ያገሩን ሠርዶ ባገሩ በሬ [YAGÄRUN SÄRDO BAGÄRU BÄRE]: ZAR SPIRIT POSSESSION AMONG THE AMHARA AND THE ROLE OF MUSIC TIMKEHET TEFFERA Abstract: This study aims at discussing the zar spirit possession cult practiced among the Amhara inhabiting the Ethiopian highland regions. A general overview to social, cultural, historical and religious aspects of the ritual will be given, while special emphasis is given to music and dance and their role in possession ceremonies. Keywords: zar, spirit possession, gurri, trance, Amhara, Ethiopia Introduction Spirit possession cults are practiced in many part of the world designated as holle hori/holey, rab, kèkè, ndep, orisha, vodun, basangu, hàù bóng, ğin/jinn, bori, sar/zar, ğar, yaro and daro 1 (Africa, Asia, and Latin America) just to mention but a few. A common trait of spirit possession is that a person is influenced by a supernatural power that would make him/her experience an out-of-body flight for a certain period of time. This is the moment during which the invisible spirit and the visible medium get connected. Hence, the medium often experiences an altered mental condition that can be taken care of within the frame of the social and cultural context of the respective community where certain learned and adopted behaviour is expected. Besides other activities undertaken during possession rituals, music is omnipresent to accompany the entire ceremony and to trigger dance and stimulate the participants. Since time immemorial, humans have been practicing healing rituals believing in demons, black magic, devils, sorcery, witchcraft, evil eyes, and possessing spirits. Music and dance are in most cases be part of such rituals. It is assumed that these supernatural forces control their subjects, obliging them to behave in a manner in which they would not behave in ordinary life. Spirit possession and exorcism already existed prior to the Christian era, e.g. in ancient Babylonia, Egypt and among the Greco-Romans. It was and still today is not only about fighting demons or evil spirits but also about relief and enjoyment one gets through trance moments. Ancient Greco-Romans, for example, embraced the idea of being 1 This refers to the countries listed as follows: Niger, Senegal, Gulf of Guinea, Brazil, Zambia, Vietnam, Egypt, Nigeria, Somalia, Ethiopia, Yemen, Sudan
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ğar, yaro and daro1 (Africa, Asia, and Latin America) just to mention but a few. A
common trait of spirit possession is that a person is influenced by a supernatural power
that would make him/her experience an out-of-body flight for a certain period of time.
This is the moment during which the invisible spirit and the visible medium get
connected. Hence, the medium often experiences an altered mental condition that can be
taken care of within the frame of the social and cultural context of the respective
community where certain learned and adopted behaviour is expected. Besides other
activities undertaken during possession rituals, music is omnipresent to accompany the
entire ceremony and to trigger dance and stimulate the participants.
Since time immemorial, humans have been practicing healing rituals believing in
demons, black magic, devils, sorcery, witchcraft, evil eyes, and possessing spirits.
Music and dance are in most cases be part of such rituals. It is assumed that these
supernatural forces control their subjects, obliging them to behave in a manner in which
they would not behave in ordinary life.
Spirit possession and exorcism already existed prior to the Christian era, e.g. in ancient
Babylonia, Egypt and among the Greco-Romans. It was and still today is not only about
fighting demons or evil spirits but also about relief and enjoyment one gets through
trance moments. Ancient Greco-Romans, for example, embraced the idea of being
1 This refers to the countries listed as follows: Niger, Senegal, Gulf of Guinea, Brazil, Zambia, Vietnam,
Egypt, Nigeria, Somalia, Ethiopia, Yemen, Sudan
influenced by invisible spirits. They used to call upon Dionysus, the God of wine,
fertility and drunkenness. Among others, they desired to realize the trance state through
music and dance2.
The zar possession ritual is part of the everyday life of many Ethiopian communities
irrespective of cultural and religious backgrounds and boundaries (Natvig 1987, 669).
According to Edwin Fuller Torrey (1967, 216), three major zar syndromes are observed
in Ethiopia which he calls conversation, seer and group therapy zar. Torrey thoroughly
describes each zar type and suggests that mediums, locally known as yä zar färäs
meaning zar horse, may either reflect only one or a mix of two types. Denoting the vast
canvas of spirit possession, Lewis (1966, 308) suggests that “….spirit possession
occupies a central position in comparative religion and theology, in religious
phenomenology, in the sociology of religion, and in psychology.”
One of the Ethiopian regions known for zar practices is Gondär, located within the
Amhara Administrative Region (figure 1), where the Christian Orthodox religion is
strongly represented. Gondär is often identified through its 44 churches, each of them
erected in honour of a Christian saint, e.g. St. Michael, St. Gabriel and St. Mary.
Figure 1: Amhara Administrative Region3
2 In Dionysian (also bacchanalia) ceremonies, largely women participated in the communal drinking and
dancing. Dionysus was offered the first wine, while hymns were sung in his honor. The trance-like
movements accompanied by the rhythmic music and singing made the believers long for the state of
trance by benevolent spirits. Animal sacrifice marked the event’s climax and eating the meat was
believed to make the participant become one with the spirit/s and the natural forces they represent. 3 Source: http://www.idp-uk.org/Resources/Maps/Administrative%20Regions/ET-Amhara.pdf (last
Tschängär, Amor Chəlatu, ənqulal (male) and Täkolašə Iyassu, Šašitu and Rahelo (female). 10 The following designation are given for Muslim male/female zars in Gondär: Sheiks Abbadər, Adäm,
Rouget (1985, 133) points out music is the basic tool to “guarantee continuity during the
shamanic journey.” After Addisse performed the gurri in solo for a while, a female
12 E-Mail correspondence 9th February, 2015 13 Similarly Eliana Pili (2009, 341) proposes the following about the holy water: “People go to the täbäl
for a large variety of diseases (skin problems, infertility…), but also to find solutions to personal and
social problems. Some of them have already been cured in private clinics or hospitals, or maybe by a
traditional healer who suggested they should use the holy waters. Moreover many people go to the täbäl
only to pray and meditate, to find spiritual comfort and relief, especially during particular times of the
year like Lent (kudade)”. 14 According to the Ethiopian Orthodox Church cords (matäb) are put around a person’s neck immediately
after the baptism (boys = 40; girls = 80 days after birth) ceremony in the church. 15 E-Mail correspondence 10.08.2015.
worshipper who as well seems to be possessed by a spirit, joins her and both women
now continue shaking and moving their bodies synchronic. Addisse’s companion also
wears traditional attire and a silver cross necklace (see figures 9).
It is obvious for me that the overall atmosphere, the group singing, the drum beats and
hand claps including the increasing song tempo triggers hyperventilation. Here Addisse
and her companion dance and simultaneously repeat conjuring phrases, rhythmic
exclamation of words, emphatic shouts, verbal utterances and hisses while concurrently
dancing intensively with very short interruptions. The oxygen supply is thereby greatly
increased hence provoking the state of trance (Natvig 1987, 671). Sporadically the
ladies suggest poems (praising the spirit) that are immediately repeated by the lead
singer. A few of them are shown below:
Amharic script translation
ጥርሱ እንደቀለበት የሚያብረቀርቀው His teeth shining like a (‘diamond’) ring ዓይኑ እንደ ግራር የሚሰነጠቀው His eyes tear tearing up like the acacia tree እንኳን መሐይሙን ነብዩን ጨነቀው He leaves the prophet astonished (by his grace), let alone
an illiterate ነብዬ ነብዬ ነብዬ ትልቁ My seer (my forecaster), the great diviner የኑር ሸማ ለብሰው አንድ ጊዜ ይዝለቁ Please come again once, wearing šämma (trad. cloth) ዋሜ አባላፋ ሸማኔ ኖረሃል Wame Abba Lafa (spirit’s name), I didn’t know you are a
weaver የፈረሰ ገላ ይሰራል ይሉሃል I overheard them saying that you even fix a fragmented
body; i.e. that you (even) breathe life on the dead
In terms of their melodic and metro-rhythmic and lyrical arrangements, the songs
performed in Addisse’s house represent a mixture of Gondär and Wollo traditional
singing styles. Also the dance movement and the emphatic shouts show striking
similarities with the traditional Amhara secular songs. An exception is the lyrical
message which, of course, should match the ceremony.
At a certain point and after an exhaustive gurri, Addisse is ‘connected’ to her spirit.
Now, her female companion sits down to have some rest. Addisse now tells fortunes
and discusses various matters. She wishes all those possessed by zar/s well-being and
safety. In between the dialogues a number of short phrases are uttered by her in a
relatively fast tempo. Although I do not fully understand these utterances (see also
Hecht 1996, 14), they are used whenever the medium worships and/or calls her spirit/s:
Zar Ritual in Qalitti: Experienced balä zars not only invite people to their possession
rituals, but also visit patients, who may for instance be newcomers to a zar world. It is
common that their close family members yearn for the advice and help of the balä zar. I
was able to examine a similar incident in 1997 in Qalitti, a small town in the outskirts of
Addis Ababa. The balä zar, Amarech Adane (ca. 60) who was invited to the home of a
female customer. I was told by the host that Amarech’s enduring mystical experience in
the visible and invisible world has gained her respect not only among members of the
zar-practicing community, but in the entire neighbourhood,as well. People seeking her
help are exclusively women, who believe to be influenced by zars. After a warm
welcome, Amarech was led to a deliberately darkened room and took a seat on a
mattress16
, where the host has already placed the stimulant drug, chat (cata edulis),
cigarettes17
, and aräqe18
. The traditional coffee ceremony began to take place, step by
step; roasting of coffee beans, grinding, boiling and finally serving it in three rounds.
Burning of incense and myrrh (ətan and kärbe) and joss sticks (sändäl) fill the house
with scented smoke. The smoke is believed to chase any evil spirits away and attract the
zar. Amarech started chewing the fresh chat leaves, heavily smoking cigarettes, and
drinking aräqe (home-brewed hard liquor). After some time, the by-product of the chat
was put in boiling water and drunk like tea (auza).
In the background, Sheik Mohammed Awol’s mänzumat19
are played from a cassette
player. Mänzumat (plural of mänzuma) are musical and poetic religious praise songs
practiced among Ethiopian Muslim communities. After a short while, Amarech started
humming a melancholic melody and later on singing a song to praise her spirit for
whom she uses words and metaphors such as adagn /adagnu’(the hunter) or yäbärähaw
adagn (hunter of the desert), ‘Adal’ and/or ‘Adal Mote’, Allah, wändu (the brave), yä
Gragn bäre (Gragn’s oxen = Gragn’s soldier). The word Adal denotes to the Muslim
Afar people of the north eastern desert region of Ethiopia. History reveals that during
16 Worshipers also prepare a prayer room or extra house for zar rituals and related purposes only. 17 In many Ethiopian cultures, smoking is an absolute taboo, particularly for woman. But during some zar
rituals, smoking is apparently tolerated, since it is regarded as a demand of the spirit. I often observed
women smoking during zar sessions, but not on ordinary days and if this is the case then this would
never happen in public. 18 Aräqe is a distilled local alcoholic beverage in many traditional households 19
Sheik Mohammed Awel is a mänzumat performer who is widely known as the ‘King of mänzuma’.
The term mänzuma is also known as zikri/zekära, baahroo, sarmade and nazme among various Islamic
communities of Ethiopia. Mänzumat are arranged on both solo and group as well as in fixed or free
metre. See details Teffera 2014, unpublished.
the time of Ahmed ibn Ibrahim Al-Ghazi (nicknamed as Ahmed the Left-handed 1506-
1543), the Adals (Afar) attacked and Islamized the population including parts of the
Amhara region. Ever since there have been contacts of the two populations particularly
trade and culture. Aspen (2001, 65) notes a number of attributes of the spirit possession
rituals “can be traced directly to Afar traditions”.
In the case of Amarech, we may encounter the syncretic religious nature of the zar
(Eisler 1995; Kamal Feriali 2009, 41; Simon 1983, 291). In her ordinary life, Amarech
confesses to Christianity. She practices her deep faith by visiting the church on daily
basis. However, during her zar session she cites, adores and worships her apparently
Muslim spirit. An extract of the lyric is shown below:
Extract of zar song performed by Amarech Adane during a zar ritual, recording: T.
Teffera, Ethiopia 1997
Amharic script Translation
አርግልኝ ያልኩህን አረግህልኝ ወይ? Have you honored your words by doing what I asked
you? እራሷን ወደ ታች እግሯን ወደ ላይ to put her head down and her legs up
20
አንተን ያመነ እና ጉልበቱን ያመነ Those who believe in you (the spirit) and their might ተቋቁሞ ነበር ፍርዱ የማን ሆነ? .. did stand against the odds -now what’s your verdict? አዳኙ እያጉረመረመ ጋራዉን ዞረ Howling and humming, goes the hunter around the hills ወደ ቤት መጣ መቼ አደረ ..he came back home,but spent the night out የዛር ፈረስና ሰባራ ማድጋ A ‘zar horse’ and a broken clay pot ዝንት ዓለም ይኖራል ጎኑ እንደተወጋ
. . .remain fragile for eternity.
እያቅበጠበጠኝ ቅጡን እያጣሁት Overwhelmed with restlessness and nervous behaviour እኔስ ያላባት ነው ዛሬስ የመጣሁት ..here I am - back to you without “a father” ጫቱን ከማን ጋራ ጫቱን ከማን
ጋራ? Who can one have a chat session with!?
የሚወዱት ሁሉ ሲሆን ባለጋራ If all those you trust become enemies!?
This free rhythmic and melismatic solo song belongs to the əngurguro (lamentation)
style that is also used in Amhara traditional secular songs. Its melody applies 5 notes
(few of them are repeated one octave higher) with a tonal range stretching to more than
one octave. The intervallic relations of the five notes represents one of the four Amhara
traditional modes (qəñət), here the bati qəñət21
. The song’s melismatic character is
among others in lines 1, 2, 3, 5, 7, 9 where the syllable ə moves between several
different notes (music example 1). Zar əngurguros display distinct similarities with
mänzuma əngurguros (pl. = mänzumat). Their similarities are based on their unmetrical
free rhythmic arrangement and the use of melismas with large tonal ranges stretching to
more than an octave. Of course, mänzuma chanting is a purely Islamic tradition being
20 Unclear whom she means, but it is apparently a female rival who should be punished by the spirit 21 The other three being tizita, anchi hoye läne and ambassäl
performed by knowledgeable Muslim clerics. In their contents, they praise Allah and his
Prophet (tawaṣolāt and madḥ an-nabī), preaching the oneness of God (tawhid)…etc.
Therefore, there is no syncretism in the notion of mänzuma as in the case of the zar
rituals that incorporate both Islamic, Christian and/or other components.
Singing multiple notes on a single syllable is common in both secular and sacred
Amhara music repertoires. In lines 1, 2, 3, 5, 7, 9 of the notation represented in music
example 1, the initial note is the lowest tone C’-sharp, from which the melody rises up
to note E’’, the highest pitch of the melody. Then it gradually descends ending on F’-
sharp, E’ or C’-sharp (all pitches are relative and non-tempered). The quarter rests put at
the end each line indicate vocal (breathing) gaps. The exact duration of rests has not
been written down, because the singer at times takes very long gaps between each line
singing in a very relaxed mood. The main purpose of this notation is to show how the
lines are melodically and metro-rhythmically arranged and how they are associated with
one another (in terms of their similarities and differences). Furthermore, it intends to
give a glimpse about the role and function of each note that plays as a central, initiating
and cadential pitch (line-ending pitch) in each line.
After performing for about 40 minutes, while simultaneously going deeper into the
world of trance, Amarech started swinging her torso and shaking her head until she was
“connected with her spirit”, a moment called zar wärädä (literally ‘the zar came down’).
Amarech calmed down, but her voice became slightly low (nearly masculine). She
began speaking on behalf of the spirit. At first she blessed the two women, who were
conducting the coffee ceremony. Then, she turned to her host and started with a
conversation in a bid to solve the problems the host claims to be bothered with. The host
raised questions about a certain female figure that she described as her arch enemy. In
between the dialogues, Amarech sang one or two verses and got back to the
conversation, asking and answering questions, sharing pieces of advice, while
forecasting happenings of the near and far future. Subject matters considered in such
moments can vary; i.e. from everyday life to prophecies, from worships to possessing
spirits, divine natures and more. Questions about oracles are also part of the ritual.
Worshippers firmly believe that their problems can be solved through the spirit’s
blessings. Kawase (2012, 67) notes that zar ceremonies are held for several reasons,
among which we can mention healing purposes upon “the request of an ailing person, in
an attempt to find lost items, to enhance a student’s low grades, and to settle disputes
(see also Hecht 1996, 14).
Music Example 1: Zar song (solo); singer: Amarech Adane; Recording: T. Teffera, Qalitti, 1997
Zar Ritual in Gondär: In Kawase’s ethnographic film “When Spirits Ride Their
Horses”, the zar ritual takes place in on the eve of the Ethiopian New Year22
in the
house of the balä zar, Malem Mahmoud, a woman possessed by the powerful male
spirit, Seifu Tchängär23
. Besides zar ceremonies held at different times of a year, the
Ethiopian New Year eve is one of the important days for Malem and numerous
mediums. The film starts by showing Malem, sitting quietly in her house around the
evening time chewing chat leafs, drinking coffee, smoking cigarettes, praying and
meditating. Visitors, seeking her advice come and go.
Around evening time, Malem changes her special traditional cotton dress, trimmed with
colorful embroidery to start with the ceremony. Her hair is a fresh braid, because Seifu
Tschänger wants to have it like that. Incense, herbs and special sticks are burning for
purification and peacefulness and to protect the house from evil spirits. Malem goes
around spraying perfume on the female participants24
. The house is packed with a
number of worshippers, partaking in the ceremony and enjoying the songs of the azmari
accompanied by the fiddle masinqo and the dəbbe. Like the zar cult, Gondär is also one
of the Amhara regions with a strong azmari music culture. Among Azmari music
performances are primarily observed in traditional pubs (azmari bet), but the singers
also go from place to place and perform their music, with hopes to impress their
audience and earn additional income. In addition, azmariwoc (plural of azmari) are
observed at wedding ceremonies, baptisms, annual church celebrations, as well as the
zar rituals, regularly observed place in Gondär during the entire year. Taking the vast
song repertoire of the azmariwoc into consideration, there is no doubt that they have
music that fits every occasion. They are known to possess an exceptional skill of
creating lyrics impromptu.
An azmari performs music either as a solo musician or together with a female
companion, i.e. a sister, friend or a partner/wife. The female azmari often entertains the
audience with singing and dancing. Kawase (2012, 69) writes: “…the role of the azmari
is to be the conductor of sensorial and corporeal resonance, based on his frequent
interaction with participants. Spirits must be enticed to enter the medium’s body
through loud music with praise poetry and the dances of participants, which are all led
by the musicians”.
At Malem’s zar ceremony, only one azmari performed songs accompanied by the
participants, the dəbbe and hand clapping. As evening time approaches, the intensity of
the music increases, and so does the mood of the partakers. Two of the women start to
perform the trance dance, the gurri, joined by Malem a little later. At first, her body
22 According to the Ethiopian calendar, the New Year is celebrated on September 11th. 23 In the film, Malem describes Seifu Tchängär as the most popular, powerful and merciless spirit, if one
does not obey his commands. Seifu Tchängär is well-known spirit in Gondär and neighbouring areas. 24 I observed such a scene during a zar ritual in Addis Ababa in 1997 where the host (a woman) put
perfume on her female guests upon their arrival as a gesture of welcome. Later, when she was
possessed, she repeated the same procedure blessing everyone.
movement was focused on shaking the shoulders and shoulder blades that resembled the
traditional əskista dance. Like Amhara secular songs, rhythmic zar songs are very
communicative and entertaining. Particularly their poetic messages play a pivotal role in
terms of triggering a body movement that is synchronized with the beat of the music.
Consequently, Malem intensely shakes her head in circular and frenzied jerking. After
this exhaustive body movement, the peak moment signalling the occurrence of the spirit
sets in.
The music is now on hold. Malem takes over the stage to speak on behalf of her spirit,
Seifu Tchängär, who makes her talk like a child. Walking up and down in the midst of
the worshippers sitting around her, Malem forecasts fortunes, talks about private issues
and also blesses everyone wishing them health and wealth in the New Ethiopian Year
by saying “…may the 44 arks of covenant and the Almighty God protect you and fulfil
your wishes; may St. Mary, Mother of God listen to your prayers” etc. in the zar
language. The participants listen to her with great attention, at times, conversing with
her, asking questions or making comments on various matters.
Before Malem’s zar spirit forced her to convert into Islam, she used to be Christian.
Based on the past story, she used to live in a cave in eastern Ethiopia for about six
years. Although she never harmed anyone, people regarded her as insane, threw stones
at her and insult her. She had to endure through all this, prior to starting with her new
life, thus accepting her fate as a messenger a powerful spirit. Although, Malem, as her
name indicates, is a Muslim, she calls for both Christian and Muslim saints such as Aba
Jiffar (Kawase 2012).
Another film Kawase provided me with comprises a compilation of several zar
ceremonies is entitled “Zar in Gondär” (2002-2004). One of the scenes was in the town
of Azäzo (near Gondär). Here, a woman performs the gurri in the centre area
surrounded by a group of celebrants. An azmari performs songs being accompanied by a
chorus group. On another zar ritual, several azmariwoc entertain the attendees playing
their masinqos in unison. So, the involvement of azmariwoc during zar rituals is
apparently very common Gonder unlike other Amhara regions like Wällo and Gojjam,
where the azmari music culture also exists. Therefore, Kawase’s film may perhaps be
exceptional feature of zar in Gondär. This could probably have become possible,
because he was primarily studying the azmari culture for a long time and they might
have provided him access to zar rituals.
The zar songs mentioned earlier are rooted in the traditional secular music of the
Amhara. They are primarily arranged in call-response style. The main difference
between traditional secular and zar songs only lies in their contents. It is very common,
that the new text is added to existing melodies intended to be performed on various
occasions. Important are the number of syllables (often 12) that should fit in the melodic
structures. Also, the many Amhara songs (including zar songs) are arranged in triple
meter that is accentuated by drum and hand clapping. At the beginning of the ceremony
in Malem’s house, the azmari performs a song containing a single phrase repeated again
and again, arranged in call-response style (azmari versus participants; music example
2). Spirits’ names, including Seifu Tchängär, are mentioned, coupled with affectionate
terms such as hodəye (my sweetheart), yäne aläm (my world), getəye or yäne geta (The
Superior/ My Lord) ….etc. inserted at the given spot of the verse. Below only two verse
lines (Kawase 2012, 70):
ኧረ ጌትዬ ሰላም ሙላ የኔ ዓለም ሞልተህ ግባ
ኧረ ጌትዬ ሰላም ሙላ ሆድዬ ሞልተህ ግባ
Translation:
Oh Lord, give us plenty of peace; you, my world, bring lots of joy
Oh Lord, give us plenty of peace; you, my Lord, bring lots of joy
Music Example 2: Zar song performed in call-response style; Source: Film “When
Spirits Ride their Horses” (Itsushi Kawase, 2012)
[c.g. = choir group; d. = drum; h.c. = hand clapping]
The drum pattern shown in the score is very common in song accompaniment not only
in Amhara zar songs, but also in secular music. The instrument is played with both
hands. One hand beats the edge of the stretched membrane (high pitch), the other beats
the centre (low pitch). In the score, the single notes with stems up indicate the high
pitches (tak-tak), whereas the duple notes with downward stems denote the low pitches
(dum-dum). The resulting pattern will thus sound like this: tak-dum-dum, tak-dum-
dum…etc
Another drum pattern refers to a duple beat within the common triple metre as shown
below together with hand beating pattern. Here, again the stressed beat of the drum falls
together with the hand clapping (music example 3).
Music Example 3: Second version of drum pattern
Basing the above discussed three zar rituals (Gondär, Ambo Mäda, Qalitti) the
following may be pointed out:
Each of the women (mediums) is possessed by a male spirit: Berie, Adal Mote and
Seifu Tchängär. This justifies the theory that spirits often inflict the opposite sex. The
medium is center of attention during an entire ritual. The main purpose of the ritual is to
worship and appease the spirit and get connected with it through trance. The moment of
trance serves the medium to tell fortunes; find solutions to problems prescribe medicine
for those in need. The first two mediums, Addisse and Adanech, are devout Christians
in their ordinary life, while Malem has converted to Islam, as explained earlier.
Coffee ceremony is inseparably connected with a possession ceremony. It is one of the
most important activities taken care of by close friends, neighbors and/or family
members.
Music is in most cases an integral part to decorate the ceremony, but also to enhance the
gurri until the spirit is connected with the medium. In group performances, drumming
and hand clapping play a vital role.
The syncretic character of the zar is clear in all three ceremonies. In doing so, specific
elements of Christianity and Islam are blended to a harmonized entity. Hence, words,
symbols and certain actions are expressed to create a link between the human and
spiritual world, i.e. between the spirit and medium as well as between the medium who
speaks on behalf of the spirit and the devotees. Syncretistic expressions are exclusively
used particularly while the medium is in trance, not in normal life.
Figure 3: Roasting coffee beans; Figure 4: Pounding roasted coffee in a wooden mortar;
Figures 5-6: Traditional coffee pot (ğäbäna), coffee cups and incense burning25
25 See: https://aboutaddisababa.wordpress.com/2013/02/23/savor-addis-ababas-world-class-coffee/; and