09_chapter4

Chapter IV

Historian's Craft in South India under Colonialism- A Methodological Critique

In the field of representa t ion o f pas t , moderni ty revealed t h e

dist inct ion between historical l i te ra ture and his tory . By def in ing

what is history, and how it should be wri t ten , moderni ty defined a

space between historical l i te ra ture and his tory . Th i s s p a c e is the

context of th is chap te r . T h i s was a domain of dogmat i sm. Spec i f i c

rules and pr inciples w e r e popular ised as t h e necessary cond i t ions

for the wri t ing o f legi t imate h is tory . This chapter i s a reassessment

o f historical methodology in South Ind ia under co lon ia l i sm. Th i s

chapter a t tempts to study t h e conceptual mode l s , theor ies o f

history, a s sumpt ions and in terpre ta t ions behind t h e craf t o f

h is tor ians . The analyt ica l p rocedure employed by h i s to r i ans and t h e

role of historical in terpre ta t ions in the making of t h e past a re

e x a m i n e d .

Th i s chapter is not concerned with an eva lua t ion o f t ruth o r

f a l s ~ t y o f the contents of the h is tor ica l texts in Kera lam and

Tamilakam under colonia l i sm. With due respect for these ear ly

h is tor ians , this is not an a t tempt to minimise the i r me t icu lous

s tudies o r their sense o f dedicat ion t o t rue h is tory . T h i s chapter

a t tempts to t race th is t rans i t ion f r o m t radi t ional f o r m s of

140

representation of past to the eurocentric, modern forms of

representation of Past . So this chapter illustrates the assumptions,

interpretations and methods of study which rendered this transition

sensible and acceptable.

This attempt also reveals that in spite of the general

agreement on elements essential for the writ ing of scientific

history, even historians who followed the same historical

methodology, brought forth contradictory conclusions on certain

issues which were termed by historians as "historical questions."

Defining scientific writing o f History (1

India has no past, whatever it has is illconstructed past. Indian literature at least of the ancient and medieval t imes sadly lack any chronological framework worth the name. It is tainted with a profuse and indiscriminate intermixture of all sorts of legendary and mythical stuff and what is more provoking than these to one engaged in the construction of a scientific history of the past is to find the generality of the Indian people exhibiting an incidental prowess to accept any work of literature as sober history or their past and a tendency to anathematize those who disbelieve the veracity of their 1 iterature:'

In this extract the author points out the absence of scientific

history in India and the reasons for this absence' of history. He also

illustrates the ahistorical sense of Indians and affirms the need for

the scientific writ ing of history in India. The absence of history

in the southern regions of India is recognised in the broader

1 K.N. Sivarajapillai, The Chronologv of the Earlv Tamils, Madras, 1932, p. 124.

context of India. What is recognised as absence of history is not the

absence of the means (source materials) to produce history.

The indigenous literature was criticised not for the dearth of

historical information but for the lack of coherence, order and

2 continuity. "The i l l constructed past" refers to the absence of

scientifically validated, written history in the context of India

which is also relevant to the south of India. "The i l l constructed

past" is regarded as the feature of ancient and medieval periods of

India. The modern age is exempted "as the age for the study of

which scientifically validated documents are a ~ a i l a b l e . " ~ The

colonial historians illustrated two orders of writing history. The

fictive order which characterised the indigenous representation of

past, and the scientific order which characterised Western history

The self reflexivity of historians revealed their sense of

distinction between history and literature. "The facts of ancient

Tamil history enshrined in early poems and set in a highly artificial

grouping were not quarried systematically nor sifted and

S. Krishnaswanii Aiyangar. The Beginnings of South Indian is to&, Madras, 19 18, p.24. Collcrcncc. chronological ordering of events and continuity are regarded as the esseiitial coiiiponeilts of lustorical tests. But post niodernisin consider these as a son of linked and mistaken assuniptions based on the conviction that all the phenomena of a period has its own laws of cohesion: they have their own systems of homogeneous relations and networks of casualty. Focault points out that there is contradiction in this new history because the new history focuses on series. divisions etc. and there by challenges the above sated assumptions. For the rele~,aiit discussion see Michele Barrett (ed.) The Politics of Truth From Marx to Foucault. London. 199 1. pp. 12 1 - 123. Lyn Hunt attributed this notion of unity of the text whch existed anioiig hstorians of modernity to the phlosopliy of the Age of Reason by which "mcltives in symbolic laiguage gave way to facts in the essentialist language" Lyn Hunt, (ed) The New ('~rlturnl History. London, 1989. 120.

~ S . ~ r i s l m a s ~ v a i i ~ i hyangar. The Beginnings of South Indian History, Madras, I9 q, p. 124.

chronologically so as to enable readers to get a clear consecut ive

and intel l igible account o f a past ."4 The dominant assumption of

colonial historiography was that truth could be produced only by

f inding out and el iminating errors and contradic t ions in indigenous

l i tera ture . The historians believed that "through conf i rmatory

evidence the historians should separate the facts f rom the f igments

of imagination in which they are embedded."5 The his tor ians also

realised that literary sources should be approached with caut ion.

They asserted that f inding out history (facts) f rom tradit ional

l i terature was very di f f icul t . "It is diff icult t o workout a connected

history from Sangam li terature due to the precedence of literary

style and description^."^ Thus the colonial historians visualised two

domains in the indigenous l i terature of their regions-the domain of

literary imagination and a domain of historical fac t s

The fai th and mission of colonial h is tor ians o f Tamilakam

and Keralam was to wri te history truthfully and object ively . They

also defined history as " the connected study of the past."' Thus the

" K.N. Sivarajapillai. The ChronoloLgv ofthe Euriv Tamils, Madras, 1932, p. 13 1 . ' S. Krislumwami Aiyangar. The Begintiit~gs of South Indian History. Madras, 19 18, p.32, Fact \\,as one iuiiong the key issues dscussed in the critical p h i l ~ s o ~ h y of ~ i s t o j . E.H. Carr regads tiicls as tllc oulcome of the choice of historiais. Tlis was opposed by other scholars. To cite an eGnple "Factual Iustory is not a science as the naive positivisni fancied. It is an integral part of hstory as an i~idispe~lsable technique" Joseph Evans oti the phi1osoph.v of History, London, 1959, p. 13 1 .

" K.A. Nilakanla Sastri, The C'olns. Madras, 1935. p. 6 . The life cycle of cultures proposed by Oswald spenaer greatly influenced the historians of 1 8 ~ century. It was criticised as being based on speculative philosophy of history. Spengler derived these ideas fiok co~llpmtive niorpliology. He was accused of 'biologizing history.' This term is borrowed form William Dray. Hc states "Historiography was interested in knowing causal connection of the events and a relativism developed. Tlus epoch understands llistory by analogy with nature. It has taken over the idea of e\,olution through only with regard to single epochs and spheres of culture and not with regard to histon as a \\)hole." Wihanl Dray. Per.rpecti\~es in History, New York, 1982. p. 94 and also see the su~ular trend in B u l t n m D. Rudolf Hi.doryAnd Eschatology, London, 1957, p. 78.

i d e a o f a c o h e r e n t h i s to ry w i t h in t h e f r a m e w o r k o f c h r o n o l o g y

d o m i n a t e d co lon ia l h i s t o r i o g r a p h y . T h e a b s e n c e o f "a c o n n e c t e d

h is tory" w a s r ecogn i sed by the h i s to r i ans o f T a m i l a k a m and

X K e r a l a m . ' T h e c o n n e c t e d h i s to ry ' o f T a m i l a k a m / K e r a l a m w a s

r ecogn i sed a s a soc ia l r e spons ib i l i t y by t h e h i s t o r i a n s o f T a m i l a k a m

and eral lam.^ T h e r e w a s r enewed in t e re s t f o r f i n d i n g o u t

"connec ted h is tory" f r o m i n d i g e n o u s l i t e r a tu re . T h i s w a s n o t

cons ide red a s a n i m p o s s i b l e task.""

T h e m e t h o d s , c o n c e p t s a n d l o g i c e m p l o y e d by c o l o n i a l

h i s to r i ans to ex t r ac t h i s to ry f r o m i n d i g e n o u s l i t e r a tu re w e r e de r ived

f r o m m e t h o d s , c o n c e p t s a n d r e a s o n i n g w h i c h w e r e e m p l o y e d f o r t h e

s tudy o f na tura l s c i e n c e s in t h e e n l i g h t e n e d sc i en t i f i c e r a . T o t h e

co lon ia l h i s to r i ans t h e f i c t i v e s t r u c t u r e a n d d i s c o n t i n u i t i e s in

t r ad i t iona l na r ra t ives w e r e p r o b l e m a t i c . T h e ob jec t ive /neu t r a l

l anguage w a s r ega rded a s t h e necessa ry cond i t ion f o r t h e w r i t i n g o f

ob jec t ive h i s to ry . Poe t i c e x a g g e r a t i o n s and f a b l e s in t r ad i t iona l

na r ra t ives w e r e d i squa l i f i ed a s tha t w h i c h ob l i t e r a t ed h i s to r i ca l

t ru th . T h e y be l i eved tha t t h e r e " is i n t r i ca t e r e l a t ionsh ip b e t w e e n

9 0 citc ;III c s a ~ ~ l p l c "I an1 surprised to f i~td that the political history of this principality is a blank all beyond the immediate present ------ while several even of the minor barons of Great Britain are able to trace their blueblood twice that period. How long are we to remain in this lamentable if not disgraceful condition of ignorance" P. Sundaranlpillai Some Early Soverigns of Trmlnr7core, Madras, 1894. p. xwi . ..While we have lustories of the Pandya and chola kingdoms we have no separate history of Keralam apart from the Cheras." P. Shungoony Menon History ofirravancore From the Earllest 7'11rres To 1867'4.0 1878 p. 5 2 .

I 0 M. Srini\.asa Aiyangar, Tan111 Studies, Madras, 1914, p. 14.

form of presentation and content."" Thus colonial historians

disqualified the autonomy of the author which was manifested

through the fictive structures in traditional narratives.I2 But the

autonomy of the author reappears in historical texts. Selection of

sources, interpretation of sources, and historical methods employed

by the historians reveal the autonomy of historians.

Historiographical reflections in the texts of Keralam and

Tamilakam illustrate that each historian attempted to represent past

with in a framework of his own choice. In spite of the mission to

write history objectively there were differences of opinion among

historians in their attitude to sources. The historians of Travancore

stated that in addition to traditional literature they scrutinised a

variety of documents, official correspondences, epigraphic

inscriptions, settlement registers of palaces, treaties, property

documents, private papers were employed by them as sources.

I ' Moyd S. Kranuner, Li[eraturc. C'riticisrr~ and His[oricnl Imagination in Lyn Hunt (ed) The New C'ultu~al Historv. London. 1 9 89, p. 124.

I ' k cha rd white criticises that this negation of autonomy of the author is a feature of continental philosoplly. He states that from kant to existentialists 'subject' was one of the major themes of study. Different terms were used to indicate subject (transcendental ego, being, self etc.) in their tvritings. Their individual sovereignty still remains problematic. For further discussions on the ;lutonolny of the author as self see Richard White "Autononly As Foundational in High I. Silvennan (ed) 7i.~ith/S~rbjecti1~ip/C~ilture, London, 1993, pp. 87-140. Contrary to this the post nlodenl writers reveal the benefits of autonomy of the author. They prefer archi\:al rcsearch (diaries, private papers etc.) Carolyn Ellis states Chat tlus nlethod sterns from openess and is in contrast to ideological interpretations. This is illustrated by her by presenting four versions of the story of William Gilbert. For further details see Carolyn Ellis "Arcluaval Research in Intertextual Analysis" in Carolyn Ellis and Mechael G. Flaberty (ed) Iti\~e.rtipati~ip subjectivip: Research on Lived Experiences, California 1992. Wendy C. Wickevise statcs that it is the written history which has limitations and is problematic. He illustrates tlus by illuslraling h e stories which sunrive in nlemory about the British explorer Fraser, among the tribals in Phillipines. For further details see Wendy C. Wick Wise. "To see ourselves as the others: Nlakapiullny contact Narratives" in The Canadian Historical Review Vol. XXV No. I Marcli 1994 pp. 178-195.

The pioneer historian Pacchu Moothathu stated that in addition to

these he also consulted the opinions of men of reputation as

confirmatory evidence for the clarification of specific events.

Diwan Madhava Rao also narrated the different categories of

sources scrutinised by him for the writ ing of his text on

Travancore. These pioneer historians assumed that a "true,

connected history of the kings of ~ r a v a n c o r e " ' ~ was a necessity.

They believed that the scattered fragments of indigenous literature

which were the only available sources were false accounts as they

were ficti t ious in nature. 14

There was a hierarchical ordering of these different

categories of sources in terms of their authenticity which was

determined by the convictions of historians Pacchu Moothathu and

Diwan Madava Rao considered the epics and puranas as more

reliable than the local narratives. The epics and puranas were

scrutinised by these historians as sources which explained the

origin of the dynasty of Travancore. Kanakasabhai the pioneer

h~s to r i an of Tamilakam believed that the descriptions of the origin

of Chera, Chola and Pandyan kingdoms as found i n the epics were

I.' The pioneer lustoriai of Keralam Pacchu Moothathu believed that history was the biography of great unen. He considered that a tnie and connected history of the kings of Travancore was a ~lccessir!. bccause the csisling versioils about the kings and royal family contained grater amount of clements of fiction as these were based on fragments of liteature Pacchu Moothathu T/iiruvithanrcore Charithranr (Mal) Trivandrum, 1867 pp 4-7 and also see K.P. Padmanaba Menon. Thiruvithanrcore (venadu) Rnjavamsam (Mal) Thrissur, 1989 (Reprint) p. 9.

1-1 P. Sl~angoony Menon. Historv of Travancore From the Earliest Times To I867 AD. Madras, 1878. p. 18.

t rue accoun ts of the pas t . Kanakasabhai narra ted "The pandyan king

cal led h imself panchavan ( the descendan t s of t h e f ive ) and kaurian

(of t h e l ine o f t h e Kurus ) names which c lear ly indicate h is origin

f rom the pandus who w e r e f ive brothers . T h e ci ty o f M a d u r a re ta ins

to th i s day i ts ancient name and t h u s bears l iv ing t e s t imony to t h e

fac t that t h e descendan t s of the pandus w h o ruled in M u t t r a had in

early t i m e s es tabl ished thei r power in t h e southern most par ts of the

> > 15 Peninsu la . There w e r e h i s to r i ans w h o evaluated these s e c t i o n s in

the Mahabhara ta a s in terpola t ions "Historici ty a n d even plaus ibi l i ty

a r e not needed fo r an assessment of the historical wor th o f the

s ta tements found in them. > > 16

T h e historiographical ref lec t ions o f Kera lam reveal the

ambiva len t approach of h is tor ians t o t radi t ional l i t e ra tu re . T h e

author o f H i s t o r y of Travancore from the E a r l i e s t Times to 1867

A.D. considered t h e local narra t ives as "full of imaginat ion" but he

considered pzrranas as "rel iable sources ." O n the bas i s o f p u r a n a s

he t raced t h e origin o f t h e dynasty o f Travancore "to t h e beg inn ings

o f the ~ o r l d . " ' ~ Through t h e desc r ip t ions in puranas he t raced the

origin of t h e dynasty from Yayathi and i l lustrated that t h e dynasty

of Travancore cont inued t o ru le many hundred thousands o f y e a r s

" V. Kanakasabhai. The Tantrls Etghteen Hundred Years Ago Madras 1904, p. 124. I6 T.N. Subrananian. History of Tanrilnadu To 1565.4.0. Madurai. I - P. Shmgoony Menon. History of Travancore Froni the Earliest Times To 1867 A. D., Madras,

1878. p. 13.

without interruption. >7 18 The historiographical reflections of

Keralam reveal that this notion of antiquity was an obsession which

the historians found i t impossible to shed off.

He criticised Pacchu Moothathu for his reliance on Sanskrit

works and local narratives and for his want of literary diligence. He

asserted the absence of a true connected history of Travancore. The

pre-existing texts are regarded as accounts, which contained

information which had no historical accuracy as they employed

local narratives.I9 But this historian also incorporated local

narratives occasionally. The origin of Kollam era is traced to a

local narrative and the origin of Kollam era is historicised as

Udayamarthadan i n ~ i d e n t . ~ '

There were differences of opinion among scholars as to

the reliability of traditional Sanskrit literature as a source.

P . Shangoony Menon asserted "on such a work as the KeraloIpathi

little reliance can be placed."2' Keralolpafhi is assessed as a

composition i n Sanskrit "embellished with ideas and statements

supplied by imagination a practice among Sangkirt scholars."22 But

historians like Sathianatha Aiyar recognised the historical content

i n legends. Legends were regarded as sources which mixed up facts

I X Op. cit.. p. 17. I Op. cif.. p. 12 . 211 Elamkulam P.N. Kunjanpillai, Sanrskarathinte Nazhikakallukal Trichur, 1958, p. 16. " P. Sliangoony Menon. Histo? Travancore fronr The Earliest Times of 1867 A.D., Madras, 7 7

1878. p. 11. - Op. cit.. p. 43.

and f i c t ion .23 A s such popular t r ad i t ions w e r e re i te ra ted in t h e

h i s to r iography o f Kera lam and T a m i l a k a m . T h e t radi t ion o f

Cheraman Perumal and the t radi t ion of Perumals by d in t o f

re i te ra t ion c a m e to be regarded a s correct ."24

T h e compos i t ions o f Sanskr i t w e r e r ega rded a s w o r k s be ing

"wri t ten by cul tured men w h o had f r e e a c c e s s t o all necessa ry

>7 25 i n fo rmat ion . But t h e ep ics were rated a s secondary t o o the r

ca tegor ies o r s o u r c e s "The f u t u r e h i s to r i an o f anc ien t S o u t h I n d i a

wil l s eek h i s mater ia l in t h e numismat ic , ep ig raph ic , l i te racy

l inguis t ic , t r ad i t iona l and a rchaeo log ica l r ecords o f the Drav id ian

people r a the r than in t h e e p i c s of Aryan ~ n d i a . " ' ~ I t w a s a l so

bel ieved t h a t " the na t ive ch ron ic les and m e m o r i e s of la ter a g e s

should b e approached wi th c a u t i o n . ,327

T h e r e w e r e h i s to r i ans w h o discredi ted Sanskr i t l i t e ra tu re a s a

source fo r wr i t ings the h is tory o f T a m i l a k a m . "The itihasas have

undergone con t inuous embe l l i shments so tha t a n y a t t e m p t s t o

de r ive h is tory f rom these sources wi l l be a s N i l a k a n t a Sas t r i s ays

" '.Conteu~porary literature a i d traditions as transmitted in literary records supply as with materials nit11 which we have to construct history." R. Sattuanatha Aiyar Histoty ofthe Nayaks ofMadura, Madras. 1924. p. 259. The possibility for the presence of factual contents in tradition of Cherain Perulnal was pointed out by ~iiany 1iistori:uis. To cite a few examples Velayudhan Parikkasseri. Kerola~tr Perunrakkannrarude Kalathu (Mal) Quilon, 1963 and also C. Atchutha Menon Cochin Stote A/lanuol, Emakulam, 191 1 pp. 96-97. '" E l a ~ k u l a m P.N. Kuryanpillai, Cherasanzrajyanz Onpathum Pathunz Noottandukalil (Mal),

7 < Kottayani. 196 1 .

- R. Satluanatha Aiyar. Historv of the Na.vaks ofMadura, Madras, 1924, p. 68. ' h P T. Srinivasa A~yangar. Hr.~torv of The Tatrril.~/ronr the Earliest Tinles to 600 A.D. Madrds,

- - 1931. p. 13 - R. Sathianatha Aiyar, Historv ofthe Na.yaks ofMadura, Maduras, 1924, p. 2 1.

,728 like trylng to read history i n the Arthusian legends. There were

historians who prioritised indigenous literature over Sanskrit

l i terature. "Indigenous literature of early unsophisticated stages of

I~ t e ra tu rc which existed long before the rise of the much later

artificial poetry of Sanskrit and Tamil were based on the actual

customs and manners of the people. Poetry was a mirror of the hope

,729 led by the people of those times. Literary works of especially

religious literature of later ages were viewed with suspicion. "The

local puranas most of them being purely mythical put us on the

wrong scent and in some cases operate as counteracting agent in

30 our researches. Indigenous astronomical calculations are regarded

as "leading more to confusion than to conclusion. , 7 3 1 The

historiographical reflections of Tamilakam reveal that scholars held

different views on the Tamil epics Chilappafhikaram and

Manimekalai as sources for the writing of history. The pioneer

historians V . Kanakasabhai, and P .T . Srinivasa Iyengar employed

them as sources which contained information about the social

practices of Tamil i n the third century A . D . P .T . Srinivasa Iyengar

narrates from Manimekalai the five methods of disposing of the

dead which prevailed among the Tamils in the third century. One of

T.N. Subramarian. History of Tamil Nadu to 1565 A.D. Madurai, 191 1, p. 64. P.T. Srinivasa Iyengar. Histon, of the Tamilsfionr the Earliest Tinres to 600 A. D., Madras 193 1. p. 63. '" M. Srinivasa Aiyangar, Tanril Studies, Madras, 19 14 p. 387. " K.A. Nilakanta Sastri, The Pnadvan Kingdonr, Madras 1929 p. 19.

the methods described was the practice of disposing the corpse in

an open place to be eaten by vultures. He concluded that since

Persia "was the only early nation who exposed the dead in this

fashion the Tamil Dravidians in his march towards India must have

lived in Persia and moved with Persians sufficiently long to adopt

the above custom. v 32

Tamil epics as sources

There were differences of opinion among historians on the

role of Tamil classics-Chilappathikaram, Manimekalai and

Tholkappiyam as sources for the writing of history o f Tamilakam.

An analytical reading of traditional narratives was the early

methodology which was known to the pioneer scholars.

V . Kankasabhai accepted the contents of Chilappathikaram and

Tholkappiyam as historical truth. He reiterated the story of the

heroic valour of Cheran Chenkudduvan as truth. "One of the Chera

kings called Chenkudduvan who was contemporary with Gajabahu

of Ceylon is said to have been on intimate terms of friendship with

the Karnas emperors of Magadha and with their assistance he

attacked the Aryas near the ~ i m a l a ~ a s . " ~ ~ There were historical

narratives in Keralam during the colonial period. The authors

-

" P.T. Srinivasa Iyengar, Histov of the Taniiisfroni the Earliest Times to 600 A. D. Madras, 193 1, p.17. " 3, Kanakasabhai. The Tanrils Eighteen Hundred YearsAgo, Madras, 1914, p. 248.

translated the contents of traditional literature and represented them

as truth. These historical narratives attracted the common people.

The story of Chenkudduvan was thus h i s t ~ r i c i s e d . ~ ~

This was evaluated as the methodological error committed by

Kanakasabhai in the writing of history.35 The chronological ordering of kings

by Kanakasabhai on the basis of Chilappathikaram was also questioned. He

identified Nirrangaran in Chilappathikaram as satakarni. This is regarded as

"highly untenable as no foreigner has ever dealt with proper name in this

fa~hion ." '~ There were endless discussions among historians on the

truthlfalsity on the identification of rulers and the chronological ordering of

kings.

Through new evidences from inscriptions, historians falsified

the assumptions of early historians that the rulers and poets

mentioned in these Tamil epics were contemporary. On the basis of

evidences in inscriptions, it was pointed out that interpolations in

literary compositions were common. It was asserted that "Although

(7hilappu/hikaram and Manimekalai are classed among the Sangam

works. Serious doubts may justly be entertained as to whether they

speak of contemporary kings and events; and therefore great

caution is necessary before utilising wholesale the material

consisted in them. Several savants of Tamil literature would not

34 To cite a few examples P. Thanupillai, Chenguthm Perun~al (Mal), Sucheendran, 1934. Aattoor Narayana Pisharadi. Keralacharithratn (Mal). Trichur, 1937, pp. 32-43.

" For the relevant discussion see. S. Krislmaswami Aivangar. The Beginnings of South Indian Ili.v/or\.. Madras. 1914. p. 24.

36 Op. cir. p. 191.

like this remark."37 Manimekalai and Chilappathikaram are judged

,,3X as "Compositions of story tellers.

The chief criticism against the Tamil epics was that they were

compositions which had no chronological frame work. So these

literary works were regarded as "full of improbabilities

impossibilities and i n c o n s i s t e n ~ i e s . " ~ ~ The attempts made by the

pioneer historian of Tami lakam V. Kanakasabhai are evaluated as

"rather destructive in the sense of being imaginative."40 The pioneer

h~storical texts are regarded as mere translations from literary

compositions

Later it was found out that the information derived from the

traditional literary compositions should be considered as true only

if it is supported by evidences from inscriptions. Thus critical study

of literacy sources alone was later considered as insufficient for the

4 1 writing of objective history. The evidences from inscriptions were

termed as "Corroborative evidence."42 This method was largely

employed in the writing of monographs. Identifying rulers,

Chronological ordering of dynasties, administrative reforms,

military exploits were the themes of study in these monographs.

The publication of Velvikudi plates, Veluvapalayamplates,

Dandakottan Plates, Trichnopoly Rock inscriptions was an

" K.V. Subrarnania Iyer, Historical Sketches ofAncient Dekhan, Madras, 19 14, p. 96. 3s T.N. Subramanian, History of Tamil Nadu to 1.56.5A.D. Madurai, 1914, p. 64. 39 P.T. Sriniwasa Iyengar, The History of Tamils from Earlv Times to 600 A. D. Madras, p. 168. '" S. Krislian Swami Aiyangar. The Beginnings ofSouth Indian Histov, Madras, 1918, p. 161. -1 1 Elamkulam P.N. Kunjan Pillai, Sanrkarathinte Nazhika Kallukal (Mal), Trichur, 1958, p. 17. 12 This tenii was employed by S. Krisllna Swami Ajyangar, T.N. Subramanian and Venkatammamyya.

These 11istori;uis followed a niethodology wllicl~ integrated inscriptions and literacy sources.

incentive for the writing of objective history. These inscriptions

were considered as genuine accounts. If the pioneer historical texts

translated the contents of traditional literature as true accounts of

past, the monographs adopted the contents of inscriptions as truth.

With out scrutiny the historians of monographs accepted the

contents of yru.sa.s/i.s as truth. The pra.sa.stis described military

exploits of rulers. These details of war were historicised as

evidences for territorial ambitions and sovereignty of rulers. But

"history of the wars and circumstances under which the rulers came

in to conflict with the enemies are generally unknown."43 Another

explanation was offered "The denigration in power and personal

ability encouraged the border kingdoms to throw off the imperial

7.44 yoke. Through speculative interpretations4' the historians of

Tamilakam and Keralam attempted to establish continuity in the

dynasties of Cheras, Cholas and Pandyas from the beginnings of

Christian era.

A series of monographs appeared from the third decade of

1 91h century. The Pandyan Kingdom (K.A. Nilakantasastri: 1928)

Pandyar Varalaru (Tami 1) (Sadasiva Pandarathar: 193 5) . The Cera

4' Venkata Ramanayya, Early Muslim Expansion in India, Madras, 1943, p.94. 44 S. Krishna Swami Aiyangar, South India and Her Muhammadan Invaders, London, 1921, p. 26. 15 E.H. Carr states that phenomenological speculations of the enli&tenrnent era paved the way for

the new dimensions of scientific enquiry. The new science set the model for the study of social sciences also. E.H. Carr What is History? London, 1959, p.73. Professor K. A. Nilakantasastri elnplovs speculations to find out the causes and results of the expedition of Rajendra Chola against Kadararn "As we can get no direct answer to these questions from contemporary records we have to depend on the possibilities suggested by the Mahavn and relevant facts." K.A. Nilakantasastri, The Colas, Madras, 1935, p.265. Speculation was the device employed for the creation of chronological ordering of the Chera, Chola, Pandya dynasties of the Sangam age. Often the regnal years and year of accession are based on speculation. This is visible in the historical tests Historical sketches of.4ncient Dekhan, The Chronology of the Early Tamils and Historv c!fTonrilnad To 1565 '4. D.

Kings 0.f the Sangam period (K.G. Shesha Aiyar: 1937),

Adminis trut ion and Social Life under the Pal lavas (C. Minakshi:

i 935) , Pallva Varalaru (Tamil) ( M . Rajamanikkam Pillai: 1944).

I:'urly Mzrslim Expansion in India (N.Venkataramanayya: 1943) are

the historical texts which deal with a specific dynasty. These

monographs integrated literary and epigraphical sources. They

narrated the accounts on the origin of dynasties from traditional

literature. These were labelled as tradit ions. These were narrated as

traditional explanations for the origin of dynasties and for the early

phases of kingdoms. Attempts were made by historians to create

chronological ordering of rulers with the evidences from epigraphs.

The theoretical positions i n colonial historiography of

Tamilakam and Keralam are based the following assumptions

a . Centralised state existed i n Tamilakam and Keralam.

b. The life forces of this power structure were the ruler, his

personal qualities, and the extent of territory under his

authority.

c . Material and cultural conditions depended on the

presencelabsence of state (Kingdomlempire)

d . There were constant battles and revolts among the rulers and

feudatories i n Tamilakam and Keralam. These internal

dissensions often brought the decline of the state.

Thrs theoretical position suffers from the l imitat ions of

( a ) determinism ( b ) ambivalent at t i tude towards central ised

authori ty and the dispersion of power . The evidences point out the

cxrslcncc of' dlsoersron of' power which I S acconiniodated tlirougli

the model of autonomous vrllayes.

Slnillarly the characterisat ion of the Cola s ta te as highly

central ised and bureaucratised, at the same t ime comparing the

local inst i tut ions to the autonomous townships of Roman Gual

( K . A . Nilakanta Sastr i , 'I'Ize C.'ola.s) is one of the themes of

reassessment. While i t I S cr i t icised as an at tempt to glor i fy the Cola

state ( T , N . Subramanian, A Hisiot-y o,f'7'crrnil Nutl21 7'0 I 565 A . 1 1 . ) i t

is viewed a s the result o f inadequate premises i n colonlal

historiography. I t is pointed out that due to the conviction i n the

existence of a central ised state in South of India under the Colas

the historians of South of India committed logical fa l lac ies in the

interpretat ion of political evidences from inscr ipt ions .JG Even

eminent historians such as Appadorai , K . A . Nilakantasastr i and

T . V . Mahalingam assumed that the condi t ions in the s ta te o f

economy, society and polity were uniform and s ta t ic throughout the

period of the Chola empire which extended over centuries." The

p r e suppos~ t ions on the nature of state as central ised bureaucracy

It3 Burton Srrcn. "Tlic Sl;~re and thc Agrar~an ordcr in Mcdieiral South India-A Histor~ographical cri~iquc" in Burton Stein. (ed) Ev.vn\~.v 0 1 1 S o ~ ~ t h fiidin, New Delhi. 1975, p.68.

1 - Op cit.. p.69.

156

w e r e der ived f rom t h e t radi t ional text . It is pointed ou t tha t

ev idences w e r e se lec ted f rom inscr ip t ions which sui ted these

p resuppos i t ions . T h e changes which acqu i re in t h e t e r m s in

inscr ip t ions a re not a n a ~ ~ s e d . ~ ~ S imi la r ly t h e s t a te o rgan iza t ion w a s

s tudied in t h e o rder o f cent ra l -provincia l and t h e local . Se lec t ive

ev idences f o r poli t ical organisa t ion wi thou t cons ide r ing the

ev idences f rom the s a m e sources t o analyse t h e ro le of soc io -

economic o rder in t h e s t a te is pointed ou t a s a major

49 methodological er ror in colonia l h is tor iography. T h e asse r t ions o f

Ni lakandasas t r i about "the a lmost Byzant ine royalty of R a j a Ra ja

and h i s successors," and "a n ice ba lance s t ruck between centra l i sed

control and local ini t iat ive" a r e cr i t ic ised a s inappropr ia te

50 explanat ions of the nature o f t h e s ta te . O n t h e contrary , t h e

evidence on the l inks between local ne tworks , socia l h ierarchy and

- lX O p Cl l . , p.70. 49 Op. cit., pp. 70-75.

Dr. M.G.S. Narayanan focused on a comparative analysis of he studies on the state of the colas by the American Scholar Burton steen and the Japaneese scholar Karashima. The first is characterized by him as theory with out evidence. The speculative nature of the study is characterised as 'sensational formulations" which only created confusion in academic circles. He favours the studies on south Indian society and state in south India by Noboru Karashima which is regarded as better equipped with statistical information and eddences for his premises. This work is also regarded as being based on an exhaustive analysis of revenue terms on cola inscriptions. The study of the trading activities in the cola state by south hall is criticised by thus" Halls construct of marketing hierarchy and of the nature of the changes the structure underwent rest on premises which are themselves questionable. Hall also failed t provide linkage between nadu. nagarani and n h a g a r a n i and other supra, regional centres of commerce." Dr. M.G.S. Narayanan sectional President's address SMC proceedings 5' annual session Mysore. 1955, pp. 110-1 18). The studies on south Indian Histov and society (studies from illscriptions A.D. 850-1800 by Karashima) is regarded as the text which contains new kinds of enquiry on the staustical and merely informative. The lack of uniformity in the usage of terms and the absence of precise meaning of words are pointed out as the limitations. For a review of this test see Dr. D.N. h a "Studies In early Indian Economic History." In The Indian Historical Review Vol. No. 1-3 July 1983-Jan 1984, New Delhi, 1984, p. 185.

'' Ihid.

the formal institutions are illustrated to reveal that the cola state

depended on these agencies and it was not a centralised state. 5 1

The limitations in colonial historiography of south India are attributed to

the selection of themes by the historians. The historians based their studies on

inscriptions. The identification rulers, chronological ordering of events were

considered as the primary functions of historians. They viewed that this type of

history was objective and non argumentative.52

It was pointed out that a full fledged economic history of Southern

India had to be attempted. It is true that on the model initiated by Gilbert Slater,

(Sonze Sotrth Indian Villages, 1918) and Southern India its political and

economic prohlenzs (1 91 3), a few attempts were made by economists. Economic

conditions Soz~tlz India 1000-1 500 A.D. (A. Appadourai: 1936). Some South

Indian Villages: A Resurvey (P.T. Thomas: 1940) The Co-operative Movement in

the Madras Presidency, ( B . V . Narayanaswamy Naidu: 1 933) Economic

( :o/~dition.~ in the Mudrus /-'re.siclt?ncy 1800-1 850, (Sarada Raju: 1 94 1 ) I he

Handloonz Indzrstry in South India (1940) are rated as texts which focused on

specific aspects and failed to view South India as a single unit. The Economic

Conditions In South India 1000-1 500 A.D. is regarded as being (a) based on

random samples (b) limited to the core regions of Tamilakam. The qualitative

i' For further details see Burton Stein, "The State and Agrarian order in Medieval South India" in Burton Stain. (ed) E.vsay.v on South India, New Delhi, 1975, pp.74-79. The notion of objectivity is regarded as impractical in the writing of history Dr. M.G.S. Narayanan by exposing the sentimental attachment to region, language and race in Iustoriography states. "In my opinion pure and complete objectivity in the 19' century sense of Ranke is a myth. The assertion of a subject object relationshi is impractical. It is the historical

t f study of the past in the light of romantic ideas fostered by 19 century Indologists." Dr. M.G.S. Narayanan, Presidential Address, IHC Proceedings 29' Annual Session Hyderabad, 1978, p. 13.

assessment of the historiography of the colonial south attribute lack of

development in historical studies due to the absence of new methodologies and

new approaches.

The attitude to power as expressed in the colonial

historiography characterises battles and wars as revolts for

independence. The revolts are also described with details as the

causes for the decline of Pandyas, Cholas, Pallavas and Chalukyas.

These descriptions often had an under tone that subjection was

better than independence. Allegiance to central authority was hailed

as essential for the solidarity of an empire. But the experiences in

pre-colonial India reveal a situation of constant battles. "It is

because of our contacts with the English that we have discovered

for the first time the true basis of liberty and national solidarity. 53

V e r r a n ~ and Arran? are regarded as the attributes of rulers. The

rulers aspired for the spiritual welfare of the subjects through acts

of benevolence (Arram) . This can be regarded as common both to

the historical writings on Tamilakam and Keralam. In the historical

writings on Keralam it was 'Rajyadharma. ' These attributes

originated from an alliance between religion and philosophy in the

sscred traditions of India. The construction of temples is

elaborately discussed in the historical writings of Tamilakam. In

the historical works on Keralam the king is depicted as the patron

- " Partha Chatejee. Nationalist Thought And The Colonial world, New Delhi, 1986, p.55.

159

of brahmanas. He invokes the blessings of guardian deity through

ceremonies of Murajaham, Ttrlapurshadana, Hiranya Garbha and

acts of charity. "The central philosophical foundation of the

overwhelming part of religious beliefs in India including Buddhism

lies in the philosophy of Sankya which focuses on other worldliness

and fata l ism. ? > 5 4

An analysis of the contents relating to the origin of dynasties

reveal that these sections are entirely different from the sections

which narrate the modernisation of kingdoms. This section was the

area defined by inscriptions. Further the history of inscriptions in

the Tamilakam and Keralam showed tremendous differences. 55

Another historical method was to consider inscriptions a s the

only reliable source for the writing of objective history. In Keralam

this was initiated by P. Sundaram Pillai. He was concerned with the

writ ing of a "genuine account of the rulers of Travancore in the 51h

and 61h centuries of Malayalam era."56 On the basis of epigraphs in

the regions of Thiruvifhanzcode he stated that the rulers of

Travancore exercised authority in these regions from 1144. Thus he

falsified the assumptions of Shangoony Menon that the kings of

Travancore ruled these regions from the 141h century. But he neither

attempted to glorify the royal family of Travancore nor to present a

" Op. cit. p.56. FS For details see M.G.S. Narayanan, The Special Features of Cera Inscriptions of Kerala. Paper

presented at XXII Annual Congress, Epigraphic Society of India, Thanjavur, 1996. 56 P. Sunduam Pillai, Some Earlv Sovereigns of Travancore, Trivandrum, 1894.

'connected his tory ' of Travancore . He limited his interpretat ions

to s ta tements i n epigraphs . So description of incidents were very

5 7 few:

'The h~s to r i ca l texts on Keralam under c o l o n ~ a l i s m consisted

of two mutually independent epis temic orders . The textual

s t ra tegies of historians enabled them to combine these two orders .

Thus they at tempted to i l lustrate continuity of royal dynast ies i n

the native kingdoms of Travancore Cochin and Cal icut . S ince

indigenous l i terature was the avai lable source , the historians

presented the information derived from different sources . I t ihasas,

Puranas, dominant local t radi t ions such as Keralo lpa fh i ,

Keralanzahatmyam, Palace records (Gran fhavar i ) were consul ted.

While Pacchu Moothathu and P.Shangoony Menon, rei terated the

legends as explanations for the origin o f royal dynast ies the

historians of later ages combined with this the tradit ion of

C:hercrtjzul? l'erz/mal as the explanatory model for the origin of royal

dynast ies . The Z a t n o r i ~ ~ . ~ of Caliczif From The Earlie.sf 7'ime.s f o

A.1 ) . 1806 (K V . Krishna Aiyar : 1938) descr ibes the origin o f the

N~~~/ i j ' i r r / / ) / ) t r i S~r~~rroo / )u tn and the royal ceremonies such as

A I . ~ ) ~ I / / I I \ycicc/1n, H i r a ~ ~ y u g a r h I ~ ~ m and Thiilapirru.shada~~un?. The

sources are kilippafttr, keralolpathi , legends and granthavar i .~ .

- - - --

57 To citc fent esarnples S. Krishnaswa~ni Aiyangar, Cheran Vanji, Madras, 1912 Elanlkulam P.N. Kurijan Pil lai. Chrrart~.~artrrajvant. Trivandrum, 196 1 .

The second part of this text (Chapter VIII to XV) is based

exclusively on official records. It narrates the coming of the

Europeans, their relations, and treaties with the Zamorins. The

invasions of Malabar by Mysore and the treaties of Zamorins with

the British are also studied.

Kochi Rajya Charithram (K.P. Padmanaba Menon: 1914)

narrates the origin of the royal family of Cochin and the royal

ceremonies. The chief sources are puranas , traditional Sanskrit

literature, local traditions and Vanjeri Granthavary. As distinct

from other historians he expresses serious doubts about the

credibility of these source^.'^ The Progress of Cochin (T.K. Krishna

Menon, 1932) narrates the history of Cochin "from the very

7 7 59 beginnings. The first two chapters narrate the origin of royal

family of Cochin in the tone of traditional historiography. Other

chapters (I1 to VIII) narrate the history of the rulers and their

administrative reforms. The focus is on the regulations and

developments in the different departments of the Kingdom of

Cochin deriving the colonial period. Thus it resembles the state

manuals of Travancore. 60

'' K.P. Padmanaba Menon. Cochi Rajya Charithram. The Progress of Cochin T.K. Knshna Menon, 1932.

59 T.K. Krishna Menon. The Progress of Cochin, Ernakulam, 1932, p. 3. 61 1 Op. ci t.

The author of Cochin State Manual stated that "there may be

truth content in traditions. So traditions must not be dispensed

,761 away

The State Manuals were rather considered as compilations of

facts about the land and people. They were not considered as

adequate historical descriptions of the land and people. Historians

of Keralam believed that the primary function of historical text was

to impart knowledge, instil love of mother country and pride in i ts

antiquity and identity of the native state. They believed that the

manuals imparted only knowledge and could not carry out these

functions of historical texts. 62

Sangam age and historiography of Tamilakam

'Sangam age' is a major theme in the historiography of

Tamilakam. What is Sangam? What is the chronological framework

of Sangam were 'considered as significant historical questions in the

historiography of South India. Due to the meticulous studies of the

literary compositions of the Sangam age a large body of literature

was made available. Sangam literature was utilised as a major

" F o r - t h e re levan t ' d i s c u s s i o n o n the t r ad i t ion of C h e r a m a n Perumal . See Atchutha Menon , Cochin State M a n u a l , E r n a k u l a m , 1934 , pp . 34-35 . T h i s was opposed by E l a m k u l a m P .N. Kunjan Pi l la i a n d he asce r ta ined tha t t h i s was the resul t of inadequa te methodology . E l a m k u l a m P . N . Kunjan P i l l a i Chi la Kerala Char i thra Prasanangal (Mal ) , Kot tayam, 1 9 5 5 , p . 29. '' K.P. Padmanaba Menon. Cochi RaJya Charithranr, Ernakulam, 1914, p.29.

source by the linguistic historians and freelance writers. 63

Historians pursued different methodologies to derive an objective

history of Sangam age. The extent of Sangam age, socio-economic

life, nature of literary compositions, and political history were

studied extensively. There were differences of opinion among

historians though critical reading of the literary compositions was

the chief method of study employed by them. T .N. Subramanian

refuted the views held by the earlier scholars P .T. Srinivasa

Iyengar, V.R. Ramachandra Dikshitar and K.A. Nilakantasastri.

He defined Sangam as an association of poets. According to

P.T. Srinivasa Iyengar the idea of Sangam often translated as

academy is a modern one and he argued that to transfer it to many

hundreds of years before is an anachronism. He assigned the

influence of heterodox religions in the term Sangam. It was

asserted by T . N . Subramanian that prior to the term Sangam it was

known as A v a i y a n ~ or Klrdal. Historians presented contradictory

opinions on the origin of Sangam age. They never mentioned the

63 It was pointed out that Sangam literature was only partially utilised even by historians like K.A. Nilakantasastri. He mentioned the necessity of a monograph on Sangam polity but that was illaterialised by him only at a later date (Sangam '4ge: its Cults and Cultures, 1972). T.N. Subranlanian is credited with having made a meaninghl attempt to draw out history from Sangan1 literature (The Administration and Social life ofthe Sangam Tamils: 1966, South Indian Poliy, 1956). "His effort was praiseworthy because the Sangarn literature in contrast to the theoretical and idllic life of the sacred vedic and post vedic literature was directly related to an age whose patrons authors, environs and ethos are better known to us concretely related to our Ilistory." S. Settar. Sonre .4spects ofSouth Indian H~storiographv, SIHC proceedings, 8h Annual Session. Pune. 1988. p.2 10.

64 upper limit of this age. Definition of the period of Sangam age

and the literary composit ions were matters of controversy.

T . N . Subramanian disagreed with V .R . Ramachandra Dikshitar and

P .T . Srinivasa lyengar who assigned this to the 5th century B .C . he

assigned them to an early period as the literary composi t ions of

Sangam age were regarded as unusually complete and largely

realistic picture of the very ancient Tamil country.65 Similarly there

were contradictory opinions among historians as to literacy

composit ions which are to be included in the genre 'Sangam

li terature. ' Often perspectives in literary composit ions which are

interpreted as Aryan elements to determine whether the literary

66 composit ions belong to the Sangam age. Though aryanisation

is offered as the explanatory model to characterise the glories

of Sangam age contradictory opinions were presented. V.R. Ramachandra

Dikshitar and S . Vaiyapuri Pillai asserted that the system of four fold

division of caste spread in Keralam and Tamilakam towards the

end of the Sangam period. Aryanisation as the explanatory model

for the four fold division of caste is reputed by some scholars.

64 Elan~hdam Kunjan Pillai. Keralanr Anchus, .4arum Noottandukalil (Mal) Trivandrum, 196 1, p.30. 65 For details see T.N. Subramanian, Hisrory ofTamil Nadu To 1565 A.D., Madurai, 1914, pp.61-62. h6 There were seriousdiscussions on the upperlimit of the Sangam age. The literary composition by

Mamulam and Tholkapiyam are extensively studied for this hstorical problem. P.T. Srinivasa Aiyangar believed that the literaq composition by mamulanar belonged to the post Sangam age. Later historians Elarnkulam P.N. Kunjan Pillai and T.H.P. Chentharasseri contradicted this. They asserted that the texT illustrates the attempts to introduce Aryan cult in the South of India. For the relevant discussion see Elam Kunjan Pillai Samskarathinte Nazhikakallukal (Mal), Trichur. 1958. T.H.P Chentharassery Elamkulavunr Kerala Charithravum (Mal) Trivandrum, 1988. pp. 220-224.

T . K . Venkata Subramanian illustrates evidences from the Sangam

literature that there were divisions i n the Tamil 'society which

resembled jat i . He argues that there were castes in the social

structure of the Tamil society from very early times and the

speculation that the four fold division of caste had its roots i n the

67 varna system is an anachronism. But P.T. Srinivasa Iyengar based

his conclusion on the critical reading of the literary compositions

by mamztlanar and Tolkappiyam. He stated that these texts revealed

the beginning of aryanisation. This historian asserted that

aryanisation existed in Keralam at an early age than Tamilakam. 68

There were also attempts to identify the extent of Tamilakam from

Sangam literature. 69

The perspectives of Aryan culture especially the references to

the divisions of caste are identified as the beginnings of

distinctiveness of Keralam. Elamkulam considered that the study of

Sangam age was necessary for a proper understanding of the early

history of Keralam. He found that the studies of Sangam age by

Kanakasabhai, Sivaraja PiIIai, P.T. Srinivasa Iyengar are

For further details see T.K Venkata Subramanian "Social Roots of Tamil Ideology" in IHC proceerlir7gs. Vol.1, 29h annual session, Hyderabad, 1978, pp.180-198. Dr. M.G.S. Narayanan argues that Aryanisationlsanskritisation are inadequate to explain the complex network wtuch was not uniform everywhere in the South. He stated that such terms echoed a sense of impositions/invasions which were not real. He argues that Jatikarana was the ultimate result. Dr. M.G.S. Narayanan, Presidential Address, IHC proceedings, Vol.1, 29h Annual session, H~derabad. 1978, p. 12.

'9,~. Srinivasa Iyengar, Histor?, ofthe Taniilsfioni the Early times to 600A.D., Madras, 1934, pp. 209-234.

69 V. Kanakasabai, The Tamils Oi7e Thousand Years .4go, Madras, 1914, pp. 124-129.

inadequate as these scholars lacked good knowledge of Sanskrit. He

also believed that the popular assumption that there were three

Sangams was an obsession of the historians of Tamilakam. This

obsession prevented enquiry into the development of literature after

> 70 the so defined 'third sangam. Historians differed in their

conclusions on the definitions of Sangam. Sangam was defined as

an academy which existed in the early centuries of Christian era. So

the early centuries of Christian era were defined as the Sangam

7 1 age. The age of Sangam, its origin and end were some of the

questions for which the historians had no satisfactory explanation.

Because the dominant assumption was that the rulers and poets in

these literary compositions were contemporaries.

The political history drawn out from Tamil heroic poems

popularly known as the Sangam literature suffered from obvious

limitations. Chronological ordering of dynasties, wars, interdynastic

relations, kings, queens, courtiers were the themes dealt with by the

historians of the colonial south. It was assumed that the ancient

dynas t~es continued without break or ruptures, The chieftancies of

one age are considered as the monarchies of other. The dynastic

drifts, the splits and the branching off of the dynasties are

- - -

- 1 1 These ideas are reiterated by Elan&ulam Kunjan Pillai in his writings. To cite a few examples Elanlkulan Kunjan Pillai. Anriathe Keralani (Mal) Trivandrum, Sanrskarathinte Nazhikakallukal (Mal). Trichur, 1 958

? I Sangan age was defined as the age of indigenous culture. This was defined as DravidiadTamil culture.

descr ibed. But substantial themes such as the ethnic bas is and the

socio-economic c i rcumstances behind the t ransformat ion into

monarchical s ta te , the upward political and social mobil i ty of

groups were left ou t . I t was pointed out that political history was

the favourl te craft of historians of the colonial South . T h e wri t ing

of history was undertaken by them as a sort of game of r iddles

which they played It was also pointed out that in sp i te o f the

availabil i ty of epigraphs the history of dynast ies such as

Satavahanas the Gangas , the Kadambas the Chalukyas and minor

feudatories were not well considered. Besides, a comprehensive

socio-economic history even a comprehensive political history of

South India did not engage the at tention of the his tor ians of the

colonial South . It is pointed out that the colonial historiography of

the South created the impression that South Ind ia did not have of

its own history in the ancient period and that the his tor ic period

started with the Pallavas and ended with the Cholas .

This is attributed to the peculiar trends in the craft of historians of the

colonial South. The early phase (before 1920s) is characterised as the age of

emergence of historiography as a part of national histor~ography. 'The first

seneration of South Indian historians though expressed resentment at the

Inadequate representation of south India in the imperial and natlonal

-, - G. S. Diksllit. Presidential Address, SIHC' proceedngs. 1 5h annual Session, Berhanipur, 1995. pp.2 1-31.

168

historiography "attempted to uphold Indian identity and honour of the na t i~n . "~"

The post colonial historians assert that a broad framework of history in the

colonial South was not acceptable. It is pointed out that though several historical

texts were titled after South India, "South lndia and Deccan meant to each of the

zonal historians nothing more than his own linguistic area."74 Of course a

few texts were recognised as exemptions Economic conditions of South lndiu

(A. Appadourai, 1936) Soulh India and Her Muhammaden 1nvader.s

(S.Krishnaswami Aiyangar, 1921). It is pointed out that the first comprehensive

history of peninsular India from the pre-history to the fall of the Vijayanagara

appeared only in Independent India (A. Nilakanta Sastri, A Hisfory of Soufh

India, 1955).

What is problematic for the post independent historians with the texts

mentioned earlier is

a) The former centre around the regions which often appear as 'core' in

political histories of the colonial south.

b) Though S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar repeatedly defined South India as the

regions south of the Krishna and Tungabadra rivers, his studies were

confined to the Madras Province. His titles (Some Confribufions of Soufh

lndia to lndian Cultzrre (1923) Ancient India And South Indian History

titic/ ( 'l~ltiii-L' ( 194 1 ) are more concerned with the geographical extent of

the Tamil South and thus the contents of did not justify the titles.

Ashok Settar. N.Subramanians. Studies in South Indian Histow: A Historiographic Critique in the proceedings ofSIHC. 1 2 ~ session. Dhanvad, 1992, p. 126.

- 4 (lp. crt, p.129.

It was observed that the dilemma of historiography of South India was

"whether or not to fall into Pan Indian Social frame work of the varma, jati,

asranzas, family. marriage and w ~ m a n h o o d . " ~ ~ This became evident in the

second phase of south Indian historiography. This second phase is "characterised

by an extremely narrow vision of political history. The regional histories are

rated as consisting of the factual details of political history. The frontiers of south

Indian as envisaged in the historical texts are found to be shrinking. It is pointed

cut that the pages devoted to the historical account of minor dynasties outside the

orbit of Kaveri delta are scanty. "From the Satavahanas to the Hoysalas with the

Sangam age, the Pallavas, the Cholas and the Pandyas occupying the centre stage

and the other dynasties pushed to the side wings."76 The sentimental attachment

to Tamilakam in the subsequent historical texts was on the pretext that

"a definitive history of India can be thought of only when the histories of its

regions have been written exhaustively."77 It is pointed out as an extension of the

justification for regional history put forward by the historians of Bengal,

Maharashtra and other regions.7x The claim "as regional histories are written by

the local people whose competence to write them includes their belonging to the

,779 . local ethos and so have insights not easily gained by outsiders is dispensed

away as biased interpretation of history.Xo

-. ' Op.cir .p .31,

' S. Setttar. Sonre .-lspect.~ ojSo~rrh Indian Historiograph.~ SIHC Proceedings, 18' Annual Session. - - Pune. 1988. p. 147.

T.N. Subramanian. Histo? of Tanrilnad to 1565 '4. D.. Madurai 19 14, p. 3. -' Op. cit. - Y T. N. Subramanian, History of Tamilnad to 1336, Madurai, 1972. " N , Ashok Settar. Subranlar7ians studies In South Indian History: A Historiographical Critrque.

SIIN' I'roceedinps. 12' session. Dhanvad, 1992, p. 143.

The causes for this trend are attributed to the poor linguistic skills of the

second generation of historians who were also not used to the meticulous efforts

of the first generation of historians. The second generation of historians are rated

as "lacking competence even in own region and also not sure of the sources at

hand." This is regarded "as a by product of the swelling tide of regional sub-

national sentiments in Free lndia which has percolated in to academic c i rc~es . '~ I t

is pointed out that the pioneer historians only aspired to search political and

cultural roots of the people of their own regions that reared them".82 It was also

admitted that later on "regional enthusiasm and language chauvinism became

determinants" in south Indian historiography.83 Similarly, the emergence of

monographs is attributed to the general trend which existed during this period.

The Hastrakutas And their Times (A.S. Attekar 1934) Gangas of Talakad

(M.V. Krishna Rao 1936) the studies of Vijayanagar empire are regarded as

factors which fascinated the historians of South of ~ n d i a . ~ ~ One of the draw backs

of south of India it was felt that the indigenous historians had little concern

"to look at the recent background of their regions."R5 Hence it was observed that

researchers who explored the colonial period were the scholars from America

and ~ n ~ l a n d . 86

X I Dr. M. G.S. Narayanan. Presidential address I. H. C. Proceedings, 29'' session, Hyderabad, 1978, p. 18. Dr. S. Kadhirvel sectional President's address, S l H C Proceedings, XVIII Annual session, Kalady. 1988, p. 1 10.

" Op. ci t ,p , 112. 81 Op. cit. p. 113. X i Op. crt. p. 115. X f> Op, cif. p, 1 16,

To conclude, the absence of inter disciplinary approach, the absence of

integrated study attributed to colonial historiography should be viewed as not the

short comings of historians but they were limits beyond the control of historians

as these analytical tools were contributions of modern epistemology. It is found

that "in conventional Tamilian historiography the absence of theorizing,

conceptualisation analytical framework are regarded as drawbacks. The recently

developed techniques of textual criticism such as the post structuralism were

unknown to them. The application of inter disciplinary approach and the recent

developments in archaeology anthropology and sociology were also absent."x7 It

is impossible for any historian to examine all the sources as there are additions to

new sources and new perspectives emerge. Thus as a human being the historian

can not transcend over the epistemological shifts from time to time. As any other

human being the historian also is subjected to the constraints of "being in the

world." One significant point of difference of colonial historiography from the

post colonial historiography is that the texts in the colonial period did not aspire

to be the last word. They were intended to be texts more for general readers.

They wanted to instil values, models of states from the West. They attempted to

remind the present generations of the missing faces of ancient heroes and the

bygone golden ages.

8 - Dr. K. Sadlusivm. Address of the Sectional President, SIHC Proceedings, 1 7 ~ ' Annual Session. Waltair. 1997. p. 88.

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