and the Later Roman Empire (Madison: University of

Wisconsin, 1966), pp. 97–112; Moorhead, Justinian , pp. 116–122.

58. Amory, People and identity , pp. 149–194, passim.

59. Procopius, Wars , III.ii.1–5, in Procopius 2, translated by Henry Bronson

Dewing and Glanville Downey, LCL (Cambridge: Harvard University

Press, 1961), pp. 8–11. For the classical ethnography of the barbarian and

Procopius’s use of it, see Amory, People and Identity , pp. 1–42, 141–143; Averil

Cameron addresses the archaizing ethos of Procopius’s work and the role of

the “barbarian” in its construction: Procopius and the Sixth Century (London:

Routledge, 1996), pp. 33–48, 239–242.

60. Procopius, Wars V.viii.22–V.x.45, in Procopius 3, pp. 74–107; Torsten Jacobson,

The Gothic War (Yardley, PA: Westholme Publishing, 2009), pp. 89–91; Amory,

People and Identity , pp. 172–173.

61. Procopius , Wars , V.xiv–xxv, in Procopius 3, pp. 140–207; Jacobson, Gothic War ,

pp. 92–98; Amory, People and Identity , pp. 173–175.

62. Procopius, Wars V.xxv–xxix, in Procopius 3, pp. 247–285; The Book of Pontiffs

(Liber Pontificalis) 60–61, translated with an introduction by Raymond Davis

(Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 1989), pp. 53–59; Jacobson, Gothic War ,

pp. 99–137; Moorhead, Justinian , pp. 79–83; Barker, Justinian , pp. 153–155;

Antoine Chavasse, “Messes du Pape Vigile (537–555) dans le Sacramentaire

L é onien,” Ephemerides Liturgicae 64 (1950): 170–176 [161–213].

63. Peter Llewellyn, Rome in the Dark Ages (New York: Dorsett Press, 1993),

pp. 64–67; Chavasse, “Messes du Pape Vigile,” 170–176.

64. Jacques Dubois, Les martyrologes du moyen âge latin (Turnhout: Brepols, 1978),

p. 18. The earliest list of Roman liturgical festivals, the Depositio martyrum in

the Chronographus of 354 does not mention it: Chronographus anni CCCLIIII ,

MGH AA 9, edited by Theodore Mommsen (Berlin: Weidmann, 1892),

pp. 71–72. Richard Krautheimer knows only one ancient Roman church

with a possible connection to Michael, that of S. Angelo in Pescheria,

which he dates to 755: Corpus Basilicarum Christianarum Romae (IV–IX C.) ,

Monumenti di antichità cristiana II (Vatican City: Pontificio istituto di

archeologia cristiana, 1937), pp. 64–74.

65. The Martyrology is published in AASS, November 2.1. For the composition

of the text and its manuscript history, see Dubois , Les martyrologes du moyen

âge latin , pp. 29–36.

66. Dubois, Les martyrologes du moyen âge latin , pp. 30–31; J. P. Kirsch, Der

Stadtr ö mische christliche Festkalender im Altertum , Liturgiegeschichtliche

Quellen 7/8 (M ü nster im Westfallen: Aschendorff, 1924), pp. 178–179.

67. Chavasse, “Messes du Pape Vigile,” pp. 194–201.

68. The Book of the Pontiffs (Liber Pontificalis) , 53.

N OT E S 179

69. Chavasse, “Messes du Pape Vigile,” pp. 161–213. David Michael Hope reprises

and accepts Chavasse’s arguments, The Leonine Sacramentary—A Reassessment

of Its Nature and Purpose (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1971), pp. 78–90.

70 . Sacramentarium veronense , edited by Leo Eizenhofer and Leo Cunibert

Mohlberg, RED, Series Maior, Fontes I (Rome: Herder, 1956).

71. Leo, p. 106. Kirsch, Der Stadtr ö mische christliche Festkalender im Altertum ,

pp. 178–179; E. Bourque, É tude sur les sacramentaires romains. Première partie ,

Studi di antichit à cristiana 20 (Rome: Pontificio istituto di archeologia cris-

tiana, 1948), p. 128.

72. Leo 846, p. 106. Chavasse points to numerous correlations among the mass

texts and unfolding events of the siege (Chavasse, “Messes du Pape Vigile,”

pp. 183–201), including the prayer over the people from the third Michael

mass: “Defend your people prostrate before you and with all your heart

guard them from the enemy” (p. 201).

73. Germain Morin dates this list of Roman lections to at least the early seventh

century, “Le plus ancien comes ou lectionnaire de l’Église romaine,” Revue

B é n é dictine 27 (1910): 62–63 [41–74].

74. Leo 844, p. 106.

75. Leo 850, p. 107.

76. Leo 848 and 852, pp. 107.

77. Germain Morin, “Liturgie et basiliques de Rome au milieu du VII si è cle

d’après les listes d’évangiles de W ü rzburg,” Revue B é n é dictine 28 (1911):

316 [296–330].

78. Peter Heather and John Matthews provide the Gothic original and a trans-

lation, The Goths in the Fourth Century (Liverpool: Liverpool University

Press, 1991), pp. 128–130; also, Klaus Gamber, Die Liturgie der Goten und der

Armenier (Regensburg: Friedrich Pustet, 1988), pp. 10–14.

79. Siegheld M ü ller-Riehle, Missale Beneventanum von Canosa , Textus Patristici

et Liturgici 9 (Regensburg: Friedrich Pustet, 1972), p. 45.

80. Deborah Mauskopf Deliyannis, Ravenna in Late Antiquity (Cambridge:

Cambridge University Press, 2010), pp. 152–160, for a discussion of possible

interpretations of the Christological cycle of mosaics.

81. Ibid., pp. 158–160.

82. Jacobson narrates the campaign for Ravenna and its surrender ( Gothic War ,

pp. 151–191); Otto G. von Simson details the building program and politi-

cal context (including San Apollinare in Classe), along with biographical

information on Maximian and Julius Argentarius, Sacred Fortress, Byzantine

Art and Statecraft in Ravenna (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1987),

pp. 1–22 and 40–62; Mario Mazzotti recounts the construction history of

San Apollinare in Classe, La Basilica di Sant’Apollinare in Classe (Vatican City:

Pontificio istituto di archeologia cristiana, 1954), with a discussion of the

mosaics (pp. 162–188) and the archangels (pp. 168–170). Reiner S ö rries,

Die Bilder der Orthodoxen im Kampf gegen den Arianismus (Frankfurt am Main:

Peter Lang, 1983), attributes an anti-Arian inspiration to most of the sixth-

century churches of Ravenna, as well as to the mosaic of Michael in San

Apollinare in Classe (pp. 223–225), an interpretation generally rejected by

N OT E S180

Deliyannis ( Ravenna , pp. 259–274). Angelika Michael, Das Apsismosaik von

S. Apollinare in Classe (Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 2005) sees the art

as an affirmation of Orthodoxy, even without overt anti-Arianism, as does

Luise Abramowski, “Die Mosaiken von S. Vitale und S. Apollinare in Classe

und die Kirchenpolitik Kaiser Justinians,” Zeitschrift f ü r antikes Christentum 5

(2001), pp. 289–341.

83. Dieter Heidtmann, Die Engel: Grenzgestalten Gottes. Ü ber Notwendigkeit

und M ö glichkeit der christlichen Rede von den Engeln (Neukirchen-Vluyn:

Neukirchener Verlag, 1999), particularly pp. 195–208.

84. See Deliyannis for a discussion, description, and bibliography of the apse

mosaics and those of the triumphal arch at Classe ( Ravenna , pp. 265–270)

and also for Justinian’s depiction at San Vitale and the hierarchical implica-

tions of the clothing (pp. 236–243). Kathryn M. Ringrose speaks to the

distinctions of hierarchy and space as indicated by courtly clothing and

regalia, including the wearing of purple cloaks by palace eunuchs, in The

Perfect Servant—Eunuchs and the Social Construction of Gender in Byzantium

(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2003), pp. 175–177, and 142–183

more generally. Angelika Michael addresses the hierarchical and liturgical

dimensions of the Transfiguration mosaic at Classe and its positioning with

respect to that of St. Apollinaris. Her ideas prove useful for a reading of the

Michael image, Das Apsismosaik , pp. 63–90, 129–188.

85. Cyril Mango suggests the analogy with the praepositus : Byzantium: The

Empire of New Rome (New York: Scribner, 1980), pp. 154–155. Ringrose

explores and develops the commonalities among court eunuchs and angels

( The Perfect Servant , pp. 142–183).

86. For the Theopaschite formulation, see J. A. McGukin, “The Theopaschite

Confession,” The Journal of Ecclesiastical History 35 (1984): 239–255; for

Justinian’s involvement, see Moorhead, Justinian , pp. 125–127. Kenneth P.

Wesche translates Justinian’s theological writings: On the Person of Christ,

The Christology of Emperor Justinian (Crestwood, NY: St. Vladimir’s Seminary

Press, 1991). Angelika Michael analyzes the liturgical and theological roles

of the archangels at Classe with regard for doctrinal considerations ( Das

Apsismosaik , pp. 189–212).

87. Liber 6.

88. Romanos Melodos, “On the Nativity I” (O. 1, K. 1), Kontakia of Romanos,

Byzantine Melodist , translated by Marjorie Carpenter, vol. 1 (Columbia:

University of Missouri Press, 1970–72), p. 1.

89. Trotta, “Il luoghi del <<Liber de apparitione>>, pp. 130–133; Trotta and

Renzulli, “La grotta garganica,” pp. 429–31.

90. Carletti, “Iscrizoni murali,” no. 52, p. 69; Giorgio Otranto, “Il ‘Liber de appa-

ritione,’” pp. 228–229.

91. Procopius, Wars , VII.xxii.221–24. Armando Petrucci maintains a connection

with the Gothic War, “Aspetti del culto e del pellegrinaggio di S. Michele

Arcangelo sul Monte Gargano,” Pellegrinaggi e culto dei santi in Europa fino alla

I crociata (Todi: Presso l’accademia tudertina, 1963), pp. 151–152.

92. Procopius, Wars V.xv.3, in Procopius 3, pp. 148–149.

N OT E S 181

93. Martin, Pouille , pp. 138–140; Laurent Feller, “L’économie des territoires

de Spol è te et de B é n é vent du Vie au Xe si è cle,” in I longobardi dei ducati

di Spoleto e Benevento: atti del XVI Congresso internazionale di studi sull’alto

Medioevo (Spoleto: Centro Italiano di Studi sull’Alto Medioevo, 2003),

pp. 214–217 [pp. 205–242].

94. For the church and its mosaics, see Marco Fabbri, “La basilica paleocris-

tiana,” and Roberta Giuliani, “I mosaici del complesso archeologico di

Santa Maria di Siponto,” in Siponto Antica , pp. 179–187 and 197–223; also

R. Morena Cassano, “Mosaici paleocristiani di Puglia,” M é langes de l’École

fran ç aise de Rome 88 (1976): 280–293.

95. Claudia Barsanti discusses the plutei with bibliography, “Una breve nota

sui plutei di Siponto, Monte Sant’Angelo e Benevento,” in Siponto Antica ,

pp. 224–229.

96. Bertelli et al., “Sulle tracce dei Longobardi in Puglia,” pp. 349–350; also

S ö rries, Bilder , p. 234.

97. See the various essays in Plague and the End of Antiquity, the Pandemic of

541–750 , edited by Lester K. Little (Cambridge: Cambridge University

Press, 2007), particularly Peter Sarris, “Bubonic Plague in Byzantium: the

Evidence of Non-Literary Sources,” pp. 119–134.

98. Jacobus de Voragine, The Golden Legend , translated by W. G. Ryan

(Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995), pp. 202–203; For Barontius,

AASS, September 8.71.

99. Deliyannis suggests the connection between San Michele Africisco and

plague ( Ravenna , pp. 250–254). She presents a translation of its foundation

inscription while analyzing the architecture and decoration of the now

largely destroyed church. The mosaics of the apse and triumphal arch exist

only as restorations based on earlier drawings and a nineteenth-century

reproduction.

100. S ö rries, Bilder , pp. 233–234.

101. Martin, Pouille , p. 147.

102. Vita de St. Artellaide Virgine Beneventi in Italia 5, AASS, March I.264.

103. Introductory overviews of the Lombard settlement with bibliogra-

phies include Neil Christie, The Lombards (Oxford: Blackwell, 1998),

pp. 69–91, Chris Wickham, Early Medieval Italy (Ann Arbor: University

of Michigan Press, 1989), pp. 28–47; and Everett, Literacy in Lombard

Italy , pp. 54–99.

104. Stefano Gasparri, I Duchi Longobardi (Rome: Istituto storico italiano per il

medio evo, 1978), speaks to the foundations of the various duchies; Marcello

Rotili specifically addresses the Duchy of Benevento, “Benevento e il suo

territorio: persistenze e trasformazioni,” I longobardi dei ducati di Spoleto e

Benevento , pp. 827–879.

105. For example, Eberhard Gothein, Die Kulturentwicklung S ü d–Italiens in

Einzeldarstellungen (Breslau: Wilhelm Koebner, 1886), pp. 76–97, who

salutes Michael as a “Volksheiliger der Langobarden.” Giorgio Otranto

repeated the mantra as late as 1988: “Per una metodologia della ricerca

storico-agiografica,” p. 385.

N OT E S182

106. Wickham charts the trajectory of urban decay and change in early medi-

eval Italy, Framing the Early Middle Ages, Europe and the Mediterranean 400–

800 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005), pp. 644–656.

107. Everett, Literacy in Lombard Italy , p. 65. For Lombard paganism, see Steven

C. Fanning, “Lombard Arianism Reconsidered,” Speculum 56 (1981):

241–258, although much of his evidence derives from papal rhetoric and

the vita of St. Barbatus of Benevento. Gian Piero Bognetti, who stressed

Lombard Arianism, spoke of phases of conversion, seeing the entire ethnic

group to move from Catholicism to Arianism and back again, “S. Maria

Foris Portas di Castelseprio e la storia religiosa dei Longobardi,” Santa

Maria di Castelseprio (Milan: Fondazione Treccani degli Alfieri per la storia

di Milano, 1948), pp. 33–34; Bognetti emphasized the Archangel’s role in

the downfall of Arianism, but had to acknowledge Michael’s ambiguity

and appeal to all, “I <Loca Sanctorum> e la storia della Chiesa nel regno

dei Longobardi,” L’Et à longobarda 3 (Milan: Giufr é , 1967), pp. 334–335.

108. Everett lays out the most recent view of the Lombard occupation, their

Romanization, and their religious persuasion ( Lombard Literacy , pp. 54–99).

T. S. Brown explores the Byzantine perspective, Gentlemen and Officers,

Imperial Administration and Aristocratic Power in Byzantine Italy A. D. 554–

800 (Rome: British School at Rome, 1984), particularly pp. 39–60. Also,

Stefano Palmieri, “Duchi, principi e vescovi nella Longobardia meridion-

ale,” in Longobardia e longobardi nell’Italia meridionale, le istituzioni ecclesiastiche ,

edited by Giancarlo Andenna and Giorgio Picasso (Milan: Vita e pensiero,

1996), pp. 43–99.

109. Otranto, “Il santuario micaelico dei Gargano,” p. 387.

110. Paul the Deacon, HL V.6–10, MGH SRL, p. 146–149.

111. Carletti, “Iscrizioni murali,” no. 44, pp. 64–65. For a photograph, see Il

Santuario di S. Michele Arcangelo sul Gargano dalle origini al X secolo , edited

by Giorgio Otranto and Carlo Carletti, Scavi e ricerche 4 (Bari: Edipuglia,

1990), pl. 35, p. 96. Otranto interprets the text to refer to Grimoald and

Romuald I, “Il Regnum longobardo e il santuario micaelico del Gargano:

note di epigrafia e storia,” Vetera Christianorum 22 (1985): 170–173.

112. Carletti, “Iscrizioni murali,” p. 65. Flavia de Rubeis, “La tradizione epigra-

fica longobarda nei ducati di Spoleto e Benevento,”in I longobardi dei ducati

di Spoleto e Benevento , pp. 486–490; also Everett, Literacy in Lombard Italy ,

p. 269.

113. Carletti, “Iscrizioni murali,” no. 82, p. 90; Carletti, “Iscrizioni,” in Culte

et p è lerinage , p. 93, and <<Gargania rupes venerabilis antre>>, Monteluco

e monti sacri (Spoleto: Centro italiano di studi sull’alto medioevo, 1994),

pp. 66–67; Otranto, “Il santuario di san Michele sul gargano,” pp. 227–228.

See as well Everett, Literacy in Lombard Italy , pp. 240–241, for a discussion

of epigraphical “frontality.”

114. Carletti, “Iscrizioni murali,” p. 90; Otranto and Carletti provide pho-

tographs, Il Santuario di S. Michele Arcangelo sul Gargano , plates. 32–33,

pp. 92–93.

115. Carletti, “Iscrizioni murali,” pp. 90–91.

N OT E S 183

116. Ibid., pp. 88–89; de Rubeis, “La tradizione epigrafica longobarda,”

pp. 492–493. Gaidemar’s work compares well with two inscriptions from

eighth/ninth c. Siponto found in the Curia Arcivescovale di Manfredonia:

Cristianziano Serricchio, “Due iscrizioni altomedievali,” Siponto Antica ,

pp. 275–279.

117. Carletti, “Iscrizioni murali,” no. 81, p. 88, and p. 20 for the phrasing.

118. Trotta, “Il luoghi del <<Liber de apparitione>>, pp. 144–149.

119. Renzulli, “La costruzione dell’ingresso monumentale,” in Culto e insedia-

menti , pp. 167–172.

120. Everett, “Hagiography of Dispossession,” p. 381.

121. M ü ller-Riehle, Missale Beneventanum von Canosa , dates on pp. 37, 43, 45;

propers for the September 29 festival, pp. 149–150.

122. De festis praecipuis item de virtutibus 32, PL 110.60. Everett, “Hagiography

of Dispossession,” p. 365, f. 8, discusses the background and manuscript

information.

123. Everett posits this argument as the motivation for the actual composition

of one and only one version of the Liber, which he places in the mid-

eighth century, “Hagiography of dispossession.”

124. Carletti, “Iscrizioni murali,” no. 58, p. 73; no. 71, p. 80; n. 87, p. 93; n. 88,

p. 93; n. 101, p. 106.

125. Ibid., no. 61, p. 75; no. 62, p. 75; no. 83, p. 91; no. 8, p. 39; no. 10, p. 41.

126. Ibid., no. 58, p. 72.

127. R. Derolez and U. Schwab, “The Runic Inscriptions of Monte S. Angelo

(Gargano),” Academiae Analecta 45 (1983): 95–130.

128. Otranto, “Il santuario di San Michele sul Gargano,” p. 230.

129. Paul the Deacon, HL V.3, p. 145. Bognetti attributes the construction of

this church to Grimoald, Santa Maria di Castelseprio , p. 344.

130. As Donald A. Bullough suggests, along with other such possibilities as S.

Michele Maggiore or an oratory within a tower in the west city wall

“south of the Porta Maria, which before 839 had been annexed to the

monastery of S. Maria Teodota,” “Urban Change in Early Medieval Italy:

The Example of Pavia,” Papers of the British School at Rome 34 (1966): 125–

126 [82–130], for a list of Michaeline dedications and p. 89 for a brief

discussion of the turris ubi est oratorium in honore sancti Archangeli Michaelis .

For Lombard relationships with cities and bibliography, see Cristina La

Rocca, “Public Buildings and Urban Change in Northern Italy in the

Early Mediaeval Period,” in The City in Late Antiquity , edited by John Rich

(London: Routledge, 1996), pp. 161–180.

131. Paul the Deacon, HL V.33, p. 155.

132. Paul the Deacon, HL V.41, p 161.

133. Philip Grierson and Mark Blackburn, Medieval European Coinage , vol. 1

(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), pl. 16, p. 64; also Giorgio

Otranto and Carlo Carletti, Il Santuario di S. Michele Arcangelo sul Gargano

dalle origini al X secolo, pl. 19, p. 46.

134. Mark Blackburn, “Money and Coinage,” in The New Cambridge Medieval

History , vol. 1 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006), p. 666.

N OT E S184

135. E. Bernareggi, Il sistema economico e la monetazione dei Longobardi nell’Italia

superiore (Milan: Mario Ratto, 1960), p. 76. See Medieval European Coinage ,

p. 432, pl. 8, for Ostrogothic pseudoimperial issues with Victory reverses,

particularly Figure 122. The copy retained the bust and name of Justinian

on the obverse. The winged victory stands left and holds a cross.

5 Michael Goes North

1. Revelatio ecclesiae sancti Michaelis archangeli in Monte qui dicitur Tumba V, edited

by Pierre Bouet and Olivier Desbordes, Chroniques latines du Mont

Saint-Michel (IXe–XIIe si è cle) 1 (Caen: Presses universitaires de Caen,

2009), pp. 98–99. All Latin citations are from Bouet’s edition. Mabillon’s

edition is published as Apparitio de Sancti Michaelis in Monte Tumba , AASS,

September 8.76–79, which John Charles Arnold translates into English:

“The ‘Revelatio Ecclesiae de Sancti Michaelis’ and the Mediterranean

Origins of Mont St.-Michel,” The Heroic Age 10 (May 2007), http://www.

mun.ca/mst/heroicage/issues/10/arnold.html . All English citations are

from that publication. For the relics, see Fran ç ois Neveux, “Les reliques

du Mont-Saint-Michel,” in Culte et p è lerinages à Saint Michel en occident, les

trois monts d é di é s à l’Archange , edited by Pierre Bouet, Giorgio Otranto, and

Andr é Vauchez (Rome: É cole fran ç aise de Rome, 2003), pp. 245–269. Also,

Jacques Dubois, “Le tr é sor des reliques de l’abbaye du Mont Saint–Michel,”

Mill é naire monastique , vol. 1, pp. 501–593.

2. Bernardus monachus francus, Itinerarium 18, PL 121.574.

3. Revelatio V.

4. Walter Goffart addresses the historiographical issues surrounding this

“transformation” model as opposed to that of “decline and fall,” Barbarian

Tides (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2006), as does

James J. O’Donnell, Bryn Mawr Classical Review 2005.07.69, http://

bmcr.brynmawr.edu/2005/2005-07-69.html (accessed July 24, 2012).

O’Donnell reviews Peter Heather’s The Fall of the Roman Empire: A

New History (London: Pan MacMillan, 2005), and Bryan Ward-Perkins’s

The Fall of Rome and the End of Civilization (Oxford: Oxford University

Press, 2005), both of which tend toward the “decline and fall” model.

Paul Halsall makes the case for “transformation,” in Barbarian Migrations

and the Roman West 376–568 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,

2007) as does Chris Wickham, Framing the Early Middle Ages, Europe and

the Mediterranean 400–800 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005). For

the Frankish settlement, see Edward James, The Franks (Oxford: Oxford

University Press, 1988), and Ian Wood, The Merovingian Kingdoms (London:

Longman, 1994), who includes as well a brief discussion of the Burgundian

settlement (pp. 8–13). Justin Favrod presents an expansive analysis of the

Burgundian foundation, Histoire politique du royaume Burgonde (443–534) ,

Biblioth è que historique vaudoise 113 (Lausanne: Biblioth è que historique

vaudoise, 1997). Walter Goffart adduces a possible technical and legal

N OT E S 185

context for settlement, Barbarians and Romans, 418–584: The Techniques of

Accomodation (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1980), pp. 127–161.

5. Favrod, Histoire politique , pp. 363–373; Wood, Merovingian Kingdoms ,

pp. 71–87.

6. For Clovis, W. M. Daly reviews the historiography, “Clovis, How Barbaric,

How Pagan?” Speculum 69 (1994): 619–664; James, Franks , pp. 78 ff.; Wood,

Merovingian Kingdoms , pp. 41–49; Halsall, Barbarian Migrations , pp. 303–310.

7. Yitzhak Hen, Culture and Religion in Merovingian Gaul, AD 481–751 (Leiden:

Brill, 1995), presents the most forceful argument for this swift and thorough

Christianization of Gaul, especially pp. 154–206. Hen’s “maximalist” posi-

tion conflicts with recent analyses of the exceptionally slow Christianization

of Hispania as discerned in the archeological record: Michael Kulikowski,

Late Roman Spain and Its Cities (Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press,

2010), pp. 215–255. James sees a lengthier process for Gaul ( Franks , pp. 121–

128). Wickham ( Framing ) and Halsall ( Barbarian Migrations ) both insist on

regional variations as a basic analytical principle for the early medieval

West. Felice Lifshitz concurs with Hen’s suggestion that shifting perceptions

as to “proper” Christianity led to eighth-century characterizations of the

Merovingian Church as lax, “pagan,” and “barbaric”: The Norman Conquest

of Pious Neustria (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 1995),

pp. 1–17.

8. Hen, Culture and Religion in Merovingian Gaul . For the coin hoards, refer

to Aline Rousselle, Croire et guérir. La Foi en Gaule dans l’Antiquit é tardive

(Paris: Fayard, 1990), pp. 31–64. For the socioeconomic context, see Halsall,

Barbarian Migrations , pp. 81–86, 346–357; Wickham, Framing , pp. 168–203.

9. Rousselle, Croire et gu é rir , pp. 65–96.

10. See S. Deyts, “Nouvelles figurations anatomiques en bois des sources de la

Seine,” Revue arch é ologique de l’Est 20 (1969), pp. 235–245, and the discus-

sions of T. G. E. Powell, The Celts (New York: Thames and Hudson, 1983),

pp. 166–179. Also É mile Thévenot, Divinit é s et sanctuaires de la Gaule (Paris:

A. Fayard, 1968), pp. 200–221.

11. Roy Kotansky, “Two Amulets against Hailstorm,” text A:9–10, Greek Magical

Amulets, Part 1 , Papyrologica Coloniensia 22 (Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag,

1994), pp. 46–53.

12. For an amulet from the Cairene market, refer to London Hay 10122, a

generic gynecological spell dating from the mid-seventh century incorpo-

rating drawn figures, ring letters, signs, and at least fifteen legible angelic

names. It comprised part of an archive of five amulets written by the

same scribe, all for generic clients, and surely offered to the public on the

thriving amulet market operating within Old Cairo: W. E. Crum, “Magical

Texts in Coptic—II,” Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 20 (1934): 197–200,

translated by D. Frankfurter, Ancient Christian Magic , p. 17. Skemer briefly

discusses Cairene amulets, the Geniza depository, and Byzantine amulet

production in Binding Words, pp. 27–29. St. Boniface addressed the issue

of a Roman amulet market, St. Bonifatii et Lulli Epistolae 50, edited by

N OT E S186

M. Tangl, MGH Ep. Sel. I, pp. 84–85 with translation by E. Emerton,

The Letters of Saint Boniface (New York: Columbia University Press, 2000),

pp. 59–60.

13. For text, date, and commentary, see R. S. O. Tomlinson, “‘ Sede in tuo loco ’: A

fourth-century Uterine Phylactery in Latin from Roman Britain,” Zeitschrift

f ü r Papyrologie und Epigraphik 15 (1997): 291–294. Mention of Greek and

Aramaic versions by M. W. C. Hassall and R. S. O. Tomlinson, “Roman Britain

in 1995,” Britannia 27 (1996): 444, f. 24. For other British examples, see

Kotansky, Greek Magical Amulets: The Inscribed Gold, Silver, Copper, and Bronze

“Lamellae .” Part 1 . Papyrologica Coloniensia 22 (Opladen: Westdeutscher

Verlag, 1994), pp. 13–15.

14. For a compendium of Romano-British defixiones , refer to the website

“Curse Tablets of Roman Britain,” http://curses.csad.ox.ac.uk/index.shtml

and its bibliography, http://curses.csad.ox.ac.uk/tablets/bibliography.shtml

(accessed July 23, 2012). For the dossier from Bath, see Barry Cunliffe, The

Temple of Sulis Minerva at Bath. Vol 2. The Finds from the Sacred Spring (Oxford:

Oxford University Committee for Archaeology, 1988).

15. Caesarius of Arles, Sermo L.1–3, edited by Germain Morin, CCSL 103

(Turnholt: Brepols, 1953), p. 225–226.

16. Caesarius of Arles, Sermo LIV.1, ibid., pp. 235–236.

17. Ibid., LIV.5, p. 239 and LIII, pp. 233–235.

18. Ibid., LII.5, p. 232.

19. Ibid., CXCII.4, CCSL 104, p. 782.

20. Hen uses the sermons of Caesarius as evidence for an absence of a pagan

sensibility during the later fifth and sixth centuries ( Culture and Religion

in Merovingian Gaul , p. 171), but for a more moderate view, see William

E. Klingshirn, Caesarius of Arles, the Making of a Christian Community

in Late Antique Gaul (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994),

pp. 201–243.

21. Sinodus Antissiodorensis 3, Concilia Galliae , edited by Charles Munier and

Charles de Clercq CCSL 148 (Turnholt: Brepols, 1963), p. 163. Also, Hen,

Culture and Religion in Merovingian Gaul , pp. 184–185.

22. Rouselle, Croire et gu é rir , pp. 171–208. Also, Raymond Van Dam, Saints

and Their Miracles in Late Antique Gaul (Princeton: Princeton University

Press, 1993); and Leadership and Community in Late Antique Gaul (Berkeley:

University of California Press, 1992), especially pp. 115–300; Sulpicius

Severus, Vie de Saint Martin , introduction, edition, translation, and commen-

tary by Jacques Fontaine, SC 133–135 (Paris: É ditions du Cerf, 1967–69),

English translation by F. R. Hoare, The Western Fathers (New York: Sheed and

Ward, 1954), pp. 10–44.

23. Martin conformed much more closely to the pattern of the “desert fathers”

whose asceticism allowed them to lead the “angelic life,” as Clare Stancliffe

points out. See St. Martin and His Hagiographer (Oxford: Clarendon Press,

1983), pp. 233–248. Compare Martin with St. Antony of Egypt: Athanasius

of Alexandria, The Life of Antony and the Letter to Marcellinus , translated by

Robert C. Gregg (New York: Paulist Press, 1980), as well as the Desert

N OT E S 187

Fathers, Benedicta Ward, The Desert Christian: The Sayings of the Desert

Fathers (New York: MacMillan, 1975). Also, Derwas Chitty, The Desert a City

(Oxford: Blackwell, 1966).

24. Sulpicius Severus, VM 14.

25. Sulpicius Severus, VM 19.

26. Stancliffe, St. Martin and His Hagiographer , pp. 236–239. St. Antony delivered

a lengthy discourse on discernment among angels and demons: Athanasius,

Vita Antonii 17–33.

27. Sulpicius Severus, VM 23.

28. Gregory of Tours, DLHF VIII.15, pp. 380–383.

29. Van Dam, Saints and Their Miracles , particularly pp. 116–149.

30. Gregory of Tours, Libri de virtutibus sancti Martini episcopi II.4, edited by

Bruno Krusch, MGH SRM I.2, pp. 160–161; Sozomen, Histoire eccl é siastique

II.4.

31. Cassiodorus-Epiphanius, Historia Ecclesiastica Tripartita II.19, edited by Walter

Jacob and Rudolf Hanslik, CSEL 71 (Vienna: Hoelder-Pichler-Tempsky,

1952), p. 118. For background and bibliography, see James J. O’Donnell,

Cassiodorus (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1979), Chapter 6 ,

1995 “Postprint,” http://www9.georgetown.edu/faculty/jod/texts/cass-

book/chap6.html . Also, M. L. W. Laistner, “The Value and Influence of

Cassiodorus’ Ecclesiastical History,” in The Intellectual Heritage of the Early

Middle Ages , edited by Chester G. Starr (Ithaca: Cornell University Press,

1957), pp. 22–39.

32. Averil Cameron, “The Byzantine Sources of Gregory of Tours,” Journal of

Theological Studies 26 (1975): 421–426.

33. Gregory of Tours, Liber in Gloria Martyrum 7, edited by Bruno Krusch and

Wilhelm Levison, MGH SRM I.2, p. 43.

34. Colette Lamy-Lassalle catalogues the earliest sites and the altars, “Sanctuaires

consacr é s à Saint Michel en France des origines à la fin du ixe si è cle,”

Mill é naire monastique 3, pp. 113–126.

35. As made clear by the vita of Marcellus of Die 9.1, Fran ç ois Dolbeau, “La vie

en prose de Saint Marcel, ev ê que de Die,” Francia 11 (1983): 124 [97–130];

Favrod, Royaume burgonde , pp. 367–373.

36. Paul S. Barnwell, Emperor, Prefects, and Kings—The Roman West, 395– 565

(Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1992), pp. 82–89.

37. Only fragments of the text remain. Avitus of Vienne, Sermo XVII , “In dedi-

catione ecclesiae archangeli Michaelis,”edited by Rudolf Peiper, MGH

AA 6.2 (Berlin: Weidmann, 1883), pp. 125–126. For background and con-

text on Avitus, see Avitus of Vienne, Letters and Selected Prose , translated

with introduction and notes by Danuta Shanzer and Ian Wood (Liverpool:

Liverpool University Press, 2002), pp. 3–27. Also, Ian Wood, “The Audience

of Architecture in Post-Roman Gaul,” The Anglo-Saxon Church: Papers on

History, Architecture, and Archaeology in Honour of Dr. H. M. Taylor , edited

by L. A. S. Butler, Richard Morris, and Harold McCarter Taylor, CBA

Research Report 60 (London: Council for British Archaeology, 1986),

pp. 74–79; and A. Coville, R é cherches sur l’histoire de Lyon du V è me si è cle au

N OT E S188

IX è me si è cle (Paris: A. Picard, 1928), pp. 209–210, 465–466. Wood points

to Avitus’s appreciation of Michael’s presence (The Anglo-Saxon Church,

p. 77). Ann R. Meyer discusses the theme of Jacob’s Ladder and Michael

within the later traditional liturgy for church dedications, particularly with

regard to St. Denis: Medieval Allegory and the Building of the New Jerusalem

(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), pp. 84–87. References to

Jacob’s Ladder and Gen 28.11-12 occur in the second of two sermons for

the dedication of a church, which Albert H ö fer attributed to Caesarius of

Arles, “Zwei unbekannte Sermones des Caesarius von Arles,” Revue b é n é-

dictine 74 (1964): 49.

38. Epitaphium Caretenes religiosae reginae , MGH AA 6.2, p. 185. Gerd Kampers

provides the best overview and discussion of the epitaph, “Caretena—

K ö nigin und Asketin,” Francia 27 (2000): 1–32; Wood, “The Audience of

Architecture in Post-Roman Gaul,” The Anglo-Saxon Church , and Coville,

R é cherches sur l’histoire de Lyon , pp. 209–210, 465–466.

39. Vita Rusticolae sive Marciae abbatissae Arelatensis 8, edited by Bruno Krusch,

MGH SRM IV (Berlin: Hahn, 1892), p. 343. Jo Ann McNamara supplies

the date of her appointment in Sainted Women of the Dark Ages , edited and

translated by J. McNamara, J. Halborg, and G. Whatley (Durham, NC: Duke

University Press, 1992), p. 120. The old convent was built in the fifth cen-

tury around a baptistery dedicated to John the Baptist. The community

definitely had relocated by the early ninth century: J. Hubert, “La topog-

raphie religieuse d’Arles au VIe si è cle,” Cahiers archéologiques 2 (1947):

21–23 [17–27].

40. Andrea Schaller states as her principal thesis that the early medieval Michael

had no individual character or unique iconography, as he simply channeled

God’s powers: Der Erzengel Michael im fr ü hen Mittelalter: Ikonographie und

Verehrung eines Heiligen ohne Vita (Bern: Peter Lang, 2006), pp. 18–20.

41. McNamara, Sainted Women , pp. 60–65, provides background.

42. Gregory of Tours, DLHF VI.29, MGH SRM I.1, pp. 295–297.

43. Ibid.

44. The little story of Disciola’s passing telescoped allusions to texts that Gregory

knew well. One was an early Latin version of the Transitus Mariae of which

he made use when he recounted the Assumption of the Virgin in Glory of

the Martyrs . In Gregory’s retelling, as the apostles kept vigil around Mary’s

deathbed, “Jesus came with his angels, and receiving her soul, he handed it

to the angel Michael and then departed.” A recital of the discovery of the

True Cross by Constantine’s mother Helena immediately followed, Liber in

Gloria Martyrum , 4–5, MGH SRM I.2, p. 39.

45. Gregory of Tours, DLHF III, prologue, MGH SRM I.1, pp. 96–97; Ian

Wood, Gregory of Tours (Bangor: Headstart History, 1994), pp. 33–35.

46. Wood, Merovingian Kingdoms , pp. 43–54; James, Franks , pp. 121–160; Favrod,

Histoire politique , p. 361 ff.; Van Dam, Leadership and Community , pp. 57 ff.

47. Roger Collins, Visigothic Spain 409–711 (Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2004),

pp. 57–69; and Early Medieval Spain, Unity in Diversity 400–1000 (New York:

St. Martin’s Press, 1983), pp. 32–58.

N OT E S 189

48. Martin Heinzelmann, Gregory of Tours: History and Society in the Sixth Century ,

translated by Christopher Carroll (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,

2006), p. 126.

49. Heinzelmann understands Gregory to view the antithesis of good and evil as

the driving force of history, maintaining that Gregory constructed a model

of historical writing around paired characters and events that represented

divine power in conflict with diabolical power (ibid., pp. 101 ff.).

50. Gregory of Tours, DLHF VI.45, MGH SRM I.1, pp. 317–319. The bibli-

cal citation is taken from Lewis Thorpe’s translation of Gregory’s Histories

(London: Penguin, 1974), p. 379.

51. Heinzelmann addresses Gregory as a theologically concerned author of his-

tory ( Gregory of Tours , pp. 153–166).

52. For a discussion of the “locust and the caterpillar” in Arian exegesis, see

Hanson, The Search for the Christian Doctrine of God (Edinburgh: T & T Clark,

1997), pp. 13, 20, 35, and for its connection to Joel 2.25, p. 838.

53. Gregory of Tours, DLHF VI.45, MGH SRM I.1, pp. 317–319.

54. Actus Pontificum Cenomannis in urbe degentium 11, edited by Gustave Busson

and Ambroise Ledru, Archives historiques du Maine II (Le Mans: Soci é t é

des archives historiques du Maine, 1901), pp. 99–100.

55 . Liber in Gloria Confessorum 39, MGH SRM I.2, p. 322. English translation

by Raymond van Dam, The Glory of the Confessors (Liverpool: Liverpool

University Press, 1988), pp. 51–52.

56. A second- or third-century “love” amulet from Tunisia inscribed the image

of a sword on the reverse (evocative of the phallus), with magic signs placed

within the blade and the word ma í noito , “may she be driven mad (sexually)”

written within the handle: Kotansky, Greek Magical Amulets 62, pp. 369–373.

57. Sulpicius Severus, VM 14.3–4.

58. Origen, Selecta in Iesum Nave , PG 12.822. Here God places the Israelites

under the command of Michael following the death of Moses.

59. Giselle De Nie noted the resonances with Jesus, Views from a Many-Windowed

Tower: Studies of Imagination in the Work of Gregory of Tours (Amsterdam:

Rodopi, 1987), p. 228.

60. Liber in Gloria Confessorum 39.

61. De Nie, Views from a Many-Windowed Tower , p. 228.

62. Rousselle discusses Marcellus’s practical approach to medicine that centered

on appropriate treatment rather than theory ( Croire et gu é rir, pp. 85–88).

63. Marcellus of Bordeaux, De medicamentis liber , 36.35, edited by Maximilian

Niedermann, Corpus Medicorum Latinorum V (Leipzig/Berlin: B. G. Teubner,

1916), p. 372.

64. Ibid., 36.27, p. 371; 36.32, p. 372.

65. Ibid., 36.70, p. 379.

66. Aline Rousselle discusses the medical abilities of St. Martin who healed the

eyes of Paulinus of Nola, VM 19: “Du sanctuaire au thaumaturge: la gu é rison

en Gaul au IVe si è cle,” Annales 31 (1976): 1085–1107.

67. Testament of Solomon 6.9, edition and introduction by Chester Charlton

McCown (Leipzig: J. C. Hinrichs’sche Buchhandlung, 1922), pp. 23–24.

N OT E S190

Translated by M. Whittaker in Sparks, The Apocryphal Old Testament , pp. 733–

751. The text, which dates to the third century and apparently circulated

only in Greek, has much in common with the weltanschauung of the magic

papyri.

68. While Giselle De Nie had characterized these amulets as “magical” when

she wrote Views from a Many-Windowed Tower , p. 228, she later understood

that within the context of sixth-century Gaul, these sorts of practices were

“Christian” because they drew upon “divine” power based in Scripture.

“Pagan magic” appealed to diabolical power: “Caesarius of Arles and Gregory

of Tours: Two Sixth-Century Gallic Bishops and ‘Christian Magic,’” in Word,

Image and Experience: Dynamics of Miracle and Self–Perception in Sixth–Century

Gaul (Burlington, VT: Ashgate/Variorum, 2003), V.173–78.

69. Isabelle Moreira also notes the demonic origin and the scriptural remedy:

Dreams, Visions, and Spiritual Authority (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press,

2000), p. 84.

70. Sinodus Antissiodorensis 3, Concilia Galliae , p. 163.

71. Hubert Mordek, Kirchenrecht und Reform im Frankenreich: Die Collectio

Vetus Gallica, die ä lteste systematische Kanonessammlung des fr ä nkischen Gallien

(Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1975), pp. 1–17, 38–39. Mordek stressed that

the canons of Laodicea entered Gaul through the older Dionysia rather

than the Pseudo-Isidorian Decretals (long attributed to Isidore of Seville),

or the later Dionysia-Hadriana collection received from Pope Hadrian at

Charlemagne’s request. For the Dionysia and Pseudo-Isidorian Decretals, see

Ecclesiae Occidentalis Monumenta Iuris Antiquissima II, edited by C. H. Turner

(Oxford: Clarendon, 1907). Also, Rosamond McKitterick, “Knowledge

of Canon Law in the Frankish Kingdoms before 789; the Manuscript

Evidence,” Journal of Theological Studies 36 (1985): 97–117.

72. Mordek, Kirchenrecht und Reform im Frankenreich , p. 524: De his, qui angelos

colunt. Quod non oporteat christianos ecclesiam Dei derelinquere et ire atque angelos

nominare et congregationes facere, que interdicta noscuntur. Si quis igitur inventus

fuerit huic occulte idolatrie serviens, sit anathema, quia dereliquit Dominum nostrum

Iesum Christum, Filium Dei, et se idolatriae tradidit.

73. See Giselle De Nie’s “History and Miracle: Gregory’s Use of Metaphor”

for insight into Gregory’s understanding that language manifests its cor-

responding ideal concept: The World of Gregory of Tours , edited by Kathleen

Mitchell and Ian Wood (Leiden: Brill, 2002), pp. 261–279.

74. Das Decretum Gelasianum V.8.6, edited by Ernst von Dobsch ü tz (Leipzig:

Teubner, 1912), p. 13: Phylacteria omnia quae non angelorum, ut illi confingunt,

sed daemonum magis nominibus conscripta sunt.

75. Gregory of Tours, DLHF IX.6, MGH SRM I.1, pp. 417–418.

76. Gregory construed Desiderius as a “false prophet” and thus a forerunner of

the Antichrist: Heinzelmann, Gregory of Tours , pp. 76–87.

77. See, e.g., Michel Rouche, who insisted on an Irish origin for Mont

Saint-Michel: “Le Combat des saints anges et des demons: la victoire de

Saint Michel,” in Santi e demoni nell’alto medioevo occidentale 1, Settimane

di studio 36 (Spoleto: Centro italiano di studi sull’alto Medioevo, 1989),

N OT E S 191

pp. 544–546 [pp. 533–571]. Philippe Faure modifies this position to admit

Monte Gargano alongside the “celtic lands” as the “twin poles” for the cult’s

northern diffusion: “L’ange du haut Moyen Âge occidental (IVe–IXe si è-

cles): création ou tradition?” Médiévales 15 (1988): 39 [31–49].

78. Olga Antonovna Dobias Rozadestvenskaia, La culte de Saint Michel et le

Moyen  ge latin (Paris: A. Picard, 1922). This French version represents an

abridgment of the Russian original published in Leningrad in 1918.

79. Andrea Schaller coins the term “ irisches Gegenmodell ”: Der Erzengel

Michael , p. 16. Eberhard Gothein discusses the Germanic Michael, Die

Kulturentwicklung S ü d-Italiens , pp. 76–97; Bognetti viewed the archangel as

something of a Lombard “national” saint: “I ‘Loca Sanctorum’ e la storia

della Chiesa nel regno dei Longobardi,” pp. 334–335.

80. It has not yet disappeared, as seen with Thomas Cahill’s How the Irish Saved

Civilization (New York: Anchor Books, 1995), although that book’s con-

tents do not adhere to this position quite as rigidly as the title would sug-

gest. Felice Lifshitz uses the terms “iromania,” “irophilia,” or “insularophilia”

when clearly delineating this historiographical position, its formation, and

its purposes ( The Norman Conquest of Pious Neustria , pp. 72–99).

81. See the various articles in Columbanus and Merovingian Monasticism , edited

by H. B. Clarke and Mary Brennan, BAR International Series 113 (Oxford:

BAR, 1981) and Die Iren und Europa im fr ü heren Mittelalter , edited by Heinz

L ö we, 2 vols. (Stuttgart: Klett-Cotta, 1982). Also, Cyril Vogel, La Discipline

p é nitentielle en Gaule des origines à la fin du VII si è cle (Paris: Letouzey et An é ,

1952).

82. Recent conferences have brought together scholars of both Mont Saint-

Michel and Monte Gargano: Culte et p è lerinages à Saint Michel and Culto

e santuari . These publications reflect the impact of Europeanization on

the nationalist historiography that has framed work on this cult for many

decades.

83. Adomn á n’s Life of Columba , edited and translated by Alan Orr Anderson and

Marjorie Ogilvie Anderson (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1991).

84. Jean-Michel Picard, “Structural Patterns in Early Hiberno-Latin

Hagiography,” Peritia 4 (1985): 76–77 [67–82]. Further criticism in Kathleen

Hughes, Early Christian Ireland: Introduction to the Sources (Ithaca: Cornell

University Press, 1972), pp. 219–247; Richard Sharpe, Medieval Irish Saints’

Lives: An Introduction to “Vitae Sanctorum Hiberniae” (Oxford: Clarendon

Press, 1991).

85. Jean-Michel Picard, “The Purpose of Adomn á n’s Vita Columbae,” Peritia

1 (1982): 160–177. As to the structure and governance of the early Irish

church, Colman Etchingham provides the most recent overview. See Church

Organisation in Ireland, AD 650–1000 (Maynooth: Laigin Publications,

1999). Etchingham argues for a diversity of structures, with episcopal con-

trol coexisting with that of abbots and patrons. Richard Sharpe discusses the

historiographical issues and positions with regard to these structures, “Some

Problems Concerning the Organization of the Church in Early Medieval

Ireland,” Peritia 3 (1984): 230–270, as he critiques Kathleen Hughes’s

N OT E S192

influential view of an episcopal structure changing into an abbatial structure

as found in her The Church in Early Irish Society (Ithaca: Cornell University

Press, 1966), pp. 39–78, and “The Celtic Church: Is This a Valid Concept ? ”

Cambridge Medieval Celtic Studies I (1981): 1–20.

86. Life of Saint Columba III.9.

87. Rozhdestvenskaia, La culte , Chapter 3 , generally for her Insular/Irish thesis,

pp. 26–28, specifically for Mont Saint-Michel; p. 30 for dedications.

88. Revelatio 4.

89. Walter Horn, Jenny White Marshall, and Grellan D. Rourke, The Forgotten

Hermitage of Skellig Michael (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990),

p. 10. Edward Bourke provides a description of the site and its structures: “A

Preliminary Analysis of the Inner Enclosure of Skellig Michael, Co. Kerry,”

in Above and Beyond: Essays in Memory of Leo Swan , edited by Tom Condit

and Christiaan Corlett (Wicklow: Wordwell, 2005), pp. 121–137. Also, Liam

de Paor, “A Survey of Scelig Mhich í l,” The Journal of the Royal Society of

Antiquaries of Ireland 85 (1955): 174–187. Jean-Pierre Mouton speaks to the

evangelization of the Avranchin and Cotentin by Saints Pair and Scubillion

from Poitou: Histoire religieuse du Mont-Saint-Michel (Rennes: É ditions

Ouest-France, 2009), pp. 25–29.

90. Martyrology of Tallaght , edited by R. I. Best and Henry J. Lawlor, HBS 68

(London: Harrison and Sons, 1931). Nora Chadwick, The Age of the Saints in

the Early Celtic Church (London: Oxford University Press,1961), p 101.

91. The Forgotten Hermitage , p. 10, dates the church and correlates it with textual

evidence.

92. VM 6. Gallinaria, found off the coast of Genoa, predated not only L é rins,

the “nursery of Gallican bishops,” but also the Skellig, Iona, and Lindisfarne:

Chadwick, The Age of the Saints , p. 95.

93. Das Irische Palimpsestsakramentar im CLM 14429 der Staatsbibliothek

M ü nchen , edited by Alban Dold and Leo Eizenh ö fer, Texte und Arbeiten

53/54 (Beuron: Beuroner Kunstverlag, 1964), pp. 30–40. Also, Neil

Xavier O’Donoghue, The Eucharist in Pre-Norman Ireland (Notre Dame:

Notre Dame University Press, 2011), 77–79; and J. Autenrieth, “Irische

Handschriften ü berlieferung auf der Reichenau,” in Die Iren und Europa

im fr ü heren Mittelalter , vol. 2, edited by Heinz L ö we (Stuttgart: Klett-Cotta,

1982), pp. 903–915.

94. Das Irische Palimpsestsakramentar , pp. 80–112, for a detailed description of

the formulae and their antecedents. Antiphonary of Bangor , edited by F. E.

Warren and William Griggs, HBS, vols. 4 and 10 (London: Harrison and

Sons, 1893–95); and Michael Curran, The Antiphonary of Bangor and the Early

Irish Monastic Liturgy (Dublin: Irish Academic Press, 1984).

95. The Stowe Missal, MS D.II.3 in the Library of the Royal Irish Academy

Dublin , edited by George F. Warner, HBS 31–32 (London: Boydell Press,

1989), with the litany and the memento in vol. 32, p. 3 and p. 14. The last

bishop mentioned in the diptychs of the Stowe Missal is Maileruen, or S.

Maelruain of Tallaght, whose death in 792 provides a terminus post quem

N OT E S 193

for the mass portion of the book. O’Donoghue discusses the text and

its contents, The Eucharist in Pre-Norman Ireland , p. 62–77; Klaus Gamber,

“Irische Liturgieb ü cher und ihre Verbreitung auf dem Kontinent,” Die Iren

und Europa , vol. I, pp. 536–548, locates Stowe within the context of all Irish

liturgical manuscripts.

96. A conclusion reached as well by Jean-Michel Picard, “La diffu-

sion du culte de saint Michel en Irlande m é di é vale,” Culto e santuari ,

pp. 136–143 [pp. 133–146].

97. Martyrology of Tallaght , introductory remarks and entry on p. 75. Also Paul

Grosjean, “Le Martyrologe de Tallaght,” Analecta Bollandiana 51 (1933):

117–130.

98. Martyrology of Oengus the Culdee , edited by Whitley Stokes, HBS 29

(London: Harrison and Sons,1905), pp. xxxvii–xxxviii; Peter O’Dwyer,

C é l í D é . Spiritual Reform in Ireland, 750–900 (Dublin: Editions Tailliura,

1981), p. 142; Hughes, Sources , pp. 205–210.

99. The others being two feasts at Christmas, two at Easter, Pentecost, the

Return from Egypt, and the Presentation in the Temple, O’Dwyer, C é l í D é ,

p. 113–114; Martyrology of Oengus , p. 197.

100 . Martyrology of Oengus , p. 213.

101. Westley Follett, “Archangelum mirum magnum: a Hiberno-Latin hymn

attributed to M á el R ú ain of Tallaght,” The Journal of Medieval Latin 19

(2009): 106–129.

102. Westley Follett provides the most recent interpretation, C é li D é in Ireland,

Monastic Writing and Identity in the Early Middle Ages (Woodbridge, UK/

Rochester, NY: Boydell Press, 2006), especially p. 189 ff. Follett builds upon

the insights of Brian Lambkin, “Blathmac and the C é ili D é ; a Reappraisal,”

Celtica 23 (1999): 132–154. Lambkin challenges a Culdee rejection of

the secular world as articulated by O’Dwyer, C é l í D é , pp. 1–28. O’Dwyer

understood the desire of the C é li D é to recover the original inspiration

of the anchoritic movement, but disagreed with Kathleen Hughes’s asser-

tion that the Culdees constituted actual self-contained communities ( The

Church in Early Irish Society , pp. 173–174).

103. O’Dwyer, C é l í D é , pp. 28–30.

104. Evangeliorum Quattuor Codex Lindisfarnensis , facsimile edition by Thomas

Downing Kendrick et al., vol. 1 (Olten and Lausanne: Urs Graf, 1956–60),

pp. 34–37. Also, Michelle P. Brown, The Lindisfarne Gospels: Society, Spirituality

and the Scribe (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2003), pp. 182–185, for

the liturgical apparatus and more generally for a wealth of information on

the text and book production as well as exhaustive bibliography.

105. Bede provides the context, Ecclesiastical History of the English people , IV.1–2,

edited and translated by Bertram Colgrave and R. A. B. Mynors (Oxford:

Clarendon Press, 1969), pp. 329–337; Germain Morin indicates the actual

liturgical reading, “Liturgie et basiliques de Rome au milieu du VIIe si è cle

d’après les listes d’évangiles de W ü rzburg,” Revue B é n é dictine 28 (1911):

316 [296–330].

N OT E S194

106. Bertram Colgrave, The Life of Bishop Wilfrid by Eddius Stephanus (Cambridge:

Cambridge University Press, 1985). The identification of the author stems

from Bede, Ecclesiastical History IV.2, who speaks of an Æ ddi or Stephanus

invited from Canterbury to Northumbria by Wilfrid, although D. P. Kirby

concludes otherwise: “Bede, Eddius Stephanus and the ‘Life of Wilfrid,’”

English Historical Review 98 (1983): 101–114. Brown provides the quote,

Lindisfarne Gospels , p. 10.

107. For his early career, VW 1–6; for his connections with Aunemundus and

Luxeuil, Ian Wood, “Ripon, Francia and the Franks Casket in the Early

Middle Ages,” Northern History 26 (1990): 10–13 [1–19]. As for the Synod

of Whitby, VW 10 and Bede, HE III.25, ibid., pp. 294–309; Henry Mayr-

Harting, The Coming of Christianity to Anglo-Saxon England (State College,

PA: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1991), pp. 103–113; Brown,

Lindisfarne Gospels , 30–36.

108. J. M. Wallace-Hadrill, The Frankish Church (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1983),

pp. 110–111.

109. VW 24–33; 46–55. Wallace-Hadrill, Frankish Church , pp. 110–111; Mayr-

Harting, Coming of Christianit y, pp. 127–147.

110. Toussaints du Plessis , Histoire de l’église de Meaux , vol. 1 (Paris: Julien-

Michel Gandouin et Pierre-Fran ç ois Giffart, 1731), p. 18; Friedrich Prinz,

Fr ü hes M ö nchtum im Frankenreich (Vienna: Oldenbourg, 1965), pp. 124–126;

Genevi è ve Aliette de Rohan-Chabot, marquise de Maill é , Les Cryptes de

Jouarre (Paris: A. & J. Picard, 1971), pp. 51–52.

111. VW 56.

112. et ecce vir stetit ante me in veste candida (Acts 10.30, Vulgate). VW 56. William

Trent Foley, Images of Sanctity in Eddius Stephanus’ Life of Bishop Wilfrid,

an Early English Saint’s Life (Lewiston, NY: E. Mellen, 1992), p. 38, draws

attention to the citation, but does not fully develop the logic behind

its use.

113. VW 67; Foley, Images of Sanctit y, 38–39.

114. Foley, Images of Sanctity , pp. 13–20.

115. H. P. R. Finberg, “The Archangel Michael in Britain,” Mill é naire Monastique

3, p. 462; Elsmarie Kn ö gel-Anrich, Schriftquellen zur Kunstgeschichte der

Merowingerzeit (Hildesheim: G. Olms, 1992), p. 216, citing Richard of

Hexham, De statu et episcopis Hagustaldensis ecclesiae 3, written c. 1150.

116. Mayr-Harting, Coming of Christianity , pp. 156–159; Finberg, “The Archangel

Michael in Britain,” p. 462.

117. Owen Chadwick, “The Evidence of Dedications in the Early History of the

Welsh Church,” in Studies in Early British History (Cambridge: Cambridge

University Press, 1959), pp. 183, suggests that this current began with the

Roman missions of the early seventh century.

118. Guillaume de Saint-Pair, Le roman du Mont Saint-Michel (XIIe si è cle )

66–68, edited by Catherine Bougy (Caen: Presses universitaires de Caen

& Scriptorial—Ville d’Avranches, 2009), p. 117; Jacques Hourlier, “Le

Mont Saint-Michel avant 966,” Mill é naire monastique 1, pp. 16–18; Mouton,

Histoire religieuse du Mont-Saint-Michel , pp. 25–29.

N OT E S 195

119. Marcel Lelegard, “Saint Aubert,” Mill é naire monastique 1, pp. 29–30, and

more recently Katherine Allen Smith, “An Angel’s Power in a Bishop’s

Body: The Making of the Cult of Aubert of Avranches at Mont-Saint-

Michel,” Journal of Medieval History 29 (2003): 347–360.

120. The composition of Revelatio is dated from c. 816 to c. 867. Pierre Bouet

opts for the earlier date, “La Revelatio et les origines du culte à Saint Michel

sur le Mont Tombe,” Culte et p è lerinages , pp. 65–90, while Nicholas Simonnet

presents an equally plausible argument for the latter, “La fondation du Mont-

Saint-Michel d’apr è s la ‘Revelatio ecclesiae sancti Michaelis,’” Annales de

Bretagne et des Pays de l’Ouest 106 (1999): 7–23. For Bouet, the work origi-

nates in the aftermath of the Council of Aachen (816), which imposed the

Institutio canicorum on all cathedral and basilican communities. According to

its canon 101, all members of those communities fell under the direction

of the local bishop. The then bishop of Avranches asserted his authority by

means of this hagiographical history of the foundation. Simmonet sees its

genesis in the years 850–867 when, as the Mount began to come under

Breton domination, the bishop of Avranches used the text to support tradi-

tional Frankish claims to the region.

121. John James G. Alexander establishes the date at 708 with dedication in

709, citing the chronicle of Robert of Torigni, Norman Illumination at Mont

St.-Michel (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1970), p. 1, n. 1. Chadwick, “The

Evidence of Dedications in the Early History of the Welsh Church,” p. 184,

suggests 709, following the chronicle of Sigebert of Gembloux.

122. Wood, Merovingian Kingdoms , pp. 255–268.

123 . Annales Cambriae , edited by John Williams ab Ithel, Rerum britannicarum

medii aevi scriptores (London: Longman, Green, Longman, and Roberts,

1860), p. 9; Nennius, British History and the Welsh Annals , edited and trans-

lated by John Morris (London: Phillimore, 1980), p. 47. Kathleen Hughes

provides background on the text, The Welsh Latin Chronicles: Annales

Cambriae and Related Texts (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1974); Owen

Chadwick discusses the dates, “The Evidence of Dedications in the Early

History of the Welsh Church,” p. 184.

124. Chronicon Sancti Michaelis monasterii in pago Virdunensis 3, edited by Georg

Waitz, MGH SS IV, pp.79–80; Michel Parisse, “Origines et d é veloppe-

ment de l’abbaye de Saint-Mihiel (VIIe–XIIe siècles),” Saint-Mihiel:

journ é es d’études meusiennes, 6–7 Octobre 1973 , Annales de l’Est 48 (Nancy:

L’Universit é , 1974), pp. 25–32; Georges Weill, “Le culte de Saint Michel à

Saint-Mihiel,” Mill é naire Monastique 3, pp. 325–328.

125. Liber Historiae Francorum 46 and Fredegar, Chronicarum cum continuationi-

bus , Continuatio 3, edited by Bruno Krusch, MGH SRM II, pp. 319–320

and p. 170; Richard Gerberding, The Rise of the Carolingians and the Liber

Historiae Francorum (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1987), pp. 78–80; Wood,

Merovingian Kingdoms , pp. 227–229; Chronicon Sancti Michaelis monasterii in

pago Virdunensis 1.

126. Vincent Juhel and Catherine Vincent, “Culte et sanctuaires de Saint Michel

en France,” Culto e santuari , pp. 183–193, suggest the Wulfing-Pippinid

N OT E S196

rivalry; Bouet, “La Revelatio et les origines,” p. 88, points to Aubert’s plau-

sible political affiliation.

127. Gerberding, The Rise of the Carolingians , pp. 100–105.

128. Chartae Latinae Antiquores 599, edited by Albert Bruckner and Robert

Marichal, vol. 15 (Dietikon-Zurich: Urs Graf Verlag, 1986).

129. Juhel and Vincent, “Culte et sanctuaires de Saint Michel en France,” p. 191.

130. Chronicon Sancti Michaelis monasterii in pago Virdunensis 2; Juhel and Vincent,

“Culte et sanctuaires de Saint Michel en France,” p. 191.

131. Haldon, Byzantium in the Seventh Century , pp. 9–124; Michael McCormick,

The Origins of the European Economy (Cambridge: Cambridge University

Press, 2001), pp. 83–115, 523–570.

132. Chartae Latinae Antiquores 88–89, p. 669; David Ganz and Walter Goffart,

“Charters Earlier than 800 from French Collections,” Speculum 65

(1990): 930.

133. None number among the 30 written in b-miniscule that may have come

from the mother house of Jouarre: Rosamond McKitterick, “Nun’s

Scriptoria in England and Francia in the Eighth Century,” Francia 19

(1989): 11–12.

134. Chartae Latinae Antiquores 19, p. 682: The distinctive “a-z” script associated

with nearby Laon locates the latter tag to Sens (McCormick, European

Economy , pp. 290–318).

135 . Revelatio 8.

136. Revelatio 7. Katherine Allen Smith, “Architectural Mimesis and Historical

Memory at the Abbey of Mont-Saint-Michel,” in Negotiating Community

and Difference in Medieval Europe , edited by Katherine Allen Smith and

Scott Wells (Leiden: Brill, 2009), pp. 65–82.

137. Michel de Bo ü ard, “L’Église Nôtre-Dame-sous-Terre au Mont Saint-

Michel,” Journal de Savants (1961): 10–27; Yves-Marie Froidevaux, “L’Église

N ô tre-Dame-sous-Terre de l’abbaye du Mont-Saint–Michel,” Monuments

historiques de la France 7 (1961): 145–166. Florence Margo usefully sum-

marizes these articles in a recent analysis, “Les crypts romanes du Mont

Saint-Michel, ordonnance des espaces,” Espace eccl é sial et liturgie au Moyen

 ge , Travaux de la Maison de l’Orient 53 (Lyon: La Maison de l’Orient et

de la M é diterran é e, 2010), pp. 369–378.

138. Froidevaux, “L’Église N ô tre-Dame-sous-Terre de l’abbaye du Mont-Saint-

Michel,” p. 147.

139. de Bo ü ard, “L’Église Nôtre-Dame-sous-Terre au Mont Saint-Michel,”

p. 24.

140. Froidevaux, “L’Église N ô tre-Dame-sous-Terre de l’abbaye du Mont-Saint-

Michel,” argued for the original integrity of the structure and believed it

an imitation of the double caves of the Apulian shrine, an opinion reprised

by Marco Trotta and Antonio Renzulli, “La grotta garganica: rapporti con

Mont-Saint-Michel e interventi Longobardi,” Culte et P è lerinage , pp. 427–

448. For the most recent findings, see Christian Sapin, Maylis Bayl é et al.,

“Arch é ologie du b â ti et arch é om é trie au Mont-Saint-Michel, nouvelles

N OT E S 197

approches de Notre-Dame-sous-Terre,” Arch é ologie m é di é vale 38 (2008):

71–122.

141. Silvia Bettochi points to similarities but too greatly characterizes the texts

as mere doublets, “Note su due tradizioni micaeliche altomedievali: il

Gargano e Mont Saint-Michel,” Vetera Christianorum , 31 (1994): 333–355.

Bouet, “La Revelatio et les origines du culte à Saint Michel sur le Mont

Tombe,” p. 72–74, correctly notes the great differences between the two

texts even though the Liber serves as an important source.

142. Revelatio 5–6.

143. Revelatio 1; Pierre Bouet notes these citations, “La Revelatio ecclesiae sancti

Michaelis et son auteur,” Tabularia: sources é crites de la Normandie m é di é vale ,

http://www.unicaen.fr/mrsh/crahm/revue/tabularia/bouetfreculf.html .

Also, “La Revelatio et les origines du culte à Saint Michel sur le Mont

Tombe,” p. 73.

144. Hrabanus Maurus, De festis praecipuis item de virtutibus 32, PL 110.60–63. For

background and bibliography on the homiliary, see Nicholas Everett, “The

Liber de Apparitione S. Michaelis in Monte Gargano and the Hagiography

of Dispossession,” Analecta bollandiana 120 (2002): 365, n. 8.

145. Avranches, Biblioth è que municipale, MS 211, ff. 156–210; Hourlier,

“Les sources é crites de l’histoire montoise ant é rieure à 966,” Mill é naire

Monastique 2, pp. 124–128.

146. Avranches, MS 211, f. 156; for a black-and-white facsimile, see Mill é naire

Monastique I, pl. 2. For color images, http://www.aisling-1198.org/dos-

siers/calligraphie-et-enluminure/nos-realisations/reproduction-du-

manuscrit-n-211-davranches/ .

147. Revelatio 1, citing Liber 2, and the phrase “from among the seven always

standing in view of the Lord” (Tobit 12.15), as well as Liber Responsalis , PL

78.805 for the “Doorkeeper of Paradise.”

148. As Yitzhak Hen has characterized it, The Bobbio Missal: Liturgy and Religious

Culture in Merovingian Gaul , edited by Yitzhak Hen and Rob Meens

(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), particularly Hen’s intro-

duction, pp. 1–7, and Rosamond McKitterick’s “The Scripts of the Bobbio

Missal,” pp. 19–52. The text is printed in the Bobbio Missal , A Gallican

Massbook (MS Paris. Lat. 13246 ), edited by E. A. Lowe, HBS, vols. 53, 58,

and 61 (London: Henry Bradshaw Society, 1917–20), with the Michael

Mass in facsimile in vol. 53, ff. 193v–195v and print version in vol. 58,

pp. 117–118.

149. Germain Morin, “La ‘Missa in honore sancti Michahel’ du missal de

Bobbio,” Revue bénédictine 15 (1898): 106–108; and Faure, “L’ange du haut

Moyen Âge,” pp. 38–39.

150. All thoroughly discussed by McKitterick, “The Scripts of the Bobbio

Missal,” pp. 19–52; and Hen, “The Liturgy of the Bobbio Missal,” The

Bobbio Missal , pp. 140–153. Vogel, Medieval Liturgy , succinctly summarizes

the arguments and provides supplemental bibliography (pp. 323–324).

151. Morin, “La ‘Missa in honore sancti Michahel,’” p. 107.

N OT E S198

152. Leo 846, p. 106, Bobbio Missal 397, p. 118: in die festivitatis hodierne quo in

honore beati archangeli michahelis dedicata nomine tuo loca sacris sunt instituta

mistriis .

153. Leo 846, p. 107, Bobbio Missal 397, p. 118: sollemnitate oblacio (sic) nostra fiat

accepta .

154. precis populi tui domine : Das Sacramentarium Triplex , edited by Odilo Heiming,

Corpus Ambrosiano Liturgicum I (M ü nster/Westfalen: Aschendorffsche

Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1968). The phrase also appears in the feast of Pope

Marcellus on January 16, n. 399, p. 36; St. Romanus, November 18, n. 2704,

p. 253; the fifth Sunday of Advent, n. 120, p. 11; St. Lawrence outside the

walls, n. 571, p. 52.

155. G. Morin, “La ‘Missa in honore sancti Michahel,’” p. 107.

156. Antoine Chavasse furnished the classic study, Le sacramentaire g é lasien

(Tournai: Descl é e, 1958). Vogel summarizes the literature and presents bib-

liography ( Medieval Liturgy , pp. 64–70). E. A. Lowe points out the non-

Roman accretions, particularly in quires 35 and 36, which comprise Paris

Bib. Nat. 7193: “The Vatican MS of the Gelasian Sacramentary and its

Supplement at Paris,” Journal of Theological Studies 27 (1925/26): 357–373.

157. Liber sacramentorum Romanae Aeclesiae ordinis anni circuli (Sacramentorium

Gelasianum, Cod. Vaticanus Reginensis lat. 316 + Paris Bib. Nat. 7193 [ff. 41–56] ),

edited by Leo Eizenhoefer, Petrus Siffrin, and Leo Cunibert Mohlberg,

RED Series Maior, Fontes IV (Rome: Casa Editrice Herder, 1960). As

to the at è lier of origin, Bernard Bischoff offered Chelles, “Die K ö lner

Nonnenhandschriften und das Skriptorium von Chelles,” Mittelalterliche

Studien: Ausgew ä hlte Aufs ä tze zur Schriftkunde und Literaturgeschichte , Band 1

(Stuttgart: Anton Hiersemann, 1966), pp. 16–34. Rosamond McKitterick

challenged Bischoff ’s findings in “The Diffusion of Insular Culture in

Neustria between 650 and 850: The Implications of the Manuscript

Evidence,” La Neustrie: les pays au nord de la Loire de 650 à 850 , edited by

Hartmut Atsma, vol. 2 (Sigmaringen: J. Thorbecke, 1989), pp. 395–432, and

then went on to propose Jouarre, “Nuns’ Scriptoria in England and Francia

in the Eighth Century,” Francia 19 (1992): 1–35.

158. Lowe, “The Vatican MS of the Gelasian Sacramentary and its Supplement

at Paris,” pp. 357–373.

159. Liber sacramentorum , p. 200.

160. Liber sacramentorum 1033, p. 200; and Leo 858, p. 108: Beati archangeli

Michahelis intervencione suffulti supplices te, domine, depraecamus, ut quos honore

prosequimur, contingamus et mente : per . Liber sacramentorum 1035, p. 200; and

Leo 847, p. 107: Munus populi tui, domine, quaesumus dignanter adsume quod non

nostris meritis, sed sancti archangeli tui Michahelis deprecacione sit gratum, per .

161. Liber Sacramentarium 1032, p. 200; and Sacramentarium Triplex 2556, p. 239.

Da nobis, omnipotens deus, beati archangeli Michahelis eotenus honore proficere, ut

cuius in terram gloriam praedicamus, praecibus adiuvemur in caelis: per.

162. Liber sacramentorium 1034, p. 200; and Sacramentarium Triplex 2555, p. 238:

Perpetuum nobis, domine, tuae miseracionis praesta subsidium, quibus et angelica

praestetisti suffragia non deese: per .

N OT E S 199

163. Liber sacramentarium 1036 and Sacramentarium Triplex 2554, p. 238: Adesto

plebi tuae, misericors deus, et ut graciae tuae beneficia pociora percipiat, beati

Michahelis archangeli fac supplicem deprecacionibus sublevari: per.

164 . Bobbio Missal 497, p. 153: + inimici per pasionem domini nostri tibi coniuro

parcias ut non percucias + inimici per sanguenem domini nostri iesum christi tibi

coniuro ut parcias non percocias + inimici per resorecionem domini tibi coniuro

ut parcias ut non percucias . . . Find similar examples among P. Oxy. 924, P.

Oxy. 1151, PGM IV.1227–64, or Vienna G 337, Rainer 1: Ancient Christian

Magic, pp. 39–45.

165. Bobbio Missal 497: + ante ostio domno centorione paraletecos torquitur ante ostio

dumno centorione paraletecos torquitur ante ostio domno centorione paraletecos

torquitur . . . For the historiola , see David Frankfurter, “Narrating Power: The

Theory and Practice of the Magical Historiola in Ritual Spells,” in Ancient

Magic and Ritual Power , edited by Marvin Meyer and Paul Mirecki (Leiden:

Brill, 1995), pp. 457–476.

166 . Bobbio Missal 497, p. 153: + angelus micael + angelus gabriel angelus oriel

angelus racoel angelus paracoel angelus oriel angelus rafael dignate illo salvare

i<n> nomene patri et filio et spiritoi sancto sanctus aridios sanctus donatos sanctus

severus ad omnem dimonio miridiano sibi noctornom .” Skemer, Binding Words ,

pp. 105–107.

167. Ian Wood calls attention to these connections in “Liturgy in the Rh ô ne

Valley and the Bobbio Missal,” in The Bobbio Missal , pp. 206–218.

168. A point made by Skemer, Binding Words , pp. 125–169, which although

directed toward a later period would certainly pertain to the early eighth

century. Also refer to Karen Jolly’s discussion of a “middle practice,” that

negotiation among folkloric elements and the liturgical and doctrinal

concepts of formal Christianity to produce practices that most Christians

(including elites) found useful, potent, necessary, and pious: Popular Religion

in Late Saxon England: Elf Charms in Context (Chapel Hill: University of

North Carolina Press, 1996), particularly pp. 1–34.

6 Michael Contained: The Carolingian Cultus

1. This material on Aldebert has appeared as “The Containment of Angels:

Boniface, Aldebert, and the Roman Synod of 745,” Quaestiones medii aevi

novae 17 (2013): 211–242. I thank the editor Prof. Wojciech Falkowski

for its inclusion here. The entire protocol of the synod is published as

Ep. 59, St. Bonifatii et Lulli Epistolae , edited by Michael Tangl, MGH Ep.

Sel. I, pp. 108–120. Translated by Ephraim Emerton, The Letters of Saint

Boniface , with a new introduction and bibliography by T. F. X. Noble

(New York: Columbia University Press, 2000), pp. 76–85. Aldebert

was tried along with the “Scot” Clemens, who was accused of sexual

indiscretions and the teaching of the salvation of all, even the unbap-

tized. Aldebert’s sacrilega figures prominently in Michael Glatthaar’s

Bonifatius und das Sakrileg , Freiburger Beitr ä ge zur mittelalterlichen

Geschichte 17 (Frankfort am Main: Peter Lang, 2004), pp. 146–164.

N OT E S200

2. The bibliography on this topic is enormous. For a recent summary of the

major concepts, see Thomas F. X. Noble, Images, Iconoclasm, and the Carolingians

(Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2009), pp. 230–242; and

The Republic of St. Peter, the Birth of the Papal State 680–825 (Philadelphia:

University of Pennsylvania Press, 1984), pp. 61–98. Also, Rosamond

McKitterick, The Frankish Church and the Carolingian Reforms, 789–895

(London: Royal Historical Society, 1977), pp. 80–154; Walter Ullman, The

Carolingian Renaissance and the Idea of Kingship (London: Methuen & Co, Ltd.,

1969), pp. 43–110; J. M. Wallace-Hadrill, “The Via Regia of the Carolingian

age,” Early Medieval History (London: Basil Blackwell, 1975), pp. 181–200.

Felice Lifshitz rightly discerns the demonic as a perversion of the ordo pur-

sued by Carolingian rulers and discusses a political discourse that embodied

these concerns to emanate from Carolingian circles during the early eighth

century ( The Norman Conquest of Pious Neustria , pp. 56–71).

3. Timothy Reuter used the phrase “canonical rightness” in his “Saint Boniface

and Europe,” in The Greatest Englishman , edited by Timothy Reuther (Exeter:

The Paternoster Press, 1980), p. 80 [pp. 71–94], when translating Willibald’s

canonica rectitudo , Vita Bonifatii 46, AASS June I.469. The standard modern

biography of Boniface remains Theodor Schieffer’s Winfrid-Bonifatius und die

christliche Grundlegung Europas (Freiburg: Herder, 1954). John-Henry Clay

summarizes the career of Boniface, using a lengthy bibliography of English

and German works, as he centers his analysis of the conversion mission to

Hessia around the phenomonology of landscape. See In the Shadow of Death:

Saint Boniface and the Conversion of Hessia, 721–54 , Cultural Encounters in

Late Antiquity and the Middle Ages 11 (Turnholt: Brepols, 2010), pp. 189–

236 and pp. 19–54, for Bonifatian historiography. For other basic and acces-

sible English introductions to Boniface and his work, see T. F. X. Noble’s

introduction to Emerton’s The Letters of Saint Boniface , pp. vii–xxxv; and

John Sladden’s Boniface of Devon (Exeter: The Paternoster Press, 1980), which

unfortunately lacks a scholarly apparatus, as well as J. M. Wallace-Hadrill,

The Frankish Church (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1983), pp. 143–161. Also,

Henry Mayr-Harting, The Coming of Christianity , pp. 262–274.

4. Ep. 59, p. 114, for the autohagiography and p. 115 for the “Letter from

Heaven”; Emerton, The Letters of Saint Boniface , pp. 81–82. Clovis Brunel

addresses the phenomenon of heavenly letters: “Versions espagnoles, pro-

ven ç ales et fran ç aise de la Lettre du Christ tomb é e du Ciel,” Analecta bol-

landiana 68 (1950): 383–396.

5. Patrick Geary construes him in this positive light: “The Ninth-Century Relic

Trade: A Response to Popular Piety,” in Religion and the People 800–1700 ,

edited by James Obelkevich (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina

Press, 1979), p. 10. Geary’s characterization builds upon Peter Brown’s now

classic article, “The Rise and Function of the Holy Man in Late Antiquity,”

in Society and the Holy in Late Antiquity (London, 1982), pp. 80–101.

6. Raoul Manselli, “Resistenze dei culti antichi nella pratica religiosa dei

laici nelle campagne,” Cristianizzazione ed organizzazione ecclesiastica delle

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campagne nell’alto medioevo: espansione e resistenze , Settimane di studio del

Centro Italiano di Studi sull’Alto Medioevo 28.1 (Spoleto: Centro italiano

di studi sull’alto Medioevo, 1982), pp. 90–94. Geary also construes him

as one of “the numerous wandering bishops who opposed the strongly

pro-Roman ecclesiastical structure espoused by Boniface,” “The Ninth-

Century Relic Trade,” p. 11. Nicole Zeddies is rather too quick to dismiss

Manselli’s contentions as pushing the evidence too far, “Bonifatius und

zwei n ü tzliche Rebellen: die H ä retiker Aldebert und Clemens,” in Ordnung

und Aufruhr im Mittelalter , edited by M. T. F ö gen, Studien zur europ ä ischen

Rechtsgeschichte 70 (Frankfort am Main: Vittorio Klostermann, 1995),

pp. 225–226, n. 25 [pp. 217–263]. For penance and its insular connec-

tions, see Peter Brown, The Rise of Western Christendom , second edition

(Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2007), pp. 241–260; and Cyril Vogel, La Discipline

pénitentielle en Gaule des origines à la fin du VII siècle (Paris: Letouzey et An é ,

1952).

7. Ep. 59, p. 112; Emerton, The Letters of Saint Boniface , p. 79.

8. Karlmanni principis capitulare 1–5 (Concilium Germanicum) and Karlmanni

principis capitulare Liptinense 1 (Council of Les Estinnes), edited by Alfred

Boretius, MGH Capitularia regum francorum, vol. I, pp. 25 and 28. Wilfried

Hartmann provides the dates, Die Synoden der Karolingerzeit im Frankenreich

und in Italien (Paderborn: Ferdinand Sch ö ningh, 1989), while Hans Joachim

Sch ü ssler discusses the literature, “Die fr ä nkische Reichteilung von Vieux-

Poitiers (742) und die Reform der Kirche in den Teilreichen Carlomans

und Pippins,” Francia 13 (1985): 88 ff. Also, J ö rg Jarnut, “Bonifatius und die

fr ä nkischen Reformkonzilien (743–748),” Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung f ü r

Rechtsgeschichte , Kanonistische Abteilung 65 (1979): 1–26.

9. Karlmanni principis capitulare 5 and Karlmanni principis capitulare Liptinense

4. Alan Dierkens examines the Indiculus and its manuscript history,

“Superstitions, christianisme et paganisme à la fin de l’époque m é rovingi-

enne: à propos de l’Indiculus superstitionum et paganiarum ,” in Magie, Sorcellerie,

Parapsychologie , edited by H. Hasquin (Brussels: É ditions de l’Universit é

de Bruxelles, 1984), pp. 9–26. Also, Glatthaar, Bonifatius und das Sakrileg ,

pp. 580–599.

10. Pippini principis capitulare Suessionense 2 and 7 (Capitulary of Soissons), edited

by Alfred Boretius, MGH Capitularia regum francorum, vol. I, pp. 29–30.

11. Pippini principis capitulare Suessionense 1, p. 29. Zeddies, “Bonifatius und zwei

n ü tzliche Rebellen,” pp. 257–263, cites Hartmann, Synoden , pp. 56 ff, as she

points to the correlations with Nicea and other past ecumenical councils, a

view held as well by Willibald in his Vita Bonifatii 44, AASS June I, p. 468.

12. The manuscript tradition preserves the date of June 22, 744, but Paul Speck

securely establishes the date of 743 in “Artabasdos, Bonifatius und die drei

Pallia,” Zeitschrift f ü r Kirchengeschichte 76 (1985): 179–195.

13. Ep. 57, pp. 103–104; Emerton, The Letters of Saint Boniface , pp. 73–74.

14. Lutz E. von Padberg, Bonifatius, Missionar und Reformer (Munich: C. H. Beck,

2003), p. 98.

N OT E S202

15. Percy Ernst Schramm calls attention to Boniface’s preoccupation with legal-

ity as rooted in the canons: “Der heilige Bonifaz als Mensch,” Archiv f ü r

mittelrheinische Kirchengeschichte 20 (1968): 30–34 [9–36].

16. Ep. 57, p. 104; Emerton, The Letters of Saint Boniface , pp. 73–74.

17. Ep. 59, p. 117; Emerton, The Letters of Saint Boniface , p. 83.

18. Ep. 60, p. 123; Emerton, The Letters of Saint Boniface , p. 88.

19. Ep. 77, pp. 160–161; Emerton, The Letters of Saint Boniface , p. 113.

20. Willibald, Vita Bonifatii 43, AASS June I.468 with translation in Soldiers of

Christ—Saints and Saints’ Lives from Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages ,

edited by T. F. X. Noble and T. Head (State College: Pennsylvania State

University Press, 1994), p. 131.

21. Auctore presbytero Moguntino, Vita Bonifatii Supplementum , AASS June

I.474.

22. The litany, found in Montpellier MS H 409, Facult é de M é decine, appeals

to Mary, then to “Sancte Michael, Sancte Gabrihel, Sancte Rafahel, Sancte

Orihel, Sancte Raguhel, Sancte Tobihel, Sancte Cherubim, Sancte Seraphim”

et al., edited by Jean Mabillon in Vetera analecta (Farnborough: Gregg, 1967

reprint), pp. 170–171. See Astrid Kr ü ger for the most recent work on lita-

nies, Litanei-Handschriften der Karolingerzeit , MGH Hilfsmittel 24 (Hannover:

Hann’sche Buchhandlung, 2007), and her designation of the Litany of

Soissons as “eine der ä ltesten kontinentalen Litaneien” (p. 20). Jeffrey Russell

discusses it, “Saint Boniface and the Eccentrics,” Church History 33 (1964):

238 [235–247].

23. Maurice Coens summarizes the evidence for its Soissonais origin in

“Anciennes litanies des saints,” Analecta Bollandiana 62 (1944): 130–

131 [126–168]. Glatthaar calls Soisson Aldebert’s “Hochburg”: Bonifatius und

das Sakrileg , p. 153.

24. Eugen Ewig, pointing to the 23 Neustrian bishops present at the Council

of Soissons, notes in the litany the prominence of saints from the metro-

politan province of Rheims (which includes Soissons) as well as the lack

of saints from Austrasian dioceses and infers its performance at that royal

gathering: “Beobachtungen zur Entwicklung der fr ä nkischen Reichskirche

unter Chrodegang von Metz,” Fr ü hmittelalterliche Studien 2 (1968): 74–77

[67–77].

25. Russell makes the suggestion, “Saint Boniface and the Eccentrics,” p. 238,

drawing upon Henri Leclercq’s linkage of these names with Gnostic sects, s.

v. Anges , in Dictionnaire d’arch é ologie chr é tienne et de liturgie , edited by Fernand

Cabrol and Henri Leclercq, vol. 1 (Paris: Letouzey et An é , 1903), cols. 2153–

2157 [2080–2161]. Certainly Irenaeus of Lyon’s second-century treatise

Adversus haereses meticulously catalogued lists of suspect angels when iden-

tifying and refuting “Gnostic” sects, but the small number of early medieval

manuscripts would point to its exceptionally limited circulation. E. A. Lowe

did not index Irenaeus in his comprehensive study of pre-ninth-century

manuscripts: Codices Latini Antiquores, Supplementum (Oxford: Clarendon

Press, 1966). Dominic Unger notes only a ninth-century manuscript pre-

pared at Corbie and another dating from 1166, but copied from an earlier

N OT E S 203

version known to Florus of Lyon, for it retains his preface: St. Irenaeus of

Lyon: Against the Heresies , vol. 1, Ancient Christian Writers Series 15 (New

York: Paulist Press, 1992), pp. 11–14. Karen. L. King’s What is Gnosticism

(Cambridge: Belknap Press, 2003), maps the current scholarly dilemma as to

overarching definitions of “Gnostic-ism.”

26. Acipi domine anima famili tui illi, adsistant ei angeli tui septem : rafael estu ei

sanitas, racuel estu ei aiutur hab amnibus artefecis gabole ne timiat, michail estu

ei clepius iusticia, rumiel estu ei aiutur, saltyel esto ei protectur, danail estu i sani-

tas . In Donatien de Bruyne, “Une messe gallicane in é dite pro defuncto,”

R é vue bénédictine 34 (1922): 156 [156–158]; also Fragment of Bruyne , edited

by Donatien de Bruyne in Missale Gallicanum Vetus , edited by Leo Cunibert

Mohlberg, RED, Fontes 3 (Rome: Herder, 1958), pp. 96–97.

27. Ep. 10, pp. 7–15; Emerton, The Letters of Saint Boniface , pp. 3–9. Patrick

Sims-Williams provides criticsm: Religion and Literature in Western England

600–800 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), pp. 243–272;

also, “A Recension of Boniface’s Letter to Eadburg about the Monk of

Wenlock’s Vision,” Latin Learning and English Lore 1, edited by Katherine

O’Brien and Andy Orchard (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2005),

pp. 194–214.

28. Louis Gougaud discusses the genre and provides a bibliography of known

loricae , “Étude sur les ‘Loricae’ celtiques et sur les pri è res qui s’en approchent,”

Bulletin d’ancienne litt é rature et d’arch é ologie chr é tiennes 1 (1911): 265–281, with

further discussion of structure in vol. 2 (1912), 33–41 and 101–127. Both

Thomas Hill, “Invocation of the Trinity and the Tradition of the Lorica in

Old English Poetry,” Speculum 56 (1981): 259–267; and Kuno Meyer, “Scuap

Chrabaid or Besom of Devotion,” Otia merseiana 2 (1900–1901): 92–105,

prove helpful here.

29. The Laidcenn appears in The Book of Cerne , Cambridge UL L1.I.10, ff.

43r–44v; edited with introduction and notes by A. B. Kuypers, The Prayer

Book of Aedeluald the Bishop Commonly Called the Book of Cerne (Cambridge:

University Press, 1902), pp. 85–88. A translation of the Laidcenn appears in

Gildae, De Excidio Britanniae, Fragmenta, Liber de Paenitentia, Accedit et Lorica

Gildae, edited and commentary by Hugh Williams (London: David Nutt

1899), pp. 305–313.

30. Cambridge UL L1.I.10 f. 77r and Kuypers, The Prayer Book , pp. 153–154.

See as well Michelle Brown, The Book of Cerne: Prayer, Patronage and Power

in Ninth-Century England (The British Library: University of Toronto Press,

1996), p. 138; and Kathleen Hughes, “Some Aspects of Irish Influence on

Early English Private Prayer,” Studia Celtica 5 (1970): 48–61.

31. Ep. 59, p. 117: orationem, quam sibi Aldebertus componere nisus est ; Emerton, The

Letters of Saint Boniface , p. 83.

32. Emerton, The Letters of Saint Boniface, p. 83.

33. Ibid.

34. Valerie Flint, The Rise of Magic in Early Medieval Europe (Princeton: Princeton

University Press, 1990), p. 169. Flint likens Aldebert’s prayer to an exorcism

published as a supplement to B é luze’s edition of the Formulary of Marculf , in

N OT E S204

Giovan Domenico Mansi and Philippe Labbe, Sacrorum conciliorum nova et

amplissima collectio , vol. XVIIIB (Graz: Akademische Druck- u. Verlagsanstalt,

1901), pp. 661–664: Insuper invocamus te, Deus Deorum, omnipotens rex aeterne,

qui sedis in medio duos Cherubin as Seraphin . The exorcism to which Flint

compares the angelic petition, however, only calls upon the specific angels

Michael, Gabriel, and Raphael, along with the “celestial virtues and angels

of God,” the Cherubim, and the Seraphim. It makes no recourse to a more

exotic nomenclature.

35 . Bobbio Missal , p. 153.

36. Waldemar Deonna, “Abra, Abraca: la croix-talisman de Lausanne,” Genava

22 (1944): 116–137.

37. Berlin 5565; Walter Belz, “Die koptischen Zauberpapyri der Papyrus-

Sammlung der Staatlichen Museen zu Berlin,” Archiv f ü r Papyrusforschung

und verwandte Gebiete 29 (1983): 61–63; translated by Meyer, Ancient Christian

Magic , p. 93.

38. Ep. 50, pp. 84–85; Emerton, The Letters of Saint Boniface , pp. 59–60.

Also, Walter E. Crum, “Magical Texts in Coptic—II,” Journal of Egyptian

Archaeology 20 (1934): 197–200, translated by David Frankfurter, Ancient

Christian Magic , p. 171; Skemer, Binding Words , pp. 27–29.

39. Ep. 50, pp. 84–85.

40. As Gary Vikan points out in “Early Byzantine Pilgrimage Devotionalia as

Evidence of the Appearance of Pilgrimage Shrines” and “Two Byzantine

Amuletic Armbands and the Group to which They Belong,” in Sacred

Images and Sacred Power in Byzantium (Aldershot/Burlington: Ashgate, 2003),

VI.377–88 and XI 33–44 and plates.

41. For the importance of Jewish communities in early medieval Francia,

see Bernard S. Bachrach, Early Medieval Jewish Policy in Western Europe

(Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1977), pp. 44–65; also

Bernhard Blumenkranz, Juifs et Chr é tiens dans le monde occidental 430–1096

(Paris: Mouton & Co, 1960), particularly pp. 55–64.

42. Ep. 50, pp. 84–85. Lifshitz points to changing concepts of “proper”

Christianity as an aspect of Carolingian delegitimation of Merovingian rule.

Carolingian power erased the “paganism” that the previous dynasty had tol-

erated ( The Norman Conquest of Pious Neustria , pp. 56–71).

43. Ep. 43, p. 69; Emerton, The Letters of Saint Boniface , p. 48.

44. See Glatthaar, Bonifatius und Sakrileg , p. 580.

45. Jan Frederik Niermeyer, Mediae latinitatis lexicon minus (Leiden: Brill, 1976);

Du Cange et al., Glossarium medi æ et infim æ latinitatis (Niort: L. Favre,

1883–87).

46. Das Decretum Gelasianum V.8.6, edited by Ernst von Dobsch ü tz (Leipzig:

Teubner, 1912), p. 13: Phylacteria omnia quae non angelorum, ut illi confingunt,

sed daemonum magis nominibus conscripta sunt . Ep. 32, pp. 55–56; and Ep. 33,

pp. 57–58, where Boniface begs guidance from elder authorities in a scru-

pulous effort to obtain authoritative guidance as to canons regulating con-

sanguineous marriages. Emerton, The Letters of Saint Boniface , pp. 39–41.

N OT E S 205

47. Fulda Landesbibliothek, Codex Bonifatius 2. The Decretum Gelasianum ,

cap. 3–5 appears on 57r–61v. Lutz E. von Padberg and Hans-Walter Stork

provide text, background and commentary: Der Ragyndrudis—Codex des Hl.

Bonifatius (Paderborn: Bonifatius Druck-Buch-Verlag, 1994).

48. Michel Aaij summarizes the scholarly arguments for and against Bonifatian

ownership as well as the book’s connections with the martyrdom: “Boniface’s

Booklife: How the Ragyndrudis Codex Came to be a Vita Bonifatii ,” The

Heroic Age: A Journal of Early Medieval Northwestern Europe , issue 10 (May

2007), http://www.mun.ca/mst/heroicage/issues/10/aaij.html . Aaij does,

however, ignore the paleographical and codicological evidence as well as per-

sonal connections that point toward insular, and quite plausible Bonifatian,

connections with the book. See, e.g., Malcolm Parkes, “The Handwriting

of St. Boniface,” Beitr ä ge zur Geschichte der deutschen Sprache und Literatur 98

(1976): 161–179. Rosamond McKitterick, points to the insular dotting on

115v and 117r, and the frequent “diminuendo effect” on 117r in “The dif-

fusion of insular culture in Neustria between 650 and 850,” as well as the

personal connections, “Anglo-Saxon Missionaries in Germany: Reflections

on the Manuscript Evidence,” in Books, Scribes, and Learning in the Frankish

Kingdoms, 6th–9th centuries (Aldershot/Burlington: Ashgate, 1994), III.415

and IV.291 [III.395–432 and IV.291–329]. Also, Padberg and Stork, Der

Ragyndrudis—Codex, pp. 90–95.

49. Kr ü ger, Litanei–Handschriften , p. 762, for the text and pp. 331–32, for a

description of the manuscript, Angers, Biblioth è que municipale 91 (83), fol.

130v–133v. She provides numerous other examples of “orthodox” litanies

(p. 579 ff.).

50. Vogel, Medieval Liturgy, p. 77.

51. Examples include the Phillips Sacramentary, nos. 910–917 (copied c. 800 in

eastern Francia), Liber Sacramentorum Augustodunensis , edited by Odilo Heiming,

CCSL 159B; the Sacramentary of Gellone, nos. 1518–1527 (probably copied

at Holy Cross Abbey, Meaux during the 790s), Liber Sacramentorum Gellonensis ,

edited by Antoine Dumas and Jean Deshusses, CCSL 159 and 159 A; the

Sacramentary of Angoul ê me, nos. 1387–1394 (possibly copied there c. 800),

Liber Sacramentorum Engolismensis , edited by Patrick Saint-Roch, CCSL 159C;

the Sacramentary of St. Gall (copied between 790 and 817 either at Chur or

St. Gall), Das fränkische Sacramentarium Gelasianum in alamannischer Ü berlieferung ,

nos. 1242–1249, edited by Leo Cunibert Mohlberg (M ü nster, 1918).

52. Opening prayer: Deus qui miro ordine angelorum ministeria hominumque dispen-

sas, concede propitius ut quibus tibi ministrantibus in coelo semper assistitur, ab his in

terra nostra vita muniatur .

53. Eucharistic Prayer: VD. Sancti Michahelis archangeli merita praedicantes; quamvis

enim nobis sit angelica veneranda sublimitas, quae in maiestatis tuae consistit con-

spectu, illa tamen est propensius honoranda, quae in eius ordinis dignitate caelestis

militiae meruit principatum ; Postcommunion prayer: Beati archangeli tui micha-

helis intercessione suffulti, supplicis te domine deprecamur ut quos honore prose-

quimur, contingamus et mente, per dominum .

N OT E S206

54. Secreta: Hostias tibi domine laudis offerimus, suppliciter deprecantes ut angelico pro

nobis interveniente suffragio, et placates accipias, et ad salute nostrum provenire con-

cedes, per dominum nostrum .

55. Prayer over the people: Adesto plebi tui misericors deus, et ut gratiae tuae beneficia

potiora percipiat, beati michahelis archangeli fac supplicem deprecationibus sublevari .

56. Liber Responsalis, PL 78.804.

57. The Calendar of St. Willibrord from MS Paris Lat. 10837 , edited by Henry

Austin Wilson, HBS 55 (London: Harrison and Sons, 1918). Also, Nancy

Netzer, “Willibrord’s Scriptorium at Echternach and Its Relationship to

Ireland and Lindisfarne,” in St. Cuthbert, His Cult and Community , edited by

Gerald Bonner, D. W. Rollason, and Clare Stancliffe (Woodbridge: Boydell

Press, 1989), pp. 205–206 [pp. 203–212].

58. Walderdorffer Kalendar-Fragment, Berlin lat. fol. 877 + Regensburg Gr ä flich

Walderdorffsche Bibliothek , in Missale Francorum , RED, Fontes II, edited by Leo

Eizenh ö fer, Peter Siffrin, and Leo Cunibert Mohlberg (Rome: Herder, 1957),

pp. 79–85. For further commentary and bibliography, see Bernhard Bischoff,

Die S ü dostdeutschen Schreibschulen und Bibliotheken in der Karolingerzeit 1/Die

bayrischen Di ö zesen (Leipzig: Harassowitz, 1960), pp. 183–184. For opinions

on the type of sacramentary used by Boniface, Hieronymus Frank opts for

a Gelasian-type sacramentary, “Die Briefe des heiligen Bonifatius und das

von him benutzte Sakramentar,” in Sankt Bonifatius: Gedenkgabe zum zw ö lf-

hundertsten Todestag (Fulda: Parzeller, 1954), pp. 58–88, while Christopher

Hohler would favor a Gregorian, “The Type of Sacramentary Used by St.

Boniface,” ibid., pp. 89–93. Either type used similar Roman texts for a cel-

ebration on September 29.

59. McKitterick, The Frankish Church , pp. 80–154.

60. Admonitio Generalis 14–18, MGH Capitularia regum francorum 1. pp. 55.

No. 16: Item in eodem concilio (Council of Laodicea) ut ignota angelorum nomina

nec fingantur, nec nominentur, nisi illos quos habemus in auctoritate: id sunt Michahel,

Gabrihel, Raphahel .

61. Concilia Rispacense, Frisingense, Salisburgense , MGH Concilia Aevi Carolini

2.1, p.208.

62. Capitula ecclesiastica 19, MGH Capitularia regum francorum 1, p. 179.

63. Concilium Moguntinense A. 813 36, MGH Concilia Aevi Carolini 2.1,

pp. 269–270.

64. Mayke De Jong, “The Empire as ecclesia : Hrabanus Maurus and Biblical his-

toria for Rulers,” in The Uses of the Past in the Middle Ages , edited by Yitzhak

Hen and Michael Innes (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000),

pp. 191–226; Janet Nelson, “Kingship and Empire,” in Carolingian Culture:

Emulation and Innovation , edited by Rosamond McKitterick (Cambridge:

Cambridge University Press, 1994), p. 55 [pp. 52–87].

65. Revelatio ecclesiae 1.

66. Revelatio ecclesiae 1. Liber Responsalis , PL 78.804.

67. et spiritus prophetarum prophetis subjecti sunt (Vulgate); Et quia spiritus prophet-

arum non semper est prophetis subjectus ( Revelatio IV). Bouet notes the discrep-

ancy, Revelatio ecclesiae , p. 96, f. 26.

N OT E S 207

68. De translatione et miraculis beati Autberti , edited by Pierre Bouet and Olivier

Desbordes, Chroniques latines du Mont Saint-Michel (IXe–XIIe si è cle),

vol. 1 (Caen: Presses universitaires de Caen, 2009), pp. 248–255. Katherine

Allen Smith discusses the skull relic, “An Angel’s Power in a Bishop’s Body,”

pp. 351–353, as does Marc D é ceneux, Mont-Saint-Michel, histoire d’un mythe

(Rennes: É ditions Ouest-France, 1997), pp. 130–137.

69. Smith, “An Angel’s Power in a Bishop’s Body,” pp. 347–360; Lelegard, “Saint

Aubert,” Mill é naire monastique , vol. I, pp. 29–52.

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INDEX

Notes: Locators followed by ‘n’ refer to notes.

Index of Ancient Books and Texts

Old Testament

Genesis: 6.1–2, 30; 16.12, 11; 18.1–

15, 42; 28, 187n37

Exodus: 2.12, 31; 14.21–22, 62;

15.3, 155n137; 20.19, 21

Deuteronomy: 7.1–2, 155n137;

32.8, 147n45; 32.8–9, 15; 32.9, 48

Judges: 13.2–6, 11; 13.18, 11;

13.22, 11

1 Kings: 15.9–24, 52; 19.8–11, 134

2 Kings: 19.35, 134

1 Chronicles: 11.17–20, 84

2 Chronicles: 16.12, 52;

14.1–16.12, 52

Psalms: 18.6–19 (Vulgate 23.10),

154n37; 24.10 (NSRV 31.18),

82; 30.19 (NSRV 38.14), 164n65;

37.14, 164n65; 72.1, 85; 82.1, 16;

104.4, 29; 110, 154n131; 110.4, 28

Isaiah: 6.1–3, 12, 83; 24.21–23, 11;

27.1, 54; 30.3, 13; 63.1–3, 30, 75;

24.21–23, 154n137

Ezekiel: 1.5, 12; 1.15, 12

Daniel: 7.9–10, 12; 10.7, 30; 10.12–

20, 15; 10.13, 9; 10.21, 9; 12.1–2,

15; 12.2, 17

Joel: 1.4, 101; 2.25, 101

Micah: 7.9, 13

Rabbinical Sources

Babylonian Talmud (Talmud

Bavli); Hagigah 12b (bHag

12b), 21, 145n21; Hullin 40a

(bHul 40a), 16, 148n61; Menahot

110a (bMen 110a), 16, 148n61;

Zebaḥim 62a, (bZev 62a), 148n61,

15, 148n61

Midrashim: Genesis Rabbah 48.1

(Gen R 48.1), 13, 145n28; Genesis

Rabbah 48.9 (Gen R 48.9),

145n28

New Testament

Matthew: 8.5, 117; 13.24–30, 26;

17.1–9, 116; 18.1–10, 81; 18.10,

110; 13.40–43, 26; 26.53, 26;

28.1–7, 26

Mark: 1.13, 26; 7.32–35, 104;

8.22–26, 104; 9.14–29, 47; 9.28,

47; 16.5–7, 26

Luke: 1.12, 132; 1.26, 26; 2.8–15,

26; 10.16–21, 64; 22.43, 26;

24.1–7, 26

John: 5.1–4, 40; 5.4, 43; 12.27–32,

26; 20.11–13, 26

Acts of the Apostles: 1.10, 27; 5.18–

19, 27; 10.3, 111, 194n112; 12.6–11,

27; 14.8–18, 27; 23.8–9, 15

1 Corinthians: 10.21, 96; 14.

32, 134

Colossians: 1.15–16, 28; 2.16–18,

27, 60; 2.18, 2, 5, 48, 49, 59, 60,

154n127; 2.20, 28; 4.17, 62

Hebrews: 1.3–4, 58; 1.6, 58; 2.2–10,

64; 2.5–9, 29, 150; 7.3, 28

1 John: 4.1, 134

I N D E X252

Jude: 5, 31; 6–8, 31; 9, 9, 31, 48, 56

Revelation: 1.1–5, 81; 12.7–9, 9,

30; 19.9, 29; 19.11–16, 29, 30;

22.8–9, 2

Deuterocanonical and

Pseudepigraphal Works

Tobit: 8.2–5, 103; 11.10–13, 103;

11.14, 17; 12.12–15, 16, 127;

12.15, 12, 110, 197n147; 12.14, 17

2 Maccabees: 3.25, 30; 10.29–30,

14; 11.6–8, 14

Assumption of Moses, 31

Life of Adam and Eve, 43, 162n37

3 Baruch: 11–16, 17, 165n69

1 Enoch: 9.3, 16; 10.11–16, 14; 10.20–

22, 14; 20, 13; 21.5, 13; 67.4–6, 43;

82, 2; Book of Watchers (I Enoch

6–36), 9, 14

Jubilees: 2.2, 12

Testament of Solomon, 104,

190n67

Dead Sea Scrolls: War Scroll,

15; 1QM, 147n49, 147n50;

Songs of the Sabbath Sacrifice:

4QShirShabb 403 1 I 31, 147n51;

4QShirShabb 405, 146n52;

Melchizedek Text: 11QMelch

2.16, 16

Ancient Authors

Acta Iohannis, 45, 163n48

Acta Philippi, 45, 163n48

Aelius Aristides: Sacred Tales, 46, 50,

164n59

Ambrose of Milan: De Sacramentis,

40, 160n17, 160n18

Anonymi in Iob commentarii, 57,

169n121, 169n123

Asterius the Sophist: Homily

2.10–11, 102, 169n116

Athanasius of Alexandria: Contra

gentes, 60, 171n138; First Oration

against the Arians, 58, 170n125,

170n126; Third Oration against the

Arians, 58, 170n127

Augustine of Hippo: De civitate

dei, 3, 142n6, 150n95, 150n97;

Quaestiones in Heptateuch, 3, 142n9

Chrysippos, presbyter of

Jerusalem: Enkōmion eis ton

archángelon Michaēl, 48, 165n70

Collectio Arrianae Veronensis: De

Solemnitatibus, 57, 169n117

Cyril of Jerusalem: Procatechesis, 40,

160n19

Deux homélies anoméennes pour

l’Octave de Pâques: Homily II, 57,

169n119

Die Bücher der Einsetzung der

Erzengel Michael und Gabriel, 64,

171n149

Eusebius of Caesarea: Life of

Constantine (Vita Constantini),

42, 52, 53, 54, 161n29, 166n90,

167n92, 167n94, 167n97,

167n98; Commentaria in Isaiah,

54, 167n101, 167n102; Tricennial

Oration (Eis Ko nstantí non ton basilé a

triakontaeterí kos), 54, 167n105

Grattius: Cynegeticon, 69, 173n5

Gregory the Great: Dialogues, 70,

71, 173n13

Herodian: Histories, 53, 167n97

Herodotus: Histories, 19, 149n79

Hesiod: Works and Days, 20,

149n82

Hilary of Poitiers: De trinitate, 58,

170n128, 170n129

Homer: Iliad, 19, 69, 149n80;

Odyssey, 20, 149n81

Iamblichus: The Mysteries of

Egypt (Les mystè res d’Égypte), 22,

151n100

In Lucae evangelium reliquiae

tractatus antiquissimi, 57, 169n115

Julian the Arian: Der

Hiobkommentar des Arianers Julian

(Commentary on Job), 57, 169n118

Justin Martyr: 1 Apologia, 33, 47,

156n160, 164n63; Dialogue with

Trypho, 33, 157n163

New Testament—Continued

I N D E X 253

Liber de apparitione de Sancti

Michaelis in Monte Gargano,

67, 68, 70, 72, 73, 85, 88, 90, 92,

115, 172n1

Lycophron: Aléxandra, 69, 173n3

Narratio de miraculo a Michaele

Archangelo Chonis patrato =

The Miracle of St. Michael the

Archangel at Chonae (BHG

1282), 43, 44, 61, 142n11,

162n38

Origen: Homily 13 on Luke, 48,

165n68; Selecta in Iesum Nave, 103,

189n58

Pantaleon: Encomium in maximum et

gloriosissimum Michaelem coelestis

militae principem, 39, 40, 160n16;

Narratio miraculorum maximi

archangeli Michaelis, 37, 157n4

Pausanias: Graeciae Descriptio, 45, 69,

70, 164n56, 173n6

Philo of Alexandria: On Dreams,

20, 21, 150n89, 150n90, 150n91,

150n94; On the Giants, 20, 21,

150n89

Plato: Apology, 20; Phaedrus, 61;

Symposium, 20; Timaeus, 21,

150n88

Plutarch: Isis and Osiris, 20, 150n86;

The Obsolescence of the Oracles, 20,

149n85

Procopius: Buildings, 77, 177n49,

177n50; Wars, 79, 85, 178n59,

178n60, 178n61, 178n62, 181n91,

181.n92

Pseudo–Dionysius: Celestial Hierarchy,

75, 176n42

Pseudo–Vigilius of Thapsus: Contra

Varimadum, 58, 59, 170n130

Severus, bishop of Antioch:

Cathedral Homily LXXII, 55, 56,

168n108, 168n109, 168n110

Sozomen; Ecclesiastical History (Histoire

ecclésiastique), 42, 43, 49, 50, 73, 75,

161n29, 161n30, 161n35, 165n73,

165n74, 165n75, 166n79, 166.81,

187n30

Strabo: Geōgraphika, 69, 173n4

Suetonius: The Twelve Caesars,

“Vespasianus” 7, 51, 166n85

Theodoret of Cyrrus: Quaestiones

in libros Regum III, 52, 166n89;

Interpretatio epistolae ad

Colossanenseis, 60, 61, 171n140,

171n142

Inscriptions

Corpus inscriptiones latinarum

VI.1.142, 23

XIV.24, 23

Inscriptiones christianae aegypti, 49, 31,

155n148

Monte Gargano Inscriptions, 73, 75, 85,

88–91, 175n29, 177n44, 181n90,

182n111, 182n112, 182n113,

183n115, 183n117, 183n124,

183n125, 183n126

Recueil des inscriptions grecques chrétiennes

des Cyclades: nos. 1–3, 31–40,

155n151

Index of Persons, Places, Events, and Things

Aaron, 16, 28, 155n145

Abbahu, 18

abbeys

at Aisnay, 100

at Poitiers, 100, 101

at Meaux, 110

at Hexham, 111

at Mont Saint–Michel, 1, 114

at St. Davids, 112

at St. Gall, 131

Abimelech, 129

Abraham, 11, 33, 39, 42

Well of, 42

Abrasax, Abraxas, 18, 25, 95, 128–9

Adam, 43, 64, 75, 84

Addan quarter of Constantinople,

64, 76

Adgan, pilgrim, 91

Admonitio generalis, 132–3, 206n60

I N D E X254

Adōnai, 24–5, 32

Adullam, 84

aeshma daeva, 14

see also Zoroastrianism

Aethelwald, Bishop of Litchfield, 127

Africisco, 85

Church of San Michele, 86

Agaune, 89

Church of St. Maurice, 89

Agilolfings, Dukes of Benevento, 113

Agilulf, King, 88

Ahura Mazda, 13, 14

see also Zoroastrianism

Aisnay, 100

Akkadia, 13

Akoubia, 24

see also curse tablets

Alahis, duke of Brescia, 91

Alexander, bishop of Alexandria, 56–60

see also Arian Controversy

Alexandria, 1, 16, 48, 56–7

Althaenus, waters of, 69

Ambrose of Milan, catechetical

homilies, 40, 160n17, 160n18

amesha spintas, 13, 14

see also Zoroastrianism

amoenus, 45, 46

see also water, source of healing and

divine power

amulet markets, 32

at Cairo, 95, 129, 185n12

at Rome, 95, 129, 185n12

amuletic prayers, 7, 32, 117, 129, 131

amulets, 4, 6, 93, 95, 96, 102, 105, 117–

19, 128, 129, 137

at Apulia, 71

at Arles, 96

at Avignon (bronze phylactery)

naming Abrasax, Oamoutha, 95

at Bath, depicting Sulis Minerva,

Mercury, Neptune, 96

and the Bobbio Missal, 117, 128

in Britain, 95

at Cairo, 95, 129, 185n12

and the Canons of Laodicea, 133

Frankish cross talisman, 128

and the Gelasian Decree, 105,

130, 133

for healing, 32, 103, 104, 118

holy figures on, 32

incantations on, 32, 33, 128

Jewish, 128

Jewish, to invoke Michael, 4

magical vs. Christian, 190n68

pagan practices, 33, 71, 104

in Palestine, 18

in Peterborough, bronze, uterine, 95

proscribed, 7, 59, 96, 105, 119, 121,

130, 133, 138

protection from disease, injury, 32,

33, 103, 117, 137

protection from demons, magic, 32,

71, 103

scriptures on, 32

to summon spirits, 7, 33

texts, 46, 96

in Tunisia, 189n56

Anaplos, see Hestiae

Anastasius, emperor, 77, 78

Anatolia, 2, 23, 27, 37

angels

advocates for the dead, 57

accoutrements of, 10, 76, 82, 83, 103

anonymous, 26, 34, 107

apparition of, 57, 94, 154n136

coercion of, 19, 24, 32, 41, 54,

79, 130

created by God, 33, 58; see also

Christ, creator of angels

creation of, 26, 29

discernment of 3, 42, 62, 96, 100,

118, 134, 138; see also distinction

between good and evil spirits

distinguished from daimons, 23,

25, 28

duties of, 2, 3, 12, 13, 18, 19, 26, 77,

96, 107, 145n23, 147n45

fallen 2, 14, 30, 48, 86; see also

demons

function vs. nature, 19, 33, 58,

144n14, 147n45

guardian angels, 14, 16, 31, 80, 81, 90

I N D E X 255

as guardians, 15, 18, 19, 32, 41, 63, 83

as guardians of the Gates of

Heaven, 57

healing, 18, 37, 48, 84

Heavenly Host, 2, 3, 9, 12, 14, 15,

17, 18, 21, 26, 27, 29, 30, 33, 47,

48, 54–9, 64, 65, 74, 75, 77, 82,

83, 135

heavenly priests, 15

hierarchy of, 12, 13, 22, 25, 55–60, 129

humans souls as, 31, 32, 41

humility of, 3, 31

intercessors, 2, 3, 5, 18, 19, 21, 22, 24,

42, 60

invocations: amuletic, 18, 31, 32,

63, 94, 95, 117, 119, 149n76;

incantations, 19, 32; inscriptions,

31, 32; in place of Christ, 32;

intersection of rituals, 41;

liturgical performance of, 15, 22,

94; magical, 18, 19, 24, 31, 41,

60, 63, 94; prayer, 17, 18, 24, 25,

28, 118, 119; prohibition of, 118,

131, 133, 134; ritual, 19, 28, 32,

41, 63; subversive of ecclesiastical

authority, 94

logoi, 21

manifestations of God, 11, 33, 34

messengers, 19, 21, 26, 27, 29, 33, 57,

58, 96

miscegenation with humans, 14,

30, 31

naming of, 59, 125; prohibited, 50,

60, 105, 119, 133

pagan conceptions of, 10, 151n101

portals to higher divinities, 25

power, 17, 22, 25, 30, 68, 97,

102, 131; manipulation of, 24;

suppression of, 25, 26, 68, 74, 92,

132, 135

presence of, 12, 15, 26, 27, 43, 56,

128; see also Michael, presence of

subordinate, 12, 17, 18, 19, 23, 25, 26,

28, 29, 55–60

theological discourse regarding, 12,

143n16

triumph over Satan, 48, 56, 97

veneration, 3, 5, 18, 25, 27, 33, 42,

55, 59; acceptable methods, 10,

28, 59, 60, 119, 121; at Chonae, 5,

27, 62; by many faiths, 10, 23, 31,

32; prohibition of, 2, 3, 5, 6, 17,

18, 25, 27–33, 38, 48, 49, 55, 59,

60–2, 137

angel of the Lord (mal’akh Yahweh), 11,

26, 30, 33, 40, 103, 111, 134

Angelics, 32

angelolatry, 18, 25, 59, 60

angelology, 12, 20–22, 35, 48, 56, 59,

61, 75

angelomorphic humanity, 28

Angels of the Presence, 12–14

angelus interpres, 145n22

Ansuini, pilgrim, 91

Anthimus, papal candidate, 79

Antiochus IV, 14, 15

see also Hasmonaean Rebellion

Antioch, 2, 55–6, 97

Antiochene exegesis, 60, 61

Apocalypses, 11, 12, 31, 144n15

Apodonia, 72, 73, 89, 90

see also Monte Gargano, cave

shrine

Apollo, 19, 23, 69

apostles, 27, 45, 47, 72, 73, 76, 81, 122,

188n44

apparitions, 11, 13, 22, 46, 53, 57

see also Michael, apparitions

Appion, Bishop of Syene, 75

Apulia, 2, 67, 68, 70, 71, 85, 86, 90, 92,

99, 115, 134

Aquilinus, see Michael, healer, of

Aquilinus

Aquitaine, 112

Archangelum mirum magnum, 109

Aram, kingdom of, 52

Archippos at Chonae, 44, 62, 63, 96

Archistrategos, see Michael,

Archistrategos

Arian church, 78, 81, 94, 99, 101, 102

Arian rulers, 7, 67, 78, 87, 88, 94, 99,

101, 118

I N D E X256

Arian Controversy, 38, 55–63

see also Nicaea, First Council of;

Nicene creed; Trinitarian theology

Arianism, 7, 55–63, 78–82, 88, 94,

99–102, 118, 168n111, 168n114,

169n121

and angelology, 56, 61; see also

angelology

Gregory of Tours’ campaign

against, 101

as heresy, 55, 56, 60, 61, 78, 88, 101,

102, 118

and festal calendar, 81

see also Arius; Trinity, subordinationist

Christology

Aristides, Aelius, 46, 50

Arius, 56, 59

see also Arianism

Ark of the Covenant, 53

Arles, 96, 100, 118, 188n39

Arnavutköyü, 49

Arricus, pilgrim, 91

Artemis, 45

Asa, King of Judah, 52

Ascension Day, Celeberation of, 133

Ascetics, Asceticism, 37, 38, 62, 63, 74,

97, 100, 105, 108, 109

Asclepiodotos, 79

Asclepius, see Asklepios

Asiel, 18

Asklepios, 41, 46, 50, 69

Asmodeus, 14, 104

Assyrian religions, 13, 133, 134

Assumption of the Virgin, 188n44

Asterius the Sophist, 102

Atargatis, 39

Athanasius of Alexandria, 56–8, 60

see also Arian Controversy; Trinitarian

theology; Trinity, co–ordinationist

Christology

Athens, 70

Attica, 69

Attis, 39, 151–2n108

Aubert, Bishop, see St. Aubert

Augustine of Hippo, and angel

worship, 3

Aunemundus, Bishop of Lyons, 110

Austrasia, Austrasia–Burgundy,

112, 113

Autpertus, see St. Aubert

Auxerre, Council of, 96, 104

Avitus of Vienne, sermon at dedication

of Michaelion in Lyons, 99

Avranches, 2, 93, 112

Avranchin, evangelization of, 192n89

Baal, 41

Baalbek, 23, 24, 152n11

see also Gaionas

Babylon, 12, 13, 16

Bacaulis, 56

Baino, 134

Bangor Antiphonary, 108

baptisms, 5, 40, 46, 47, 70, 71

paraliturgical, 5, 40, 46, 63, 138

barbarians

classical ethnography of, 178n59

in Procopius, 178n59

Bari, 2, 72, 94, 113

Barnabas, mistaken for Zeus, 27

Baronius, Cesare and Annales

ecclesiastici, 86

basilica of St. Eufemia, 74

Bath, 96

Bayeux Tapestry, 141n1

Belial, 15, 16

beliefs, mixing of, 5, 6, 12, 19, 23, 32,

34, 37, 38, 40, 41, 44, 47–9, 60, 63

Belisarius, 79, 85

Ben–hadad, king of Damascus, 52

Benevento, 73, 85–8, 90, 113

Beneventan Missal, 81, 90, 179n79,

183n121

Bernardus, Frankish Monk, pilgrim, 1,

2, 91, 113, 141n1

Bertram, Bishop of Le Mans, 102

Bethesda, 40

Bethlehem, 84

binding spell, 24

see also curse tablets

Bitheem, 71

Bithynia, 77

I N D E X 257

Black Sea, 77, 84

blood of the Cross, 75, 81, 117

Bobbio Missal, 115–17, 128, 197n148,

197n149, 197n150, 198n152,

198n153, 199n164, 199n165,

199n166, 199n167, 204n35

and amulets, 117, 128, 199n164

and healing, 117, 199n164

and the Mass for the King, 118

and Michael Mass, 116, 197n149

and St. Sigismund of Burgundy, 118

Boniface, see St. Boniface

bonus angelus, see Vibia

Book of Cerne, 127

Bosporus, 49, 77

Bozrah, 30, 75

bull, 67, 69–71, 85, 115, 134

see also Monte Gargano, miracle at;

Mont Saint–Michel

Burgundy, 94, 99–101, 112, 118, 131

Burning Bush, 11, 58

Byzantine Empire, 37, 44, 64, 73, 83–6,

88, 91, 113

Caesarius, Bishop of Arles, 96

and paganism, 186n20

Calabria, 85

Calchas, 69

canon law collections

Dionysia, 105, 119

Canons of Laodicea, 59, 60, 105,

190n71; gatherings of angels,

prohibitions of angels, 59, 60, 105,

119, 133; see also orthopraxy

Vetus Gallica, 105, 190n71

Capitula ecclesiastica, 133, 206n62

Caretena, 99, 100, 118

Carloman, 123, 124, 126

and Concilium Germanicum,

123, 126

alleged follower of Aldebert, 126

Carolingian royal ideology, 133, 191n2

see also Francia

Carthage, 24, 85, 99

Cassiodorus, 98

Castel Sant’ Angelo, 86

catechetical homilies

of Ambrose, 40

of Cyril of Jerusalem, 40, 160n17,

160n18, 160n19

Cave of Themisonion, 69

Cave of Adullam, 84

Cave Gods (spēlaitai), 69

see also Apollo, Hercules, Hermes

Céli Dé, 109, 119, 193n102

see also Culdees

Chairetopa, 43–50, 56, 59, 60, 63

Keretapa, 163n46

miracle at, 45, 46, 47, 61

prayerhouse at, 45

Chalcedon, Council of, 38, 77

Chalcedonians, 83, 84

Neo–Chalcedonian, 84

Châ lons–sur–Marne, 113

Charlemagne, 132, 134, 190n71

Charles the Bald, 1

Chelles, 114, 116

Cherubim, 11, 13, 48, 127, 128, 144n16

Childebert III, 112

Childeric II, 112

Chilperic, 101

Chonae as Chairetopa, see Chairetopa

Chonae, in Phrygia, 4–6, 27, 43, 44, 62,

63, 74, 81, 92, 96, 105, 106, 139,

142n11, 163n46

curative/sacred waters, 4–6, 43, 44,

61–3, 105, 106

identified as origin point of Michael

cult, 4, 5, 92

miracle at, 4, 5, 44, 61–3, 81

shared space, 5, 6, 43, 44, 63

and orthodoxy, 62, 74

Chosen People, 9, 34, 64, 77, 93, 100

Christ, 3, 8, 32, 40

as angel, 30, 42, 153n119

Ascension, 27, 30, 57, 75, 133

as God, 30, 31, 58, 64

authority of, 31, 57

Commander of the Host of the

Lord, 28–30, 57–9, 82, 137

created by God, 55–7

creator of angels, 29, 56, 57–9

I N D E X258

Crucifixion, 25, 28–30, 50, 53,

75, 100

distinct from angels, 58, 59, 64

distinct from God, 57

divine and human, 38, 57, 77, 84

divinity, 26, 29, 31

as healer, 104, 117

humiliation of, 29, 30, 50, 58

as intercessor, 3, 29, 30, 57, 58, 137

in Jewish monotheism, 153n118

Logos, 21, 33

made flesh, 4, 25–7, 29, 50, 75

and Melchizedek, 28

Redeemer, 57

relics of, 74, 75

Resurrection, 25–9, 31

sacrifice of atonement, 29

Savior, 57, 58, 61, 64, 74

Son of God, 3, 25–9, 32–4, 38, 44,

45–7, 54–9, 61–4, 69, 77, 84, 85,

102, 105, 117, 137

subordinate, 54, 55, 77, 102; see also

Theology of Victory; Trinity

suffering of death, 26, 29, 30,

58, 64

superiority to angels and Michael,

29–31, 34, 35, 55–9, 62, 63, 74, 75,

152n17

supreme powers of, 25, 26, 28, 30

susceptible to change, 57, 58; see also

Arianism

transcendence, 29, 50, 55

Transfiguration, 47, 83, 116

The Eternal Word, 33, 42, 48, 55,

57, 58

Theology of Victory, 54, 55

triumph over Satan, 9, 26, 29, 30, 54,

64, 97

Christianity

dominant, claims of superiority,

58, 60

dominant, takes over landscape, 43–6,

49, 69–71, 122, 161n33

Christianization, 32, 38, 49, 63, 69, 70,

94, 96, 184n7, 192n89

Christology

angelomorphic, 25, 26, 33, 154n136

co–ordinationist, 25

subordinationist, 29

Theopaschite formula, 84, 180n86

Chrysopolis, Battle of, 53, 54

Churches dedicated to Michael

Apulia, 99

Arles, 100

Le Mans, 102

Lyon, 99

Pavia, 91

Rome, 80, 99

Skellig Michael, 108, 115

on the Via Salaria, 80

Classe, 82–4, 116

cleansing

healing, 45, 47, 63, 69, 97

spiritual, 9, 14, 22, 30, 45, 47, 54, 60,

63, 69, 100

Cleuomedes and uterine phylactery, 95

cloaks, 30, 67, 75, 82, 83, 97

see also Michael, rubrus palliolus;

Monte Gargano, relics

Clovis, 94, 101

coins, 41, 42, 53, 76, 77, 87, 91, 94

Colossae, 4, 5, 27, 28, 44, 45, 48, 59,

163n49

see also Chonae, in Phrygia

Colossian error, 153n123

Columbanus, 116

Compiè gne, 113

Concilium Germanicum, 123, 132

conlatio, 72, 175n25

Constans II, 73, 88

Constantine, 38, 42, 49, 51–5, 63, 98

as Victor, 53

Constantinople, 5, 49, 53, 61, 68, 71,

76, 77, 79, 83, 85–7, 90, 92, 99,

113, 114

diffusion of Michael cult to, 5, 49

First Council of, 61

covenantal nomism, 144n15

converts, 28, 33, 41, 45, 50, 54, 97, 106,

111, 129, 164n58

coniuro, 121, 128–30

Christ—Continued

I N D E X 259

Corbo, pilgrim, 91

Corinth, 19, 40, 41, 44, 76

Fountain of the Lamps, 41, 63

Cornelius, centurion, conversion

of, 111

correlation of earthly and Heavenly

actions, 15, 16, 24, 38, 51–4, 63,

74, 75, 77

see also Theology of Victory

correlation of condition of soul and

body, 43, 45, 48, 63

Cosmic Hierarchy, 10, 14, 30–32, 48,

50, 54–8, 62, 74

cosmology, 11, 13

Greek, 14, 19, 21, 28

Jewish, 13

Cotentin, evangelization of, 192n89

crimson, as symbol, 30, 67, 68, 73–5,

97, 114

Cross, Divine, 50–52, 72, 75, 188n44

imagery of, 52, 53

inscription on, 41

vigils, 109

crosses, 30, 41, 43, 44, 50–3, 73, 75, 76,

82, 91, 98, 100, 102, 109–11, 116,

118, 126, 128

Crucifixion, see Christ, Crucifixion

Culdees, 119, 193n102

see also Céli Dé

cults

angels, 17, 33, 41

Hypsistarian, 151n107

Michael, see Michael, cult of

of Sabazios, 151n108

saints, 4, 38

statues, agálmata, 69

of the Virgin, 111

Cunaldu, pilgrim, 90

Cunipert, 91

gold tremisses, 91

SCS MIHAHIL coin inscription, 91

cures, 40, 43, 46–8, 50, 52, 77, 95, 96,

98, 102–4, 118

curse tablets, 24, 25, 41, 54, 93, 95, 96

Bath, 96

Gaul, 95

Puteoli, 24

Roman Britain, 95, 96

Cybele, Magna Mater, 39, 151n108

cyclopean wall at Notre–Dame–sous–

Terre, 1, 114, 115, 141n2, 142n3

daimons, 19–25, 34

chthonic, 23, 24

distinct from angels, 21, 23

Eros, 20

evil, 20, 54, 56

functioning as angels, 21, 24

guardians, 20, 21, 24, 100

humans aspiring to, 20, 22

intercessors, 20, 21, 34

interior force vs. exterior being, 20

logoi, 21

manipulation of, 24, 54

and Plato’s Apology, 20

and Plato’s Symposium, 20

and Plato’s Timaeus, 21

Plutarch, 20–22

Socrates, 20

Xenocrates, 20

Damascus, 52

David, king, 52, 84

Dead Sea Scrolls, literature regarding,

157n54

Dedication of St. Michael, 29 Sept.,

133

see also festivals

Dedicatio basilicae Michaelis archangeli in

Monte Gargano, in Martyrology of

Jerome, 108

see also Monte Gargano

defixiones, see curse tablets

Delos, 17

demons, 6, 13, 14, 16, 18, 20, 30, 33, 37,

47, 48, 64, 70, 71, 74, 93, 96, 100,

104, 107, 117, 121, 124, 125, 127,

130, 131, 133–5, 138

on amulets, 105, 138

discernment of, 3, 62, 63, 94

exorcism of, 104

perversion of just administration,

121–131

I N D E X260

possession, 37, 47, 71, 104

posing as angels, 7, 63, 94, 98, 105,

118, 124

worship of, 3, 56, 117, 124–131, 138

Desiderius, “necromancer” at Tours,

105, 106

diadems, 30, 53

diakónein, 26

diffusion, see Michael, cult of,

diffusion of

Dionysia, see canon law collections

Disciola, 100–102, 118

distinction between good and evil

spirits, 3, 42, 62, 63, 74, 94, 96–8,

100, 118, 133, 134, 138

divination, 24, 41, 59, 96

divine authority, 31, 34, 74, 75,

103, 121

douleía, 3, 33, 60, 142n7

dream oracles, 50, 52, 69, 98, 102, 104,

115, 119, 134

Driun, 69

see also Monte Gargano

dualism, 12–15, 32, 33, 54, 78

see also Zoroastrianism

Eadburg, abbess and correspondant of

St. Boniface, 127

Easter, 110, 133

ecclesiastical hierarchy, 6, 38, 39, 63, 68,

71, 74, 82, 94, 98, 103, 105, 123,

132, 135, 138

Echternach, 113, 132

Edessan temples, 39

Eddius Stephanus, 110, 111

Egypt, 2, 5, 24, 31, 32, 49, 61, 64, 77,

90, 91, 93, 95, 128

Eleazar, rabbi with amulet, 18

Elijah, 116, 134

elohim, 11, 16

embateúōn, and Colossians 2.18, 28

Emmanuelis, Elvius, 172n1

Ephesus, 99, 114, 163n48

Epiktikos, Angel of, 32

Epiphanius of Salamis, 32, 98

Eros, 20

Essenes, 15, 17

Eucharist, 59, 64, 68, 75, 82, 83, 92,

117, 131, 132

theology of, 82

Eucharist for the Incorporeal Spirits

(hoi asómatoi), November 8, 64, 65,

81, 90

see also festivals

Eusebius of Caesarea, 42, 43, 52–5

Evagrius Scholasticus, 99

exile of Jews from Israel, 11, 12

exorcism, 47, 71, 103, 104, 109, 128

Fall

from Grace, 3, 43, 64, 75, 114

from Heaven, angels, 2, 14, 30, 48

from Heaven, Satan, 2, 64

fanum, fana, fanes, 95, 96, 104

see also water, source of healing and

divine power

Fariel, 131

fasting, 27, 28, 44, 97

feet

healing of, 51, 54, 55, 98, 102, 103,

104; see also Michael, healer, feet

symbol of Angelic triumph over

Satan, 97

wooden carvings, 96

Félire of Oengus, 108

festivals

Apparition of St. Michael, 8 May, 8,

73, 86, 90, 108, 115

Dedication of St. Michael the

Archangel, 29 Sept., 68, 80, 90,

108, 117, 131–3, 135, 136

Eucharist for the Incorporeal Spirits

(hoi asómatoi), 8 Nov., 46, 64, 65,

81, 90

Apostle Philip at Hierapolis,

Nov. 15, 81

at Lindisfarne, 109

at Tallaght, 193n99

fever, 40, 50, 67, 73, 103, 117, 118, 128

fire, as symbol, 13, 22, 29, 30, 33, 43, 69

fish, 37, 38, 39, 40, 63, 99, 103, 104

demons—Continued

I N D E X 261

fishpools, healing, 37, 38, 39, 40, 63, 99

Flavians, 51

Flavigny, see monasteries

fortune telling, 129

Forum, Roman, 64

Fountain of the Lamps, see Corinth

formulae, magical, 24, 32, 33, 41, 46, 47,

61, 63, 68, 71, 84, 116, 137

Fragment of Bruyne, 126–7, 203n26

Francia, 1, 90, 93, 94, 97, 99, 101, 110,

112–18, 121–5, 128, 131

Frankish Church, 7, 119, 122, 123, 131

Frankish Gelasian sacramentaries, 131

fravashis, 14

see also Zoroastrianism

Fredegund, 101

Frigiselo, 86

see also Africisco

Fulda, 90, 115, 126, 130

fumigation, 103, 104

Gabriel, 3, 4, 7, 13, 15–18, 25, 26, 30,

41, 43, 56, 57, 71, 82–6, 90, 97,

100, 116–18, 121, 127–8, 131, 133,

138, 148n62

Gaidemar, epigrapher, 89

Gaionas

pro salute inscriptions, 23

Heliopolitan angel, 152n11

Gallican Liturgy, 176n41

Galatia, 37, 99

Gargano, promontory 68, 69, 72, 76, 86

road system of, 71, 72, 80

Garganus, 67, 70, 80

Gates of Heaven, 57, 73

Gaul, 91, 94–6, 98–102, 105, 106, 108,

110, 112, 116, 119, 121, 122,

126, 129

and Frankish Church, 94, 106, 122

Gelasian Decree, 105, 119, 130,

133, 135

see also St. Boniface

Gelasian liturgy, 116, 131, 198n157

Gelasius I, Pope (r. 492–496), 71, 72, 116

Germanus, Bishop of Paris, 176n41

Germia, 37–40, 63, 74, 98, 99

Tunic of Christ, 99

Glory of the Martyrs, 188n44

Gnostics, 32, 126, 202n25

God

Creator, 19, 21, 56, 57, 58

Grace of, 64

The Father, 21, 26, 32, 33, 38, 44–7,

54–9, 62, 81, 84, 102, 117, 128

One True, 3, 33, 46, 52, 54, 59

The Word of, see Christ, The Eternal

Word

Throne of, 12, 13, 48, 57, 81, 82, 83,

92, 127, 137; unity of, 33, 61

worship of: appropriate, 17, 33, 34,

52; direct, 3, 17, 18, 29, 33, 34,

42, 43

gold, as symbol, 82, 83, 111, 132, 139

Golden Legend, 86

Gothic War, 7, 67, 68, 76, 78, 79, 85, 88,

90, 92, 138

graffito, graffiti, 75, 87, 90, 92, 177n44

see also Monte Gargano,

inscriptions

Gregory the Great, Pope (r. 590–604),

70, 74, 86

Gregory II, Pope, 122

Gregory III, Pope, 122, 129

Gregory of Tours, 97, 98, 100–106, 118,

119, 189n49

History of the Franks, 97

and Joshua, son of Nun, 103

Grimoald I, duke of Benevento, 73,

88, 91

Gumperga, 85, 90

Gundobad, 99, 118

ha–sar ha–gadol, 16

Hadrian I, Pope, 190n71

Hadrian, abbot of Nisita, 110

Hadrian’s Tomb (Castel Sant’

Angelo), 86

Hagar, 11

Hagia Sophia, 39, 64

Hanani, prophet, 52

ha–shem, 11, 30

see also Yahweh

I N D E X262

Hasmonaean Rebellion, 14, 15, 30

and Antiochus IV, 14, 15

in 2 Maccabees, 14, 30

Ḥayyot, 12

healing, 6, 17, 19, 38–40, 47, 103–5

animals, 69

fish nibbling, 37, 39, 63

of the crippled, 105

of ears, 104

of eyes, 69, 94, 103–5

of fevers, 117, 118, 128

of langoretica, 117

magical, 59, 103, 104

of paralysis, 69, 117, 128

physical sensations of, 38, 46

source of, 164n58

water, see Michael, healer, water;

water, source of healing and

divine power

see also Michael, healer

Heaven

seven tiers of, 12, 13; ‘Araboth,

seventh tier 12; Makon, sixth tier,

12; Zebul, 16

Heavenly Court, 4, 18, 57, 76, 81, 83

Heavenly tribunal, 31

Heavenly Watchers, 11, 83

see also angels

Hebrew Scriptures, 9, 11, 12

Hekhalot literature, 149n76

Heliodoros, Angel of 32

Heliopolitan Angel, 23, 24

see also Gaionas

Helios, Sun God, 23, 24

Hellenes, see pagans

Heracleia, 45

Herakleon, Angel of, 32

Hercules, 69

heresy, 59, 101, 123, 124

heretics, 7, 56, 59, 61, 68, 78, 101, 102,

105, 125, 126, 130

Hermes, 18, 19, 23, 27, 69

see also Mercury

Hesiod, 20

Hestiae (Anaplos), 49, 77

goddess, 49

site of healing, 49–55, 74, 77, 98; see

also Michael, healer; Michaelions

Hexham, 111

Church of St. Andrew, 111

Hierapolis, 81, 163n48

temples at, 39

Hilary, bishop of Poitiers, 58, 170n128

see also Trinitarian theology

Hildebert of St. Wandrille, 113

himation, see cloaks

Historia Tripartita (Tripartite History),

98, 99

historiola, 117

ho á ngelos ho mé gas, 147n46

hoi asómatoi, see festivals, Eucharist for

the Incorporeal Spirits

Holy Justice, 23

Holy Living Creatures, 12

Holy Land, pilgrimage, 1, 74, 76, 90,

113

Holy Sepulchre, 69, 75, 90–92,

113, 114

Holy Spirit, 13, 32–4, 38, 43, 45–7, 55,

56, 58, 61, 62, 84, 117, 137

Hrabanus Maurus, 90

Hupsistos, 23, 24

Dios, 22

Highest God, 22, 23, 53

Theos, 23

Zeus, 22, 23, 53

Hymettus, Cave of Pan, 70

hypostatis, 13, 77, 145n30

Hypsistarians, 151n107

see also Hupsistos

Hypsistos inscriptions, 151n104

Iamblichus, see Neoplatonism

Iaō, 25, 32, 41, 95

Iao Ēl Michael Nephtho, 24

see also curse tablets

Iconium, 44

idolatry of angels, 56, 59, 60, 105, 138

imperial authority, 39, 51, 53, 63, 74,

77–80, 84

imperial iconography, 53–54,

167n95

I N D E X 263

imperial ideology, 6, 38, 39, 78, 79,

83, 99

imperial hierarchy, 76, 80, 83

Incarnation, 4, 50, 84, 100, 102

doctrine of, 102

incense, 4, 42, 69

incubation, 50, 69, 98

see also dream oracles

Indos River, 163n46

inscriptions, 6, 22–4, 31, 49, 85

at Alexandria, 31

at Thera, 31

on tombstones, 31

at Stratonicaea, 22

intercessors, 1, 3, 4

see also Michael, as intercessor

Iona, 107, 109

Ireland, 106–10, 119

“Irish countermodel,” see Michael, cult

of, diffusion of

Irenaeus of Lyon, 202n25

on Catharists, 32

on Gnostics, 32

on Noesians, 32

on Valesians, 32

on Angelics, 32

Iris, as ángelos, 19

Ishmael, 11

Isidore of Seville, 190n71

Israel, 4, 11, 12, 15–17, 19, 29, 34, 48,

52, 81, 93, 134, 137

see also True Israel

Israelites, 84

Isaac, 11, 42, 83

Jacob, 11

Jacob’s Ladder, 21, 99

see also Philo of Alexandria; Avitus of

Vienne

Jericho, battle of, and “angel of the

Lord,” 11, 103

Jerusalem, 1, 2, 12, 26, 39, 90, 91, 114,

115, 161n34

Jesus, see Christ

Jews

as magical specialists, 149n78

attitude toward Michael, 4, 5, 15, 16

cultic practices, in correlation with

angels, 16

Rabbinical teachings on angels, 12,

16, 18

Jouarre, 116

Joel, the Prophet, 101

John the Apostle, 2, 39, 45, 76

John 5:4, date of composition, 159n15

John the Baptist, 133

John, author of Revelation, 29, 76, 81,

163n48

admonished not to worship

angels, 29

John, apostle, at Ephesus, 99

Joshua, at Jericho and “angel of the

Lord,” 11, 103

Jove, 19, 23, 24

Jove of Baalbek (Angel of Baalbek),

origins of, 152n111

see also Gaionas

Judaism

pre–exilic, 12

post–exilic, 11, 12

engagement with other religions,

12–14, 19, 22, 23, 32

Judan, Rabbi, 17

Judas Maccabaeus, 14, 15

see also Hasmonaean Rebellion

Julianus Argentarius, and Ravenna, 82

Jupiter, 23

see also Jove

Justin Martyr, 33, 34, 46, 47, 61

Justin I, Byzantine emperor, 64, 76

Justin II, Byzantine emperor, 99

Justinian I, Byzantine emperor 7, 37,

67, 76–9, 81–4, 86, 91

Kadmos, Mt., 44

Le Mans, Church of the Virgin and St.

Gervasius, 102

labarum, 52, 53

labellum, grafitto at Monte Gargano, 75

Labeo, Cornelius, 21

see also Middle Platonism

I N D E X264

Lactantius, 167n96

Lakish, Simeon b., 13

lamellae, 24

see also curse tablets

lamps, 41–3

and lychnomancy, 41

Laodicea, 45, 46, 59, 60, 69, 105, 132,

133, 135

Council of, 59, 60, 132, 133

Canons of, see canon law collections;

see also orthopraxy

pagan pilgrim from, 45–7, 60, 61

see also Chairetopa

Larino, bishop of, and dedication of

Michael church, 72

latreía, 3, 33, 34, 142n7

Laurence of Siponto, see Saints

Lausanne Cathedral, and Frankish

amulet, 128

Leo XIII, Pope, Michael prayer, 9

Les Estinnes, Council of, 123

Leviathan as Satan, 169n118

Lections, Roman, dating of, 179n73

libelli missarum, 116

Liber de apparitione de Sancti Michaelis in

Monte Gargano, 67, 68, 70, 72

the “Bull,” 70

the “Battle,” 70, 85

the “Dedication,” 70

Hrabanus Maurus, 90

and author of Revelatio ecclesiae, 115

Liber Responsalis, 115, 132, 133,

197n147, 206n56, 206n66

Liberatus of Carthage, use of Historia

Tripartita in Breviarium, 99

Licinius, emperor 53, 54

Life of Adam and Eve, historiographical

debate, 162n37

Life of St. Columba, 107

Light, as symbol, 15, 21, 23, 27, 31,

43, 47, 51, 52, 54, 55, 59, 64, 71,

105, 109

Lightning, as symbol, 12, 27, 30, 64,

67, 134

Lindisfarne, 109, 116

see also festivals

Lindisfarne Gospels, 109, 110, 193n104,

194n106, 194n107

Litany of Soissons, and Aldebert, 126,

202n22

Logos, 33, 34

theology of 33, 34; see also Philo of

Alexandria

Lombards, 73, 76, 87–91, 106

and paganism, 87

and Michael, 87–91

loricae, 127

Lueken, Wilhelm, 4, 5, 142n10

see also Religionsgeschichte

lychnomancy, see lamps

Lycophron, 69

Lykos River, 44

Lyon, 99, 105, 110, 116, 118

Michaelion at, 99, 118

Má el Rú ain, bishop of Tallaght,

108, 109

Archangelum mirum magnum, 109

and the Célí Dé (Culdees), 109, 119,

193n102

and Cross vigils, 109

magic papyri, 24, 25, 41

magic spells, 6, 10, 13, 19, 24, 32, 33,

46, 47, 54, 59, 63, 71, 93–5, 104,

117, 118, 121, 128, 129, 137, 138,

190n67

Mainz, 133

Council of, 7, 133

mal’akh Yahweh, 9, 11

mal’akh, malakh’im, 9, 10, 11, 12

Mamre, 33, 63

Manfredonia, see Siponto

Marcellus of Bordeaux, podagra

remedies, 103, 104

see also feet, healing of

Marianu, pilgrim, 90

Marsoupe River, 112

see also St. Mihiel–Verdun

Martyrology of Jerome, 80, 108

Martyrology of Tallaght, 108

Mary, 4, 26, 38, 133

assumption of, 133

I N D E X 265

Mattinata, town on the Gargano, 72

Maxentius, emperor, 52

Maximian, bishop of Ravenna, 82, 84

Meaux, 110

Meer, archangel, 71

Melodos, Romanos, 84

Melchizedek, 16, 28, 29

see also Dead Sea Scrolls

Mercia, 127

Mercury, 23, 96, 106

see also Hermes

Meribah, rebellion at, 155n145

Merovingian liturgy, 176n41

metángelos, 19

Metatron, 148n62

Meuse River, 113

Miaphysite, 77

Micah, prophet, 13

Michael the Archangel

absence during Christ’s earthly

ministry, 26, 34, 132

accoutrements, 10, 56, 76, 83, 88, 103

advocate of the dead, 8, 9, 17, 31, 57

angel of the Resurrection, 84

angel of the Lord, 40, 103, 111

anthropomorphism of, 7, 8, 68, 74,

93, 94, 138

apparitions, 4, 5, 38, 44, 45, 49, 71,

86, 93, 94, 95, 100, 101, 110, 111,

115, 118; at Chonae, 4, 5, 44,

45, 62, 63, 138, 139; at Monte

Gargano, 67, 68, 70–72, 85,

94, 110

Archistrategos, 6, 11, 14, 15, 17, 28,

32–4, 37–9, 45, 47–9, 52, 53, 55,

58, 61–4, 67; 68, 74, 77, 78, 83,

87, 88, 91, 92, 96, 100, 118, 134,

135, 138

cedes duties to Christ, 28, 29, 34, 57

chief divine agent, 4, 10, 17, 25, 28, 64

champion of the Chosen People, 9,

15, 48

circumscribed in place and time, 6,

68, 74, 98

Commander of the Host of the

Lord, 2, 3, 4, 11, 15–17, 26, 28, 29,

32, 38, 48, 62–5, 74, 75, 132, 135,

157n9

conflation with other divinities,

19, 106

conflation with Christ, 31

conflation with The Father, Son and

The Holy Spirit, 44–6

conflicting aspects of Christ and

Michael, 8, 10, 25, 26, 28, 29, 30,

34, 132, 137

conquerer of Satan, 8, 9, 15–8, 30,

31, 33, 37, 39, 47, 48, 51, 63, 64,

67, 70, 96, 97, 100, 108, 118,

137, 139

cult of, 4, 6, 8, 16, 17, 34, 35, 37,

46, 48, 49, 55, 58, 87, 94, 99, 111,

121–36; diffusion of, 4–7, 38, 49,

67, 68, 91–3, 99, 106, 109–119,

138; “Irish countermodel,” 106,

119; via Monte Gargano, 67, 68,

70, 71, 76, 93; origins of, 4–7, 38,

49, 68, 70, 71, 143n15, 165n72;

sanctioned by church, 7, 8, 10, 58,

131, 138

dedications, 7, 63, 64, 67, 72, 76, 77,

80, 91, 99, 102, 108, 115; see also

Michaelions; Mont Saint–Michel

defeat of Samaēl, 64

discernment of, 63, 74, 94, 96, 138;

see also distinction between good

and evil spirits

dispute with Satan over Moses’ body,

31, 109, 155n144

divinity of, 4, 10, 39

Doctrine of the Trinity, 6, 63, 77; see

also Arianism; Trinitarian theology

Doorkeeper of Paradise, 92, 115, 134

Dragon, slaying of, 30, 108, 167n95

ecclesiastical control of, 7, 63, 68, 75,

93, 102, 105, 138

episcopal mediator, 34, 63, 64, 74

ecumenical status, 5, 10, 19, 48

Field Marshal of the Host of the

Lord, see Archistrategos

footprints of, see posterula pusilla

four offices of, 143n17

I N D E X266

grasps St. Aubert’s head, 134

guardian, 9, 15, 32, 63, 67, 68, 75, 81,

85–7, 90–2, 99, 100, 135, 136

Guardian of Israel, 4, 15, 17, 19, 34,

48, 81, 100

Guardian of the Chosen People, 9,

84, 100, 137

healer, 2, 4, 5, 8, 17, 25, 37–9,

43, 46, 47, 49, 52, 71, 80, 86,

157n9; of Aquilinus, 50, 52, 98;

at Chairetopa, 45–7, 61; of feet,

37, 38, 50–5, 98, 103; at Germia,

37–9, 63; at Hestiae, 49–55; at

Monte Gargano, 67; according

to Probianus, 50–53, 98; at water,

4–6, 37–40, 43–7, 61–3, 67, 75,

77, 105, 106; see also Chairetopa;

Hestiae

Heavenly High Priest, 4, 15–17, 28,

29, 34, 48, 137

humility of, 4, 31, 132

identification with Melchizedek, 16

image co–opted to elevate Christ,

25, 26, 30

images of, 51, 54, 56, 76, 77, 88, 91;

see also Theology of Victory

imperial ideology, 6, 38, 39, 51,

63, 76–8, 83, 84, 87, 88, 92, 133,

167n95; see also Theology of

Victory

imperial patronage of, 5, 6, 37,

38, 63

imperial supporter, 7, 38, 48, 49, 51,

54, 55, 63, 76–8; see also Theology

of Victory

Imperial Victor, 54, 55, 63, 64, 68,

76–8, 91; see also Theology of

Victory

incorporeal, 3, 4, 6, 38

intercessor, 2, 7, 9, 16, 17, 24, 28, 34,

37–9, 48, 64, 65, 68, 77, 78, 81, 99,

117, 137, 148n62

invocation of: alongside Trinity, 47,

61; through Archippos, 62, 63;

through Theodore of Sykeon,

37, 63; via amulets, 4–8, 31, 32,

58, 63, 68, 102, 118, 138; via

extraliturgical rituals, 6, 8, 10,

17–19, 60, 63, 138; via magical

spells, 24, 31, 63, 68, 157n9; via

prayer, 4, 8, 10, 17, 34, 50, 68, 117;

via supervised liturgical appeals, 6,

7, 60, 63, 68, 74, 138

Irish attitudes toward, 107

Jewish warrior–priest, 4

Mannu–ki–ili, 13

miracle at, 4, 25, 37–40, 44–6, 49, 63,

64, 157n9

mixed pilgrimage, 5, 38, 47

New Dispensation, 137

not human, 3, 6, 29, 56

Orthodox Victor, 63, 68, 76–8, 86,

87, 93, 99–101; see also Theology

of Victory

Perfect eye of Zeus, 4, 24

Platonic daimon, 34

portal to the higher/other divinities,

4, 10, 19, 34

posterula pusilla, 2, 7, 67, 68, 72, 74;

as Christic images, 74, 75; see also

Monte; Gargano, relics

power constrained, 10, 19, 24–6, 41,

68, 74, 94, 102, 106, 135, 136

praepositus sacris cubiculis, subservient

in imperial hierarchy, 83

presence of, 5, 7, 12, 18, 26, 39, 42–4,

46, 47, 49, 63, 67–9, 74, 83, 86, 87,

92, 94, 100, 116, 118, 135, 136,

138, 139

preserver of purity, 9, 14, 17

Prince of the Heavenly Host, 9, 11,

15, 16, 18, 30, 99, 147n46,

148n61

protector, 2, 6, 8, 9, 14, 16, 17, 32, 39,

40, 48, 77, 80, 109, 137; of empire,

39, 63, 77; see also Theology of

Victory

psychopomp, 4, 10, 31, 34

purifier of water, 40, 43, 60, 68

Quis ut Deus (He who is as God), 3,

9, 13, 26, 47, 64, 74, 109

Michael the Archangel—Continued

I N D E X 267

relics of, 7, 94, 99, 102, 112–114,

135, 138; see also posterula pusilla;

rubrus; palliolus

shield–bearer, 109

rubrus palliolus (red cape), 67, 73, 75,

84; see also Monte Gargano, relics

sacrifices to, 18

saint, 7, 8, 68

segregation of, 135

signifier, 31

spiritual patron, 110, 123

subordinate, 17–19, 26, 29–31, 34,

35, 55–8, 62, 63, 74, 76, 83, 131

substitution for non–Christian

divinities (Mercury, Mithras,

Wodin, Wotan), 5, 87, 106

taxiarch, 45, 48

triumph over Satan, 8, 9, 15–18,

30–3, 37, 39, 47, 48, 51, 63, 64, 67,

70, 96, 97, 100, 108, 118, 137, 139

Throne Companion, 83

Trinity, supporter of, 7, 55, 62–8,

74, 77

tutor, 67, 100

veneration, 2, 6, 25, 37, 39, 68, 81,

118; apostolic resistance to, 3,

38; appropriate methods of, 10,

55, 60, 61, 63, 98; as a divinity,

4, 6; as if a human saint, 3, 4, 68,

74, 138; in Ireland, 106–9, 119;

in God’s name, 4, 55, 61–3, 137;

incorporation of pre–Christian

elements, 39, 68, 70; liturgical, 7,

10, 15, 68, 76, 122; prohibition of,

2, 3, 7, 18, 33, 49, 55, 56, 58, 61,

62; ritual and spatial intersection,

6, 38–40, 42, 47, 49, 63, 67, 75,

135, 136; shared space of, 39–45,

47, 63, 68, 69; three formations of,

37, 38, 63

Victor over Satan, 33, 51, 53, 63,

64, 67

warrior, 30, 87, 88, 109

Watcher and Overseer, 67, 83

Michael Mass

and First Siege of Rome, 80, 179n72

Frankish, 116, 131, 132

at Lindisfarne, 110

at Milan, 117

of Pope Vigilius, 68

Roman, 122, 131–3

at Tallaght, 108

of Frankish–Gelasian sacramentaries,

131, 133

Michaelions, 7, 49–55, 63, 64, 72, 76,

77, 86, 100

see also dedications

Middle Platonism, 21, 22

and Cornelius Labeo, 21

and Philo of Alexandria, 20, 21

and Plutarch, 20

and Xenocrates, 20

Milan, 40, 116, 117

Miracle of St. Michael the Archangel at

Chonae, dating of text, 163n47

“funnel,” punning on Chonae, 44

Orthodox commemoration of, Sept.

6, 44; see also festivals

salvation of prayerhouse, 44

Mission of the Seventy, Eucharist

for the Incorporeal Spirits (hoi

asómatoi), 64

Mithras, 70, 106

monasteries

Bobbio, 115, 116

Derry, 107

Durrow, 107

Flavigny in Burgundy, 131

Fulda, 90, 115

Iona, 107

Nisita, 110

Oundle, 111

Ripon, 110

St. John at Arles, 118, 188n39

Saints Peter and Paul at Le

Mans, 102

St. Wandrille, 113

San Michele in Pavia, 91

Tallaght, 108

Monasticism, 106

Monk of Wenlock, 127

Monophysite, 77–9, 83, 84

I N D E X268

Mont Saint–Michel, 1, 2, 7, 93, 107,

115, 133–5, 139

construction of, 93, 107, 142n3

founding of 112, 114, 119

Frankish attitudes toward, 133, 134

and Godwinson, Harold, 41n1

lectionary, 10th c. (Avranches MS

211), 115, 116, 197n145, n146,

n148

Mediterranean background, 119

relationship to Skellig Michael, 107,

108, 115

relationship to St. Mihiel–Verdun,

112, 113

relics from Monte Gargano, 7, 94, 135

rivalry with St. Mihiel–Verdun, 113

Monte Gargano, 2, 7, 67, 69, 70, 80, 87,

92, 106, 134

Altar of the Rock, 89

Apodonia, 89

basylica grandis, 72, 73, 89, 90

cave shrine, 2, 7, 67–75, 80, 84–94,

134, 138, 177n44; economic

preconditions for, 83–6;

replication of the Holy Sepulchre,

69, 75, 76, 91, 92, 114; constructed

by Michael, “made without

human hands,” 67, 72, 74, 75;

Church of St. Peter, 70–72

ecclesiastical authority over, 87–91

festival of May 8, 73, 86, 90, 108,

115; see also festivals

founding of, 86, 92

inscriptions, 75, 85, 87–90, 92

Lombard patronage of, 87–91

longa porticus, 72, 73, 90

Michael’s apparition at, 94, 110

miracle at, 67, 69, 70

pagan attack on, 67, 73, 85, 134

Peter and Paul arch, 73, 89

pilgrims to, 7, 67, 68, 84, 89, 90,

91, 113; Adgan, 91; Ansuini, 91;

Arricus, 91; Corbo, 91; Cunaldu,

90; Eadhrid, 91; Ludenus, 75;

Marianu, 90; Raidunis, 89;

Ramberta, 90; Rodicisi, 91; St.

Arthelais, 87; St. Aubert, 114;

Teospard, 89; Totoh, 90; Zillo, 90

relics, 3, 7, 67, 74, 75, 93, 98, 113,

114, 119, 135, 138; posterula pusilla,

2, 7, 67, 68, 72–5, 85, 86, 89, 114,

135, 138; rubrus palliolus, 7, 67, 68,

73–5, 84, 85, 92, 114, 135, 138;

stilla, 7, 67, 73–5, 84, 92

Siponto’s influence, 174n21

and St. Aubert, 114

and subjugation of angelic power,

40, 74, 75

Moses, 11, 20, 21, 31, 48, 56, 58, 62,

109, 116, 148n62, 155n145

Mount Horeb, 134

Mount Kadmos, 44

Mount of Olives, 26

Naples, 67, 73, 85, 110, 134

Nazareth, 26

necromancy, 20, 24, 25, 41, 105

Neo–Chalcedonian orthodoxy, 84

Neoplatonism, 21, 23, 24, 75

and Porphyry, 21, 22

and Iamblichus, 22

Nepthys, see Iao Ēl Michae l Nephtho

Neptune, 19, 96

Neustria, 112, 113, 115, 123, 134, 135

Nicaea, First Council of, 56, 59, 61

see also Arian Controversy;

Trinitarian theology

Nicene Creed, 56, 59

Nicene–Chalcedonian theology/

orthodoxy, 68, 77, 80, 83

nomism, covenantal, 144n15

Northumbria, 107, 109, 110

Nôtre–Dame–sous–Terre, 1, 114, 115,

141n2

cyclopean wall at, 1, 114, 115

nunneries

at Chelles, 114

at Lyons, 118

Nuriel, 18

Oamoutha, 95

Odysseus, 20

I N D E X 269

Oengus, 108, 109

Ofanim, 12

Old Gelasian Sacramentary, 116, 117

Oracles, 11, 20, 23, 50, 54, 98, 102, 104,

115, 119, 134

Oracle of Oenoanda, 23

see also Zeus; Hupsistos

“origin and diffusion,” theory, 4, 5,

164n66

Origen of Alexandria, 48, 103

ōrōrphōr, magical word, 33

Orthodox Victor, 64, 68, 76, 77, 87, 88,

91, 93, 138

orthopraxy, 16, 17, 34, 59, 60

Ostia, 23, 79, 82

Ostragoths, 7, 67, 68, 76, 78, 79, 91, 98

Romanization of, 78, 79, 94

Oundle, see monasteries

paganism, 94, 96, 129, 132, 186n20

pagans, 4–10, 19–22, 27, 31–3, 38–42,

45–8, 56, 59, 61, 68, 88, 96, 97,

103, 104, 123, 129, 138

attack on Chonae, see Chonae

attack on Monte Gargano, see Monte

Gargano

misperceptions/angel worship, 42,

151n101

Pakerbeth, 24

Pale Rider, John’s vision of, 29, 30

Palestine, 17, 33, 90, 146n44

pallium, symbol of authority, 51, 122

paludamentum, –a, symbol of authority,

82–4, 97

see also cloaks

Paniel, 127

Pantaleon, chartophylax of Hagia

Sophia, 39, 40

Paraguel, 117, 118, 128

Patathnax, magical word, 24

see also curse tablets

Paul, apostle, 2, 3, 81, 105, 127

mistaken for Hermes, 27

Pausanius, 45, 69

Pavia, 88, 91

Church of Michael, 183n130

Perctarit, 91

Pergamon and Sabazios, 151n108

Pescheria, Church of S. Angelo,

178n64

Pessinus, 39

Peter, apostle, 27, 39, 72, 105, 111

Phanuel, 131

Pharisees, 15, 16

Phokensepseuarektathoumisaktai, magical

word, 24

see also curse tablets

phiálē, 148n65

Philip, apostle, 45, 81

entrance into Hieropolis, 163n48

Phillips Sacramentary, see Sacramentary

of Autun

Philistines, 11, 84

Philo of Alexandria, 20–22, 33, 34,

150n87

and angelology, 21

and Jacob’s Ladder, 21

and Logos theology, 21, 33

see also Middle Platonism

Phrygia, site of Chonae, 4, 5, 23, 27, 43,

47, 49–61, 81, 86, 92

Pilgrim of Piacenza, 74

pilgrimages, 1, 2, 5, 6, 37–9, 44–7, 87,

90, 99, 137, 141n1

shared sites, 38, 47, 137, 161n34

anthropology of, 157n6

pilgrims, 1–7, 37–47, 60, 63, 67, 68,

74–7, 84, 87–92, 99, 113 –15, 129,

137, 141n1

accounts of miracles, 4, 115

amulets, 129

Pippin II, 112, 113

Pippin III, 113, 123–5, 131

adoption of the Roman Diocesan

System, 123

usurpation of Frankish throne, 131

Pippinids, 113

Plague of Justinian, 86, 88

Plato, 20, 21, 23, 61

Plutarch, 20–22, 149n85

see also Middle Platonism

Pluto, 23

I N D E X270

podagra, podagrica, 98, 102–4

see also Michael, healer, feet

Podaleirius, 69

Poitiers, 58, 100, 101, 118

Holy Cross Abbey, 100, 101

Probianus, and Hestiae 50, 52, 53, 98

see also Michael, healer

Porphyry, 21, 22

see also Neoplatonism

Procopius, 55, 56, 79, 85, 86, 178n59

proskúnein, 29

Pseudo–Dionysius, 75

Pseudo–Vigilius of Thapsus, 170n130

psychopomp, 4, 10, 23, 31, 34

Puglia, see Apulia

purity, 9, 12, 15–17, 22, 30, 45, 56, 68,

97, 101

purple, as symbol, 56, 75, 77, 82, 83,

100, 180n84

qado shim (Holy Ones), 154n126

Quis ut Deus, see Michael, Quis ut Deus

Qumran, 15, 16, 28

see also Dead Sea Scrolls

Racuel/Raguel, 13, 105, 117, 118, 121,

125–8, 139

Radegund, 100

Ragyndrudis Codex, 130, 205n47,

205n48

see also St. Boniface

Raidunis, pilgrim, 89

Ramberta, pilgrim, 90

Rape of Prosperina, and Vibia, 23

Raphael, 4, 7, 13, 14, 16–18, 24, 25, 71,

103, 104, 117, 118, 121, 125–8,

131, 133, 138

divine authority recognized, 121

see also healing, fumigation; Book of

Tobit

Ravenna, 74, 80, 82, 83, 86

Church of San Vitale, 83

Reccared, Visigoth prince 101

Red Sea, 62, 93

parting of, 62

reductionism, 102

Rheims, 113

Reisbach, Freising, and Salzburg,

Council of, 133

relics, 3, 7, 93, 98, 99, 135

dispersal of, 4

evoking ecclesiatical and imperial

authority, 68

at Arles, 100

at Germia, 99

at Monte Gagarno, see Monte

Gargano, relics

taken from Monte Gagarno,

92–4, 106

at Mont Saint Michel, 94

of St. Sigismund of Burgundy, 118

of the True Cross, 100, 118

of Wilfred of York, 111

Religion, phenomenology of, 159n10

Religionsgeschichte, 5

Requiem Mass, 31, 126, 127

Resurrection, 15, 16, 26, 27, 40, 102

doctrine of, 102

Revelatio ecclesiae, 112, 114, 115, 133,

135, 141n1, 184n1, 195n120

Rheneai epitaphs, 17

Rhodes, 5

Rhô ne River, 94

Rigobert, Archbishop of Reims, 113

Rigunth, Frankish princess, 101,

102, 118

Ripon, 110

rituals, blending of, 6, 32, 38, 40, 42–4,

47–50, 63, 93

robor, 69

Rome, 1, 7, 38, 51, 63, 68, 75, 79, 80,

86, 90, 95, 99, 106, 108, 110,

114–16, 119, 121, 124, 126,

129, 138

Romanos Melodos, 84

Romuald I, Duke of Benevento,

88–90

Romuald II, Duke of Benevento, 85,

88–90

royal ideology

Lombard, 88

Carolingian, 122, 133

I N D E X 271

role of Michael in, 88, 118, 133

Rozhdestvenskaia, Olga Dobias, 106

Rumiel, 127

rural landscape, 7, 46, 47, 69, 70, 72, 94,

96, 122, 123, 138

Sabaō, 24, 95

Sabazios, 23, 151n108

Sacramentarium Triplex, 131, 198n154,

199n162, 199n163

Sacramentary of Angoulême, 131

Sacramentary of Autun, 131

Sacramentary of Gellone, 131

Sacramentary of Leo (Sacramentarium

veronense), 80, 116, 117, 131

see also Michael Mass, Pope Vigilius

Sacramentary of St. Gall, 131

sacred landscape, 5, 6, 37–40, 42, 67, 69,

80, 92, 107, 139

physical engagement with, 38–40

sacrifices to the dead, condemned by

Gregory III, 129

Sadducees, 15, 16, 27

saints, cults, 4, 38

Saints

St. Aidan, 109

St. Anthony, and discernment

between angels and demons,

187n26

St. Apollinaris, 74, 82

St. Aridius, 117

St. Arthelais of Benevento, 86, 87

St. Aubert, Bishop of Avranches, 1, 2,

93, 94, 107, 112–15, 134–6, 139,

142n3; pilgrimage, 114; mark of

Michael on head of, 134

St. Augustine, Bishop of Hippo, 3

St. Boniface, archbishop of

Mainz, 121–132; and amulets,

129; authority of canons, 125;

condemnation of Aldebert, 125,

130; ecclesiastical structure in

Austrasia, 123; Gelasian Decree,

130; Frankish Church System,

122, 123; labels Aldebert a

“pseudoprophet,” 122, 124; and

the Ragyndrudis Codex, 130;

letter to Rome, 201n12

St. Barbatus of Benevento, 90

St. Columba, 107, 109

Saints Cosmas and Damian, 86

St. Denis, 113

St. Donatus, 117

St. Faro, 110

St. Hubert, 113

St. Laurence of Siponto, 71, 85,

86, 88

St. Martin of Tours, 96, 97, 102, 107

St. Mihiel–Verdun, 112, 113

St. Pair, 192n89

St. Peter, relics of, 122

St. Radegund, Holy Cross relics, 100

St. Rusticola of Arles, 100, 103, 118

St. Scubilion, 192n89

St. Severus, 117

St. Sigusmund of Burgundy, 118

St. Stephen, 112

St. Symphorian, 112

St. Wandrille, 113

Saltyel, 126

salvation, 2, 3, 15, 21, 23, 28, 39, 50, 55,

57, 58, 61, 64, 67, 69, 74, 81, 84,

85, 100, 102, 106, 108, 122, 125,

127, 134

Salzburg, 133

Samaēl, 64

San Apollinare in Classe, 82–4, 116

see also Classe

San Apollinare Nuovo, 82

see also Ravenna, Theodoric the

Ostrogoth, Arianism

San Michele in Africisco, 86

see also Ravenna

San Vitale in Ravenna, 83

Saraqael/Saraqiel, 13, 105, 139

sar–tseva–ha–shem, see Michael,

Archistrategos

Satan, 2, 8, 9, 26, 29, 30–3, 48, 51, 54,

56, 57, 64, 74, 96, 97, 100, 101,

105, 108, 137, 139

inferior to Christ, 169n118

prosecution of, 155n145

I N D E X272

sculpting of human images,

forbidden, 96

Scythian monks, and Theopaschite

formula, 84

Second Temple Judaism, 9, 10, 11, 13,

144n15

Sefer ha–Razim, and appeals to angels,

149n76

Semyaza, 14

Sennacherib, Assyrian king, 134

Sens, relic tag, 114

Septimania, 101

Septimius Severus, 167n97

Septuagint, 9, 28

Seraphim, 11, 12, 48, 127, 128, 144n16

Serapis, 51

serpents, snakes, 13, 30, 45, 48, 53–5,

64, 97, 104

Severus, bishop of Antioch, 55, 56

shared spaces of worship, 2, 6, 8, 38, 39,

42–50, 63, 69, 93, 137, 138, 157n6

Christianized, 43–6

Sicily, 69, 71, 79, 113

Silverius, Pope, 79

Simeon Stylites of Antioch, 97, 99

Simon, Frankish slave, 98

cured by Martin of Tours, 98

Siponto, 71, 72, 85, 88, 90, 113, 172n21,

174n18, 183n116

church at, 85

Sisthiel, 71

Skellig Michael, 107, 108, 115

Soissons, Council of, 123, 124, 126, 132

recapitulation of Council of

Nicea, 124

Sol Invictus, 53

see also Constantine

Sons of Heaven/Light, 15, 16

see also Qumran

Sosthenion, 77, 78

see also Michaelions

Sosthiel, 139

Souriel, 24

Sozomen, 42, 43, 49–52, 55, 98

stilla, 7, 67, 73, 74, 84

see also Monte Gargano, relics

Stowe Missal, 108, 193n95

Strabo, 69

Stratonicaea, 22, 151n102

see also Hupsistos

Studius, and Germia, 37

Suetonius, 51

Sulpicius Severus, Life of St. Martin, 96,

97, 103, 107

Suriel, 16

Symmachus, Pope, 80

Synaxarium Ecclesiae

Constantinopolitanae, 162n43, 172n

Synod of 745, 121, 130–1, 133, 134, 135

acceptable forms of veneration of

angels, 131

deposed Aldebert, 131

impact of, 131

Synod of Whitby, 110

Tallaght, 108, 109

Cellach Mac Dunchada, 109

feast days of, 193n99

Talmud, 12, 16, 18

tapeinophrosúnē, and Colossians 2.18, 28

tariff penance, 106, 123

terebinth tree, 42

see also Mamre

Temple of Solomon, 12, 75

Teospard, pilgrim, 89

Testament of Solomon, 104, 190n67

Teuderigus, pilgrim, 89

Thailand, and magical healing, 149n78

Theodahad, pilgrim, 79

Theodora, empress, 37, 79

Theodore of Sykeon, and Germia, 37,

38, 63

Theodore, Archbishop of Canterbury,

109, 110

Theodoret of Cyrrus, 52, 60, 61

Theoderic the Ostrogoth, king of Italy,

68, 78, 82, 98, 99

see also Arianism

Theodosius II, Byzantine emperor, 75

Theology of Victory, 6, 38, 39, 49,

51–5, 63, 68, 76, 77, 85–8, 91,

99–101, 138

I N D E X 273

see also feet, healing of; Michael,

Imperial Victor; Michael, healer,

feet; Michael, Orthodox Victor

Theopaschite formula, see Christology

Thera, 31, 32, 41

see also inscriptions

Theudelinda, Lombard queen, 88

Thrasybulus of Miletus, 19

threskeía, and Colossians 2.18, 27

see also angels

Thuringia, 129

Tiber River, 80

Tiberius II, 98

Tobias, son of Tobit, 103

Torah, 10, 16, 17, 26

Totila, King of the Ostrogoths, 85

Toyoh, pilgrim, 90

Tours, 97–105, 118

Trade routes, and cult diffusion, 86, 113

Transitus Mariae, 188n44

Trinitarian theology, 6, 32–4, 38, 55–9,

61, 62, 83, 102, 118, 138

see also Alexander of Alexandria;

Arian Controversy; Athanasius;

Trinity, co–ordinationist; Nicaea,

First Council of; Nicene Creed

Trinity, 6, 7, 32–4, 38, 40, 46, 47, 54–9,

61–3, 65, 68, 77, 83, 84, 102, 118,

127, 138

co–ordinationist, 56, 58; see also

Alexander of Alexandria; Arian

Controversy; Trinitarian doctrine

subordinationist, 56, 57; see also Arian

Controversy

Trisagion, 83

Troy, 19, 69

True Israel, Michael as guardian of, 12,

15, 17

tsabaoth, see angels, Heavenly Host

Urfa, and sacred fishpool, 39

Uriel, 12, 13, 16, 43, 71, 117, 121,

125–8, 131

Vandals, 79, 85

Vari Cave, 70

Verdun, 113

Vespasian, 51, 52

see also feet, healing of

Vesta, and Hestiae, 49

Vetus Gallica, see canon law collections

Via

Ergitium, 72

Litoranea, 71, 72

Salaria, Michael church at, 80

Vibia

bonus angelus, 23, 24

tomb, 23

Victory, image of, 51, 76, 91

Vienne, 99, 116

Vieste, 72

Vigilius, Pope (r. 537–555), 68, 79,

80, 138

Vincentius, 23

Visigoths, 101, 118

see also Arianism

Vision of the Monk of Wenlock, 127

see also St. Boniface

visions, 15, 27, 28, 29, 46, 50–54, 57,

67, 98, 100, 101, 104, 107,

111, 127

Vitalian, Pope (r. 657–662), 110

Vitalian, 77

Vulcan, 69

see also robor

Vulfulaic, 97, 98

see also Simeon Stylites of Antioch

water

and resurrection, 40

source of healing and divine power,

6, 38–48, 69–71, 75, 77, 84, 94–6,

105, 137

Well of Abraham, 42

see also Mamre

Welsh Annals, 112, 193n23

Whitby, Synod of, 110

White Rider, see Pale Rider

white, as symbol, 29, 30, 57, 77, 82, 83,

85, 108, 111

Willibald, 126

Willibrord, 132

I N D E X274

Wilfrid, bishop of York, 110–12,

194n106

see also Eddius Stephanus

Word, The, see Christ, The Eternal

Word

worship, vs. veneration, 3, 4, 143n5

Wotan, 106

Wulfings, 112, 113

Wulfoald, founder of St. Mihiel–Verdun,

112, 113

Wulfoald, majordomo for Childeric

II, 112

Xenocrates, 20

see also Middle Platonism

Yahweh, 11, 30

Yehoel, 18, 148n62

Yequtiel, 18

Yom Kippur, 29

York, 110–12

Zacharias, Pope (r. 741–752), 121,

129, 130

and Aldebert, 121–5

demons posing as angels, 121

and Gelasian Decree, 130

Zaphiel, 13

Zeno, 71

Zeus, 19, 22–4, 27, 53

Zillo, pilgrim, 90

Zoneine, tombstone in Alexandria, 31

Zoroastrianism, 12, 13, 15

amesha spintas, 12, 13

fravashis, 14

dualism, 12, 14, 15

Jewish attitudes toward, 146n32,

146n37, 146n38