02 RACZKY SEBOK FINALbetween the mound and its enclosures on the one hand and by the surrounding horizontal settlement on the other 14. Hundreds of thousands of ceramic shards, lithic

ASOCIAŢIA ARHEO VEST TIMIŞOARA

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-IN HONOREM GHEORGHE LAZAROVICI-

Interdisciplinaritate în Arheologie

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51

THE OUTSET OF POLGÁR-CSŐSZHALOM TELL AND THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL CONTEXT OF A

SPECIAL CENTRAL BUILDING

Pál Raczky*, Katalin Sebők** * Eötvös Loránd University, Institute of Archaeological Sciences; [email protected] ** Eötvös Loránd University, Institute of Archaeological Sciences; [email protected] Rezumat. Începutul tell-ului Polgár-Csőszhalom și contextul arheologic al unei clădiri speciale centrale. Complexul arheologic Polgár-Csőszhalom în nord-estul Ungariei joacă un rol sem-nificativ în înţelegerea Neoliticului târziu (circa 4900–4500 BC cal) în Bazinul Carpatic. Clădirile identificate pe tell și artefactele găsite sugerează că acesta a fost o zonă non-rezi-dențială. A fost o scenă pentru activități speciale, nelumeşti. În acestă prezentare ne vom concentra pe începutul tell-ului, care prezintă una dintre cele mai vechi case și gropi. Vom oferi o analiză detaliată a contextului cronologic și spațial, precum și a descoperirilor cera-mice. Rezultatele confirmă că tell-ul a fost, din primele momente, o scenă specifică pentru locuitorii din Polgár-Csőszhalom. Studiul nostru este un tribut adus importantei lucrări a lui Gheorghe Lazarovici referitoare la arhitectura preistorică. Cuvinte cheie: Bazinul Carpatic, Polgár-Csőszhalom, Neoliticul târziu, tell, construcții spe- ciale, analiză ceramică “In common with modern architectural practice, the built environment was designed to facilitate and give meaning to the community’s aspirations and activities, both material and immaterial. The Neolithic built environment constituted arenas for sym-bolic display and ritual activity, which together constituted a multi-modal expres-sion of a community’s ordering of their world, rooting them in space and time.”

Trevor Watkins1

1. Research history, the physical discovery of the tell and its palisaded enclosure system (1929-1990) Polgár-Csőszhalom is one of the special complexes within the Late

Neolithic of the Tisza Region (Fig. 1). It has an outstanding importance because The project is funded by the Hungarian Scientific Research Fund (OTKA Grant NK 101024: “The complex household network analysis of the late Neolithic settlement at Polgár-Csőszhalom”). We wish to thank Alexandra Anders and András Füzesi for their invaluable help in the evaluation of the ceramic data. The illustrations were prepared by Katalin Sebők. 1 Trevor Watkins, 2008, p. 647.

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Fig. 1. 1: Polgár-Csőszhalom. The topography of the tell enclosed by a ditch system

and the horizontal settlement with the investigated areas. The reconstruction is based on magnetometer surveys, field surveys and excavations; 2: Magnetometric plan of the Polgár-Csőszhalom tell with the excavated areas and the reconstruction of the

ditch and palisade system of Phase I.

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“Csőszhalom” is known in the literature as the northernmost settlement mound in Southeastern Europe. Since the early 20th century it has been used as a point of refe-rence, especially within the context of the Neolithic Tisza–Herpály tell cultures of Eastern Hungary2. The significance of this settlement mound was further enhanced by the fact that subsequently as a result of complex research a multiple palisaded enclosure system was identified around it. The greatest diameter of the site3 thus reached 180–190 m. Meanwhile the “Rondell” system at Csőszhalom and the structural characteristics of its “gates” bore a clear resemblance to ditched enclosures of the Central European Lengyel culture known from Transdanubia (i.e. western Hungary)4. These archaeological results, that is the synthesis of a tell and an enclosure at Csőszhalom, in themselves, can be seen as being the local manifestation of connections on a broad scale approximately between 5000 and 4500 BC. Within this context, Polgár-Csőszhalom and its environment may be regarded as a monumental and intertwined form of self-representation typical of Central and Southeastern European cultures at the time. The long-term parallel development of the tell and the enclosure could be proven. It allows one to conclude that a more-or-less homogeneous organizational principle could be harmonically implemented during their joint formation5.

According to the first geophysical surveys carried out in 1990 the remains of 13‒16 burnt houses could be outlined within the palisaded enclosure system of Csőszhalom (Fig. 1.2, Fig. 2). On this basis the number of inhabitants could be estimated between 78–96. This population however looked disproportionately small in light of the labour-investment required by the construction of the enclosure and palisade system. Therefore a far large population was hypothesized to have lived in the proximity of the tell. On this basis, already during the 1990s the earth construc-tion was interpreted as a sort of regional “central place” of symbolic importance6. As of today, the in situ analysis of special communal activity reconstructed at the site has increasingly confirmed this idea7. Consequently it may be hypothesized that the con-struction of the “earthwork” at Csőszhalom involved the mobilization of people from the broader region of Polgár, thereby creating a symbolic monument of unique dimensions and regional significance in the Upper Tisza region8. In the Near East, the beginnings of similar sites, variably identified as “Ritual Centre”, “centre of congregation” and “assembly place”, were traced back to the Early Neolithic. How-ever, their relation to the domestic sphere remains a complex problem9.

2 Childe, 1929; Tompa, 1929; Bognár-Kutzián, 1966; Bánffy, Bognár-Kutzián, 2007. 3 Raczky et alii, 1994; Raczky, 1995. 4 Pásztor, P. Barna, 2012; Pásztor et alii, 2014; Bertók, Gáti, 2014, p. 17-93; Petrasch, 2012; Literski, Nebelsick, 2012. 5 Raczky et alii, 2007; Raczky, Anders, 2008, 35; Raczky, Anders, 2012, p. 289-293, Fig. 16. 6 Raczky et alii, 1994, 234; Raczky, 1995. 7 Raczky, Anders, 2008, p. 40-49; Raczky et alii, 2011, p. 60-65. 8 Raczky, Anders, 2008, p. 49. 9 Gebel, Rollefson, 2005; Renfrew, 2013, p. 30-32.

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Fig. 2. Polgár-Csőszhalom. Magnetic anomalies delineating spots of

hypothesized houses in the central area of the enclosure (after Raczky et alii, 2011).

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2. The discovery and study of the associated horizontal settlement (1995‒2013) – the “spatial turn” and new ways of interpretation Within the framework of preventive excavations related to the construction

of a motorway near Csőszhalom first a 24–28 hectares large horizontal settlement was reconstructed. Subsequently a one km long East–West trench could be investi-gated in 2010–2011. This section yielded a 38 hectares large settlement around the previously investigated tell (Fig. 1.1).

The most striking novelty was that the ground plans of 79–80 unburnt hou-ses with 124 associated burials were encountered in the 3.6 hectares section of the outside, single layer settlement. According to recent calculations, two hundred more- or-less contemporaneous buildings may have coexisted at this horizontal settlement, yielding an estimate of 1000 inhabitants. This is indicative of a site of outstanding size and significance in the Eastern half of the Carpathian Basin during the Late Neolithic10. The aforementioned physical parameters secured a respectable position for the Csőszhalom site complex even within the context of the European Neolithic, convincingly illustrated by Johannes Müller11. This demographic concentration of unusual extent and the integration of settlement is not surprising in itself. A similar phenomenon, interpretable as a Late Neolithic Lengyel culture “mega-site” has recently been discovered at Alsónyék‒Bátaszék in Transdanubia. Even the excavated detail of that settlement measured 25 hectares, but its real extent must have reached 100 hectares. The number of burials recovered was approximately 250012.

Meanwhile Chalcolithic mega-sites have been found in the Trypillia–Cucuteni culture of Ukraine, Moldova, and North East Romania with the 200–340 hectares horizontal distribution. House numbers varied between 400 and 1960, opening a new period of interpretation in European prehistoric settlement research13. Recent excavation results from Polgár-Csőszhalom gave a “spatial turn” to our per-ception of the site allowing for a novel way of interpretation. First of all, it became unambiguous that the bipolar spatial system had existed, represented by the duality between the mound and its enclosures on the one hand and by the surrounding horizontal settlement on the other14. Hundreds of thousands of ceramic shards, lithic finds and animal remains recovered during previous years of excavation have par-tially been analysed. In addition burials have been evaluated on the basis of sex, age and social status and the natural environment of the site was reconstructed as well15.

Our latest results are supported by over 100 AMS radiocarbon dates, offe-ring a previously unknown, fine grained absolute chronological approach to the

10 Anders, Raczky, 2013; Siklósi, 2013, 240-243, Fig 197. 11 Müller, 2010, p. 250 (Fig.). 12 Zalai-Gaál et alii, 2012; Osztás et alii, 2012. 13 Chapman et alii, 2014; Rassmann et alii, 2014. 14 Raczky, Anders, 2008; Raczky, Anders, 2010; Raczky et alii, 2011, p. 65-69. 15 Raczky et alii, in press; Siklósi et alii, in press; Faragó, in press; Anders, Raczky, 2013; Anders et alii, 2007; Sümegi et alii, 2013.

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internal dynamics of this settlement complex16. On this basis it became possible to outline different attitudes to time and space in the two radically distinct spatial units of Polgár-Csőszhalom which made possible the high-resolution study of the rhythm in archaeologically detectable phenomena. These data have reconfirmed that the site’s occupation fell between 5105–4855 cal BC and 4500–4450 cal BC.

2.1. Activities Recent analytical results have also supported previous observations concer-

ning qualitative differences between the two segments of the Csőszhalom site. These were created by the differential dynamics of the contents, function and communal organization of activities at the settlement.

One of the best illustrations of this complex phenomenon is the intensive and intentional burning of houses accompanied by the consumption of meat from large game on the tell. This was in sharp contrast with the absence of burnt houses from the horizontal settlement where meat was largely provided by domestic animals17.

This formal duality has also been presumed in relation to Neolithic ritual activity at the site of Çatalhöyük where diachronic relationships between “low-frequency, high-arousal” communal events and “high-frequency, low-arousal” types of action could be traced. Motivation for these types of behaviour could be detected in the intensity of crop cultivation and the size and density of population18. How-ever, distinguishing between the loci of public feasts and private meals at the tell settlement looked rather difficult by using archaeological methods, as these two types of activity were often pursued in close physical proximity to each other. It is even possible that they frequently were intertwined, simultaneous events. Moreover the archaeological evidence for feasting and mundane food consumption are difficult to distinguish from each other19. This, on the other hand, facilitated discussions con-cerning domestic and ritual time scales associated with the two types of activity20.

In the case of Polgár-Csőszhalom the two spatial segments corresponding to mundane and ritual activity are represented by the single layer horizontal settlement and the tell surrounded by enclosures. On the level of macrostructures these two provided environments where two different concepts of time may have been valid21. As of today, the mound and its system of enclosures of Csőszhalom cannot be considered a tell in the conventional meaning of the word. Rather than being an ordinary settlement, this enclosed area seems to have been separated from the world of domestic activities. It was a segment of space where there predominantly special communal rites and feasting must have taken place22.

16 Raczky, Anders, 2010; Raczky et alii, in press; Raczky, Anders, 2014. 17 Raczky, Anders, 2008; Raczky, Anders, 2010; Raczky et alii, 2011; Anders, Raczky, 2013; Csippán, 2014. 18 Whitehouse et alii, 2014, p. 151-152. 19 Twiss, 2012; Verhoven, 2002. 20 Pels, 2010. 21 Raczky, Anders, 2010, Fig 9. 22 Raczky, Anders, 2008; Raczky, Anders, 2010, Raczky et alii, 2011.

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This possibility is congruent with the view voiced by Andrew Sherratt. He posited that a significant number of mounds found along the periphery of the distri-bution area of tells in the Balkans were “Ersatz-Tells” only of symbolic signifi-cance23. According to Dragoș Gheorghiu and George Nash, in these cases a special syncretism occurred between space, materiality, time and ritual action. It was this amalgamation that lent symbolic/ritual content to these distinguished loci24. Mean-while it is important to stress that in the environment of Csőszhalom spheres of ritual activity may be hypothesised which constituted of different situational groupings from the population of the horizontal settlement or even from people living at greater distances. In this case, social groupings involved in ritual action at the tell did not necessarily correspond in every respect to the social modules of the population who inhabited the horizontal settlement.

In the relevant case study from Çatalhöyük such groups are labelled “reli-gious coalitions”25. This methodological problem is further complicated by the fact that in addition to mundane domestic activities, examples of ritual behaviour coreo-graphed at a low-level of social integration may also be seen at the horizontal settle-ment of the Polgár-Csőszhalom. The spatial distribution of figurines as well as struc-tured deposits recovered from wells represent this form of social embedding26. Similarly to the example of Çatalhöyük, it is impossible to distinguish between the material evidence of ritual and secular activities in the external, horizontal settle-ment of Csőszhalom where communities were organized on a lower, modular level27. This clearly supports the multi-layered and multi-scalar nature of Late Neolithic communities within the Polgár-Csőszhalom settlement28 as well as the existence of ritual communities both on a small and a large social scale29.

2.2. Time The multiscale spatial determination outlined above holds true for the entire

formation and development of tells in Southeast Europe as well as the artificial mound of Csőszhalom30. One of the aims of ritual activities pursued in a monumental envi-ronment is the broadening of the time dimension of communal existence. This is of help in codifying the long-term preservation of current relationships and social values31. This extended temporality meant the filling of the dimensions of the world between “heaven” and “earth” and even underneath with new types of action. This

23 Sherratt, 2005, p. 123. 24 Gheorghiu, Nash, 2013, p. 9-10. 25 Whitehouse, Hodder, 2010, p. 134-137. 26 Raczky, 2002; Anders, Raczky, 2013; Sebők et alii, 2013. 27 Brück, 1999; Lewis, Williams, 2004, p. 32-33; Kuijt, 2005. 28 Watkins, 2004, 19-20; Salisbury, 2012. 29 Bulbulia et alii, 2013, p. 390. 30 Furholt, Müller, 2011; Hofmann, 2012; Parkinson-Gyucha, 2012; Raczky, in press. 31 Bradley, 1991; Bradley, 1999, p. 90-99.

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may be seen as a form of “construction” on the extant side32, which was of help in mapping time to a new space section33.

Adopting this approach one may say that sequential layers within the corpora of tells are the physical incarnations of time scales for long-term space-time-meta-phors34, a form of a cultural memory35. In other words, tells as monuments may be considered material manifestations of External Symbolic Storage, special manifes-tations of collective memory36, which may be juxtaposed against lifeworld commu-nicative memory and with its temporality respectively37. These considerations are of help in outlining two systems of reference regarding time and space in Neolithic cul-tures in Europe, as has recently been summarized by Martin Furholt and Johannes Müller38.

From this point of view European outlines of the concept of monuments may be interpreted as a long term time dimension in the 5th millennium BC. Prehis-toric communities that created monuments in earth or stone during that time com-posed geometrical structures often of immense dimensions stepping across spatiality as experienced in everyday life. They created spaces of eternity for their own use. These monumental loci of special architecture in the meantime are broad spectrum media of varying complexity. They bear communal, ritual, cosmic and even metric connotations. In summary they may be regarded as commemorative means showing efforts of large communities to preserve their traditions and values39.

Within this context, similarly to megalithic monuments, tells may be consi-dered monumental buildings. In accordance with M. Furholt and J. Müller, they may be seen as indexial signs referring to the communities which were involved in the actions associated with the earthen mound40. In addition to representing a long-term ritual time dimension with its vertical stratigraphy in a linear fashion the “tell” of Polgár-Csőszhalom also captured the cyclical nature of time. This can be seen in the system of circular ditches and and “gates”. Evidence of such chronotopes are also known in other contemporaneous contexts in Europe41. Consequently, on the basis of the duality of the tell and its enclosures the duality of linear and cyclical percep-tions of ritual time may be hypothesised at this site42.

32 Bailey 2000, p. 174-176; Chapman et alii, 2006, p. 20-22; Neustupný, 2006, 4. 33 Majid et alii, 2013. 34 Chapman, 1997, p. 37-38; Sherratt, 1997, p. 22; Whittle, 2003, p. 124; Evans, 2005, p. 120. 35 Assmann, 1992. 36 Renfrew, 1998. 37 Assmann, 1992. 38 Furholt, Müller, 2011. 39 Biehl, 2010, p. 234-238; Scarre, 2011. 40 Furholt, Müller, 2011, p. 17. 41 Bailey, 1993; Neustupný, 2006, 4; Biehl, 2010; Pásztor et alii, 2014. 42 Morley, 2010, p. 13-17.

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2.3. Monumentality Monumental constructions in Europe may often be found in clusters within

microregions forming integrative systems of ritual topography on a regional scale, thereby defining the ranges of interpretation for emotional and mnemonic geogra-phies. These aid information retention by translating it into forms that the brain can retain more efficiently than the original format. Mnemonic loci function in addition to scenes of mundane daily activities43. Loci of varying determinations represent chro-notopes that determine how configurations of time and space are represented in a particular discourse. Associations between simultaneous events define their topogra-phic relationships through their different configurations of time and space thereby yielding a new chronotopic framework for the mode of discourse44. An important development in the research of Csőszhalom was the discovery of a previously unknown second enclosure during geophysical surveys in 2013, located some 200 m Southwest of the tell/enclosure system investigated. The diameters of the round enclosure ranged between 55–60 m but it had no traces of a mound in the middle. Preliminary research has shown that this feature was in use parallel with the main tell/ enclosure system. Therefore it may be presumed that the two systems formed the two main foci of ritual activities organized in a special manner within the same time period.

3. Beginnings of the Csőszhalom tell The simultaneous development of the palisaded tell/enclosure system of

Csőszhalom followed harmonic pace. The rhythm of vertical and horizontal expan-sion suggests that the time of their establishment was synchronous and took place between c.a. 4825–4745 cal BC45 (Fig. 3). This may have been the time when it became separated from the single layered horizontal settlement that was the scene of locally articulated, imagistic modes of rituals heavily relying on the precision of imagery by developing a clear and sharp visual language. This newly created segment in space served as a ritual arena for doctrinal rituals that mobilized major communi-ties, and was manifested in the creation of architectural elements of an eternal cosmos. This model somewhat rests on the physical affiliation of ritual interactions as has been outlined in the archaeological case study of Çatalhöyük46. The special feature of Csőszhalom is that the corpus of the mound is no longer a humble mundane dwel-ling, a tell in the classical meaning of the word. It became a public building, serving as an architectural backup for an institutionalized cognitive-ritual agency47. It is easy to imagine that this monumental construction and the entirety of the external, hori-zontal settlement operated in a particular duality during the Late Neolithic in this area. This arrangement mirrored the time/space patterns of the coevolution between

43 Harris, 2010. 44 Lemke, 2004; Lemke, 2005; Davies et alii, 2013; Gheorghiu, Nash, 2013, p. 6. 45 Raczky, Anders, 2014. 46 Whitehouse, Hodder, 2010. 47 Raczky, Anders, 2008, 49; Raczky et alii, 2011, p. 63-71; Birch, 2013, 13-15.

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Fig. 3. Polgár-Csőszhalom. Simplified modell of the

vertical stratigraphy of the tell.

ritual and society in the Eastern half of the Carpathian Basin48. It is suggested here that the existence of this dual system at Csőszhalom guaranteed a functional control of multidimensional daily tensions that kept emerging in the realm of mundane acti-vities. From time to time these tensions were resolved by performing rituals and feasting on a broad communal basis within a designated symbolic space. In essence, this phenomenon outlines a network-mode of communal organization that corres-ponded to self-organization rooted in communal solidarity49. Institutionalized control expressed in the time/space relations of tells and the reflection of such trends on a regional scale were illustrated by archaeozoological data from the Gumelnița culture

48 Marcus, Flannery, 2004. 49 Trebsche, 2010, p. 159-164; Kienlin, 2012, p. 273.

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in Southeastern Europe50. Interpreting the emergence and architectural development of the Csősz-

halom “tell” as consciously building a communal feature has stimulated different opinions in the relevant archaeological literature. Quoting an earlier stand taken by John Chapman: “The phrase ‘tell formation’ is, I believe, inappropriate, for it carries implications of future action not present in the initial act”. In his opinion, “the physical transformation of a tell-to-be into a tell” represents only a random outcome of the contingent possibilities51. This statement can be best countered by the opinion of Roland Fletcher: ‟If externals defined form then consistency of heritage and hence traditions would vanish, since every specific external circumstance would be conti-nually introducing arbitrary new variants into the replicative process. This alone suggests that the concept of ‘culture’ as Lamarckian is mistaken.”52

It seems that the constructed corpus of a mound, with its physical-visual appearance, materialised a new dimension, a special potential that included the imma-nent meaning of monumentality, i.e. mounds were built to be remembered. Mean-while the vertical definition of tells in space may be seen as a new metaphor for temporality, that is a “time capsule” firmly defined in space. By certain communal considerations it played roles in physically representing concepts of “above and underneath” and helped spiritually settling in the dimensions of “future and past” for the community or even broader communities53.

Within this chain of thoughts the concepts of “building and dwelling” are worth considering separately. They evidently lead to the study by Martin Heidegger entitled “Bauen-Wohnen-Denken” that was also made available in English54. It ins-pired Tim Ingold to his independent archaeological interpretation of “Building, dwel-ling, living” and the concept of dwelling perspective widely discussed in the English language archaeological literature55. Re-phrasing Heidegger, stating that “only if we are capable for dwelling, only then can we build”, it becomes evident that cons-truction in practice is always preceded by the envisioning of form and practical way of realization in advance56. Studying this question from a practical point of view the conclusions are as follows: as the idea of a mound is conceived as a consequence of communication within a group of shared identity, a likewise shared image is embodied in the spatiality of a mental map. This is followed by the practical realization of the mental construction through which the tell is fit within the landscape.

Within this frame of reference the beginnings of tells such as laying the foundations of the architecture at Csőszhalom may be considered the outcome of communal decision-making. From this point of view, the emergence of the tells can

50 Bréhard, Bălăşescu, 2010, p. 3179-3181. 51 Chapman, 1997, p. 143. 52 Fletcher, 2004, p. 125. 53 Heidegger, 1971, p. 218. 54 Heidegger, 1971, p. 141-159. 55 Ingold, 2005, p. 172-188. 56 Ingold, 2005, p. 186.

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not be the result of random coincidences. It is suggested here that the formation of tells was not simply determined by circumstances “then and there” and environ-mental conditions. Interrelated levels of conscious human decision making also played a fundamental role within the realm of mental space. In other words, tells as habitation monuments are specific manifestations of communal identity expressed by means of architecture57. This system of arguments is capable of answering the question posed in the title of a treatise written by Eva Rosenstock: “Entstehen Siedlungshügel‚ von selbst?”58.

4. A special building in the centre of the Csőszhalom “tell” As it was already indicated by the first geomagnetic mapping of the Csősz-

halom tell, there was a certain regularity in the spatial structuring of the features of the mound protruding from the landscape within the enclosure. It was clearly visible that in a distinguished position large buildings stood in the middle of the enclosure surrounded by a system of circular ditches (Fig. 1.2, Fig. 2). They were surrounded by likewise large structures. On the basis of magnetic anomalies the number of these latter buildings was estimated as 13–16, subsequently modified to between 15–20. At a certain point in time the agglomeration of buildings in the center were surrounded by 34–38 smaller houses arranged in a circle of 35–40 m in diameter59.

These constructional zones, identifiable proceeding from the centre toward the periphery were evidently not created at the same time. It is rather a special sort of macro-architecture that was created by continuous horizontal expansion. This pattern, as well as the concentric system of ditches and palisades is indicative of a “group design”60. Similar macro-structures, composed of houses and concentric ditches have been well known from this time period. In addition to Iclod61, Uivar62, Okoliste63 recently the site of Szentpéterszeg-Kovadomb64 has shown yet another characteristic example how Southeast European varieties had spread. At the majority of these settlements the internal space also mirrors the continuously changing ver-tical world of the tell. Similar concentric patterns, largely represented by burnt houses, were identified at “mega-sites” related to the Trypilia–Cucuteni cultures where numerous parallels are known to exist65. In fact, as complex systems, they could jus-tifiably be called “habitation monuments”66. In the case under discussion here, how-ever, the creation of architectural spaces remains within a two dimensional plane.

57 Sherratt, 1997, p. 22. 58 Rosenstock, 2010, p. 1. 59 Raczky et alii, 2011, p. 62-64, Fig. 6, Fig. 9. 60 Raczky et alii, 1994, p. 232-233; Raczky et alii, 2011, p. 59-64. 61 Mischka, 2010, p. 75-77; Ibidem, 2012, p. 154-159. 62 Schier, Draşovean, 2004, p. 150-154; Ibidem, 2010, p. 172-184. 63 Hofmann et alii, 2010; Müller et alii, 2013; Hofmann, Müller, Scheeßel 2013, p. 99-101; Erkul et alii, 2013, p. 111. 64 Raczky et alii, in press. 65 Chapman et alii, 2014; Rassmann et alii, 2014. 66 Sherratt, 1997.

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During the study of the internal spatial partitioning of Csőszhalom a special question rose: what was the relationship between the communal background of the architectural structures represented in the ritual field of activity and the social groupings associated with buildings in the external, horizontal settlements? In other words, was there a correspondence between physical formations of the ritual and secular communities? In addition to the burials found on the mound, there were large “houses” of central location surrounded by rings of larger and smaller buil-dings. What types of communal activity modules did this layout signalise in the ritual arena of the tell67? If Csőszhalom is regarded the potential environment of a centre of congregation, one may also reckon with periodical visits by groups of people arriving from longer distances. This, however, makes it more difficult to distinguish between assemblages of people.

Already the first exploratory borings at Csőszhalom indicated that the culture bearing layer, varying between 280–400 cm in thickness, consisted of at least three consecutive layers of burnt architectural remains (Fig. 3). In fact, it was this triple layer stratigraphy that was confirmed by the first verifying excavations at the site directed by Ida Bognár-Kutzián in 195768. The same three burnt layers were docu-mented in the test trench opened in the central section of the tell (Square IV). At this spot, proceeding from above, the burnt rubble of buildings 7, 8, and 9, as well as 11 could be archaeologically identified in limited detail. The associated stratigraphic sequence is characterized by the 4825–4745 cal BC and 4500–4455 cal BC AMS dates69. In spite of the small area of the excavation surface, a number of special arte-factual assemblages were recovered in this space segment of central location. Within the diachronic context of consecutive layers they pointed beyond the mundane sphere of life70. In their entirety these phenomena supported the view that the central buildings and their immediate environments on the Csőszhalom tell served consistently as venues for special activity for a long time as is indicated by the presence of unusual, non-mundane artefacts in the find material unearthed here. A small assemblage of miniature objects and real tools (already published several times) is of special interest in this regard. A new dimension in the interpretation of these objects was recognized under the inspiration of a paper written on the topic by Carl Knappett71. On the basis of his analysis it may be said that these miniature objects are scale-free representations and as such they are universal in their relation to infinite time. In other words, condensed space expressed by these scaled-down objects concentrate essential tokens of eternity into a given time horizon. Thereby they create a range of interpretation subject to modelling that corresponds to a concentrated semiotic network. Miniature objects construct a space and perspectives for playing in the world of eternity but experienced within a physical environment.

67 Raczky et alii, 2011, p. 63-64; Siklósi, 2013, p. 235-238, Fig. 196. 68 Bánffy, Bognár-Kutzián, 2007, Fig. 11. 69 Raczky et alii, in press. 70 Raczky et alii, 1966; Raczky, Anders, 2008; Raczky, Anders, 2010, p. 149-150. 71 Knappet, 2012.

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Fig. 4. Polgár-Csőszhalom, analysis of calibrated radiocarbon dates from “House 11”. 1: str. 952, attic’s level; 2: str. 993, first floor level; 3: modelled dates of the “house”.

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Fig. 5. Polgár-Csőszhalom, “House 11”, burnt rubble of the uppermost roof and wall structure.

Fig. 6. Polgár-Csőszhalom, “House 11”, burnt layer of the loft or attic.

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Fig. 7. Polgár-Csőszhalom, “House 11”, burnt layer of the first floor level.

Fig. 8. Polgár-Csőszhalom, “House 11”, ground floor level, with bedding trenches and pits.

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Fig. 9. Polgár-Csőszhalom, “House 11”. 1‒4, 6: decorated wall remains;

5: wall decoration in the form of a bull head.

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The earliest building in the centre of the Csőszhalom tell has entered the archaeological record as “House 11”. Its heavily burnt archaeological remains were identified right above the ancient humus layer72. The two AMS radiocarbon dates obtained so far outline the 4785–4725 cal BC time interval (Fig. 4). This means that the clear traces of settlement detectable all over the Csőszhalom site are somewhat earlier (4825–4745 cal BC)73. Prior to the construction of “House 11” the area had already been in use as is proven by various pits recovered from underneath the buil-ding’s floor. The most important observation made during the course of excavating this feature was that, covered by the layer of burnt rubble (Fig. 5), joists of an attic or second floor (Fig. 6) and a first floor (Fig. 7) as well as a warped, depressed floor level (Fig. 8) could be clearly distinguished from each other. These distinct strata have unambiguously indicated that at the beginning of the tell a two storey edifice was erected in its central location. This type of architecture was particularly noteworthy because no similarly structured building could be observed either among the 80 known houses of the horizontal settlement or the 10 buildings excavated on the tell. It is also important that the burnt wattle and daub preserved the meandering patterns that had once decorated the external wall surface (Fig. 9.1‒4, 6), as well as the heavily fragmented remnants of a bucranium that had been fastened to the wall (Fig. 9.5). This discovery also gives further emphasis to the special appearance and concomitant importance of the entire building. The wall structure built on bedding trenches clearly outlined the house that could be traced over 9 m (Fig. 8). Unfortunately, the western end of this structure fell beyond the legally defined excavation area. Meanwhile the foundation trenches outlined a 4 m wide internal space. Meanwhile it is worth emphasizing that the bedding trench system itself is a technical solution74 that is unique within the Polgár-Csőszhalom settlement. As a curiosity it is worth mentioning that out of the 1493 known buildings at the site of Maidanetske in the Ukraine all 9 special communal buildings were built using a similar, “Wandgräbchen” type of structure as could be clearly recognized on the output on magnetometric investigations75.

The two storey house built on the ancient soil of Csőszhalom must have ex-pressed the same aspiration as the corpus of the tell that subsequently accumulated on top of its ruins. It played the role of a specific point from which spatial elements can be surveyed on the tell’s horizon. Meanwhile this structure is also visible from all angles from the outside. It thus represents the principle of “to see and to be seen”, expressing a desire for inter-visibility76. Three dimensional human vision is realized in terms of the “point of isovist” system which is an essential and immanent human property. Isovist is the volume of space visible from a specific point, including the

72 Raczky, Anders, 2008, p. 41. 73 Raczky, Anders, 2014. 74 Gheorghiu, 2009, p. 56-57. 75 Rassmann et alii, 2014, p. 119-120, Fig. on page 114. 76 Gheorghiu, 2008, p. 170.

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specification of the location of that point. Isovists are by definition three-dimensional. Every point in physical space has an isovist associated with it.

A factual element in this system is the perception of space. Vision is gene-rated by the inter-visibility of objects. Therefore space in this sense is not an a priori given backdrop. It is a constructed world of its own elements77. In the case of Csőszhalom it is evident that the two storey building erected at a central locus did not simply emerge from the spatial configuration represented by the set of dwellings in its surroundings. Nevertheless its development resulted in a visual rearrangement of the space, contributing to new mental map by vertically expanding the horizon of the single layer habitation area and directing attention to the newly generated dis-tinguished locus. This theory is consonant with the observation that one of the “gates” of the enclosure surrounding the Csőszhalom tell is oriented Northeast toward the point where the silhouette of Tokaj hill, a peak of volcanic origins can be clearly seen78. A comparable visual patterning is suggested by a special mural from Neolithic Çatalhöyük. This “map” shows the bulk of groundplans of the settlement below the image of the monumental Hasan Dağ volcano79. In light of these considerations the question should be naturally posed: “In other words, is the ground we walk on also, and inevitably, a ground against which things ‘stand out’ as foci of attention, or can it be a focus in itself ?”80

The number one consequence of creating new spatial configurations by erec-ting unusually large architectural features is that in the background of the visual field expanded along the vertical dimension the Sun, the Moon and various stars become a striking visual elements. This way simultaneously existing relations are permeated by visual elements of the cosmical world. Within this frame of reference it cannot be considered accidental that miniature artefactual assemblages occur in the contexts of Neolithic and Aeneolithic tell settlements of Southeastern Europe in which represen-tations of the Sun play a central role. On this basis it looks evident that clay Sun discs occurred among the special small finds recovered at Csőszhalom81.

Most recently a burnt two storey building has been recovered at the Vinča-Pločnik culture settlement of Crkvine-Stublina in 2008. This structure indubitably was of symbolic function within the life of a broad social grouping of the settlement. In addition to several peculiar settlement features, this building contained, among others, 43 anthropomorphic clay figurines which had formed 8 groups in front of an oven82. It may be speculated that they represented some sort of a group identity. In relation to these finds the excavator placed a special emphasis on the existence of

77 Hillier, 2014, p. 19-20. 78 Raczky et alii, 2002, p. 137-140. 79 Ülkekul, 1999, p. 44-55. 80 Ingold, 2011, p. 45. 81 Todorova, 1982, p. 67-77; Höckmann, 1999, p. 271-272; Ursulescu, Tencariu, 2008, p. 98; Pásztor et alii, 2008, p. 918-921; Raczky et alii, 1996, p. 18-19; Raczky, Anders, 2008, p. 41-42, Fig. 3: 1-3. 82 Crnobrnja et alii, 2009; Crnobrnja, 2011, Fig. 8; Fig. 10; Idem, 2012.

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Vinča Period multi-level houses and the existence of an attic-like feature. Adam N. Crnobrnja cited similar examples from the sites of Parța, Opovo and Uivar83, relying on the data of Gheorghe and Cornelia-Magda Lazarovici’s great summarizing mono-graph84. Another two storey building was found at Crkvine-Stublina in 2010. The massive wall structure of this feature was special as it was made of planks. Accor-ding to the excavator, special artefactual assemblages and furnishings within the inner space seem to support the idea that everyday and religious activities overlapped in the inside of the building85. It seems that one of the earliest examples of such buil-dings with special architecture was published by Stefan Hiller from the cultural envi-ronment of Karanovo III. He reviewed parallels and traced the influence of such structures into the architectural type manifested in Greek temples86.

Henrietta Todorova relies on the aeneolitic tells from Bulgaria, Ovčarovo, Poljanica, Radingrád to present several storeys high “Zentralhaus” types with multi-storey structure, meanwhile their find material is unusually “rich” as well. She also published clay house models from Poljanitza which unambiguously show multi-storey buildings87.

Presenting these ideas was aimed at helping to interpret the role of the two storey building brought to light at Polgár-Csőszhalom in the creation of a new per-ception of space, including the definition of a ritual space. By reviewing a few con-temporaneous parallels an attempt was made to outline the general environment where similar buildings have been found.

5. Possible connections between the Csőszhalom tell and a special building (“House 11”) within The aforementioned archaeological sources offer evidence that multi-storey

buildings are well-known in the Neolithic and Aeneolithic of Southeastern Europe. They either possess a special function within horizontal settlements or are the fre-quented central buildings of tells. Among the examples the cases cited from Bulgaria show that at those sites the multi-storey buildings formed an organic bond with the tell. The two architectural units merged into a single logical unit. It is thus suggested that such an essential connection also existed between the multi-storey building and the tell in the case of Csőszhalom as well. Meanwhile it also seems clear that erecting the multi-storey building was the material representation of a symbolic act which marked a distinguished point at the site thereby turning its environment into a ritual sphere.

Csőszhalom was built within the already existing settlement. The fact of erec-ting this building created a new dimension, providing the environment for communal activity. It may also have meant defining the beginning and the axis of a new local “chronology”. In essence this ritual gesture kick-started the periodical expansion of 83 Crnobrnja, 2012, p. 159 and footnote 10. 84 Lazarovici, Lazarovici, 2006, p. 287-291. 85 Crnobrnja, 2012a, p. 48-49, 61-62. 86 Hiller, 2001. 87 Todorova 1982, p. 36-37, Abb. 25. 2-3.

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this monumental corpus of communal identity, that is the “life” of the mound. John Chapman and Bisserka Gaydarska essentially arrived to the same conclusion sudying the aeneolithic tell settlement at Dolnoslav. At that site the population that opened a new settlement horizon on the tell created an elevated platform in the middle of the tell and placed the shards of special vessels within. These remains were seen by the authors as an initial deposit. Subsequently found assemblages from burned down buil-dings were not described as living assemlages as they did not reflect the everyday social and economic activities of inhabitants of the mound88. It cannot be considered an accident that previously the entire tell at Dolnoslav and its set of buildings espe-cially were regarded as a “temple centre”89.

Human self representation through the reorganization of space was often manifested by creating the unity of the tell and a communal building. From time to time this resulted in comparable settlement patterns during European Prehistory being indicative of cyclical social processes in the background.

Investigations of European pile dwellings by Renate Ebersbach were illus-trated by the example of Marin-Les Piécettes in Canton Neuchâtel, Switzerland, on the western shore of Neuenburgersee. At this site a “Kultgebäude” with special dimen-sion was erected on top of the artificial mound accumulated in the middle of the set-tlement. The individual external appearance of this building was accentuated by the design painted on its walls90. This was indicative of the organic relationship between the communal building and the mound and may be interpreted as a special spatial language used in articulating group identity.

In general, numerous examples dated to the Neolithic and Aeneolithic of Europe show that buildings of symbolic functions did exist. They appear under a broad range of synonims in the literature such as “shrine”, “sanctuary”, “sacred house”, “Tempel”, “Kultgebäude”, “Kultstätte” etc91. The probably most beautiful set of such buildings was found at the site of Parța (Romania). This complex contained special artefacts and its spectacular reconstruction for a museum exhibit was prepa-red by Gheorghe Lazarovici92.

6. Artifactual associations of the special building at the Csőszha- lom tell Reconstructing the function of the two storey building erected in the middle

of the Csőszhalom tell requires the careful study of the artefactual assemblage found within. As was established before, the majority of objets had been evacuated before “House 11” was intentionally burned down. Consequently, the analysis had to be based on ceramics found in statistically meaningful numbers. Pottery, however,

88 Chapman, Gaydarska, 2007, p. 113, 116. 89 Radunčeva, 1991. 90 Ebersbach, 2010, p. 194-195, Abb. 1. 91 Müller, Karpe, 1968, p. 345-348; Gimbutas, 1974, p. 67-85; Idem, 1980; Kalicz, Raczky, 1987, p. 22-23; Raczky, 1995, p. 84; Tringham, Conkey, 1998, p. 41-42; Höckmann, 1999; Lazarovici, Lazarovici, 2009; Lazarovici, Lazarovici, 2010; Lazarovici, Lazarovici, 2013. 92 Lazarovici, 1989; Lazarovici et alii, 2001, p. 204-246; Draşovean, Schier, 2010, p. 167-169.

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illustrates only one particular aspect of internal space use. The aim of these studies was to gain quantitative data concerning the characteristics of shape and decoration of the ceramics recovered from this distinguished area in order to compare them to shards found in the mundane artefactual contexts of the external, horizontal settle-ment. Beyond these observations, recognizable patterns in assemblages of particular styles of pottery are of help in reconstructing group identities and the general signi-ficatory role of such structured ceramic assemblages and their functions in the social modules of everyday life. In addition attempts were made to identify and compare these shards to the distribution of material recovered from pits dug into the ancient soil underneath “House 11” that may be considered antecedents of this feature of pro-minent importance. A similar approach is reflected in the work of Adam N. Crnobrnja who presented the find material from a partly two storey, burned down building (No. 1/2010) found at the site of Crkvine-Stublina, Serbia93. In order to determine the relations of this assemblage with the rest of the site, the results were compared with the signatures of ceramic materials from a selection of pits representing the lower-most horizon of the tell (= First Pit Horizon unit, FPH) and that of a previously eva-luated, although possibly partially later units from the horizontal settlement (strati-graphical unit 932‒953)94. The preparation of the material and the method of evalu-ation was identical in all three cases to enable the possibly best comparability of the results.

6.1. Selection and condition of source materials In the case of “House 11”, all non-closed stratigraphical units related to the

feature (associated with the cleaning of the debris) were excluded from the analysis, leaving the ceramic material from the clearing of the roof and wall debris and the two joists (str. 922‒960, 965, 978‒1015), the cleaning of the floor (str. 1033‒1034) and the infill of the trenches related to the building’s foundation (str. 1025, 1031).

The FPH unit, representing the preceding (and according to our current knowl-edge, first) activity horizon in the tell area consists of all closed features in direct physical connection with “House 11”, including pits str. 1036, 1037, 1045, 1049, 1050, 1051, 1055 and 1057. In the case of this group the distribution of ceramic mate-rial is far from even: the majority of the sherds belong to str. 1050 (72,91%) and 1051 (9,75%). The other unit selected for comparison from the horizontal settlement includes the ceramic material of a large pit complex (Features 932 and 953).

Due to multiple factors, some of which were impossible to completely eli-minate, one must deal with certain limitations regarding the comparability of the three units. These limitations will be pointed out individually at every relevant stage of the evaluation process. An already mentioned issue is the possible temporal shift between the features of the tell and of the horizontal settlement. From the statistical point of

93 Crnobrnja, 2012a. 94 From a chronological point of view the selected unit is one of the closests to “House 11”, with a slight overlap between their probable lifespans. Currently the problem of temporal diffe-rence cannot be fully eliminated, as none of the excavated features of the horizontal settle-ment are dated from the exact time period of “House 11”.

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view, another concern is represented by the different conditions of the source of infor-mation. In the case of the large horizontal settlement every undecorated wall fragment was eliminated from the ceramic material by the time of analysis. On the other hand, ceramic assemblages from the tell remained intact. To resolve this problem in the case of the tell two sets of evaluations were carried out: one on the full material, and one without the undecorated wall fragments to make the two sets directly comparable. The third major concern is the marked difference in the quantities of the find material: there are 3081 vessel fragments from “House 11” (only 1137 excluding undecorated wall fragments), while only 1844 (804 vessels) from the unit representing the pre-ceding horizon. The unit of the horizontal settlement yielded 3389 vessel fragments not including undecorated wall fragments.

6.2. Evaluation of the ceramic material 6.2.1. Fragmentation. The material of both tell units was exceptionally frag-

mentary. The main fragmentation index95 for “House 11” is 1,1768, and even lower, only 1,1002 in the case of the FPH unit. The indices rose after the elimination of undecorated wall fragments: the values are 1,4002 for “House 11”, and 1,2219 for the FPH unit. Under these conditions the main fragmentation index of the “regular” waste from features 932‒953 on the horizontal settlement is 1,2148.

Feature No. of fragments No. of vessels Main fragmen-

tation index No. of all fragments

“House 11” 3081 2618 1,1768 FPH unit 1844 1676 1.1002

No. without undecorated wall fragments “House 11” 1137 812 1.4002 FPH unit 804 658 1,2219 Features 932‒953 4117 3389 1.2148

The fragmentation profile of the three units registers very well: basically there are no whole or less fragmentary vessels in neither of them. In this respect “House 11” seems to be outstanding, as its ceramic material consists exclusively of very small propor-tions of vessels.

6.2.2. Typological identification and type distribution. Due to the fragmented state of the ceramic material the identification of the vessel types was relatively less successful compared to the unit of the horizontal settlement. The proportion of the at least partially identified vessel types in the case of “House 11” is 13,59% (43,84 %)96, in the FPH unit 9,3% (36,2%), while at the 932-953 unit 47%.

95 A simple fragmentation index is calculated here as the quotient of the number of fragments and the respective number of vessels. 96 Numbers in parentheses represent values calculated without undecorated side fragments. These values may only be representative compared to the similar indices of the horizontal settlement.

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The basic type distribution in the case of “House 11” and the FPH unit registers very well, while both differ significantly from the inventory of the horizontal settlement’s unit (Fig. 10).

Fig. 10. Distribution of basic types in the materials of the three selected units.

Looking at the level of basic types the most significant differences are the preference of bowls (~40%) and jars (~25%) over cups. The almost complete lack of bins, lids and sieves may be due to the differences in absolute numbers97.

Fig. 11. Distribution of type groups in the materials of the three selected units.

A comparison between the inventories on the level of type groups (Fig. 11) allows for the description of this dissimilarity more precisely. In contrast with the abundance of the so-called vessels with shifting cross-section (C1 group) in the horizontal settlement unit such forms rarely appear in the materials of the two tell units, where the presence of the fine, closed cups (C2 group) is proportionally also less pronounced. Smaller differences appear in the case of the jars (preference of the low-shouldered F1 and F2 variant groups in the tell materials instead of the

97 Raczky et alii, in press, fig. 5.

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amphora-like F3 group) and the bowls (marked preference of the biconical B4 variants instead of the conical B1 & B2 variant groups). The tell materials are also characterized by the lack of the E1 and E2 vessel groups. It must be noted, that even on this level the distribution of the two tell units registers very well98. To sum up the results of the typological analysis it may also be concluded, that while the compo-sition of the ceramic inventory of the analyzed units of both the horizontal settlement and the tell shows proportional dissimilarity, the type variants of the two areas are basically the same. 6.2.3. Patterns and styles. Due to the large number of relevant variables and the highly fragmentary state of the ceramic material in all three units the evaluation of the ceramic decoration was carried out on the basis of individual occurrences. “House 11” provided altogether 494 examples, the FPH unit 147, while the 932‒953 feature complex 444 (which makes it well comparable with the house). These numbers are already telling, as in the case of “House 11” the number is proportionate with a vessel number (812) that is only about the fourth of that of the horizontal settle-ment’s unit (3389) for a similar value, suggesting that in the former case the propor-tion of vessels with painted or incised decoration is significantly higher (with a basic index of 0,603 for “House 11” and 0,131 for the 932‒953 unit). The respective index of the FPH unit (0,398) loosely correlates with that of “House 11”. As is the case of the horizontal settlement, the most characteristic techniques of decoration in the selected units of the tell are wide-band black painting, incised decorations (sometimes with complementary red and/or white painting), and, to a lesser extent, resin-coating and straw inlay patterns. Less frequent techniques include red coating, thin line black pattern painting, a mix of incised patterns and black painting, and the exceptionally rare red painting, white slip and black painting on white slip (Fig. 17, 2). In addition to yielding examples of shards made using all these techniques, “House 11” contained three (and the FPH unit six more) sherds from red- and-yellow painted bowls of the Early Lengyel Culture (Fig. 16. 1‒2). As of today such variability has not yet been detected in any processed feature of the settlement. The distribution of decoration by technology (Fig. 12) shows slight diffe-rences between the three units, with an unusual abundance of resin-coating and straw inlay decorations in “House 11”, and a marked preference for patterned black pain-ting over any other technique in complex 932‒953 of the horizontal settlement.

A statistical comparison between the motif sets’ constitution could be carried out only in the cases of the two main techniques (Fig. 13). The relatively high pro-portion of zigzag- and deltoid-based patterns in the material of the horizontal settle-ment is prominent both with incised and black painted decorations, while line-based, meandric and step-based motifs seem to appear more frequently in the tell materials (Fig. 19).

98 The evaluation was also carried out on the level of exact type variants, but due to the relatively small number of cases and large sets of variables, its results cannot be regarded conclusive.

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To reveal possible connections between technique, pattern and vessel type motifs were charted accordingly. Although (due to the highly fragmentary state of the material from the tell) only a small proportion of the decorations could be linked with vessel types or positions, even fragmentary results offer great addition to a detailed characterization of ceramic styles at the Csőszhalom settlement.

Fig. 12. Distribution of decorational elements by technique in the

materials of the three selected units.

Fig. 13. Distribution of incised and black painted decorational elements in the material of the three selected units.

In the case of the horizontal settlement the vast majority (93%) of black painted, zigzag- and deltoid based patterns appear on bowls and pedestalled bowls (including the individual pedestal fragments) and sometimes on the shoulders of jars. In this case the decoration of the bowls’ body (but not the pedestals) and the jars are often enriched by motifs of other groups of structures. In the case of “House 11” and

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the FPH unit the same type groups are decorated, but black pattern painting also appears on fine, small cups occasionally. The patterns include motifs of a line-, mean-dric or step-based structure much more frequently (Fig. 14. 1‒2), while the proportion of pedestals is significantly lower (almost zero in the case of the FPH unit). Decora-tion on the shoulders and necks of jars seems to be more frequent in comparison with the horizontal settlement’s material (Fig. 15). The set of motifs, especially in the case of the First Pit Horizon, shows significantly greater variability including several uni-que varieties. In the tell materials the connection between pedestals and patterns with zigzag- and deltoid-based motifs seems to be still valid, but of less importance.

Fig. 14. Polgár-Cssőszhalom, chart displaying the most frequent

pattern structures and their variations in the material under study.

While in complex 932‒953 of the horizontal settlement incised decorations (exclusive of reed impression patterns) are limited to flowerpots, in the tell material they appear on the necks and shoulders of small, biconical jugs as well. The majority of the mostly meandric and step-based motifs have their analogies in the textile decoration of the Tisza Culture (Fig. 17. 1‒3). In this respect there is no difference between the variations of the technique (e.g. incision with complementary red and/or white painting), except for the combination of incision and black painting, as a few examples in this case display zigzag- or deltoid-based patterns which are usually characteristic to black painted decoration (Fig. 14. 3).

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Fig. 15. 1‒2: Black painted pottery (1: “House 11”, floor, str. 1033; 2: Feature 237, First Pit Horizon); 3: Fragment

of an incised pedestal with black auxiliary painting (“House 11”, rubble, str. 936).

Fig. 16. Polgár-Csőszhalom, Black painted pottery. 1: “House 11”, debris, str. 961;

2: Feature 237, First Pit Horizon.

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Fig. 17. Polgár-Csőszhalom, 1‒2: Early Lengyel type bowl fragments (Feature 237, First Pit Horizon;

3‒4: vessel fragments with incised decoration inspired by the Samborzec ceramic style

(“House 11”, debris, str. 962, 969).

Fig. 18. Polgár-Csőszhalom, 1‒3: Vessel fragments with decorations of the Tisza Culture; 4: Rare painted bowl

fragment with black painted patterns on a white slip coat; 5: Resin coated cup with straw inlay patterns and auxiliary red

painting. (1‒4: “House 11”; 1: debris, str. 942; 2: floor level, str. 1033; 3: upper floor level, str. 996; 4: upper floor level, str. 993;

5: Feature 237, First Pit Horizon).

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Fig. 19. Polgár-Csőszhalom, Foot fragments of solid, seated human figurines,

Feature 237, First Pit Horizon.

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Resin-coated and straw inlay decorations were evaluated jointly, as this

technique is exceptionally sensitive for effects of taphonomical processes, thus the examples of the two technological variations are mostly indistinguishable. Though the majority of resin-coated fragments in the material from “House 11” cannot be linked to vessel types, the distribution of size ranges complemented by data of ceramic technology might offer some help. A large part (52%) of the sherds belong to the first size category representing thin-walled, fine cups and vessels, the material of which in most of the cases is untempered clay or that with moderate sand or sand and fine grog temper (Fig. 17, 5). These technological perimeters loosely register with some vessel types, including the C2 type groups (fine, curvy cups with low baseline), a category into which all the identified examples fell, suggesting that in all three units resin-coating is linked with fine cups in the first place. In the material from “House 11” resin-coating also appears on vessels with shifting cross-section (C1 group). Though not present in the selected unit, this combination appears regu-larly in the material of the horizontal settlement.

6.2.4. Non-vessel ceramic objects in the material of the selected features. Neither “House 11” or the selected unit from the horizontal settlement

contained any mobile ceramic object other than those of vessels. The infill of str. 1050 (= Feature 237, the largest pit of the First Pit Horizon under the building) contained the right feet fragments of three at least partly solid, medium-sized, seated human figurines that must have belonged originally to three different statues or anthropomorphic vessels (Fig. 19). The parallels of the type may be found in the territory of the Tisza Culture99. Their fragmentation does not show any kind of intentionality, neither was any trace of special arrangement recorded in relation to their archaeological context, suggesting that they were probably simply interred without much ado together with other elements of the find material (vessel fragments, animal bones, stone tools etc.). The joint occurrence of the three fragments and the selection of a single part of the statues (there were no attaching or relatable parts in any cases) however can be hardly explained by chance. Similar fragments are exceptionally rare in the horizontal settlement100.

6.2.5. Stylistic marker distribution. Beside the fragments of the probably imported painted bowls of the Early Lengyel Culture (Fig. 16. 1‒2), several marks related with distinct ceramic traditions appear as an integrated part of the ceramic style of Polgár-Csőszhalom101. The heritage of the Tisza Culture is exhibited first by the presence of textile decoration (the motif set of which is also partially integrated

99 Hansen, 2007, p. 191-195; Fig. 91-94, Taf. 233-235. 100 Raczky, 2002; Bailey, 2005, p. 80-81. 101 The presence of these vessels in the material however can also be a marker of integration of customs or ideas, as the physical alteration of the equipment during the adaptation process is not a necessity (Ackermann, 2012, p. 17-18). This type of integration was recorded in the case of the funerary symbolism at the Tisza Culture settlement of Pusztataskony-Ledence 1 (Sebők, 2012, p. 114).

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into that of the black painting), by a large part of the ceramic types including bowls, jars, cups and flowerpots, and, not least importantly, by the presence of the three figurine fragments in the infill of str. 1050. This tradition seems to be a defining factor in the ceramic style of the tell assemblages, while its role in the horizontal settlement is more passive. In the ceramic material of the settlement Samborzec tra-ditions appear through arranged patterns of clustered reed impressions, bulging necks and a few vessel types (E1‒E2 groups). The presence of this tradition in the tell mate-rials, in contrast with the horizontal settlement unit, seems to be scarce, represented only by a few unidentified sherds with reed impressions in both units, and two bulging neck fragments in “House 11” (Fig. 16, 3‒4). The delineation of the Foieni group enabled us to re-evaluate the cultural context of several markers which were previ-ously interpreted as autochtonous innovations of the local style, including the vessels with shifting cross-section (C1 type group) and two motif structures of the black painting technique (“hairy” triangles and hanging triagle combinations; Fig. 14)102. The distribution of these markers between the selected units of the tell and the hori-zontal settlement is somewhat uneven: while the painted elements appear only in tell context, the occurrence of the C1 types there is occasional. In the horizontal settle-ment the situation is quite the reverse: while C1 is the defining type group amongst cups, there are no painted decorations related with the Foieni traditions. As the two marker groups clearly coexist, the difference may rather be explained by dissimila-rity of functions (including spatial limitations) than by temporal difference.

6.3. Summary The comparative analysis of the ceramic material from “House 11”, a selec-

tion of sealed features from the first activity horizon in the tell area, and a selection of closed features containing regular waste from the horizontal settlement revealed differences between the two main parts of the site. These differences may be descri-bed as variability in the ways the existing set of vessels was used rather than the introduction of new elements into the ceramic inventory. The dissimilarities include the appearance of a somewhat reduced vessel type set with diverse preferences and relatively more fine and/or decorated vessels in the tell area, particular differences in the set and variability of applied decorational elements, and different proportions of emphasis regarding the presence of foreign ceramic traditions. In almost all cases the signatures of the tell’s first activity horizon and “House 11” register exceptionally well.

An observation must be noted here regarding the ceramics from “House 11”. Although the processed material was collected from amongst the debris of the buil-ding, only a small percentage, altogether 148 of the 3081 sherds (or 138 of the 2618 vessels, about 5,65%) showed any sign of secondary burning. The mapping of the scat-ter of the sherds with secondary burning revealed that almost all these fragments were clustered in a small area at the southern side of the building’s less disturbed eastern part.

All results combined the conclusions may be summarized as follows: 1. The overwhelming majority (94,35%) of the ceramic material from “House

11” does not show any sign of secondary burning, and its statistical signature registers 102 Draşovean, 2004, p. 34; Idem, 2010, p. 270.

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with that of the FPH unit (except for an even higher degree of fragmentation). This suggests that the “unburnt” part of the ceramic material was introduced into the debris of the building after it was burnt down, probably during a follow-up act of the ritual process that included a rearrangement of the remains and its surroundings (either for ritual and/or safety reasons), and disturbed the occupational surface and the infill of the pits of the tell’s first activity horizon on the areas which were actually not covered by having “House 11” built upon them. This observation also offers expla-nation to why a large part of the debris from “House 11” was found being to some extent disturbed, and may also be accountable for the unexpected temporal diffe-rence between the two radiocarbon dates from the building.

2. At the time of being burnt down, “House 11” seems to have been almost completely empty either of furniture or mobile elements of household equipment. It may be suggested that these were cleared away intentionally as part of the prepara-tion for destruction (provided they were ever present in the building). Therefore if some of the ceramic material would have been introduced into the remains by intent (of which no archaeological evidence exists), that would relate to the act of destruc-tion rather than to the life and function of the building.

3. In conclusion, one must say that “House 11” is not in the position to offer relevant information on the presumed synchretic aspect of the tell’s formation, i.e. the amalgamation of diverse ceramic styles and the cognitive traditions behind them, as in the building’s life the last action with archaeologically detectable traits has com-pletely different functions and elements. But such information is embedded in the sig-nature of the features of the First Pit Horizon (either jointly or without the “unburnt” part of the ceramic material collected from “House 11”, originating most probably there).

4. Compared to the signature of the selected unit from the horizontal settle-ment, the signatures of the ceramic material from the two tell units show marked differences. These may be described as the presence of a narrowed type spectrum with more of the fine type variants (bowls, cups) and proportionally more decorated examples. As for the painted and incised decoration, there is a slightly diverse and somewhat larger set of decorational elements with more motifs of the geometric-meandric and “step” structures (in contrast with the zigzag- and deltoid-based homo-genous patters characteristic to the painted ware in the material of the selected unit on the horizontal settlement). There are several unparalelled ones among the recorded variations, and the motifs sometimes appear in positions on the vessel surface which, as a rule, are not occupied by such elements in the material of the horizontal settlement. In terms of ceramic style, the marker distribution in the two tell material units varies proportionally from that of the horizontal settlement’s unit. The main difference may be described as a far more prominent presence of the elements related to the stylistic traditions of the Tisza Culture with a parallel effacement of the Samborzec Culture markers, and the appearance of decorational elements that may relate to the Foieni ceramic tradition. This marker composition may indicate that at this settlement not only the idea to create tells as landmarks or presence markers and/or external material symbols originates from the cognitive matrix of the Tisza Culture. The same holds true for the majority of the related concepts, customs and their relevant equipment.

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7. Conclusions 1. In a physical sense, Feature 237 (str. 1050) may be considered the direct

precursor of “House 11”. It is rather likely that this pit was open shortly before the building was erected, possibly within the framework of preparations for the construc-tion. It may be hypothesised that it was filled in in order to give way to the building. As a result, the loose fill within the pit sunk under the weight of the burnt rubble, that is, pieces of wattle and daub were found embedded “in the top layer” of the pit. The stylistic composition of ceramic assemblages in this pit and in the tell’s lowermost horizon is different from that of mundane domestic deposits. This seems to be the result of conscious selection. It may be seen as an indication that vessels and their associated functions at the tell distinguished this enclosure from the horizontal set-tlement from the very beginning of human activity at the site. Elements of style in the meantime are material expressions of the communities who used them. Their functions as signals in this space may thus be considered ritual. With regard to Feature 237 intentionality may also be presumed due to the sinking of the loose fill and the presence of the foot fragments of three human figurines found within. Unfortunately, at our current level of knowledge it is impossible to tell whether the putative burial of these objects could be brought into association with the act of construction itself. Should this have been the case, one could more easily speculate about a foundation rite whose theoretical possibility cannot be ruled out. At this point Feature 237 is yet to be evaluated separately as so far it was analysed together with the other pits excavated underneath the house. 2. Archaeological data reveal that the dual segmentation of Polgár-Csősz-halom already may have taken place in the early phase of the Neolithic settlement. Around 4825–4745 cal BC a special segment was created that was separated from mundane life and possibly functioned as a distinguished locus. Spatial demarcation was realized through the palisaded enclosure system as well as “House 10” which is associated with this time as well. The same period is represented by several features sunk into the ancient humus layer, among others Feature 237, found at the spot where subsequently “House 11” was erected. Fine ceramics from this latter feature show a stylistic composition radically different from the rest of the settlement. This pheno-menon seems to bear a multitude of communal definitions that may also be recognized in the entire external, horizontal settlement. It is the simultaneity and multi-layered combinations of various communal formations that may be recognized in this pat-terning. It seems to have been equally relevant in residential communities and within the different interpretational space of the palisaded enclosure103. The opinion put forward here is supported by the results of Thomas Doppler and Renate Ebersbach. They drafted a similarly colourful social background for the communities of Neolithic pile-dwellings in Switzerland104. From a new perspective previously acquired ar-

103 Salisbury, 2012, p. 208, Fig. 3 104 Ebersbach, 2010, p. 202-204; Doppler, Ebersbach, 2011, p. 212.

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chaeological data could be reintegrated into new, more dynamic models of nested social network systems105. 3. The special nature of “House 11” and its marked difference from the char-acteristic houses of the external, horizontal settlement and even from any building within the enclosure is shown by several features. These include its foundation ditch structure, the large dimensions and two storeys. Moreover this house was intentio-nally burnt after it had been consciously emptied. Not even the choice of its location could have been accidental in the centre of the enclosure where subsequently the mound rose. Selecting this venue and building a two storey building on it must have represented a new dimension in the already existing communal-ritual space. It opened “existence in a new world” within the framework of a certain communal act. During the 150 years that followed the burning of this building the surface was continuously elevated at this spot. Ultimately the height of the mound was increased by some 100–150 cm. The central space, once marked by the two storey building remained a special locus throughout the life of this “tell”. New buildings were raised and burnt at the same place with special furnishing and/or artefactual assemblages. This seems to suggest that erecting a building on the ancient soil level and its burning was organi-cally related to the emergence of an architectural style that represented a higher niveau. This meant forming and continuously increasing the corpus of the mound. 4. Burning houses is a noteworthy phenomenon in the life of the Csősz-halom “tell” as a means of high arousal performances, beginning with the time period of “House 11”. A 150 years long lull in this activity occurs thereafter, before two consecutive burnt horizons can be observed again, right before “life ceased” on the mound. This seems to suggest that the events described here attained special sig-nificance. They mark certain “thresholds” in time indicating some sort of a “liminal” time/space context. Associated ritual activity therefore may be seen as local rites of passage106. The regularity by which houses were burnt in a consecutive manner at Csőszhalom may also be observed at the Okolište tell in Bosnia107. This is indicative of comparable lifeways of eco-social systems in Southeastern Europe during the 5th millennium BC.

105 Watkins, 2013, p. 156. 106 van Gennep, 1960; Turner, 1969; Thomassen, 2009. 107 Hofmann, 2012, Fig. 8; Müller et alii, 2013, Abb. 37.

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