UNDERSTANDING PARTICIPATION IN THE UNDERGROUND … · when anthropologist Keith Hart coined the term “informal sector.” During this period, he studied the informal employment
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UNDERSTANDINGPARTICIPATIONINTHEUNDERGROUNDECONOMYINOAKLAND
AThesis
Presentedto
TheFacultyoftheDepartmentofAnthropology
SanJoséStateUniversity
InPartialFulfillment
oftheRequirementsfortheDegree
MasterofArtsby
IdaWilson
December2015
©2015
IdaWilson
ALLRIGHTSRESERVED
TheDesignatedThesisCommitteeApprovestheThesisTitled
UNDERSTANDINGPARTICIPATIONINTHEUNDERGROUNDECONOMYIN
OAKLANDby
IdaWilson
APPROVEDFORTHEDEPARTMENTOFANTHROPOLOGY
SANJOSÉ STATEUNIVERSITY
December2015
Dr.RobertoGonzalez DepartmentofAnthropology
Dr.ChuckDarrah DepartmentofAnthropology
MLA.AlissaShaw DepartmentofHealthSciencesand Recreation
ABSTRACT UNDERSTANDINGPARTICIPATIONINTHEUNDERGROUNDECONOMYIN OAKLAND
ByIdaWilson Thisthesisinvestigateshowindividualssubsistbyparticipatinginthe
informaleconomy.Specificallyitexploresthelivesofparticipantsinvolvedinthree
differentsectorsofinformaleconomyinOakland,California.Participantsinthe
studyincludetwosexworkers,sevendaylaborers,andtwoindividualswhosell
narcotics.Thepurposeofthisstudyistwofold:tohumanizeindividualswhoare
involvedintheseformsofworkwhoareotherwiseviewedascriminalsand
problemstoneighborhoodsandtodiscusstheparticipants’experiencesthatledto
theirinvolvementintheundergroundeconomy.Iaddresstheseissuesbyaskingthe
followingquestions:Whatarethefactorsthatledparticipantstoseekworkinthe
undergroundeconomy?Towhatextentdoesworkingintheundergroundeconomy
helporhinderparticipants’upwardsocioeconomicmobilityandparticipants’
involvementinthelegaleconomy?Findingsrevealthatparticipantsusedthe
undergroundeconomyasameanstoanendandthattheundergroundeconomy
servedasameansforthemtofinanciallyprovideforthemselvesandtheirfamilies.
Theanswerstothesequestionsareexploredfromananthropologicalperspective
thatreliesuponethnographicmethodsofinterviews,observationsanduseof
secondarysources.Thegoalsofthisstudyaretocontributetothescholarly
knowledgeandunderstandingofinformaleconomicactivityandprovidedifferent
perspectivesoftheundergroundeconomyanditsparticipants.
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Iforemostwouldliketoexpresshumblegratitudeforeachparticipantinthe
study.Icannotthankyouallenoughforyourreceptivenessandwillingnesstoshare
yourstorieswithmeandmostimportantly,trustingmewithyourstories.Thank
youallforshowingakeeninterestinthepurposeofthisstudy.
Iwouldliketothankmyfamilyforencouragingmetopursuethisstudyand
forbelievinginit.Thankyouinfinitelyforallofyoursupport.Mymother,my
siblings,Shavonnee,Elaina,Emerald,Emanuel,KylieandCretta,thisisforyouall.
AhugethankyougoesouttoJustinforservingasaphotographerandI
wouldliketothankDallasforplayingapivotalroleinthisstudy.Icannotthankyou
enoughforhelpinginmorewaysthanone.
IgraciouslythanktheOaklandWorkers’Collectiveandthedaylaborers,who
aremembersofthisorganizationforwelcomingmeintotheirspace.Thankyoufor
takinginterestinthisstudyandbeingsoencouraging.Iespeciallywouldliketheto
thankthemenforbeingsowelcomingandkindtome.Ithankyouinfinitelyfor
sharingyourexperienceswithme.
GraciosamentedoygraciasalespacioenOaklandWorkers’Collectiveylos
jornalerosquesonmiembrosdeestaorganizaciónparadarmelabienvenidaasu
espacio.Graciasportomarinterésenmiinvestigaciónysiendotanalentador.Me
gustaríaespecialmenteeldarlasgraciasaloshombresporsertan
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acogedoryamableconmigo.Graciashombresinfinitamenteporcompartirsus
experienciasconmigo.
Mostimportantly,thankyoutomythesiscommitteefortakingagreat
interestinthisstudyandprovidingencouragement.Iespeciallywouldliketothank
mycommitteechair,Dr.RobertoGonzalezforprovidinginfinitesupportandadvice
forthestudy.IwouldliketothankDr.ChuckDarrahforhissupportand
encouragementinthebeginningstagesofpursuingthisstudyandProfessorShaw
forherendlesssupportandencouragement.
Icouldnothavedonethisstudywithoutyouall.
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TABLEOFCONTENTSListofFigures………………………………………………………………………………………………viiiListofDefinitions…………………………………………………………………………………………..ixChapter1:Introduction…………………………………………………………………………………..1Chapter2:Methodology…………………………………………………………………………………..5Chapter3:SexWork………………………………………………………………………………………..9Chapter4:DrugDealing…………………………………………………….………………………..….33Chapter5:DayLabor…………………………………………………………………………………......49Chapter6:ReflectionsOnFieldwork……………………………………………………………….70Chapter7:Conclusions………………………………………………………………………………..….79ReferencesCited...…………………………………………………………………………………….…….85AppendixA:InterviewConsentFormEnglish………………………………………..……..….87AppendixB:InterviewConsentFormSpanish…………………………………….……………89AppendixC:NumberofArrestsInOaklandforSexWorkandCommercializedViceinYears20092014…………………………………………….…………91AppendixD:NumberofArrestsInOaklandforDrugPossessionandSaleinYears2009-2013……………………………………………………………….…………………92
viii
LISTOFFIGURES
Figure5.1DayLaborHiringZonesigns………………………………………………………51
Figure5.2DayLaborersSolicitationSign…………………..……………………...………..52
Figure5.3LocationsofVisibleDayLaborHiringSign.................................................53
ix
LISTOFDEFINITIONS
Finesse(verb):Theactofpersuadingsomeone
Cutthroat(noun):Referencetoaruthlessindividual
Crabsinthebucket:AmetaphorreferringtohowindividualsundermineotherstogetaheadComeup(verb):Referencetoanimprovementofone’scircumstances.Square(noun):AnuprightandhonestindividualRatchet(adjective):DescriptionofanunrulypersonTheTrack(noun):Aplacewheresomesexworkerslookforworkasknownasthestroll.InOakland,InternationalBlvdandSanStreetareinfamouslyknownastrackswheresexworkersfrequentE14th(noun):StreetthatisnowformallyknownasInternationalBoulevard.OaklandnativesstillusethisnameinsteadofInternationalBoulevard‘Hood(noun):Termforlowersocioeconomiccommunities.ShortenedfromthetermneighborhoodbutusedspecificallyinreferencetothesecommunitiesDope(noun):Crackcocaine
GreenGirls(noun):NaïvegirlswhobecomeinvolvedinsexworkwithoutknowingwhattoexpectHo’ing(verb):Slangforperformingsexwork
Dopeboys(noun):Drugdealers
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Chapter1:Introduction
Theundergroundeconomyreferstotheuntaxedandoftenunseenwaysin
whichindividualsearnanincome.Thetermsinformalsector,moonlightingandthe
blackmarketaresynonymouswiththeundergroundeconomy.Thisstudywill
discusstheexperiencesofindividualswhoworkintheundergroundeconomy.
Participantsinthisstudyincludetwosexworkers,sevendaylaborersandtwodrug
dealers.Thisstudywillalsodiscussamyriadoffactorsthatledparticipantstoseek
workintheundergroundeconomy.Ichosethesesectorsofworkinthe
undergroundeconomybecauseasanOaklandnative,Ihavefamiliaritywiththem.I
haveencounteredmanyindividualswhohaveparticipatedintheunderground
economy.TheprevalenceoftheseformsofworkinOaklandcanbeseenwitnessing
daylaborersseekworkonthestreets,watchingthelocalnews,andreviewing
statisticsofarrestsmadeinOaklandfordrugdealingandsexwork.Althoughthere
isampleevidenceofasignificantundergroundworkforceinOakland(Cityof
OaklandYearEndCrimeReports2013and2014),thereisalackofliteraturethat
acknowledgestheexperiencesofindividualswhoareinvolvedintheseformsof
work.Discussingindividualinvolvementintheundergroundeconomyprovidesa
differentperspectiveonhowtheseindividualsareoftenviewedbypoliticians,
lawmakersandothersinsociety.Inmanycases,individualswhoworkinthe
undergroundeconomyareviewedascriminalsandproblemstocommunities.
Thepurposesofthisstudyweretohumanizetheparticipantsinthe
undergroundeconomyanddiscussexperiencesthatcontributedtotheir
participationinit.Forthisstudy,Iaskedquestionsaboutparticipants’childhoods,
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workhistoriesandjobskills.Theimportanceofdiscussingtheseindividuals’
experiencesisthatitcreatestheabilitytoillustratethattheseindividualsareinfact
multifacetedanddefylabelsandsocialperceptions.Findingsfromthestudy
revealedthatfamilialtieswiththeundergroundeconomy,socioeconomic
deprivationandideasofopportunitywerefactorsthatcontributedtoparticipants’
involvementintheundergroundeconomy.Workintheundergroundeconomy
enabledsexworkersanddrugdealerstoachieveupwardsocioeconomicmobility,
whereasthesamewasnottrueforsomedaylaborers.Lastly,workinthe
undergroundeconomydidnothindersomeparticipants’mobilityintothelegal
economy.
Followingthisintroductiontothestudy,theremainderofthisthesiswillbe
organizedasfollows.Theremainderofthissectionprovidesaliteraturereviewand
discussesthemethodsusedforthestudy.Thesecondsectiondiscussesthe
methodologyused.Thethirdsectionintroducessexworkerswhowerepartofthis
studyanddiscussestheirlivesandexperiencesinpursingsexwork.Thefourth
sectionintroducesdrugdealerswhowerepartofthestudyanddiscussestheirlives
andexperiencesasdrugdealers.Thefifthsectionprovidesspatialanalysisand
observationsofdaylaborhiringzonesinOaklandaswellasdiscussesthe
experiencesofdaylaborers.Inthesixthsection,Ireflectonmyexperiencesofdoing
fieldworkaswellasdiscussfurtherimplicationsforresearchonparticipationinthe
undergroundeconomy.Thefinalsectionprovidesconclusions.
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ReviewofLiterature
Inthepastandeventoday,economistshaveattemptedtoandcontinueto
attempttocreatemethodsformeasuringtheundergroundeconomy(Guttmann
1977,Feige1979,Barlett1998andRestrepo-Echavarria2015).Thisstemsfroman
economicalstandpointthatattemptstounderstandhowunregulatedincomecan
impacttheoveralleconomyandtheeconomiesofothercountries.Theproblemof
tryingtomeasuretheundergroundeconomy,accordingtotheliterature,isthatitis
challengingtodoanditdoesnottakeintoaccountfactorsthatcontributeto
individualinvolvementintheundergroundeconomy.Thesechallengescreatea
spaceforotherdisciplinestoanalyzetheundergroundeconomyandprovide
differentperspectives.
Anthropologicalstudiesoftheundergroundeconomydatetothe1960s
whenanthropologistKeithHartcoinedtheterm“informalsector.”Duringthis
period,hestudiedtheinformalemploymentofurban,low-wageworkersinAccra,
Ghana(Hart1973).Hart’sstudyoftheundergroundeconomyreflectedtheeffectsof
urbanizationinGhana.Hisstudyservedasaplatformforotherinternationallabor
organizationstostudylabormarketsinothercountriesinAfricaaswellastostudy
theeffectsofglobalizationinthirdworldcountries(Losbyetal2002).Hart’sstudy
servedasacatalysttounderstandinformaleconomicactivityintheUnitedStates.
Eventuallyresearcherswouldstudyinformaleconomicactivitiesinurban
neighborhoods(Losbyetal2002,FermanandFerman1973,Lowenthal1979,Dow
1977).Thesignificanceoftheliteratureisthatitfocusesonhowtheunderground
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economyenablessupplemental-incomemakingstrategiesforindividualsfroman
anthropologicalstandpoint.
PhilippeBourgois’ethnography,“InSearchofRespect”,isasignificant
literatureinanthropologywithregardtothestudyofparticipationindrugdealing.
HisworkrevealedtheexperiencesofPuertoRicandrugdealersinEastHarlemin
the1980sandreflectedthecomplexitiesofthedailylivesofindividualswho
straddledthepovertylineandsubsistedviaparticipationintheunderground
economy.Theexperiencesoftheseindividualswereinreactiontosocial
marginalizationandsocioeconomicdeprivation.Whileenduringsocial
marginalizationandsocioeconomicdeprivation,thedrugdealersstruggledtoearn
andmaintainanincomefromtheiroccupationsintheundergroundeconomywhile
tryingtoattainrespectanddignity.WhatwassignificantaboutBourgois’workwas
thatitprovidedinsightsintosocialandeconomicfactorsthatcontributeto
individualchoicestobecomeinvolvedintheundergroundeconomy.
NicolasWalter,PhilippeBourgoisandH.MargaritaLoinaz(2004)and
sociologistGretchenPurser(2009)conductedresearchonthespatialorganization
ofdaylaboringhiringzonesintheBayArea.NicolasWalter,PhilippeBourgoisand
H.MargaritaLoinaz(2004)andPurser(2009)alsofocusedonanalyzingaspectsof
masculinityofdaylaborersintheBayArea.Thesearticlesaresignificantin
assessingidentitiesthataresignificanttodaylaborersaswellasassessinghow
spaceplaysaroleintheworkenvironmentandexperiencesofsomedaylaborers.
However,thesearticlesdonotprovidemuchinsightintothelivesofdaylaborers
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andtheirexperiencesofworkingintheundergroundeconomyfromaneconomic
standpoint.
AsourcetodeterminethedemographicsofdaylaborerswastheNational
DayLaborerSurvey(NDLS),conductedin2004tolearnaboutthedemographicsof
daylaborers,includingtheirimmigrationstatus,theirworkingconditionsandtheir
interactionswithemployers(Gonzalez2007).Thissurveywassignificantbecauseit
wasthefirstnationallyrepresentativesurveyofdaylaborersintheUnitedStates.It
wasconsideredasoneofthebesttoolstoprovideinformationaboutdaylaborersat
thetime.ThesurveydrewinformationfromOakland,SanFrancisco,SanDiegoand
OrangeCounty.Itincluded2,660participantsandthedatawascollectedinthe
summerof2004.
Theliteraturediscussedhasplayedapivotalroleintheunderstandingand
perspectivesoftheundergroundeconomyandparticularsectorsofthe
undergroundeconomyoverthepastdecades.Yetthereremainsalackofcurrent
literatureinanthropologyconcerningparticipationtheundergroundeconomy.
Therealsoisalackofliteraturethatfocusesonhumanizingparticipantsinvolvedin
informaleconomicactivityandsharingtheirexperiences.Thisstudycancontribute
knowledgeandhumanizationofparticipantsintheundergroundeconomy.
Chapter2:Methodology
Inthebeginningsofthefieldofanthropology,anthropologistswere
interestedinconductingresearchonculturesthatwereunfamiliar.Itwasnotuntil
the1960sthatthefieldbegantobefocusedonstudyingurbanphenomena.Notably,
anthropologistM.NSrinivas(1966)advocatedforthestudyofone’sownculture.He
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believedthatstudyingone’sownculturewasasteptowardsabetterunderstanding
ofone’sownrapidlychangingcommunity(Messerschmidt1981).Thesesentiments
wereacatalystformyinterestindoingastudyontheundergroundeconomyin
Oakland.AsanOaklandnative,Ihaveknownmanyindividualswhohave
participatedintheundergroundeconomy.ThepeoplewhomIhaveknownto
participateintheundergroundeconomyuseditasameanstoalleviatefinancial
hardshipstheyfacedlivinginlow-incomecommunities.Acquiringthisknowledge
inspiredmetopursuethisstudy.Ibelievedthatitwasimportanttodiscusshow
someindividualssubsistintheundergroundeconomyandwhytheydoit.This
investigationprovidedanopportunityforindividualstosharetheirexperiences.In
manycases,suchopportunityisnotpermitted.Inmanyinstances,drugdealingand
sexworkisdiscussedasaproblemthatneedstobefixed.Thereislittleinformation
ondaylaborersinOakland,thoughtheyarevisibleandundoubtedlyplayan
essentialroleinneighborhoodsandbusinessesinOakland.
Ichosethesethreeparticularsectorsoftheundergroundeconomybecause,
asanOaklandnative,IknowhowcommonthesejobsareinOakland.Conducting
researchonafamiliarphenomenoncancreateseveralchallenges.Forinstance,
conductingresearchonafamiliarphenomenoncanleadonetobeobliviousto
certainissues.Assumptionscanbemadeandmaintaininganobjectiveviewpoint
canbechallenging.AsIconductedthisstudyandbeganwritingthisthesis,Ihadto
remindmyselfoftheimportanceofbeingobjectiveandtreatingeverythingthatI
learnedfromparticipantsassomethingnewregardlessofmyfamiliaritywithit.
Conductingresearchonafamiliartopiccanbechallenginginregardstomaintaining
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objectivity.Ontheotherhanditgavemetheadvantageofaccesstoparticipants,
whomImetthroughpeopleIalreadyknew.Oneoftheparticipantswasa
schoolmateandsomeonewhowasclosetoafamilymember.OtherparticipantsI
metthroughotheracquaintances.Meetingresearchparticipantsthroughafamiliar
sourcelessenedthetimethatIwouldtypicallyneedtobuildrapportwith
individuals;itenabledmetoestablishtrustwithparticipantsmorequickly.The
participantsweremoretrustingofmebecauseofthemutualpeopleweknew.
Thestudywasconductedoverthecourseofsixmonthsandreliedon
qualitativemethodsandsecondarysources.Semi-structuredinterviewswithopen-
endedquestionswereusedtocollectinformationfromthesexworkersanddrug
dealers.Theinterviewsrangedinlengthfromanhourtofourhours.Informants
whowerefamiliarwiththedaylaborerpopulationwereinformallyinterviewed.
Short,videorecordedinterviewswithdaylaborersfromanonprofitorganization’s
websitewereusedtocollectinformationondaylaborers’experiences.Participant
observationswereusedindaylaborers’meetingsinanonprofitorganizationas
well.Observationswereusedatdaylaboringhiringzones.
Semi-structuredinterviewswereusedwithsexworkersanddrugdealers
becauseIfeltitwasthebestwaytolearnoftheirindividualexperiences.Onthe
contrary,Iusedsecondarysourcesforthedaylaborersthatarediscussedinthis
research.Thesecondarysourcesincludedpreviousinformationpublishedabout
daylaborpopulationsinCaliforniaaswellasvideosofrecordedinterviewswith
laborerswhoaremembersofthenonprofitorganizationcalledTheOakland
Worker’sCollective.ThevideosweretranslatedfromSpanishtoEnglish.Ialso
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attendeddaylaborermeetingsatTheOaklandWorkers’Collectiveonceaweekfora
fewweeks.Themeetingslastedaboutanhourtoanhourandahalf.TheOakland
Workers’Collective,alsocalledlacollectivaisanon-profitorganizationdedicatedto
organizingandadvocatingforthehealthandsafetyofdaylaborersinOakland.This
organizationisworker-ledandiscomprisedofaboutfifteenmemberswhoareday
laborers.Thesignificanceofthisorganizationisthatitprovidesapositiveimageof
daylaborersandprovidesresourcesforthedaylaborerstobeawareoftheirrights.
Thedataonthedaylaborersinthisstudyaredifferentthanthedataonthe
drugdealersandsexworkersbecausedaylaborerswerereluctanttobe
interviewed;asaresult,Ihadtouseeclecticmethodsofdatacollectionforthat
group.Duringthebeginningstagesofthestudy,mygoalwastousequalitative
researchmethodsforalloftheparticipants;however,itwasachallengetobuild
rapportwithdaylaborersandinterviewthem.Itwasdifficulttobuildrapportwith
thedaylaborersbecausetheyweresuspiciousofsomeonetheydidnotknowasking
tolearnaboutthem.Sincemanydaylaborersareundocumented,theyarereluctant
totalktooutsiders.Manydaylaborersestablishtheirownnetworksandinteract
withinthesenetworks.Also,thedaylaborersthatwereonthestreetsseekingwork
werelessconcernedwithtalkingtoastrangerwhowasnotinterestedinemploying
them.Frommyencounterswithdaylaborersonthestreet,Ifoundthatmanyofthe
menweredismissiveoncetheylearnedthatIwasnotofferingwork.Duetoday
laborers’reluctancetobeinterviewed,qualitativeresearchmethodswerelesslikely
tobeusefultolearnaboutthisgroup.Asopposedtothesexworkersanddrug
dealers,Iconductedobservationsonthedaylaborersthatwereapartofthisstudy.
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Observationswereusedbecausethedaylaborers’workintheunderground
economyisvisibleasopposedtothesexworkersanddrugdealerswhowereinthis
study.Conductingobservationsalsoenabledmetolearnwheremanydaylaborers
inOaklandseekwork.Observationswereusedinthedaylabormeetingsatthe
OaklandWorkers’Collectiveaswellbecausetheyenabledmetolearnofsome
experiencesofdaylaborers’sinceIcouldnotgainthisknowledgefromoneonone
interviews.
Chapter3:SexWork
SexworkisquitecommoninOakland.Thereisastreetthathaslongbeen
infamousforthepresenceofsexworkers:InternationalBoulevard,alsocalledthe
track.InternationalBoulevardisalong,continuousstreetthatintersectsdifferent
residentialareasandcommunities.Today,therearefewersexworkersvisiblyseen
pursuingworkonthisavenuethaninpastdecades.Overtheyears,theCityof
OaklandandtheOaklandPoliceDepartmenthavebeenproactiveinminimizingthe
prevalenceofsexwork.In2009,therewere643arrestsforsexwork.In2014,there
were258arrests(CityOaklandYearEndCrimeReports2013and2014).The
OaklandPoliceDepartmenthasbeenconductingmultiplestingoperationstoend
thetraffickingofsexworkers(OaklandNorth2010).Currently,theOaklandPolice
Departmenthasawebsitethatpostspicturesofindividualswhowerearrestedfor
pimpingandsolicitingsexwork(CBSLocalNews2015).Accordingtoastatement
fromthepolicedepartment,establishingthiswebsitehashelpedthemaccomplish
theirgoalof“identifyingandrescuingvictimsoftraffickingandlocatingand
arrestingperpetratorsofthiscrime”(CBSlocalNews2015).Asthisisasignificant
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goal,itdismissestheexperiencesofindividualswhowillinglypursuesexwork.This
chapterwilldiscusstheexperiencesoftwowomenwhoaresexworkersfrom
Oakland.
HomeBeginnings
Therearemanyreasonswhywomenpursuesexworkandmanywaysin
whichtheyinitiallybecomeinvolvedinthetrade.Theirparticipationmaystemfrom
theabilitytobecomeself-sufficientatayoungage.Theymightbecomeinvolvedby
beingintroducedtoitbysomeonetheyknow.Sexworkerscanvaryinage.For
example,attheageoffourteen,manygirlsmayspendtheirtimedoingschoolwork
orhangingoutwithfriends.ThisisnottrueforJowhoisa23-year-oldsexworker.
Attheageoffourteen,shehadtolearnhowtotakecareofherself.Ifanyonewereto
meetJo,onewouldthinkthatshehadatypicalchildhood.Unbeknownsttoothers
whomeether,herchildhoodwasanythingbuttypical.
Jo:Ilearnedhowtotakecareofmyselfat14.That’swhenIlearned howtobemyselfandtakecareofmyself.Onedaymymomjustdecided thatshewantedtododrugsandnotbeamother,soshejustdropped meoffatmyaunt’shouse.MyauntiswhoIconsidermymother. Despitehermother’sabsenceandherdecisiontocontinuetousedrugs,Jo
livedherlifeinastateofrelativenormalcyforayoungwomanofherage.During
thistimeinherlife,herauntwastheonlymaternalandfamilyfigurethatshehad.
Herfatherdidnotwantanythingtodowithher.
Oftenwhenparentsabusedrugs,itleadsthemtomakepoordecisions,
abandonresponsibilitiesandnegativelyimpactthosewhoareclosetothem.Jo’s
familyisanexample.Joandhermotherdidnotgetalongbecauseofhermother’s
continueddrugabuseandtheunsettledfeelingsofhermother’sabandonment.
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WheneverJospoketohermotherabouttheseissues,hermotherignoredher
feelingsanddisregardedthesituationthatshecreated.Hermotherhada
nonchalantattitudetowardsherdruguseandhowitaffectedherfamily.Asaresult,
Joandhermotherhadatumultuousrelationship.Hermother’sabandonmentledJo
todevelopcallousedandindifferentfeelingstowardslifeatayoungage.
Jo:MymotherandIdonotgetalong.OnceIgotolderItriedtostaywith heranditjustdidn’tworkout.Shehasthis“Ohwell,getoverit” attitudeandwealwaysclashbecauseofit.Shedoesn’trealizethatthereason thatwedon’tgetalongisbecauseofher! Attheageof17,Jobecamepregnantwithherfirstchild.Herpregnancydid
notdeterherfromdoingthingsthatoneatthatagewasexpectedtodo.At18,she
gavebirthtohersonandgraduatedfromhighschool.Soonafterwards,sheworked
toprovideforhim.Sixmonthsafterherson’sbirth,shebeganworkingasasex
worker.
AlthoughJo’smotherabandonedherasachild,hermother’sabandonment
didnotdirectlycauseJotopursuesexwork.Itwastheexperienceofhavingtobe
self-sufficientthatenabledhertobecomeindependentandpursuejobsthatshefelt
wouldenablehertomaintainherindependence.AccordingtoJo,hermother’s
abandonmentmotivatedhertoprovideforhersonandbethereforhimasshefelta
mothershouldbe.Thesearequalitiesthatshefeltwerenotmodeledbyherown
motherandshebelievedthatthesearequalitiesthateverymothershouldhave.
UnlikeJo’sexperience,Ashleycamefromalargefamilyandistheyoungest
girlamonghersiblings.Sheisa27-year-oldsexworkerwhohaslivedinboth
OaklandandHouston.Sheandhersiblingsgrewuplivingwiththeirgrandparents
becauseherparentsspenttimeinandoutofjail.Forthemostpart,shebelievedthat
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shehadagreatchildhoodbecauseshehadtheluxuryofbeingtakencareofbyher
grandparents.Shestatedthatshelivedinghettosduringherchildhood.
Whenshewasfourteen,Ashley’sfamilymemberstoldherthatwomenwere
powerful.Asthesevalueswereinstilledinheratayoungage,shebecameinterested
inexploringhowshecouldexerciseherpowerasawoman.Whatservedasa
catalystforhertoexerciseaformofpowerstemmedfromwatchingtelevision
showsaboutsexworkersandmembersofherfamilyteachingherthatwomenare
powerful.
Ashley:AtfourteenIwastoldthatIhavepower.Ididn’tknowwhatkind ofpoweritwas,butIwastoldthatsinceIamagirlIhadit.WhenIwas youngerIwatchedthoseshowsaboutescortsonHBO.Ithinkthenamesof theshowswerecalledHookersontheCorner,G-stringorsomethinglikethat. Ithinkthepointoftheshowswastodiscouragepeoplefromdoingit.But theydidn’tdoagoodjob.Thosegirlshadmoney,shoesandeverything.The guysontheshowsdidwhatthegirlswantedandtheygotpaidforit.From watchingthoseshowsIwaslike,“Hmmm.Thatdoesn’tlooksobad”[laughs]. IjustknewthatIdidn’twanttobeonthestreetdoingit. JoandAshleyhadcontrastingchildhoodexperiences.Particularchildhood
experiencesdidnotdirectlyinfluencethemtopursuesexwork.However,insome
waystheirchildhoodseachinformedparticularattitudesthattheydevelopedata
youngage.Jo’smother’sabandonmentenabledhertodevelopindependence.The
ideathatwomenholdpowerwasinstilledinAshleyandeventuallyshewouldseek
waystoexercisethispower.Asteenagers,JoandAshleymaynothavepredicted
howthesevaluesthattheylearnedatayoungagewouldplayaroleintheirlivesin
thefuture.
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BecomingInvolvedinSexWork
Jobegansexworksixmonthsaftergivingbirthtoherson.Shebecame
involvedinsexworkbecauseshehadaboyfriendwhowasapimp.Shethoughthis
workwasodd,butaccepteditbecauseatthetimeshewasinlovewithhim.
Althoughhedidnotpressureherintobecominganescort,shebecameinvolved
becauseshelovedhim.Herfirsttimedoingsexworkwasnotanythingoutofthe
ordinary.Shedescribeditnonchalantlyandwasindifferentaboutit.Itisunclearif
herdemeanortowardssexworkisaresultofhowsheviewedsexworkitselforif
herfeelingstowardsitarearesultofhercallousedfeelingsshedevelopedtowards
lifeatanearlyage.Ineithersituation,theincomewasafargreaterattractionand
hersolereasontocontinuesexwork.
Johadaclericaljobbeforeshestartedsexworkbuteventuallyshequitthat
jobandpursuedsexworkfulltime.Accordingtoher,thehoursofescortingwere
toodemandingandpreventedherfromdoingwellinherclericaljob.Pursuingsex
workfulltimewasfarmoresignificantandfulfillingthanherclericaljob.
Jo:IhadajobwhenIstartedescorting.Iwoulddomylittleclerical job,thenIwoulddoescorting.Iwouldgoescortandthengetupand gotomyclericaljob.ButeventuallyIstartedmessingupinmyclerical jobbecauseI’dbeupallnightescorting.Itgothardformetoescortandthen getupandgotowork,soIquitmyotherjobandjustescorted.Isawmore moneyasanescortthanIdidatmyclericaljobanyway. Joquitherclericalpositionbecauseshefeltthattheincomeshewasearning
fromsexworkfarexceededwhatshereceivedfromherclericaljob.Asasexworker,
onecanmakemoneyonadailybasisinsteadofonaweekly,orbiweeklycycle.The
incomefromsexworkishighlyunpredictable;however,onehasthefreedomto
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negotiatehowmuchshewouldliketoearn.Thiscanbeappealingwhentheday’sor
night’searningcansurpasswhatone’ssalaryinatypicaljobinthelegaleconomy:
Jo:It’sfastmoney.OnedayIcanhaveareallygooddayandthenIcanhavea reallybadday.Like,onedayIcanmaketwenty-fivedollars,anotherdayIcan maketwenty-fivehundreddollars. Ida:Whatisthemostmoneyyouhavemadeinoneday? Jo:OnenightinVegasImade$30,000.Youknow,Vegashas alotofrichguyswhogothere,getdrunk,andspendupalloftheirmoney. Ida:Youmade$30,000inonenight?Thatissomeone’ssalary. Peoplecanworkforayearandmakethatmuchmoney! Jo:Iknow.That’sthethingaboutthis.Youneverknowhowmuchyou’re gonnaget.Itgoesupanddown.Youhavegooddaysandbaddays.That timewasagoodday. Jowasnotsurehowmuchmoneysheearnedinhercareerasasexworker,
butthemoneythatsheearnedinthebeginningofpursuingsexworkledherto
believethatfinanciallythiswasthejobthatshewantedtopursue.
IncontrasttoJo’sintroductiontosexwork,Ashleybecameasexworkerat
theageoffifteen.Shebecameinvolvedfromwatchinghergodsister.
Ashley:MyfirsttimeencounterwithsexworkwaswhenIwaswithmygod sister.Shedidn’ttellmewhatshewasdoing,butIknew.Onedaymysister walkedtothetrackandgotinsomeone’scar.Ifollowedherbutshedidn’t knowit.Shewentinsomecarandshortlyaftergotout.WhenIsawthis happenIthought,“Oh,that’swhatshewasdoing!”SoonerorlaterItriedit.I wenttothetrack.OnmyfirstdayImade$800.Atfifteenyou’relike,“Wow! Thisisalotofmoney!”WhenItouchedtheamountofmoneythatIhad,Iwas hooked.Whenyoufirststartyouthinkeverydayyou’regonnamakealotof moneylikethatbutyoudon’t. ForJoandAshley,theincometheyreceivedfromsexworkwasappealing.
WhenJoquitherjobinthelegaleconomy,shevaluedtheincomethatshereceived
asasexworkeroverwhatsheearnedinherpreviousjob.SimilaristrueforAshley.
15
Shebecameinvolvedinsexworkatayoungageandthemoneythatshemade
duringherfirstexperiencewasappealingenoughforhertocontinueit.
Ashley’sstoryisanexampleofhowfamilialtieswiththeunderground
economyledtoherinvolvementinsexwork.Hergodsisterwasasexworkerand
sheeventuallybecameinvolvedinsexworkfromwatchingher.Duringmy
interviewwithAshley,shesharedthatallofheroldersistersweresexworkersat
somepointintheirlivesandthatherbrothersanduncleswerepimps.Duetoher
familymembers’involvementwithsexwork,shebelievedthatitwas“inherblood”
tobeasexworker.AfamilymemberdidnotinfluenceJotopursuesexwork,but
someonetowhomshewasclosedid.
BeingASexWorker:MoralityVersusReality
Engaginginsexualactivitiesformoneyisillegal.Despitetheillegalityof
payingforsexinmanystatesintheUnitedStates,corporateAmericamediaoften
promoteshypersexuality.HypersexualitycanbeseeninAmericanmediain
commercials,musicandotherformsofadvertisements.Despitetheprevalenceof
sexinAmericanmedia,JoandAshleybelievedthatsexworkiscondemnedin
societybecauseofsocialemphasismonogamousrelationships.
Jo:PeoplethinkitiswrongthatIsellmybodyformoney.Idon’tthinkofit likethat.Itismyjob;itishowImakemoney.Manypeoplethinkit’snasty thatIsleepwithdifferentmenformoney.It’sthesamethingaswomen goingondatesandhookingupwiththeguylater.I’mdoingthesamething Ijustgetpaidforitandtherearenostringsattached. Ashley:Peoplestereotypegirlsandsexworkerstoomuch.Womenhaveallof theseboyfriendsandit’slike,youcould’vehadthesamesixguysinyourlife whocouldhavepaidyou. It’snotevenalwaysaboutthesex.Doingthisallowsyoutolearnalotabout divorcesandrelationships.Somemenjustwanttotalk.Theycouldwantto
16
talkbecausetheyaregoingthroughabreakup,adivorceorsometimesjust wantsomecompany.You’dbesurprised.Someofmyclientsarecollegekids. Crazyright?Likehereissomeregularguy.Whycan’thejustgoandgeta girlfriend? Someguysevenpaymetoslapthemandyellattheminpublic. Ashley,whohashadexperienceasasexworkeronandoffthestreetswas
completelyagainstunderagegirlspursuingsexwork.Experiencingsexworkatthe
ageoffifteencontributedtoheroppositionofyounggirlsgettinginvolvedinthe
industry.
Ashley:Sexworkisrough;Ihavehadsomehardtimesdoingitatayoung age.Itain’tforeveryone.ThatiswhyIamapartofsexworkeradvocacy groupsthatworktogettheyounggirlsoffofthestreets.IfIseeayounggirl onthestreetsIwillcalllawenforcement. Ida:Whyareyoustronglyagainstyounggirlspursuingsexworkwhenyou becameinvolvedatayoungage? Ashley:BecauseIknowhowharditcanbe.IrememberwhenIfirststarted mybrothers’friendswouldseemeandtellmetogohome.Icallthelittle girlswhotrytodoitthesedays“GreenGirls”.Theygetinvolvedthinkingthat theyaregoingtomakeallofthismoneyandthatthingsaregoingtobe dandywhenitisn’t. It’sdangerousoutthere;womengetraped,beatandrobbed.Andthenthey gethookedupwiththesepimpswhosellthemdreams.Thepimpsarealllike, “Yeah,stickwithmeandI’llgetyouthisandgetyouthat”[shesaysmockingly inamale’svoice].Thetruthis,yeah,theymaybeabletogetsomeofthestuff thattheypromise,buttherealityisthatthey[theyounggirls]cangetthose thingsontheirown.Peoplesaythatpimpsprotectthemandsavegirls’ moneybuttheycandothatontheirown. Thoseyounggirlsgoouttherethinkingtheyknoweverythingandtheydon’t. Theymessthingsupforeveryoneelsewhohavebeendoingthisforawhile. Thegirlsdon’tevenlistentothewomenwhohavebeeninthisgamefora minute.Oldermenalsopreyonyoungergirlsforthatreason.Ikindof supportsomeofthestingoperations,butIthinkpoliceshouldfocusmoreon gettingthoselittlegirlsoffthestreet.Theydon’tknowanybetter.They shouldbeinschoolordoingsomethingthatkidstheiragedo.Theydon’t realizethatthingsaregoodwhenyou’reanewfaceonthestreet,butthat’ll getoldrealquick.You’renot‘’thenewgirl’’forever.Whenyou’renotpretty
17
anymorenooneisgoingtocareaboutyou.Thinkaboutwhatyouwantin life.Ididn’tliveateenagelife,butIhadaneventfullife. AsidefromAshley’soppositiontoyoungergirlspursingsexwork,shealso
continuouslystatedthatsexworkisnotforeveryone.Shetoldmefivequestionsshe
suggestsanygirlinterestedinpursingsexworktotakeintoconsideration:
Ialwayssaythattherearefivethingsagirlshouldaskherself beforeconsideringescortingbecausetheoutsideofitseemsappealing:
1. Is she prepared for her family’s lack of acceptance? A lot of people do not agree with escorting. I mean, it’s someone’s daughter, sister, granddaughter who is doing it. A lot of people are not going to accept that. I know there are a lot of girls who don’t even speak to their families anymore because of it. Some girls out there don’t have any family and because of this, there are a lot of cold girls out there; they don’t care about anything. Luckily I have a great relationship with my family. They all know what I do.
2. If you have kids, is the job worth being away from them? Escorting requires a lot of travel; a lot of get up and go. I know girls who have nannies. I have babysat for some girls when they have gone out to work, but I couldn’t imagine leaving my kids, if I had some to do this. I helped raise my niece; kids need a lot of attention.
3. Is she willing to wait to have kids? Like I said, women travel a lot for this job. Moving around a lot does not create a stable environment for kids.
4. Think about not being in a relationship. A lot of people are not willing to accept that this is some girls’ job. It can create issues. Guys can say they are comfortable when they aren’t, jealously and guys thinking you’re cheating can be an issue, all types of things.
5. Save and invest in yourself. Girls have a lot of money going through their hands. Because of this, girls find themselves spending a lot of money and having nothing to show for it; then, they are spending their time trying to make back all of that money they spent.
Jo’sperspectiveonsexworkcontrastswithwhatsheperceivedassociety’s
notionofpropriety.Incontrast,Ashley’sviewalignswithwhatshebelievedtobe
inappropriateforyoungergirlswhobecomeinvolvedwithsexwork.Inasense,
Ashleyadvocatedfortheprotectionandpreservationofyounggirls’innocence.
Believingintheimportanceofprotectingyounggirls’innocenceisinlinewithwhat
manychildrenareexpectedtodosociallyatparticularages.Ashleyalsodiscussed
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howsexworkmighthaveanimpactonsocialrelationships.Atmanypointsofthe
interview,shealludedtoexperiencesofsexworkersinrelationtootherindividuals.
Ashley’semphasisonrelationshipswithotherpeoplenotonlyhumanizesand
showsexperiencesofasexworkerbutalsoreflecteddilemmasthatpeopledeal
withineverydaylife.
SelfRespect
Joreferredtoherselfasanescort.Assuch,shedistinguishedherselffrom
othersexworkers.FrommyinterviewswithJoandAshley,Iwasledtobelievethat
theterm“escort”inrelationtosexworkreferstoasexworkerwhoislikelytohave
wealthierclients.Asaresult,escortscanbeviewedasmorerespectablethanother
sexworkers.Joupholdsthisnotionwhenshestated,“I’manescort.Idon’tmind
tellingyouthat.I’mclassy.Beinganescort,youhavetolearnhowtobeclassy.I’m
notratchetoranythinglikethat.I’mnotonthetrack.”Drawinguponthisidea,it
couldbeassumedthatthereisahierarchyamongsexworkersespeciallywith
regardstohowtheyviewthemselvesaswellandhowothersmayviewthem.Josaw
herselfinthetopofthehierarchy.
Ieventuallylearnedthatthetermescortisoftenusedlooselyinthesexwork
industry;however,theindicationthatthereisahierarchybetweensexworkersis
stillprevalent.Ashleysupportedthisclaim.
Ashley:…It’sallthesamething.YouknowhoweveryonelooksuptoKim KardashianandAmberRose?Theydothesamething,everyoneelsehasbeen doing:theyaremeetingthesefamousmenandhavingsexwiththem.But becauseitisthem,theyhavemoneynowandarefamous;noonesays anythingaboutthem.Theyareorwereho’inglikeanyoneelse. Ida:So,whatisthedifferencebetweenanescortandasexworker?Dothey meanthesamething?
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Ashley:Itisjustaterm.Everyonewantsatitle.Itallmeansthesamething. Itisjustatitle.Icallmyselfacompanion,soIamaboveallofthem. [referencingsexworkers]Ashleyalsomentionedhowhavingself-respectenabledhertodealwithwork. Ashley:Therearetimeswhensomeguyswillbeverydisrespectfulandbe like“Comehereyoudirtylittlewhore.”Youdon’ttalktoanyonelikethat andIdefinitelydon’tseemyselfasthat. Ida:Howdoyoudealwiththosesituations? Ashley:Itdoesn’tbothermebecauseattheendoftheday,Iamgettinghis moneyandheisdoingwhateverIsay. Self-respectwasimportanttoJoandAshleyintheirinvolvementinsexwork.
Itwassignificanttothembecauseitenabledthemtomaintainasenseof
personhooddespitehowtheyfeltthatsocietylooksdownuponsexworkand
demonizeswomenwhodoit.
BothJoandAshleydiscussedhierarchiesinsexwork.Theyplaced
themselvesatthetopofthehierarchiesinthesexworkindustry.Thismaybe
becauseofthecompetitivenessintheindustry.Ashleysharedwithmethatsexwork
ishighlycompetitiveandthatwomeninvolvedintheindustryoftendomalicious
thingstooneanotherinefforttogetaheadorbelittleotherwomen.Shealsoshared
withmemanyexperiencesthatshehadinbrothelsandhotelswhenshetraveled
withothergroupsofwomen.Somewomenoutofthegroupwouldsteal,discard
otherwomenbelongingsandothertacticsthattheythoughtcouldpreventother
womenfromworking.
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JobSkills
Iwasinterestedinlearninghowandifparticularskillsvaluedinthe
traditionaleconomyarevaluedintheundergroundeconomy.Also,Iwantedto
learnhowparticipantsintheundergroundeconomyplacedimportanceon
particularskillsintheirjobs.Thepurposeofthiswastolearnwhichskillswere
consideredvaluableinthejobsintheundergroundeconomyandlearnifthevalue
ofparticularskillswereessentialtoparticipants’disengagementfromthelegal
economy.
Therealityofsexworkisthatitisaformofemploymentforindividuals.Jo
andAshleytreatedtheirjobsassexworkersasifitwereanyotheroccupationthe
legaleconomy.Itmaybedifficulttoviewskillsutilizedinsexworkasbeing
equivalenttoskillsneededinajobinthelegaleconomy,butinsomecasestheyare
applicable.WhenIaskedJowhattypeofskillssheutilizesinherworkasasex
worker,shedescribedskillsthatareessentialforanyjob.
Jo:Youneedpeopleskillsandlifeskills.Like,benice,berespectfulandsmile andthingslikethat.I’vebeenonmyownsinceIwasfourteensoIknowhow totakecareofmyself.Ofcourseyouneedtoknowhowtocount. ThethingaboutmeescortingisthatIhaveexperiencedoingthisandhaving alegaljob.IactuallyhavearesumebecauseIhavehadotherjobsandnot justthis.Iknowotherwomenwhodothis.Theydon’thavearesume andcan’tgetanotherjobbecausethisisalltheycandoandknowhowtodo. LuckilyforJo,shehadthemobilityandopportunitytoattainjobsinthelegal
economywhenevershechoseto.SimilartoJo,Ashleystatedsomeofthesameskills
neededinsexworkthatareapplicabletothelegaleconomy.Iwasimpressedwith
howAshleyutilizedparticularskillsinherjob.Ashleysolelyoperatedasasex
workerfromabusinessandmarketingstandpoint.
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Ashley:Youhavetohaveabusinessmindworkfromamoneyaspect.You havesomuchmoneycomingthroughyourhandsyouhavetoknowwhatto dowithitoryou’lljustspenditandnotknowwhathappenedtoit.Investit. Girlsthinktheycanbelikethedopeboysandsavetheirmoneyinashoebox, butno.Thatwon’twork.You’lljustspendit.Youcan’ttakeallofthatmoney tothebank.Ihaveanaccessoryline.Iinvestsomeofmymoneyinthat.I havesomeformerclientswhoinvestinmybusinesses.WhenIgotoschool,I paymytuition.ForonesemesterIlettheschoolpay,butotherthanthatIdo itmyself. Ispendeighthoursadayadvertisingmyself. Ida:Advertisingyourself? Ashley:Yes.Ihaveanactualwebsite.SoIspendalotoftimeeveryday updatingmywebsite,checkingmessages,everything. Ida:Isthathowyoureceiveclients? Ashley:Yes,Ireceiveclientsfrommywebsite.Ialsohaveajob.Ihavehad otherlegaljobstoo:IwasanIn-homeCareProviderandIworkedatMacy’s. See,girlsdon’tbethinking.Likewhatareyougoingtodoifyougetcaught withallofthatmoney?Youhavetohaveproofofhowyougotthatmoney.If youdepositallofthatmoneyintothebankyouhavetohavesomeprooffor it.Forsomegirls,this[sexwork]isalltheydo.Iknowwomenwhoareforty andsixtyyearsolddoingthisandthisisalltheyhavebeendoing.Idon’t knowhowpeopledoitfulltime.IworkandIescort.Idon’thavetoescort andIoftentakebreaksfromit.Imakemoneyoffofmyproducts.Youknow, thereisnoretirementplanorhealthplan.Youhavetobesmartabouthow youspendyourmoney. JoandAshleybothhadexperiencesinthelegaleconomyandAshleyhad
legaljobsduringthetimeofourinterview.Bothparticipantsillustratedthe
importanceofhavinglegalworkexperience.Havinglegalworkenabledthewomen
tomakeatransitionfromtheundergroundeconomy.Acquiringlegalwork
experienceillustratedthatJoandAshley’sworkintheundergroundeconomydid
nothindertheirmobilityintothelegaleconomy.Theyhadotherexperiencesaswell
asskillsthatcouldenablethemtoparticipateinthelegaleconomy.
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Lifestyle
JoandAshleyexplainedthatsexworkisthe“fastlife”meaningitis
unpredictable;moneyisspentasfastasitisearnedandtimeisspentinpursuitof
makingmoney.Duetothefast-pacedlifestylethatcomesalongwithsexworkitis
possibleforsomewomentodevelopcertainattitudesandbecomeentrappedin
differentlifestylesthatareprovidedbecauseofthenatureoftheirwork.For
example,Jodevelopedacallouseddemeanortowardslifethatcouldbedetrimental
toherwellbeing.Shedevelopedthisdemeanorbecauseoftheunpredictabilityof
herwork.
Jo:Thislifeisnoteasy.Youneverknowwhatcanhappentoyouwhen youmeetthesemen.Theycankillyou;theycandowhatevertheywant toyou.I’vebeenrobbed,stabbed,raped,everything.Youknow,whenyoudo this,youkindhavetobelike,“fuckit.” Ida:Youhavebeenindangeroussituationsfromescorting.Howareyouable tocontinuewiththisworkwiththepossibilitythatyoucouldbeindanger? Jo:Attheendoftheday,Iammakingmoney.Lifecouldbeworse.I’vebeen throughroughthings.That’sjustlife. Ashleyalsobelievedthatthelifestylethatcomesalongwithsexworkcouldleadotherwomentodevelopcallousfeelingsandinmanyinstancescommitmaliciousacts.Shehashaddangerousencountersaswell. Ashley:Itain’teasy.IrememberwhenIgotbustedforthefirsttimeinL.A. [LosAngeles].Iwas20.Thepoliceofficerwasniceandletmego.Hetoldme togetoutofthisbusinessbecauseitwasreallyroughandthathedidnot wanttoseemeagain.HesaidthatifIkeptdoingitthathewouldseeme again.IknewwhatIwasgettingmyselfintoandIdidnotseehimagain.I keptescortingandtravelingalot.IwouldgoeverywhereexceptL.A. Afterthatstory,recountedanotheraboutherexperienceswithothersexworkersatabrothel.
23
Ashley:AnothertimethatIhadanencounterwithlawenforcementwas whenIwenttoabrothelinHouston[Texas]. Girlscanbecutthroat.Meandsomeothergirlswenttothisbrotheland eventuallywefellasleep.Idon’tknowwhywefellasleepbutwedid.When meandtheothergirlswokeup,ourclothesweremissingandwefoundour pursesinthetrash.Weknewthatsomeothergirlsstoleourstuff,sowewent togofindthem. Ida:Didy’allgetyourthingsback? Ashley:Wedid.Girlsinthisbusinessaresocompetitive.Theythoughtthat bytakingourthingsthatwewouldbeatadisadvantageandwouldhaveto makethatmoneyback,butwewerealreadyaheadofthem.Girlswillget stuckiftheythinktheyhavetocompete. Ashleybelievedthatthefastlifethatisassociatedwithsexworkcanenable
womenwhoareinvolvedinthisworktogetcaughtupinmaterialismorasshe
calledit,glamor.
Womengetcaughtupintheglamoraspectofit.WomenbuyalltheBrazilian hair[hairextensions]andredbottoms[ChristianLouboutinhigh-heeled shoes]andnotevertalkaboutpayingabill[laughs].Girlsjustspendupallof theirmoney. Socialmediahaschangedthegameaswell.Girlsgetonthereshowingoff.It’s [thesexworkindustry]notevendiscreetanymore.Sexworkissupposedto beundergroundbutgirlsthesedaysarepromotingit.Idon’tpromoteit. Despitethelifestylethatcouldcomealongwithsexwork,Ashleysharedthat
shetakesbreaksfromsexworkfromtimetotimeandreliesonherfamilytokeep
hergrounded.
Ashley:LuckilyIhavemyfamilyandtheirsupporttokeepmegrounded.I don’tunderstandhowgirlscandothisfor365daysayear.Sometimesyou havetogiveyourbodyandsoularest[laughs].Iusuallydon’tdoitfor toolongatatime.Itakevacationsinbetween.See,somegirlsdon’tknow whatthatis.Theythinkanytimetheytravelitisavacation,no.Imeana breakfromdrinking,abreakfromsmokingorwhateverelseitisthatyou usuallydo;thatisavacation.
24
Ida:Itseemsthatthelifestyleisn’tappealingtoyou.Howdoyourefrainfrom beingcaughtupintheglamoraspectofit? Ashley:Istaytomyselfandkeepmyselfbalanced.Mynieceskeepmefrom pursuingitfulltime.Ihavealwayseitherworkedandescortedorwent toschoolandescorted,orhavedoneallthreeatonce.EversinceIwas youngerIknewthatIdidnotwanttopursueitfulltime.Ididnotgotoa traditionalpublicschoolsoIalwayshadfreetime. Ineverwantedtopursueitfulltimebecauseitwasafairytale.Peopleare caughtinitforthepursuitofmoney.Ifyouareonlyinitforthemoneyyou won’tsucceed.Whenyougetgreedy,that’swhenyougetcaught.So wheneverIsayIamgoingtomakeacertainamountofmoneyIquitandtake abreak.Theglamoriswasteful.Yougettothepointwhereyouhavesomuch moneyandnotknowwhattodowithit.IrememberonetimeIwasjust givingout$5toeveryhomelesspersonIsaw. Asidefromthefast-pacedlifestylethatcomesalongwithsexwork,Jo
believedthatbeingasexworkerwasworthwhilebecauseitwasameanstoallow
hertotakecareofherfamilyandlivehowshewantedto.Sheillustratedthisinour
interviewwhenshestated,“Imean,I’mfinebeinganescort.Ihavemyowncar,I
havemyownplaceandIhavenoroommates.Itakecareofmysononmyown.
Beinganescortallowsmetolivecomfortably.“SexworkhasenabledAshleyto
providefinanciallyforherfamilyaswell:“Ihavepaidoffalotofdebtsandhave
donealotformyfamily.Ipaidformymom’scondo.Idon’tevenhaveacar,butI
havepaiddownpaymentsformybrothers’andsisters’car.That’sapartofthegood
thatcomesoutofescorting.”
JoandAshleydiscusseddangersthatcancomealongwithpursuingsexwork.
Theystatedhowtheexperiencesofsexworkcouldenablesomewomenwhoare
involvedtodevelopparticularattitudessuchasbecomingcompetitiveorbecoming
cynicalduetotheknowndangersthatonecouldencounterinsexwork.Despitethe
lifestyleanddangersthatmaybeconfrontedinsexwork,theincomefromtheir
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workallowedthemtoprovidefortheirfamiliesfinanciallyandthepotential
negativeimpactsdidnotdetereitherwomanfromdiscontinuingsexwork.
TheabilitytoprovidefinanciallyinmanywaysshowshowJoandAshley’s
workintheundergroundeconomyhasenabledthemtoobtainsocioeconomic
mobility.AshleystatedthatshelivedinghettosgrowingupandJohadtotakeherto
takecareofherselfatayoungage.Theincomethatthesewomenobtainedfromsex
workallowedthemtolivebeyondthecircumstancesthattheywereonceapartof.
Thesewomenalsousedthesubstantialincomefromtheirtimeassexworkersto
financiallyprovideforthemselvesandtheirfamiliesinmanyways.
ImportanceofFamily
JoandAshleysharedthattheirinvolvementinsexworkrequiredthemto
travelalot.OftenJosharedthatsheflewouttodifferentstatestomeetclients.
AccordingtoJoandAshley,travelingcontributestothefast-pacedlifestylethat
comeswithbeingasexworker.Jostatedthatwhenevershetraveled,sheensured
thathersonwastakencareofbeforesheleftandwouldstayawayonlyfora
weekend.
AccordingtoJo,workneverdistractedherfromherdutiesasamother.She
believedthatsheisamotherbeforeanythingelse.Themonetaryaspectofsexwork
wasappealingtoherandiswhyshecontinuedtodoit.ForAshley,herfamilyplayed
anessentialroleinhowsheengagedinsexwork.Herfamilywassupportiveand
theywerewhatkeptherbalancedinherexperiencesasasexworker.Ashley
believedthatfamilysupportcouldenablewomenwhochoosetopursuesexworkto
endureit.
26
Ashleywasfamilyoriented.Duringourinterview,sheoftendiscussedhow
muchherfamilymeantalottoherandcontributedtoherhiatusesfromsexwork.
Shehadniecesandnephewsandbelievedthatitwasimportantthatshebearole
modeltothem.Shesharedthatsheoftencallsthepoliceonyounggirlsshesees
pursuingsexworkbecauseshebelievedthattheyshouldnotdoitbecauseofthe
risksthatcomesalongwithit.Shesharedthatwheneversheseesyounggirlsonthe
street,theyremindherofhernieces.
ValuesandAspirations
DespiteJoandAshley’sjobsassexworkers,theybelievedthattheir
involvementinsexworkwasshortterm.Theyhadothergoalsthatdidnotalign
withthelifestylethatsexworkcanprovide.Theirshort-terminvolvementinthe
undergroundeconomyandthegoalsthattheyhadweresimilartogoalsthat
individualswhoworkinthelegaleconomymayhave.At23yearsold,Joaspiredto
haveacareer,businessesandalargerfamily.
Jo:IhavegoalsandthingsthatIwanttoaccomplish.Idon’twanttobean escortforever.Ican’tmakeacareeroutofthat. Ida:Whatisthemeaningofacareertoyou? Jo:Acareerissomethingthatyoudoforever.Thisisnotacareer.Ican’tdo thisfortherestofmylife.Ihaveafive-yearoldson.Heisyoungnowso workingnowislikeworkingthenightshiftforanyotherjob.Oncehegets older,he’llstartputtingthepiecestogetherandIdon’twanthimtogrowup andbelike,“Mymomisaprostitute[laughs].Shedoesn’thavearealjob.” Ida:Whatgoalsdoyouhave? Jo:Iwanttoownahouse,havemybusinessandhaveinvestments.Everyone hastogetsomewhereandhavegoalsintheirlives.Givemeaboutonemore yearandI’mout.Ineedtoearnabout$50,000or$100,000andIamout. Ida:Whatwouldyouseeyourselfdoingifyouwerenotescorting?
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Jo:Iwouldbeincollegerightnow.RightnowIcan’tgotocollegeandescort atthesametime.Idon’twanttobeenrolledinschoolthenkickedoutfor missingtoomanyclassesandthenI’llgetbehind.OnceIamreadytosettle downI’llgotocollege. Ashleytoo,aspiredtohaveafamilyandbusinessesofherown.Accordingto
her,havingafamilywouldendherinvolvementinsexwork.
Ida:Youhavebeeninvolvedinsexworkforalongtime.Whatwouldyousee yourselfdoingifyouwerenotdoingthis? Ashley:Iprobablywouldbeinschoolandworkingsomeninetofiveorgoing toschool.Igivemyselfaboutfourmoreyearsdoingthis.IfIhadafamilyof myownIwouldquitdoingthiscoldturkey.Idon’tseehowpeopledothis withkids.IfIweretogetpregnantnextweekIwouldjustquit.Iwanta familyoneday.Afamilywouldbemywayoutofthis;Idon’twanttodothis forever.IfIhadkids,IwouldexplaintothemwhatIdo,butmostlikelyI wouldn’tbedoingthisifIhadkids.Iwouldn’twantthemtobemadefunof becauseofmyjobasanescort. ThegoalsthatJoandAshleyhadweresimilartootherswhoworkinthe
legaleconomy.Inmanycasespeopleworkandwouldliketobeabletosustainand
provideforthemselvesandtheirfamilies.JoandAshleywerenotdifferent.They
aspiredtobewelloffsocioeconomically.Theirwaystopursuethesegoalsand
aspirationsmaynotinvolvelegalwork;however,theychosearoutethattheyfelt
wouldenablethemtoattaintheirgoals.JoandAshleyhadparticularperceptionsof
careers.Theybelievedthatsexworkwasnotaviablelong-termcareerforthem;
becauseofthis,theirgoalsinvolvedbeingapartofthelegaleconomyinthefuture.
JoandAshleyalsoemphasizedtheimportanceofmotherhood.Motherhood
oftenshapestheidentityofwomen.MotherhoodandfamilywereidealsofwhichJo
andAshleyplacedhighvalue.Bothwomenwerealsoawareofhowtheiridentities
asmothersandtheirjobsassexworkersconflictedwithwhattheybelievedare
28
societalstandardsofpropriety;becauseofthis,theydidnotwanttopursuesex
worklongtermbecauseoftheeffectsitcouldhaveontheirchildren.Theirconcerns
ofhowtheirjobsassexworkerscouldaffecttheirchildrenrevealedtheirconcern
withsocietalstandardsofproprietyandideasofacceptabletypesofworkinthe
legaleconomy.Thewomenmentionedthattheycouldnotmakeacareeroutofsex
workemphasizingtheideathatcareerconnotestheideaoflongevity,whichholds
similarvalueinthelegaleconomy.
TakingPrecaution
AsJoandAshleydiscussed,sexworkisdangerous.DuetoAshley’sextensive
involvementinsexworkandhavingexperiencesonandoffofthestreets,she
strategicallykeptherselfunharmedandhaveavoidedconflictwithlaw
enforcement.Ashleyconsideredherselffortunateandsharedhowsheavoided
trouble.
Ashley:OnethingIcansayaboutthisisthatIamveryblessed.Ihaveonly encounteredthepolicethreetimes.Ihaveacleanrecordandhavenever beentojail.Manygirlscan’tsaythat.Theseyounggirlsgetintoitthinking theyknoweverything.Theystartdoingitforaboutsixmonthsandhavebeen tojailninetimesalreadywithintheirfirstsixmonths.Theydon’tthinkand failtorealizethattheymaynotbesoluckyeverytime. Ida:Howhaveyoustayedoutoftrouble? Ashley:It’sabouthowyoucarryyourselfandwhoyouarearound.Likeright now,ifyouwereintheroomwithmeandIgotcaught,youwouldgotojail too.Girlsthesedaysarenotdiscreet.Theytalktoomuch,bragandare obvious.That’swhyIamalwaysbymyself.Iseethosetypeofgirlsandbe like,“Oh,okay.Idon’tneedtobearoundthem.” Ida:Howdoyougetyourclients? Ashley:Ireceivereferencesfromothergirls[sexworkers]Iknow.Wealltalk tooneanotherandsometimeshavethesamemen.SoIcancallonegirlup andbelike,“Haveyouseen‘soandso’?”Idon’tworkwithclientswhomI
29
haven’tseeninmorethansixmonths.Inayear,Idon’tknowwhoyouare, whatyoudoandninetimesoutoften,Iwon’tevenrememberyourname. Thewomenhavetosticktogether.Networkingeachotheristheonlywaywe cankeepeachothersafe. Iscreenguys.Anothergirltaughtmethis. Ida:Whatdoyoumeanby“screen”? Ashley:Ilookthemup.Youhavetodoyourresearch.Iusealotofsourcesto seeifsomeoneiswhotheysaytheyare.Googleteachesyoualot[laughs]. Butscreeninghelpsmefishoutsomeguys.Ithelpsmekeepmoreofthe crazyguysoutofthewayandallowsmetoseewhoIamreallydealingwith. Ida:Doyouworkwiththesamemen? Ashley:Yes.Iworkwiththesamemen. Ida:Howdoyoukeepintouchwiththem? Ashley:Ihavetheircontactinfo.FromtimetotimeImaygetalittlegiftor sendthemalittlegifttoletthemknowthatIamthinkingofthem. Also,Itraveloncallandhavethepre-arrangedappointments.Ischedulemy appointmentsinadvance. Iamlikeachameleon.IblendinwhereeverIgo.WheneverItraveltoaplace Ilookupthetrends,whatthepeoplelooklikeandhowtheyinteractwith otherpeople.Forexample,IhaveneverbeentoBoston,butifIweretogoto acollegetownIwouldwearcollegegearorbusinessattire. Ibuildhotelpoints.Hotelsaresmart.It’showyoucarryyourself.Sometimes Iwearbusinessattireandamonthebusinesssideofthehotel.That’showa lotofhotelsintheWestCoastgotbustedandgetbustedalloftime.Girls werewalkingaroundlikeho’sinthehotellikeitwasVegas.Sexworkin Vegasislegal,onlyinbrothels.Soifyouareinahotelwalkingaroundin glitteryheels,youareaho.Ifyouaren’tho,itwillbeassumedthatyouare becausethatisnotashoeofaregularshoebuyer;thatisawhoreshoe.You can’tbeinwhoreattireandthinkthatyouarenotgoingtogetcaught.Some hotelmanagersdon’tcareaboutescortsbecauseitmakesthehotelmore money. IrememberonetimesomeoneatthehotelredflaggedmebecauseIam BlackandwaswithaWhiteman.Ihadalreadypaidfortheroom.Iwentinto checkinandthewomansaidthatImycardwasdeclined.Iwaslike,“No,my creditcardwasnotdeclinedbecauseIjustuseditinVegas.”Welookedlikea regularcoupletoo;Ihadonasundressandhehadonashirtandsomepants.
30
Hewasn’tevenoneofmyclients;hewasmyfriend.ButbecauseIwasa BlackwomanwithaWhitemanitwasassumedthatIwasanescort. Notbeinggreedykeepsmeoutoftroubletoo.Itrynottoseenomorethan threeguysadaybutsomegirlsworkdifferently.Ifyouhaveallthosemen comingbacktobacktoyourroom,thenyouareobvious.Iknowsomegirls whowillsay,“Girl,Iburnedoutmyroom.” Ida:Whatdoes“burnoutyourroom”mean? Ashley:Itmeansseeingtoomanymenbacktoback. Ida:Oh,okay.Isee. Ashley:Butyeah,beinggreedydefinitelygetsyoucaughtup.I’mlike,‘how didyouburnoutyourroom?Shouldn’tyougiveyourbodysomerest? [Laughs] BuildingrelationshipswithpoliceandstudyingtheirmaneuversalsohelpedAshleyremainoutoftrouble. Ashley:IcallthepolicewheneverIseelittlegirlsonthestreet.Idoitmostly becausetheydon’tbelongoutthereanditisn’talifeforthem.Ontheother hand,I’mlike,“Hmmm.MaybeifIgetclosetothisofficerandshowthatIam helpinggettingtheselittlegirlsoffofthestreetthenhewillbelesslikelyto knowthatIamanescortandwon’tbeworriedaboutme.” Iamalwaysonlinedoingresearchandreadingarticlesaboutsexworkers. WheneverItravelIlookupstingoperations.Soifthereareanycurrentsting operationsIwon’tgotothatplace.Thereisanationalstingeverysummer. Ida:Wow.Ididnotknowthat. Ashley:Yeah!Watchthenews.Ialsoknowthepoliceschedules.Iknowwhat timetheyaregoingtopatrolthestreets.Memorialdayisanothertimewhere thereisabigsting.It’softenintheSanJoseareaandtheygetallofthoselittle girls. Ida:Yeah,SanJosehasalotofissueswithsextraffickingofyounggirls. Ashley:Yeah.I’mnotagainstthestingsiftheyaregettingallofthoselittle girls.Butyeah,everyyearthereisabigstingusuallyinthesummer.Thecops trytomaketheirnationalquotafortheendoftheyearsothat’swhenalotof thebustshappen.
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Ithinkitwaslastyear,buttherewasathinglikearallyorsomethingfor OscarGrants’death.IthinkitwasattheFruitvaleBart,butthereweretons ofwomenoutthereonE14th.Theywereouttherebecausemorepolice officerswouldbeattherallyandnotpatrollingthestreet. Ida:Thatisreallystrategic! Ashley:Yeah,wemonitorthingslikethat. Ashleyrevealedmanysurvivalstrategiesusedtoprotectherselfandinmany
casesensuredthesafetyofothersexworkers.Sheillustratedthatbuilding
communityandhowcreatingsurvivalstrategiescanplayanessentialroleinhow
sheandotherwomenareabletothriveandprotectthemselvesinthesexwork
industry.
FindingLegalRoutesinSexWork
IntheUnitedStates,pursuingsexworkonthestreetisillegal.Nevadaisthe
onlystateintheUSthatallowslegalsexwork,whichisonlypermittedinlicensed
brothelsinelevencountiesinNevada(Prostitution.procon.org).Thebrothelsin
NevadamustupholdparticularstandardssuchashavingSTDtestingand
participantsarerequiredtousecondoms(Prostitution.procon.org).Despitethe
illegalityofsexworkinCalifornia,somewomeninvolvedinsexworkmaymask
theirparticipationintheindustrybyobtainingescortpermitsaccordingtoAshley:
“Youcangetalicensetobeanescort.Ijustfoundoutthatyoucangetthemin
Arizona.IwassomadwhenIfoundthisout.They’recheaptoo.They’reliketwenty
dollars.”
ArizonaandafewcitiesinCaliforniasuchasSanFranciscoandPalmSprings
offerescortpermits.Escortsarelegal,butsexworkisillegal.Inlegalterms,an
escortisdefinedas“anypersonwho,forafee,commission,hire,rewardorprofit
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accompaniesotherpersonstoaboutsocialaffairs,entertainmentorplacesof
amusementorconsortswithothersaboutanyplaceofpublicresortorwithin
privatequarters”(Sanfranciscocode.org).Oncesexualfavorsareinvolvedbetween
anescortandanotherindividual,itbecomesdefinedasprostitutionaccordingto
Californiapenalcode647(b)(findlaw.com).Thelegalityofescortscallsinto
questionwhysexworkisillegal.Itislegaltopayforcompanionship,butitisillegal
topayforsex.
AccordingtoAshley,becominginvolvedwithpornographysitesisalegal
outletforsexwork.Sexwebsitescouldplayanessentialroleinthechangeofthesex
workindustry.
Ashley:Ihaveafriendwhoisawebcammodel.Shecanactuallyfileitonher taxes.Somepornographywebsitesarelegal.Sheisworkingonthose companies’websitesasanindependentcontractor. Ida:Whatisawebcammodel? Ashley:Awebcammodelissomeonewhoisonasexwebsiteandpeoplepay towatchthem.Therearesomeprivateroomswhentheycaninteractwith someofthepeopletoo. Ida:Oh,Iunderstandnow. Ashley:Yeah,Ididnotknowaboutituntilmyfriendtoldmeaboutit.ThenI didmoreresearchonitandstartingtopayforthemtoseehowtheyworked. Ididitonceandmadealotofmoneyforlikethirtyminutes.It’sdifferent thantypicalescorting,butitmakesalotofmoneybytheminute.NowthatI havelearnedaboutthis,Icanfileitfortaxes. Webcammodelingseeminglyisanotherandmorerecentaspectofsexwork;
howeveritisunclearhowtomakethedistinctionbetweenwebcammodelingas
pornographyorassexwork.Nonetheless,webcammodelingillustrateshow
technologyshapesinteractionstodayaswellashowitischangingthesexindustry.
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Ifwebcammodelingisusedtosolicitsexforpaymentthroughpornography
websites,itisillegal;however,itseemsthatitcanbeusedasaployforparticipants
tomasktheillegalityofsexwork.
InterviewingJoandAshleyenabledmetolearnofdifferentexperiencesin
thesexworkindustryaswellaslearnhowtheirjobsintheundergroundeconomy
havebeenbeneficialtothem.Bothwomenhaddifferentexperiencesassexworkers;
however,sexworkhadbeenbeneficialtotheminsimilarways.Theirjobsallowed
themtohaveupwardsocioeconomicmobility.The“fastmoney”thattheyreceived
fromtheirworkallowedthemtofinanciallyprovideforthemselvesandtheir
families.JoandAshleyhadmobilitytoenterthelegaleconomyduetothefactthat
theyoncehadjobsinthelegaleconomyandhadskillsandexperiencesotherthan
whattheyhaveacquiredintheundergroundeconomy.Ashley’spart-time
involvementinsexworkandherlegaljobcouldenablehertohaveajobinthelegal
economyalone.BothJoandAshleyhadsimilargoalsandaspirationsandhadshort-
termplansofworkingintheundergroundeconomy.Accordingtothesewomen,
workintheundergroundeconomydidnotpermitlong-termviabilitythatwas
suitableforthem.
Chapter4:DrugDealing
DrugdealingiscommoninsomeareasinOakland.Contrarytotoday,there
usedtobeparticularareasinOaklandwheredrugdealerswouldstandonseveral
cornersandwaitforcustomerstoapproach,andmakeaquickexchangeofdrugs
andmoney.Today,drugdealersarelessvisibleinthesensethattheyarenot
standingonseveralcornersthatarecommonlyknownasareaswhereonecould
34
purchasedrugs.Today,somedrugdealersmaystandoutside,buttheirpresenceas
drugdealersislessobviousthanitwasinearlieryearswhendrugdealerswould
occupydifferentstreetcorners.Drugdealerstodaycomeupwithdifferentwaysto
maneuver.Someoftheirtacticsareobviouswhereasforsome,theirmaneuversare
lessobvious.
Thedrugdealerswhoparticipatedinthisstudystatedthattheybecame
involvedindrugdealingbecausedruguseanddrugdistributionwerearoundthem
astheygrewup.Terrancewasa24-year-oldOaklandnativewhosoldprescription
drugsandmarijuana.Hebelievedthathisinvolvementinsellingdrugswasaresult
ofwhathewitnessedgrowingup.
Ida:Howdidyoubecomeinvolvedintheundergroundeconomy? Terrance:ItwasjustsomethingIgotinto.Mygrannysoldher prescriptionpillswhenIwasgrowingup;mymomdidit,my aunt,everyonedidit.Itwasnormal.SoIdidittoo.Themoney helpedpayforafewbillslikealightbillorsomethingeverynowand then. IfirststartedsellingmarijuanawhenIwas18andIhadtostart payingforthingsonmyown.Ipaidforlittlethingslikeaphonebillor apairofJordan’s[shoes]orthingsthatIwanted. Similarly,Mauricewhowasa33-year-oldmarijuanadealer,sharedthatthe
presenceofdrugsexistedinhischildhoodaswell.
Maurice:MymomdiddrugswhenIwasgrowingup.Ithinkmydad didtoo;Idon’tknow.Butgrowingup,Iwasalwaysarounddrugsand druguse,soeventuallyIwouldbecomeinvolvedinit.Imean,growing upitwasn’tlike“Oh,that’swhatIwanttodo.”Butitjustendeduplike that. Ida:Whatkindofneighborhooddidyouliveingrowingup? Maurice:IgrewupinahomeinBerkeley,buteventuallyImovedto Oakland.
35
Ida:Didyougrowupinarich,middleclassorpoorneighborhood? Maurice:Igrewupinthe‘hood. ForpeoplelikeTerranceandMaurice,theexposuretodrugdistributionwas
somethingtheywereacclimatedtofromchildhood.ForTerrance,hisdrugdealing
wasaresultoftheeconomicdeprivationthathisfamilyenduredandaresultof
seeinghisfamilymembersengageinthedrugtradefacetoftheunderground
economytoearnasupplementalincome.LikeTerrance,familialtieswouldignite
Maurice’sinvolvementwithdrugdistribution.
Igrewupinafosterhome.OnedayCPS(ChildProtectiveServices) cameinandtookmyyoungersiblingsandme.Mymomanddadwere arguingonthisdayandCPScameinatthesametime.Mybrotherswere oldersotheystayed,buttheyoungerkidsweretakenaway. Igrewupinfosterhomesnotknowingwheremysiblingswere. EventuallyIwasadoptedandhadafostermom.Shetookcareofme thebestshecould.Ididnothaveafosterdad.Itwasjusther.So growingupIalwayswantedthatmalerelationship.Ifoundmyolder brothersandthingsstartedtogobadsincethen.Myolderbrothers solddrugs,soI’denduprunningerrands,baggingstuffup,anything justtobearoundthem.IfIhadnevermetmybrothers,Iwouldnothavebeen involvedindrugs.Myfostermotherkeptmeawayfromthatsideofmy familyandIknowwhy. Maurice’sinvolvementindrugdealingstartedfromhisdesiretobecloseto
hisfamilymembers.Hedidnotcommunicatewithhisolderbrothersaftertheir
separationinflictedbyChildProtectiveServices.Heandhisbrothersreunitedwhen
Mauricewas17yearsold.AccordingtoMaurice,hehadlongedtobereunitedwith
hisbrothersandhadspentyearstryingtofindthem.Anotherfactorthat
contributedtoMauricelongingtobearoundhisbrotherswastheissueofthelackof
malerolemodelsinhislife.Insuchinstances,youngmencanrelyuponeachother
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formentorshiporlookuptoothermalesasrolemodelswhomaynotbethebest
rolemodelsforthem(Fitch2009).Ineithersituation,theresultscanbedetrimental
tothewellbeingofyoungmen.ThisiswhathappenedtoMaurice.Mauriceshared
withmethathisfatherdidnothaveaconsistentpresenceinhislife.Heandhis
brothershadanabsentfatherandbeingadoptedbyafostermotherdidnotprovide
himamalerolemodeleither.Duetothelackofmaleleadershipinhislife,Maurice
soughtsuchinfluencesfromhisolderbrothers.
SkillsandWorkEthic
BothTerranceandMauriceexplainedhowtheyfeltthatskillsusedfordrug
dealingwerethesameskillsthattheybelievedareutilizedintypicalday-to-day
functionsofanyjobinthelegaleconomy.Theybelievedthatapplyingworkethicsas
iftheywereworkingatypicaljobinthelegaleconomycontributedtotheirsuccess
asdrugdealers.
Ida:Whatskillsdoyouthinkareneededforyourjobthatcanbe appliedtojobsinthelegaleconomy? Terrance:Youneedpeopleskills.Youhavetoknowhowtotalktopeopleand howtobefriendly.Whenyouarefriendlyandhavepeopleskills,peopleare morelikelytobuyfromyou.It’slikehavingasalesjob.Youneedtoneedto havenegotiationskillstoo.Youknow,youneedtoknowhowtonegotiate pricesandmakesurethatnooneisfinessingyou. Ida:Finessing?Whatdoesthatmean? Terrance:It’slikepersuadingforsomeone’sownbenefit;smoothtalking. LikeIcantrytopersuadeyoutobuysomethingfrommewhenIknowitisa badproduct.Youwon’tknowthatitisbad,butImakeyouthinkthatitis goodandyoubelievemebecauseofmyfinesse,persuasion. Youalsohavetoknowhowtocount;youdefinitelyhavetoknow howtocount.
37
Mauriceansweredthequestionsimilarly. Maurice:Wellmostimportantly,youhavetoknowhowtocountonthespot. Youhavetohavegoodsalesmanskills.It’slikeyouareacarsalesmanata cardealership.Youhavetoknowhowtosellyourproduct.Evenwhenitis bad,youhavetoknowhowtosellit.Youalsohavetobeabletohaveagood reputationwithpeople.Ifyouareknowntohaveagoodproduct,thenpeople willbemorelikelytobuyfromyou.It’saboutthequalityofyourproduct. BothTerranceandMauricetreatedtheirjobsasdrugdealersthesameasone
wouldbeexpectedtotreatajobinthelegaleconomy.JobskillsthatTerranceand
Mauricestatedthattheyusedintheirjobsasdrugdealersareusedinmanyjobsin
thelegaleconomy.AsTerranceandMauriceutilizedskillsnecessaryfordrug
distribution,Mauricedescribedtheworkethicthathascontributedtoworkingasa
drugdealerforthepastfifteenyears.
Maurice:IconsidermyselfaprofessionalbecauseIhavebeendoingthis forfifteenyears.I’veseentheinsandoutsofit.Youhavetoworklonghours todothis.MypolicyormythingthatItellpeopleisthatIamavailable aroundtheclock24hoursaday.IgetupearlyeverydaylikeIamactually goingtoanactualjob.Youhavetoworkyourwayup. Mauricetreateddrugdistributionasabusinesslikeanybusinessinthelegal
economy.Headoptedapolicyandbusinessphilosophyforhowhedidhiswork.The
timecommitmentthatheputforthindrugdealingalsohighlightstheadoptedwork
ethicthatisprevalentinworkinginotherjobsinthelegaleconomy.Inthelegal
economy,onecanreceiveapromotionorputforthalotofeffortinajobwiththe
hopesofadvancing.Mauriceillustratedasimilarideainhowhedescribesthehours
heworkinhisjobasadrugdealer.
DrugDealingExperiences
SimilartoJoandAshley’sexperiencesassexworkers,TerranceandMaurice
discussedhowtheirexperiencesasdrugdealerscouldallowthemtolivethe“fast
38
life”.Theybelievedthatthefastlifepromotesmaterialismandthatitcanleadone
tobecaughtupinthislifestyle.
Maurice:Whenyoubecomeinvolvedyouarechasingthemoney.Itisthefast life. Ida:Howwouldyoudescribethefastlife?
Maurice:Everythingisfast.It’scalledthefastlifebecauseyoulosethemoney asfastasyougetit.Eventuallyyouarelivingaboveyourmeans.Yougetalot ofmoneythenyoubuyacar;thenyou’realwaysgoingouttoeat;thenyou’re partying.Youspendalotoftimearoundabunchofgirlsbecausethey’re alwaysaroundbecauseyouhavemoney.Thenyougetintodrugs.Ismoke alotofmarijuana.Themoremoneyyouhavethemorebillsyouhave.But that’sforanyonewhohasmoney.Peoplewhoownhousesoraremiddle classhavemorebillsthansomeonewhoispoor.Thisisthecultureforpeople whoareinvolvedinit.Alotofdrugdealersareflashy.Theygetallofthis jewelry,carsandbigrimsbecausetheycandothat.Buttheyareoftentrying tomakethatmoneybackaftertheyspenditonallofthat.Theyareliving beyondtheirmeans.Idon’tpromotethatlifestylenordoIpromotewhatI do. Ida:Whatdoyouthinkcontributestothisideaoflivingbeyondone’smeans andattainingmaterialthings? Maurice:Moneymakestheworldgoaround.ThatishowitisinAmerica:The moremoneyyouhave,thebetteroffyou’llbe.Youcan’tdomuchwithout money.Whenyoudothis,it’sallaboutthemoney.Thisisallfortheneedof money.Theneedformoneyisthedirectresultofpoverty.Youhearpeople sayallofthetime,“Iwasjusttryingtofeedmyfamily.”ThatiswhatIam doing,Iamtryingtofeedmyfamily;andthatiswhatsomeofthepeopledo whentheyaredoingthis:theyarefeedingtheirfamiliesinwaysthatthey knowhow. TerrancesharedasimilarperspectiveasMaurice.
Peoplearealwayshustling.Peoplehavebeenhustlingsincethebeginningof time.Americaisthebiggesthustlerofalltime.Ifeellikehustlingoriginated inpoororurbancommunitiesanditwillalwaysexistthere.Peoplehustle tohavethingsthattheywouldn’thavefrombeingpoor.Peoplehustletohave cars,tohavethenicestclothesandpurses,anything.That’swhypeoplefrom the‘hoodwearalotofdesignerclothes.Wenormallycannotaffordthat.So wehustlesowecanhavethosethings.
39
TheneedformoneyplayedanessentialroleinTerranceandMaurice’s
involvementindrugdealing.Themoneytheywereabletoreceivefromdrugdealing
enabledthemtoattainthingstheyfelttheywouldnototherwisehavethe
opportunitytohave.MauricediscussedhisbeliefofhowhavingmoneyinAmerica
canenableonetobebetteroffsocioeconomicallyormerelyhavethemeanstoattain
thingsneeded.FromMaurice’sperspective,theneedformoneyenabledhimto
provideforhisfamilyfinancially.AccordingtoTerranceandMaurice,thisneedfor
moneycanalsoleadtoamaterialisticlifestyle.Theirprofitsfromdrugdealing
allowedthemtoattainluxuryaswellasprovidefinanciallyfortheirfamilies.
Employment
Terrancehadbeeninvolvedindrugdealingforfiveyearsasopposedto
Maurice’slong-terminvolvementoffifteenyears.Duringtheirinvolvementindrug
dealing,theyheldjobsinthelegaleconomyaswell.TerrancewasanIn-homeCare
Providerforhisauntandhadafewotherjobs.Despitethedualemploymentinthe
undergroundeconomyandinthelegaleconomy,continuingjobsintheinthe
undergroundeconomywasseeminglymoreworthwhileforthemen.Havingajobin
thelegaleconomyhelpedTerranceavoidencounterswiththelaw.
Terrance:ThisisnotallIdo.Ihavearegularjobtoo.Idoin- homecareformyauntsoafewdaysaweekIgocheckonherandhelpher withafewthings.Ithelpsmeslowdownfromrunningthestreets.Selling prescriptiondrugshelpmemakealittlemoremoneyotherthanwhatIdo forthein-homecare.IfIevergetintroublewiththelaworanything,Ican sayIhaveanactualjobbecauseIdo.What’sreallycoolaboutdoingthein- homecareisthatIhaveflexiblehours. AlthoughMauriceworkedasadrugdealerfull-time,hehadjobsinthelegaleconomy.
40
Maurice:InbetweenmytimesellingdrugsIhavehadafewlittlepart-time jobshereandthere.WhenIgraduatedhighschoolIwasaCertifiedNursing Assistant.IenjoyeddoingthatbecauseIgenuinelylikehelpingpeople.I knewthatIdidn’twanttogotocollegeandneededtomakemoneyquicksoI enrolledinaCNA(CertifiedNursingAssistant)Program.Itwasalittle9- monthprogramsoIhadworkshortlyaftertheprogramwasover.Ikept thatupforawhilebutIendedupgettingfiredbecauseofmydrugcharges. ThenIhadafewjobsafterthat.Butthelittlemoneyyougetfromthoselittle jobsisn’tmuchandisnotworthit.Youknowyouworkthoselittlejobsfor what,minimumwage?Youcan’tdomuchwiththat.IalwayssaythatifIcan sellwateroranythinglikethatlegallyandmakethesamekindofmoneyIdo now,Iwoulddothat. Terrancewascontentwithhavingajobinthelegaleconomybecausehehad
theflexibilitytoworkminimalhourswithhispart-timeposition.Healsohadajobin
thelegaleconomytoallayanysuspicionsofearninganillegalincome.Incontrast,
Mauricehadjobsinthelegaleconomybutfeltthatthepaythathereceivedfrom
jobsinthelegaleconomydidnotequatetowhathewasabletoearnasadrug
dealerintheundergroundeconomy.AlthoughTerranceandMauricehad
contrastingviewsonemploymentinthelegaleconomy,theybothenjoyedthe
flexibilitytoworkhoursthattheywouldlike.Mauricealsomentionedthathe
enjoyedhavingajobwherehecanworkhisownhours,whichwasamajor
attractionforhiminhisfifteenyearsheworkedasadrugdealer.
Theirinvolvementorpastinvolvementinthelegaleconomyillustrates
mobilityintothelegaleconomy.LikeJoandAshley,theyhadlegalworkexperience
andcouldbeapartofthelegaleconomy.Theyallhadtheabilitytotransitionfrom
workingtheundergroundeconomytothelegaleconomybutchosetoremain
workingintheundergroundeconomy.Joleftherlegaljobbecauseherincomeasa
sexworkerexceededwhatsheearnedfromherpreviousjob;Mauricebelievedthat
themoneyheearnedfromhislegaljobsdidnotequatetowhathewasabletoearn
41
asadrugdealer.AshleyandTerrancewerenotfullywithdrawnfromthelegal
economyandthathelpedthemavoidthelawbyhavingalegalsourceofincome.
StructuralRacismandItsEffectsonDrugDealing
Sincethe1980s,theUnitedStatesdeclareda“warondrugs”toeradicatethe
distributionofillegaldrugs.Theselawsdisproportionatelyaffectedthelivesof
BlackAmericansleadingthemtobeconvicted,arrestedandimprisonedfordrug
charges.Duringthe1980sdrugusewasprevalentinthesuburbsbutmandatory
sentencingtargetedBlacksandotherminoritiesinpoorneighborhoods(Buck1992,
Goode2002:1991)TheeffectsofthewarondrugscontinuetoimpactBlack
Americans.AccordingtotheFBIUniformCrimeReportsfrom2012,therewere
10,326arrestsfordrugabuseinCalifornia.Drugabuseviolationsconsistedofthe
saleandmanufacturingofdrugsaswellasthepossessionofdrugs.31.2percentof
thesearrestswereBlackAmericans.AsofDecember13th,2013,526,000Black
maleshavebeenconvictedondrugcharges(BureauofJusticeStatistics2013).The
alarmingdisproportionofhowBlackAmericansandBlackmenareaffectedby
punishmentfordrugdistributionwasnotsurprisingtoTerranceandMaurice.In
fact,theyusedthisknowledgeasajustificationforsellingdrugsaswellameansto
avoidlawenforcementasmuchaspossible.
Ida:Howdoestheillegalityofdrugsimpactyourwork?
Terrance:Iknowsellingmarijuanaisillegal,butasaBlackmanIcouldbe doingworse.I’mnotworriedaboutgoingtojailforsellingmarijuana.It’s allmoneyin“TheMan’s”pocketanyway.IfIgotojail,heisgoingtoprofit offit.Heprofitsoffofeveryonewhoisinjail.So,Imightaswellmakemy moneyanyway.Icouldgotojailforthingswayworsebuteitherwayheis goingtomakeaprofitoffofmybodyinjailanyway. Ida:Whois“TheMan”?
42
Terrance:TheManisWhiteAmerica.Itmayormaynotbeoneperson;it couldbeagroupofpeople,butheorthosepeoplearewhatrunthecountry. Everythinginthiscountryisaboutprofitormakingsomekindofmoney.You seethatwiththeamountofBlackpeoplewhoareinjail.Ihavepeoplewho areinjailforpettystuff.Whitepeoplearen’tgoingtojailasmuchasBlack peopledo.It’sslavery.AllofthoseBlackpeopleareinjailfortheWhiteman orwhiteAmerica. Ida:Howhas“TheMan”or“WhiteAmerica”affectedyouandpeopleinyour community? Terrance:Themaniswhywehustleinthe‘hoodorurbancommunities.We learnitfromthem.Asamatteroffact,thepeoplewhostartedAmericawere thebiggesthustlersofalltime…fromslavery,tobootleggers,everything! Everythingisaboutmoney.MauricesharedsimilarsentimentsasTerrance.
Maurice:Itrymybesttostayoutoftrouble.Manygoodthingshavecomeout ofsellingmarijuanaandbadthingshavecomeoutofitaswell. Ida:Whatarethegoodandbadthingsthathavecomeoutofdrugdealing?
Maurice:Thegoodthingthathascomeoutofitisthatithelpsmeprovidefor myfamily.IhaveyoungersiblingsandIhaveasonwhowillbetwoin February.IamabletoprovidethingsthatIdidnothavegrowingup.Thebad thingaboutitisthatyoucangotojail.Ihavegonetojailforit.IhaveWhite friendswhodothesamethingandtheydon’tgotojaillikemyBlackfriends do.BecauseIamAfricanAmericanIammoresuspicious.Ihavetobemore carefulaboutthings.Myskincolor,myhair,everything.Ihavetotakemore caution.Ihavea50thousanddollarcar.Ihavetomakesureeverythingisup todateandeverything.Itiseasyforcopstopullmeoverandlookallintomy car.Ithashappenedbefore.They’relike,“Oh,hereisthisBlackmanwiththat kindofhairdrivingthatcar.Something’snotright.Let’spullhimover.”That doesn’thappentoWhitepeopleasoftenasitwillhappentoBlackpeople. TerranceandMauricereferredtotheracialinequalityinlawsthatthey
believedtoimpactBlackAmericans.Thediscussionofraceoftenisan
uncomfortableoneintheUnitedStates.OftenwhenraceisdiscussedintheUnited
States,itisdiscusseddichotomouslyinreferencetoWhitepeopleandBlackpeople
orWhitepeopleandpeopleofcolor.Thisdichotomousperspectiveofraceandthe
43
understandingofstructuralracismcaninfluencethemaneuversandschemasof
manypeopleofcolor.
AnexampleofthisperceptionofracialdichotomyintheUnitedStatesishow
Terrancereferredtocapitalismas“TheMan”.Referringtocapitalismas“TheMan”
stemsnotonlyfromtheperspectiveofraceandhowitisoftenviewedinAmerica,
butalsowithregardstointersectionalityofraceandclass.In2011,Latinosand
BlackAmericanshadhigherratesofpovertythanWhitesandAsians(PublicPolicy
ofCalifornia2011).Duringthatyear,23.6percentofLatinosand24.2percentof
BlackAmericanslivedinpovertyincontrasttothe9.8percentofWhitesand12.6
percentofAsians.Theideaof“WhiteAmerica”isaperceptionofWhiteAmericans
beingdisproportionatelywelloffsocioeconomicallyandhavingaccesstoresources
incontrasttothenumberofminoritieswholiveinpoverty.Duetothisidea,many
peopleinpoorcommunitiesmaypersonifycapitalismasaWhitemalewhohas
accessandcontrolresourcesthatpeopleinthesecommunitieslack.
AsTerrancesharedhisperspectiveofhowstructuralracismplaysapivotal
roleinlawenforcementandhowBlackpeoplearetreated,heexplainedhowhe
believedstructuralracismimpactedhisemploymentendeavors.
Terrance:Racismnotonlyexistwithpolice,it’swithjobstoo.Iappliedfora custodialjobwithBerkeley’sschooldistrict.Iwenttotheinterviewand everything.ButIdidn’tgetit.Youknowwhy?ItisbecauseIamBlack. Ida:Whydoyouthinkyourraceisthereasonwhyyoudidn’tgetthejob? Terrance:Icantell.Imetalloftherequirements:Ihaveahighschool educationandsomecollegeeducation.Iwenttoauniversityforafewyears untilIhadthataccident.IcantellthattheywereshockedtoseethatIwas thepersononthepaper.Theywerenotlookingtohireayoung,Blackmale. Thishashappenedtomewithotherjobstoo.Buthavingthisjobwithin- homecareanddoingmyhustlingontheside,Idon’thavetoworryabout
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nothavingajobbecauseIamBlack. ForTerrance,employmentintheundergroundeconomyenabledhimto
makemoneyandnotdealwiththepotentialimpactsofstructuralracismin
employment.AlthoughthereisnoevidencethatTerrancewasnotofferedajobin
thelegaleconomybecauseofhisrace,itisimportanttoacknowledgehowother
peoplelikeTerrancemaysharethosefeelingsandexperiences.Theimpactof
structuralracisminemploymentisanotherfactorthatcancontributeto
employmentintheundergroundeconomy.Participantsnotthisstudydidnotshare
thattheyweredeniedworkintheundergroundeconomybasedupontheirraceor
deniedworkinanyway.Ifonehasobtainedajobintheundergroundeconomyand
feelthatheorsheisincapableofobtainingajobinthelegaleconomybasedupon
race,employmentintheundergroundeconomycouldbemoreappealing.
LegalityVersusIllegalityandTheMarijuanaTrade
BothTerranceandMauricebelievedthatsellingMarijuanawasnotwrong.
Theybelievedthatitisdeemedwrongandconsideredacrimebecause
economically,societydoesnotprofitfromitincertainplaces.Theybelievedthat
oncethegovernmentisabletocontrolandregulateit,theperceptionofmarijuana
distributionwouldchange.
Terrance:It’sonlybadbecausetheWhitemanisn’tmakingmoneyfromit.If hemadeaprofittherewouldbenoproblems.Theonlyproblemtherewould beifmarijuanawaslegalinCaliforniaisthatitwouldputallofthedrug dealersoutofwork.Thentheywouldhavefindanotherhustleofcourse,but itwouldbeaproblembecauseforsomepeoplethisistheonlywaythey maketheirmoney.Honestly,Idon’tmindthatmarijuanaisillegal.Itkeeps moneyinpeoples’pockets. Maurice:It’snotwhatyoudo,it’showyoudoit.Therearealotofmarijuana
45
clubsanddispensariesoperating.They’reregulated.It’saboutthesystem. Theylookatitasbeingbadbecausetheydon’tknowhowmuchweare makingorsellingandwearenotpayingtaxes.SobecauseWhiteAmerica isn’tregulatingthemarijuanatrade,they’regoingtosayit’sbad. TerranceandMauricebelievedthatthemoralityofsellingmarijuanaisnot
approvedbysocietyduetowhoismakingaprofit.Theybelievedthattheprofit
frommarijuanasaleswouldbedeemedadmissibleiflargersocietywereableto
controlitandmakeaprofitinsteadofthedrugdealers.Thisbeliefgoesbacktothe
ideaofthecontrolofresourcesandcapitalismthatTerrancealludedtopreviously
inwhathecalls“WhiteAmerica”.MauriceandTerrancebelievedthatthattheir
employmentasdrugdealersisproblematicbecauseitisafacetthatsocietyis
unabletocontrolorregulateeconomically.
Aspirations
DespitethefactthatMaurice’slifeasadrugdealermaycontrastwiththe
livesandworkofindividualsinthelegaleconomy,heaspiredtoonedaytohavea
lifedisassociatedfromtheundergroundeconomy.Hewaswellawareofthedangers
andconsequencesthatareriskedwhenonechoosesthejobofadrugdealer.The
possibilityofupwardsocioeconomicmobilityandfreedomtochooseworkhours
thatispermittedtodrugdealerswasnotappealingenoughtohimtowantto
continuewithdrugdealinglongterm.Contrarily,hebelievedthathisinvolvementin
drugdealingwouldbeshortterm.
Maurice:Idon’twanttomakeacareeroutofthis.Thisisjustastepping- stoneforbetterthings. Ida:Howisdrugdealingastepping-stoneformorethingsthatyouwouldlike toaccomplish?
46
Maurice:It’sastepping-stoneforentrepreneurship.Iwanttoownbusinesses andotherthingslikethat.Ihaveason.Iwanttobeagoodfather.I’dalso likeajobworkingwithkidsortheelderly.Ireadsomewherethattheportof Oaklandhadsomeopeningsforlongshoremenjobs.I’ddothattoo. Ida:Howwouldyoufeelifyoursonwantedtobecomeinvolvedindrug dealingwhenhegotolder? Maurice:Hewouldn’tandhewon’t.Ikeepallofthatawayfromhim.Iwant himtogrowupandbeassquareaspossible.Idon’twanthimgrowingupto dothethingsthatIdo.That’swhyIprovidesohewon’thaveto. Ida:Whendoyouthinkyou’llpursuethosegoals? Maurice:Iwon’tbedoingthisfortoomuchlonger.WhenIgetalittlebit moremoneyandI’llbeout.That’swhysomepeopledothisforsolong. ImeansomepeoplelikeitbutIdon’t;Idon’tglamorizethislifestyle.Some peoplesay“Oh,I’llgetoutonceImakethismuch.”Thenpeoplework towardsthatgoal.Sometimestheygetit,sometimestheydon’t.Butpeople arecaughtupinthisbecauseit’sthechaseofadollar.Theycanmakethe amounttheysaythey’regoingtomakeandfeelthatsincetheyhave accomplishedthat,theycouldmakeevenmoremoney.LikeIsaid,some peopledon’tmaketheirgoalandcontinuetoworkatit;butIdefinitely knowthatIwon’tbedoingthistoomuchlonger. Mauriceuseddrugdealingasameanstoprovideforhisfamilyaswellasa
meanstoaccomplishgreatergoalsthathehad.Thepursuitofmoneyiswhat
Mauricebelievedtobeasignificantmotivationfordrugdealersandthatthispursuit
oftenleavesthementrenchedinamonetarycycle.Themonetarycycleofgaining
moneyandlosingmoneythensayingthattheyaregoingtodiscontinuedrugdealing
whentheymakeacertainamountofmoney;meettheirgoals,thencreategoalsto
exceedtheirpreviousstandardsandinturn,continuedrugdealinginefforttomake
moremoneyiswhyhebelievedsomepeopleareinvolvedinthedrugtradefora
longtime.Mauricerecognizedthisandhadgoalstoavoidthosecircumstances.
MauricesharedsimilargoalswithJoandAshley.Theyallbelievedthattheir
jobsintheundergroundeconomydidnotfittheirideasofacareer.Theybelieved
47
thattheirinvolvementintheundergroundeconomywouldbeshorttermandthat
thelifestylethatcomesalongwiththeirjobswasnotsuitableforafamilyandcould
leavethementrappedinit.Jo,AshleyandMauricementionedhowchasingmoney
couldleadonetocontinuetobeengagedintheundergroundeconomybecausethey
aredriventomakemoremoney.Theyalsodiscussedhowtheirjobswillbeusedfor
themtoaccessupwardsocioeconomicmobilityandeventuallyleadlivesinthelegal
economy.
Community
Manypoorneighborhoodsareoftenviewedashavingthesame
characteristics:highrightsofcrime,aswellashighratesofdruguseand
distribution.Thedistributionofdrugsanddrugusecontributestoratesofcrimein
thesecommunities.Sincedrugdistributionisillegal,drugdealersareoften
perceivedascriminalswhopolluteneighborhoods.Contrarytothetypicalschema
ofhowdrugdealersareperceivedandhowtheexistenceofdrugsisviewedto
impactneighborhoods,TerranceandMauricehadadifferentperspectiveofhow
theybelieveddrugdealingimpactscommunities.
Terrance:Idon’tthinksellingdrugsistearingdownthecommunity.The drugdealersareacommunity;welookoutforoneanother.LikeifIdon’t havesomethinglikesomeweedtosell,I’mgoingreferthecustomertomy friend,sowelookoutforoneanother.Peoplewhoselldrugsarenotoutto teardownthecommunity. Ida:Ihaveoftenheardmanypeopleinthe‘hoodsaythatthere’sa“crabsin thebucket”mentality.Howisthatapplicabletodrugdealing? Terrance:[makesdisgruntledfaceoutofdisbelief]Somepeopledofeelthat way.Whomeversaythatarethecutthroatpeople,liketheyareallfor themselves.It’sthetotaloppositeofthat.It’slikecommunisminfact. Welookoutforeachother.Weareacommunitybecauseweareallinthis together,tryingtoaccomplishthesamethings.It’sallforacomeup.
48
[pointingoffintothedistanceindifferentdirections]Heprobablyhassome billstopayandsomepeopletofeed,soI’mgonnahelphimoutandinturn, knowthatsamepersonisgoingtohelpmeifIneedanything.Like,hismom mayneedgroceriesoneday.IknowshehasfedmeandifIgotit,I’mgonna gethersomegroceries.Ifmyauntneedssomething,thesameguywhose momIgotgroceriesforisgonnahelpmyauntout.Noonecaresaboutthe ‘hood;thepeoplewhoareinitdo.Wehavetotakecareofeachotherbecause nooneelseis.TheManisn’tgoingtodoit,sowehavetodoit.Imean,noone wantstoliveinthe‘hood,butwewon’tdobetterifwedon’thelpeachother. AsTerrancereferredtohisnetworkofdrugdealersasacommunity,Maurice discussedhowheplannedtohelppoorcommunitieswiththeprofitsofhisdrugdealing. Terrance:WhenIwassellingdopeasakidIthoughtIwasdestroying communities;now,beinginvolvedinthemarijuanatradeIdon’tthinkIam impactingcommunitiesnegatively.Marijuanaisonlyconsideredbadbecause ofWhiteAmericaandtheyarenotmakingaprofitoffofmesellingit.Many peoplesmokeweedanditisn’tharmful.Mygoalistoactuallyopenupa barbershopanddetailshop.ThosearestaplesintheBlackandurban communities.Wedon’thavethosethingsinthecommunityanymore,things tocallourown.Thereisn’tanythinginthe‘hoodandit’shardtohave somethinggoingforyourselfwhenthereisn’tanythingthere.Idon’tsee whatIdoasbeingbadbecauseIamnothurtingorharminganyone.The youngergenerationthesedays,theyaretheonesharmingthecommunity. Theystealandhurtpeople.Theydonotworkforanything.Likeme,I’vebeen doingthisforawhileandworkedmywayup.Ididitwithoutmaliciously hurtinganyone.Iwanttogiveback.Ifyouareblessed,blessotherpeople;so IwanttotakewhatIhaveandhelpsomeoneelseinthe‘hood;theyneedit. Myfriend’sdadrecentlypassed.Hewas90andIwishIhadmoretimetotalk tohim.Heoncetoldmethatbackintheday,OaklandwasfilledwithBlack ownedbusinesses.Howhemadeitseem,itwaslikeOaklandwasequivalent toAtlantatodayhowAtlantahasagreatamountofsuccessful,Blackmiddle classfamilies.Oaklandlooksnothinglikethattodayespeciallywithallof thegentrification.IwouldliketohelpmoveOaklandbacktothewayit washowmyfriend’sdaddescribedit.Us,AfricanAmericansinOaklanddon’t havemuchofourown. Mauricealsodescribedthenetworkestablishedamongstparticipantsinthe
undergroundeconomy.
49
Maurice:Peopleintheundergroundeconomyaretheirowncommunity.We allendupknowingeachotherbecauseweareallinvolvedinthesamekind ofthings.ImayknowsomeonewhohassomethingImayneedandvice versa.It’saboutnetworking. TerranceandMauriceillustratedhowtheybuilttheirownnetworksinthe
undergroundeconomyandplacedimportanceoncommunity.Terrance
emphasizedthatthereisanimportanceofbuildingcommunitybetweenotherdrug
dealersinneighborhoodsaswellastheimportanceofcommunityinpoor
neighborhoods.Fromhisexperienceinhisneighborhood,hebelievedthathelping
oneanotherisbestbecausenooneelsewill.InMaurice’sview,poorcommunities
lackresourcesandhebelievedthatthereisanimperativetoprovidewhathecalls,
“staples”inthecommunity.Hediscussedhowgentrificationhasanimpacton
communitiesinOakland.Mauricebelievedthatcreatingresourcesforpoor
communitiesinOaklandcouldbehelpful.
ConductingtheseinterviewswithMauriceandTerranceenabledmetolearn
alotaboutthempersonally.WhatwassignificantaboutourconversationsisthatI
learnedalotaboutwhoaretheyareandwhotheywanttobe.Learningaboutthem
undoubtedlyenabledmetolearnthattheyreallyarenodifferentthananyoneelse:
theyhavegoals,aspirationsandfamiliesthattheyprovidefor.
Chapter5:DayLabor
EstablishmentofDayLaborProgramandHiringZones
In1999,theCityOfOaklandimplementedtheDayLaborProgram.The
catalystforimplementingthisprogramarosefromthecomplaintsofvendors
statingthatonadailybasis,approximately200daylaborerswouldcongregateat
theintersectionsofFruitvaleAvenueandFoothillBoulevard(CityofOakland
50
ProgramProposal2014).Thevendorsstatedthatthedaylaborersweredisrupting
theirbusinessesandrequestedthattheCityofOaklanddevelopasolutiontothe
disruption.Asaresult,theCity’sCommunityandEconomicDevelopmentAgency
(CEDA)developedasocialservicemodeldesignedtoaddresstheneedsoftheday
laborersaswellastheconcernsofindividualswhoownbusinessesinFruitvale
(CityofOaklandProgramProposal2014).ThepurposeoftheDayLaborProgram
wastoensurethatthedaylaborersaretoachieveself-sufficiencyandbeproductive
citizensinsociety(CityofOaklandProgramProposal2014).Theimplementationof
thisprogramledtothecreationofDayLaborHiringZones.ThereareDayLabor
HiringZonesignsthatdesignatetheseareas.
Figure5.1DayLaborHiringZoneSign
SpatialAnalysis
Thesesignsindicateparticularspacesorzoneswheredaylaborerswhoseek
employmentcanbeandwherepeoplecangotohirethem.Frommyobservations,
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thedaylaborhiringzoneswereambiguous.Baseduponthelocationsofthesigns,
thedaylaborhiringzoneshadunclearboundaries.Therewerenotclearconfines
illustratingwherethezonesbeginandend,justspacesinbetweenwherethesigns
existed.ThehiringzonesextendedforseveralblockslocatedoutsidetheFruitvale
andFoothillneighborhoods.Itseemsthatasolutiontoestablishingdaylaborhiring
zonestoaddresstheconcernsofbusinessownersinFruitvaleandFoothill
neighborhoodswastoensurelimitedspacewheredaylaborerscouldcongregatein
theseneighborhoods.ThisisproventobetruebecauseofthesignsonFoothill
Streetthatstatedthatthosewhosolicitdaylaborersonthepremisewouldbefined.
ThesesignsweredisplayedinaWalgreensparkinglot.AdjacenttotheWalgreens,
therewasanO’ReillyAutoPartsstore,whichsharedthesameparkinglot.Day
laborerscouldbefoundstandingneartheO’Reilly’sstoreanditsparkinglot,despite
thedisplayofsignsthatstatedthatthosewhosolicit,orseektoemploydaylaborers
inthatlocationcouldbefined.ThereweretwovisibleDayLaborHireZonesignson
Highstreetandoneontheintersectionof40thandSanLeandroStreet,butnoneon
FoothilloronFruitvalestreets,butdaylaborerscouldbefoundoutsideofthe
premiseswherethesignsweredisplayed.
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Figure5.2DayLaborSolicitationSign
Isawthreevisibledaylaborhiringzonesigns,butthereweresevenareas
whereIhadseendaylaborerscongregatetoseekwork.Theseareaswereneartwo
O’Reillyautopartsstores,agrassyareaintheentranceofaplazaneartheentrance
ofaHomeDepotparkinglot,agasstationacrossfromaMexicanmarketwhere
otherdaylaborerscongregated,alumberstoreandaweldingstore.Theareas
wherelaborerscouldbefoundwereusuallyfilledwithmendressedincasualjeans,
T-shirts,hoodiesandoftenhats.Theoldermenintheseareaswereoftendressedin
jeansthathadremnantsofpaintandbaseballcaps,whereastheyoungermenwhom
Ihadseenusuallyworeblackhoodies,jeansandwhiteT-shirts.Theyoungermen
whoIobservedintheseareaswereoftendressedmorecasuallythantheoldermen.
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MapprovidedbyGoogleandScribbleMaps
Figure5.3LocationsofVisibleDayLaborHiringZoneSigns
GovernmentalityandSurveillanceofDayLaborers
MichelFoucault(1970)coinedtheterm,governmentality.Hedefinedthis
termasinstitutions,procedures,analyses,reflections,calculationandtacticsusedto
exercisecomplexformsofpowerandusedasameansofsecurity(Foucault1970:
102-103).Theworkingsofgovernmentalitywereprevalentinhowdaylaborhiring
zoneswereestablishedtoregulatewheredaylaborerscouldseekworkaswellas
howandwheretheirpresencewasregulated.Thepurposeofthedaylaborhiring
zoneswastocreateaspacewheredaylaborerscouldseekwork;however,these
boundariesorzoneswerealienatingandrestricting.
Manyofthestoreswheredaylaborerssoughtworkhadaseparating
boundary.Spaceswithinthedaylaborhiringzoneshadgatesseparatingwherethe
daylaborssolicitedworkandwherethestoreswereactuallylocated.Thespatial
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configurationoftheboundariesbetweenthestoresandwherethedaylaborswere
allowedtoseekworkplacedthemnearthestreets.Permittingspacenearthestreets
fordaylaborerstooccupycouldbehelpfultothembecauseitcouldenablethemto
havevisibilityandpotentiallyincreasetheirlikelihoodoffindingwork,butitwas
alienatingandcouldillustratetheideathattheirpresencewasunwantednearthe
storeseventhoughlegallytheywereallowedtobeinthespace.
Visitingdaylaborhiringzonesenabledmetobecomeacquaintedwitha
securityguardwhowashiredtomanagedaylaborersatalawnwherethey
congregatedneartheentranceofaplazanearaHomeDepot.BythesecondtimeI
visitedthesitewithhopesofspeakingtodaylaborers,sevenmenabruptlyranupto
meseekingwork.Othermenwerenearthestreetandneartheentranceoftheplaza
yelling,“Labor”andtryingtosignaltopeoplepassingincars.Asthemenhuddled
aroundmeaskingforwork,someleftindisappointmentwhenIinformedthemthat
Iwasnotseekingtoemploythem.Thesecurityguardsteppedinandstarteda
conversationwithme.
Security:Doyouneeddaylaborersforanywork? Ida:No.Iamaresearcherwhoishopingtolearnabouttheexperiencesof daylaborers. Security:Oh.Youcantalktome.Askmequestions.Isawthattheyallranup toyou.Ididn’twantyoutobescared. Ida:Doyouworkhereeveryday? Security:Yes.Iwashiredtomakesurethattheydonotgonearthestore. Theycausealotoftrouble.Oftenthepolicecome. Youseethatlineoverthere?[pointingtothecrossingwalklinesonthe groundthatisnearthegrassyareawheremanyofthedaylaborers congregate]Theyarenotsupposedtocrossthatline.
55
Ida:Youwerehiredjusttomakesurethatthedaylaborersdon’tgonearthe stores? Security:Yes.Istandherealldayandmakesuretheyaren’tnearthestores. Ida:Sotheyareonlyallowedinthatperimeterandnotallowedtomoveany further? Security:No.Theycannotgopastthat.Thisiswheretheyareallowedtobe. Thestoremanagersdonotwantthemneartheirstores.Yousee?TheyseeI amtalkingtoyouandtheyaremovingpasttheline.Pleaseexcuseme. [Hewalkstowardsthethreemenwhoaresittingclosertowardsthe entranceoftheplaza,whichisbeyondtheirboundary.Hemakesthemgetup andmove.Hesignalsforthethreeothermenacrossthestreettomoveback withintheirboundariesaswell]. Ida:Whycan’ttheygonearthestores? Security:Becausethestoremanagerscomplainthattheybotherthe customers. Daylaborhiringzonesillustratesgovernmentalitybecauselegallyday
laborersarerestrictedtofindworkwithinparticularareas.Lawregulatesday
laborers’presencebyprovidingaspacewheretheycanfindwork.Iftheydonot
adheretotheseregulations,theremaybeconsequencessuchasfines.Iftheworkers
areundocumented,theyriskdeportation.Thesecuritythatwashiredtoensurethat
thedaylaborersdonotgonearthestoreisanotherillustrationofgovernmentality.
Hewashiredjusttoensurethattheyarenotnearthestores.Hephysicallyregulated
thedaylaborerspresencebytellingthemwhentheysurpassedtheirboundaries.
Thedaylaborerswhosoughtworkoutsideofthisplazawerewithinthehiringzone,
solegallytheycouldbethere.Despitethefactthatthedaylaborerscouldbethere
legally,thestoremanagerswithintheplazahadthepowertokeepthemoutand
awayfromthebusinesses.Theestablisheddaylaborhiringzonesandthe
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conversationswiththesecurityguardreflectstheideaofthe“problemofday
laborers”thatHerreradiscussed.Hestatedthattheproblemofdaylaborersare
addressedbyrepressionandrestrictionofdaylaborersaswellasakinderformof
policingdaylaboractivitythroughtheestablishmentofdaylaborcenters(Herrera
2010:7).Thedaylaborersnearthisplazawerenotbeingpolicedbydaylabor
centers,butthesecurityguardandthestoremanagersthatdidnotwantthemnear
theirstoreswerepolicingthem.
Outsider’sPerspectivesofDayLaborers
Asopposedtomanyoftheotherjobsthatareavailableintheunderground
economy,daylaborisanoccupationthatwaversbetweenthelinesoflegalityand
illegality.Daylaborworkcanbelegalbecausetheworkconductedinthis
occupationdoesnotfallintothecategoryofcriminalityasotheroccupationsinthe
undergroundeconomy.Itisnotillegaltoemploydaylaborers;however,itisillegal
toworkintheUnitedStateswithoutdocumentation.Manyofthedaylaborersin
OaklandarenotUScitizensandareofLatinoorindigenousdescent.Duringthis
studyIexperiencedthatsomepeoplecouldhavedisgruntledattitudestowardsday
labors.AnexampleofthiswastheattitudeofanO’Reilly’semployeewhomIspoke
tooneday.TheemployeewasaWhitewomanwhoappearedtobeinher30s.
Ida:[offersleftoverdonutstoO’Reillyemployeesthatweregivenouttoday laborers] Employee:Youhavedonuts?Givethemtothedaylaborersoutthere.I’m surethey’lleatthem. Ida:IhaveofferedsometothemandIhaveextras. Employee:Oh.Wereyoulookingforoneofthemforwork?
57
Ida:No.Iamaresearcherhopingtolearnoftheexperiencesofdaylaborers. Employee:Ohyeah?Therearetonsofthemouthere.Atonepointthey wouldbenearthestore.Wehadtoputagateupouttheretokeepthemout. Ida:Areyoutalkingaboutthatgatethat’snearthestreet? Employee:Yeah.Inthemorningtherearetonsofthemoutthere.Mencome loadthemupintrucksandtheygetpaidtwentydollarsanhour!Theyget paidmorethanIdo!BeforeIhadthisjob,Iwascollectingunemploymentand notmakingnearlyasmuchastheydo!Theyjustjumpinsomeone’struck andgetpaidthatmoney.I’msurprisedthattheydidn’ttakethedonuts.Then again,theygettakencareofaroundhere.Theyjuststandoutsidealldayand lookforwork.Theygetfoodfrompeoplearoundhereandeverything. Ida:Theygetfoodfromwhom?Peopleofferthemfood? Employee:Yeah!Thetacotrucksandrestaurantsaroundheregivethemfree food.It’scrazy.Theyjustcomehere,getworkandgettakencareofandhere Iamcomingtoworkeverydayandnotmakingasmuchasthem. AsIhadthisconversationwiththeemployee,frustrationanddisapprovalof
daylaborerswasexpressedvividlyinhertoneandinherfacialexpressions.After
shespokeaboutthedaylaborers,sheseguedintoadiatribeabouthowmanyother
immigrantshavecometoSanFranciscoandhavefoundwork.Fromour
conversation,itseemedthattheemployeehadminimalinteractionwiththeday
laborers.Iamunsurewhatcausedherdiscontentmentorfrustrationwithday
laborers;Iamunsureifshefeltthatthatsheshouldbepaidmorethantheday
laborersorbepaidequallyasmuch.Ineithercasetheemployeeseemedtobe
displeasedwithdaylaborers.
Thisconversationreflectedtheperspectiveofoneindividual,butitledmeto
thinkofhowotherslikeherselfmaysharesimilarperspectivesandhowsuch
perspectivescouldhaveanimpactonhowdaylaborersareabletoobtainworkand
experienceworkinOaklandandinmanyareasintheUnitedStates.
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Discrimination
Discriminationundoubtedlyisasignificantissuethatcanaffectmanyday
laborers.Discriminationagainstdaylaborersmanifestsandfunctionsonmultiple
levels.Itisexpressedstructurallyandsocially.Sociallydaylaborersmayexperience
discriminationfromtheattitudesthatsomepeoplemayhavetowardsimmigrants
generally.Theycanexperiencediscriminationstructurallywhenstoresforcethem
awayandhowtheyareconfinedtoseekworkinparticularareas.Inashort,video
recordedinterviewfromtheOaklandWorkers’Collectivewebsite,Roberto,a
memberofthecollectivediscussedhisexperienceswithdiscriminationfroman
employer.
Roberto:TherewasanemployerwhoonlyspokeEnglishandwiththatIhave learnedinESLclasses,Ihavemanagedtounderstandhim.Hetoldme thatheneededthreemorepeopleandtoldmetogolookforpeopleat HomeDepot.Ibroughtbackthreepeople.Theworkersdidnotagree withwhattheemployerwasgoingtopaythemandwantedtotalkto him.Itoldtheemployer,“Looktheywanttotalk”andheimmediately responded,“Whatdoyousay?ShouldIcallImmigrationonthem?”He didnotknowiftheywereundocumented.Ifeltterriblebyhimasking methatquestionitisasifhewereimplyingthatweareuseless.That wasasocialinjustice.HediscriminatedthembutIalsofeltasifhehad discriminatedagainstme.ThankstoGod,Iamdocumented.Butwhen peoplemakerandomassumptionsthatisaformofdiscrimination. Anothermemberfromthecollectiveexpressedhisexperienceswithdiscriminationfromanemployer. Butwithcompaniesfornotbeingfullydocumentedtherearetimes theyperhapstakeawayworkdaysandwe’llhavetostayathome withoutemployment.Theyaskalotfromus.Yes,wecannotspeak Englishfluently,buttheyalsojudgeusbaseduponappearance.They alsoseeweareLatino.Wehavesufferedwagetheftandithasnot beentheonlyform;oneemployer,buttwo,threeormore.
59
Employerswerenottheonlyindividualswhodiscriminatedagainstdaylaborers.DuringavisittoaOaklandWorker’sCollectiveweeklymeetings,amemberstatedthatheexperienceddiscriminationfromotherLatinos. OtherLatinosarepeoplewhodiscriminate.Theythinkthatwearejust hangingoutonthecorners.Theythinkthatweneedtowork.Theydon’t realizethatthisishardwork.Wegetupearlytogotowork,gototrucksand negotiatehowmuchwegetpaid.Somepeopledonotwanttogotothe cornerandfindwork.Wehavetosomethingtoprovetoourownpeople. Experiencingdiscriminationcouldbeadeterrentforanyonewhoseeks
employment.Unfortunately,itisapartoftheexperiencethatmanydaylaborers
face.Discriminationexperiencedbydaylaborersisunfairformyriadreasons.Not
onlyisdiscriminationunjustandinhumane,itisunfairthatthereisapossibilitythat
daylaborerscanfacetherepercussionsofdiscriminationwhenitisotherswhoare
unfairtothem.Forexample,Robertomentionedthattheworkerswerediscouraged
fromnegotiatingpaymentfortheirworkbecausetheemployerassumedthatthe
workerswereundocumentedandthreatenedtocallimmigrationonthem.Ifthe
workerswereundocumentedandtheemployercalledimmigration,theworkers
wouldhavefacedtheconsequencesofthewrongfulactionsoftheemployer.That
situationillustrateshowdaylaborerscanbetakenadvantageofandhowinsome
casestheyaredefenseless.
ThememberoftheOaklandWorkers’Collectivestatementabourhowhefelt
thatdaylaborershavetoprovethemselvestootherLatinosrevealsanissueof
pride.Theissueofprideisprevalentinregardstohowthecollectivememberfelt
thatdaylaborershavetoprovethemselvestootherLatinosandhowhesaidthat
somemendonotwanttoseekworkonthestreets.Theissueofprideundoubtedly
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wasanissuethatthesemenhadtograpplewithdailywhentheysoughtworkand
triedtoearnaliving.Ittakespridegotothestreetstopursueworkwhenthereisa
possibilitythatworkisnotavailable.Italsotakespridetogotothestreetstoseek
workwhentherearepeoplewhoarefromsimilarcommunitiesasdaylaborers
thinkingthattheyarenotworkingornotworkinghardenough.
Illegality
Undocumentedcitizenshipisnottheonlyissueofillegalitythataffectsday
laborers.Hiringworkersinformallyisnotillegaleither.Whatisillegalaboutday
laboristhatemployersdonotalwaysadheretolegalandlaborstandards.The
ImmigrationReformandControlAct(IRCA)of1986requiresthatemployersverify
eligibilityofthosewhotheyemploybyfillingoutanI-9form(Gonzalez2007:4);but
thereareexceptionstothislaw.Employersdonottocheckemployees’legalrightto
workiftheyarehiringindependentcontractors,casualworkerswhoperformtasks
sporadically,orworkersprovidedbyathirdparty.(U.S.DepartmentofJustice1991,
Gonzalez2007:5).Basedupontheworkthatdaylaborersmaydo,theymaynotbe
inviolationoftheimmigrationact.Manyemployersdonotcheckthelegalstatusof
employees.Also,underCaliforniacommonlaw,daylaborersareconsidered
employeesundertheUnemploymentInsuranceCodeifthepersonwhoemploys
themhascontrolovertheworkers(EmploymentDevelopmentDepartment2004,
Gonzalez2007:5).Underfederallaw,daylaborersarecoveredbywageandsafety
regulationsundertheOccupationalSafetyandHealthAct(U.S.GeneralAccounting
Office2002,Gonzalez2007:5).
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Inmanycases,thereisabeliefthatoneoftheproblemsofdaylaborers’
presenceisthattheyareundocumented,wheninfacttherearelarger,structural
issuesofillegalitythataffectdaylaborers.Whatisproblematicaboutthestructural
issuesofillegalitythataffectsthedaylaborersisthatmanyofthemmaynotknow
thattherearelawstoprotectthem.Oneoffewpossiblewaysforadaylaborerto
learnthisisifhevisitsadaylaborcenterwherethereareresourcesforthem,but
manydaylaborerssearchforworkonthestreets.Anotherissueisthatmanyday
laborswhomayormaynotbedocumentedcitizenscouldbeafraidtochallenge
employersoutthefearoffacingconsequencessuchasnotgettingpaidorfearthat
theycouldbereportedtoimmigrationauthorities.
ChallengesofWorkingAsaDayLaborer
Inevitablytherearechallengesforanyjob.Oneofthemostsignificant
challengesfordaylaborersisobtainingwork.Inmanycasestherearemoreday
laborersthantherearejobsatthehiringzones,thuscreatingcompetition.Thereare
manymenwhooccupythehiringzonesforthesamereasons.Thismaybeareason
whymanymengetupearlyinthemorningtoseekwork.Theearliertheygetthere,
thegreaterchancetheywillhaveoffindingworkfortheday.Insomecases,mencan
findmorethanonejobinadayiftheyarethereearlyandreturntothehiringsite.A
daylaborfromtheOaklandWorkers’Collectivedescribedwhatitisliketoseek
workatahiringsiteinaninterview.
Wehaveashiftingschedule.Therehasbeenanemployerthathasgivenus fourtosixhoursofwork.Wehavegonetodifferentplacestowaitforwork between54thandInternational.AlsoHighStreet,BerkeleyandSan Leandrototrytogetatleastafewhoursofwork.
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Inthiscaseandinmanycases,daylaborersdonotalwayshavetemporary
jobswheretheyarecontractedtoworkforafewdays.Daylaborersspendtheir
daysmovingaroundtodifferentareasinpursuitoffindingwork.
Therearemanyotherchallengesthataffectdaylaborersaswell.Day
laborersfromtheOaklandWorkers’Collectivediscussedchallengestheyfacedwith
regardstobarrierstoemployment.
Roberto:Honestly,abarriertofindingworkhasbeenmyage.Ihavethe abilitytoliftaboutseventypoundstoonehundredpoundsbutthatis becauseIhavetotakecareofmyhealth.TherearesomepeoplewhothinkI amanincapableworker.Attimesthereareemployerswhojudgemebymy physicalappearanceandhesitatetohireme.Theydon’talwaysstopto considerhowwehaveagreatneedforemploymenttosurvive. AnotherbarriertofindingworkistheareainwhichIlive.Thereissomuch violencewhereIlive.Forexample,Iwillgetupearlyinthemorningto searchforworkandwhenIwalkout,twopeoplewhowanttostealmy cargreetme.Ihavenochoicebuttogivethemthekeys.ThenIhavetocall theemployertoletthemknowthatIdonothavemyowntransportationand willhavetotakethebusuptoacertainpointwhereIwillthenneedtobe pickedup.InthissituationIcan’ttakemyowntools.Whenoneexperiences allthesebarriersoneacknowledgesthattherearemanyopportunitiesinthis countrybuttherearealsomanythingsthatholdonebehind. ThismorningIgotuptodrivetoworkandwhatdoIcomeacross?The stickeronmylicenseplatewasstolen!Thingsseemsmallbutthe psychologicalandemotionalimpactonmeisbig.Why?Becausethepolice makesurethateverythingisinlineandifIampulledoverIwillnolonger makeittoworkontime.Thepolicearenotgoingtocareaboutyour situation.Onehastimeagainstthem.TherehavebeentimesIwanttodrive somewhereandwhenItrytoignitethecaritwon’tturnon.Thebatteryhas beenstolen.Thatisridiculous.Andwhatdoesthepolicesay?Theytellmeto putacameraoutsidemyhousetotrytocapturewhoitis.Whataresponse! SalvadorwasamemberofthecollectivewhohasbeenintheUnitedStatesfortwelveyears.HeobtainedUScitizenshipandwasverypassionateaboutorganizingandadvocatingforimmigrationrights.DespitethefactthathehasUScitizenship,hediscussedchallengesthatundocumentedworkersfaceinregardsto
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obtainingemployment. Salvador:Likeanyperson,oneabandonstheircountryinsearchofabetter future.ItalktoalotofpeopleandtheyfeelasiftheAmericandreamis escapingusanddisappearing.Eachdaytherearemoretaxes.Eachdaythere ismorecontroloverjobsbecausetheynowaskonetoverifythesocial securitynumber.It’sliketheyareclosingthedoorsonustoseewhatweare goingtodoanditislamentable. AsSalvadorfeltthattherearenowmorerestrictions,heassertedthatitismoredifficultfordaylaborerstofindjobsthanitwaswhenheusedtoseekworkonthestreets. Salvador:Itismuchharder.Formeithasbeeneleven…twelveyearssinceI havebeenhere.Iusedtowaitforworkinonecorner.Iwouldgetthereat 7amandanemployerwouldpickmeupforworkandIwouldreturntothe cornerat2pm.Iwouldeatsometacosatthetacotruckandthenat3or4 anotheremployerwouldpickmeupforwork.Iwouldgettwojobsinthe sameday. Carlos,anothermemberoftheOaklandWorkers’Collective,wasa39-yearolddaylaborerfromGuatemalawhohadrecentlycometotheUnitedStates.Duringaninterviewhesharedthatlanguagewasabarriertofindingemployment. Carlos:Ithasbeenverydifficult.Oneofthefirstthingswefindisthe languagebarrier.WedonotspeakEnglishwell.Wewaitforworkonthe street.Itcanbeveryhardtounderstandtheemployerswhendiscussing work. Juan,anothermemberoftheOaklandWorkers’Collectivealsostatedthatlanguagewasachallengeanddiscussedotherchallengesthatonemayexperienceasadaylaborer. Juan:ThefirstobstacleonecomesacrosswhenarrivingtotheUSisthe languagebarrierandlackofemployment.Anotherobstacleisthatwedon’t exactlyknowthetypesofjobswewillbegettingourselvesinto.Wemaynot knowhowtohandlesometools.Thereisahigherprobabilityofaccidents andwejustdonotknowallofthesafetyprecautionsyet.
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AnothermemberofthecollectivenamedRicardobelievedthatthelackof
citizenshipwasachallengeforhimasadaylaborer.Hesharedthisinhisinterview
ontheOaklandWorkersCollectivewebsite:“Atfirst,thehardestthingwasbeing
undocumentedbecauseonemustalwaysprovideasocialsecuritynumberandvalid
identification.”
Someofthechallengesthatthedaylaborersinthisstudyexperiencedwere
notaresultoftheiroccupations,butchallengestheyhadbecauseoftheir
socioeconomicstatus.AccordingtotheNationalDayLaborSurvey,onaverageaday
laborworksabout23hoursperweek,makes$11.32dollarsanhourandonaverage
earns$259dollarsperweek(Gonzalez2007:10).Manydaylaborerspursuethis
typeofworkbecauseitiswhattheyareafforded.Forexample,Robertodiscussed
howbeingavictimofmaliceinhisneighborhoodimpactedhisabilitytomaneuver
aswellashisjobperformance.Undoubtedly,Robertodidnotliveinthebest
neighborhoodandinfacthemayhavelivedinalowersocioeconomiccommunity.
Daylaborerscandealwithunpredictablecircumstanceswhentheysearchforwork;
asaresulttheyarenotalwaysaffordedtheopportunitytoachieveupward
socioeconomicmobilitybaseduponthejobopportunitiesthatareavailabletothem
andtheincomethattheyearnfromtheirwork.Therearemanydaylaborersthat
cometotheUnitedStatestoimprovetheireconomiccircumstances.Howeverin
somecases,workingasadaylabormaynotenableonetoachieveeconomicgrowth.
IssuesofSafety
Therearemanydangersthatcomealongwithbeingadaylaborer.A
significantdangeristhepossibilityofbeinginjured.Injuryinthedaylabor
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populationraisesmanyconcerns.Itisapublichealthissue.Also,manydaylaborers
refusetoreportthattheyare,eventhedisclosureofseriousinjuriesbecauseitcan
hinderthemfromworkingandobtainingincome.AccordingtoNationalDayLabor
Survey,seventypercentofdaylaborersreportedthattheirworkwasunsafeandten
percentofreportedhavingbeeninjuredatworkbeforethesurveywastaken
(NationalDayLaborSurvey2004,Gonzalez2007:14).Thepercentageofinjuries
reportedbythedaylaborersinthesurveywashigherthantheinjuryratefor
constructionworkersinCaliforniawhoseinjuryratewas6.5percent(Gonzalez
2007:14).
Asmanydaylaborersseekworkonthestreets,thereisapossibilitythat
otherscanharmthemortheycanencounterissueswithpoliceorotherauthorities.
Thestreetswheredaylaborersseekworkarepublic.TheplaceswhereIsawday
laborerscongregateinOaklandwerebusystreetswithlotsofactivitysoitwas
difficulttoknowwhopassedthroughthosespaces.Thiscouldimpactdaylaborers
becauseconsequentlytheycouldbeblamedformanyproblemsthathappenedon
thestreetswhenothersoccupiedthespaceaswell.Ilearnedthatmanydaylaborers
areoftenwearyoftheirpresenceonthestreetsastheysearchforworkbecauseit
canbringunwantedattentiontothemandcancreateunwantedencounterswiththe
police.
Pursuingworkonthestreetscancreateunexpectedexperiencesand
encountersforthedaylaborers.DuringameetingattheOaklandWorkers’
Collective,Ricardosharedanexperiencethathappenedtothreeofhisfriendswho
werealsodaylaborers.
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Ricardo:OnedaythreeofmyfriendswerelookingforworknearWalgreens. Somemenkidnappedthematgunpointandtookthemsomewhere. Theywereheldhostageforafewdays.Themenwhotookthemmade themcutupandbagupmarijuana.Myfriendsdidnotknowwherethey were.Themenwhotookthemwokethemupandtoldthemwhento gotosleep.Whenthemenweredonewiththem,theydroppedmy friendsoffwheretheywere.Theydidnotpaythemoranything. Suchexperiencescantraumatizedaylaborersandcreatenegativeimpactson
employmentandlifeintheUnitedStates.Pursuingworkonthestreetsisdangerous.
Manydaylaborersdonotknowwhatkindofworktheyaregettingthemselvesinto
orknowthepeoplewhoemploythem.Themenwhowerekidnappeddidnotreport
whathappenedtothemtothepolice.Theymightnothavereporteditformany
reasonsincludingthedesiretoavoidpolice.Idonotknowifthemeninthiscase
weredocumented;butiftheywerenot,contactingthepolicecouldhaveputthemat
riskofdeportation.Anotherconcernisthatthekidnapperscouldhavecomeback.
Safetyisasignificantissuethatcanimpactdaylabors.Thereisnocertaintyto
ensurethesafetyofthedaylaborersonthestreetsorintheirworkplaces.
ComingtoAmerica
TherearemanyreasonswhyindividualscometotheUnitedStates;
undoubtedlythedaylaborersthatambitiouslywakeupearlytopursueworkonthe
streetshaveapurpose.VideorecordedinterviewsfromtheOaklandWorkers’
CollectivewebsitesharedwhysomeofthemembersarehereintheUnitedStates.
Carlos:Icametothiscountrytoaccomplishmydreams.Whatis importantisforoneistodothethingsonedoesnothaveintheir country.Theopportunitiesthatarenotavailableoverthereareavailable here.Icameforeconomicgrowth.Mydreamisalsotoprovideaneducation tomychildrensothattheyaresuccessfulandhaveaprofessionwhenthey areolder. Felipe:Thereisnomoneysowethought,“Let’sgooverthere,there’snothing
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lefthere.”AndthatiswhyIamherefightingforlifeandhopingthingsgo well.Thewholetimepovertyhasbeenslowlykillingus.Wedonothave workinGuatemala;wearedamnedoverthere.WellIguesstherearejobs butonlyforlawyersandotherslikethat,andwellwedonothavethe educationforthosejobs.Theproblemisthatthegovernmentisathief becauseitdoesnotwanttohelpus.Itwantsallbenefitsforitselfandforgets aboutallofusinpoverty. Wellthingsherehavenotgoneverywellformeeither.Iamnotinglory.That iswhatIhadthought,butthingsherearealsodifficult.TherearedaysthatI work,andtherearedayswherethereisnowork.TherearetimesIgoto workwithsomeoneIdon’tknowandjustbecauseIdonotknowthemthey givemethirtydollarswhenIhaveworkedeighthours,butImanagetomake itwiththirtyorfortydollars.Ihavenochoicebuttosettlewithitbecause whereelseistheretogo?Iamintheirpocket.Inmyhomecountryitisthe same.NowIhavenowhereelsetogoandnooptionbuttoacceptit,maybe onedaytherewillbehope. Ricardo:Icametoseekabetterfutureformyfamilybecauselikeallpoor people,Ihadthehopeofprovidingabetterlifeformykidsandformy parentstobuildthemahomebackinourcountry.WeallknowthattheUS dollarisofhighervalueinourcountries.Atleastinmycountry,Iam Guatemalan.TheUSdollarisworthabouteightpesosofourcountry.Here, thankstoGodandtothesweatfromourbodies,wemakeaboutthreetimes morethanwhatwewouldmakehomeandwiththatwecansustainour families. Felipe,RicardoandCarloscametotheUnitedStatestopursuedifferent
opportunities.Theycameforeconomicopportunitiesandforbetterqualitiesoflife.
AlthoughtheyandmanyotherdaylaborersmaycometotheUnitedStateswith
hopesofattainingtheseopportunities,itcanbechallengingtoachievethesegoals.
Though,somedaylaborers’livesandincomesmightbeimprovedthanwhatthey
wereabletoobtainintheirhomecountries,suchimprovementscomewithother
determents.Oneofthegreatestdetermentsthatcanimpactdaylaborersishow
theyareabletosustainsocioeconomically.AccordingtotheNationalDayLabor
survey,in2004daylaborersearnedanaverageof$11.32dollarsperhour.Thiswas
anhourlywagethatwasbaseduponworkingaroundtwenty-threehoursperweek.
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Onaveragedaylaborersearnedabout$259perweek(Gonzalez2007:10).Thiswas
anaveragethatwasrepresentativeofdaylaborersalloverCalifornia.Theaverage
mayvariedbasedupongeographiclocation,wheredaylaborerspursuedworkand
howmanyhourstheyworkedaweek.Basedupontheweeklyaveragepresentedby
theNationalDayLaborSurvey,daylaborerswhoparticipatedinthesurvey
potentiallycouldhavemadearound$1,036permonth.Baseduponthisaverageof
$1,036amonthtoday,itdoesnotaccountforthecostoflivinginCalifornia,
especiallyifsomeofthemoneywillbesentasremittancesbacktohomecountries.
Felipementionedadilemmathatdaylaborerscouldface.Manyleavetheir
homecountriesinefforttoimprovetheirsituationsathomeandprovidefortheir
families.Manyofthemenlefttheircountriesbecausetheywerepoorandwantedto
seekbetteropportunities.InmanycasessomedaylaborerslikeFelipeleavetheir
lowsocioeconomicstatusesintheirhomecountriesonlytoenteranotherlow
socioeconomicstatusinAmerica.Inthissituation,itcouldbedifficultformanyday
laborerstoachieveupwardsocioeconomicmobilitywhentheyarenotearningan
incomethatcanpermitthemtodoso.AsillustratedbyFelipeandRicardo,
socioeconomicdeprivationexperiencedintheirhomecountrieswasamotivationto
comeandworkintheUnitedStates.Althoughmanydaylaborersmaynotreceive
anincomethatisenoughtosustainthemselvesintheUnitedStates,thelittlemoney
thattheyearncouldmakeadifferencetotheirfamiliesintheirhomecountries.As
Ricardomentioned,theUSdollarhasmorevalueforthecurrencyinhishome
country;therefore,workingasadaylaborerandpotentiallybeingpaidalower
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wagecouldbesignificantfinanciallyforafamilythatisinthedaylaborer’snative
country.
Masculinity AsIvisiteddaylaborhiringzonesandattendedtheOakland
Workers’CollectivemeetingsInoticedthatallofthedaylaborersweremen.The
genderrepresentationofdaylaborersreflectedgenderrolesinAmericancultureas
wellasthegenderrolesintheculturesthatmanydaylaborerswereapartof.These
genderrolescontributedtoideasofmasculinity.Manyoftheintervieweesinthe
videorecordedinterviewsofdaylaborersontheOaklandWorkers’Collective
websitediscussedhowthemenneededtotakecareoffamilies.Thiscorrelatedwith
thepatriarchaldefinitionsofmenthatdefinedthemasbreadwinners.Walteretal
(2004)article,“MasculinityandUndocumentedLaborMigration:InjuredLatinoDay
LaborersinSanFrancisco”discussedhowdaylaborers‘workethicreflectedhow
theysawthemselvesaspatriarchalprovidersandthatthepatriarchaldefinitionofa
maleastheprimaryprovidercreatedanimportancefordaylaborersbecauseofthe
dangerstheyenduredtofulfilltheirrolesasmen(Walteretal2004:1162-1163).
UndoubtedlythiswastruewithregardtothedaylaborersImet.Themenwentto
workeverydaydespitedangerousencounterstheycouldendureinaneffortto
providefortheirfamilies.
DaylaborersinOaklandhadvariedexperiences;butmanyofthemenfaced
similarchallengesofdealingwithdiscrimination,illegality,structuralinjusticesof
illegalityandissuesofsafety.Despitethesechallenges,thedaylaborerscontinued
toworkinefforttofulfilltheirpurposesofcomingtoAmerica,seeking
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opportunitiesandprovidingfortheirfamilies.Learningaboutthesemen’s
experiencesprovidedanewandvaluableperspectiveonthedaylaborersin
OaklandandelsewhereintheUnitedStates.
Chapter6:ReflectionsOnFieldwork
Thefieldofanthropologyisconcernedwithunderstandingpeople,cultures
andphenomenoninthecontextinwhichtheyexist.Theimportanceof
understandingpeopleandphenomenonwithinthecontextsthattheyexististhatit
providesanobjectiveunderstanding.Fromanobjectivestandpoint,Iwasableto
learnoftheexperiencesofindividualsinvolvedintheundergroundeconomyand
learnhowtheirexperiencescontributedtohowtheynavigateinsociety.Despite
whatIhavelearnedfromparticipants,thereweremanychallengesconductingthis
study.
ConductingResearchonMobileandHiddenPopulations
Participantsinthisstudyweremobile.Becauseofthis,itwasdifficulttokeep
trackandstayincontactwiththem.Workingwithindividualswhoweremobile
significantlyimpactedthetimelinethatIestablishedfordatacollection.For
example,thereweremanyindividualswhosaidtheywerewillingtobeapartofthe
study.Theywouldgivemeatimetocontactthem,andinmanycases,therewere
notavailableatthattime.Inothercases,myschedulewasnotconsistentwiththe
timesthatparticipantswereavailable.AsmentionedinChapter3,JoandAshley
traveledalot,soitwasdifficulttoarrangeinterviewswiththem,anditwasdifficult
togetincontactwithAshleyinparticular.Wewouldcalloneanotherandmisseach
other’scalls.ItwasnotuntilonedaythatIserendipitouslycalledherwithhopesof
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schedulinganinterviewwithherandshewasavailablethatday.Sincemy
interviewwithJo,Ihavebeenunabletogetincontactwithher.
WhenIvisitedthedaylaborerhiringsites,Iencounteredafewdaylaborers
whosaidthattheywerewillingtospeaktome.Someofthementoldmetocome
backataparticulartime,butwhenIwentback,theywerenotthere.Itwasdifficult
formetogetincontactwithsomeofthesemenbecauseofconflictingschedules.In
mostcases,Ididnotseethedaylaborersagain.Theeasiestgroupofparticipantsto
consistentlyseewasthedaylaborersattheOaklandWorkers’Collective.Itwas
easiertostayincontactwiththembecausetheyhadadesignatedtimeandplaceto
meet.LuckilyIwaswelcomedintothisspace.
Withtheexceptionofsomedaylaborers,theparticipantsinthisstudywould
beconsideredtobeapartofahiddenpopulation.Theywereapartofahidden
populationmostlybecauseoftheillegalityoftheirjobs.ItwasbestthatJo,Ashley,
TerranceandMauriceandwereinconspicuouswiththeirworkintheunderground
economy.Insomeinstances,daylaborerswouldalsobeapartofahidden
populationparticularlyiftheywereundocumented.Forexample,Ivisitedaday
laborersiteoneday.AdaylaborerapproachedmeandwhenItoldhimthatIwasa
researcher,heshookhisheadrepeatedly,said“Nopapers”andwalkedaway.In
suchinstances,itwouldbebestforsomeundocumenteddaylaborerstominimize
interactionswithoutsidersduetothepossibilitythattheirdocumentationstatus
couldbecomeknownandtheycouldpotentiallybedeported.Ontheotherhand,day
laborersinOaklandwerenotapartofahiddenpopulationbecausenotonlywere
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theyvisiblyseenonthestreets,butalsobecauselegallytheyhaddesignatedareas
wheretheycouldseekwork.
GenderDynamics
Inoticedgenderdynamicswheninteractingwithdaylaborers.WhenI
visiteddaylaborhiringsitesinefforttospeakwithdaylaborers,Iwasoften
mocked.IwouldspeaktothedaylaborersinSpanishandinmanyinstancesthe
menmimickedwhatIsaidinasoftervoiceandlaughedatme.Ialsonoticedthatit
wasdifficulttogetsomeofthemen’sattention.IfoundthistobetruewhenI
attendedanoutreacheventwiththeOaklandWorkers’Collective.Forthisevent,I
accompaniedthejobcoordinator,Marisol,andayoungmalevolunteertogoto
variousdaylaborhiringzones.Wedistributedriceandeggsinsmall,Chinese
takeoutboxes,andofferedwaterandcoffeetothedaylaborers.Thevolunteerand
Marisolspoketothedaylaborersabouttheservicesthatwereofferedatthe
OaklandWorkers’Collectiveandtriedtorecruitthemtobeapartofthecollective.
Thedaylaborersoftenspokedirectlytothemalevolunteerwhowaswithusinstead
ofMarisol.WhileIstoodnexttoherasthevolunteerheldconversationswiththe
daylaborers,sheexplainedtomethatthemenwereoftenreluctanttotalktoheror
listentoherbecauseshewasawoman.Duringafewofourconversationsatthe
OaklandWorkers’Collectivemeetings,shewarnedmethatIwouldencounter
difficultiestalkingtodaylaborersbecauseofthemasculineculturethatthemen
werefrom.
Marisol:Therearesomethingstheywon’ttalktoyouabout.Theywon’ttalk aboutcertainthingsthathurttheirfeelings.Itisbecausetheyare“men”. Theywon’tspeakofcertainthingsinfrontofothermenandtheydefinitely don’twanttotalkaboutanythingthatchallengestheirmanhood.Soyou’ll
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havetothinkofdifferentwaystoapproachquestions.Somethingsmake themuncomfortableandtheywon’ttalkaboutit. GenderalsoplayedaroleinhowthedaylaborersintheOaklandWorkers’
Collectiverespondedtoparticularquestions.Asthemendiscussedtheirjobsasday
laborers,theyalwaysemphasizedstrength.WhenIaskedthemenaboutchallenges
theyfacedasdaylaborers,theyoftendisregardedthequestionorbelievedthat
therewerenotanychallengesatall.Iftheytalkedaboutchallenges,theydidnot
explicitlysayitwasachallenge,butratheranissuethatwasresolved.Ifthemendid
notdiscussthechallengeinthismanner,theyoftenalludedtotheideathatasmen,
theydidnothavechallengesbecausetheirstrengthenabledthemtotriumph.The
waysinwhichgenderwasexpressedinthesomeofthemen’sresponsesillustrated
howmanyofthemenviewedthemselvesaswellasreflectedmasculineideologies.
RelianceonInformants
Anothersignificantchallengeinconductingthisstudywastherelianceon
informants.Informantsareundeniablysignificanttogaininsightaboutothers,learn
aboutdifferentcommunitiesandbuildrelationships.Theundergroundeconomyis
filledwithseveralnetworks.Duetotheillegalityofmanyofthejobs,thesenetworks
areclosedandindividualsinvolvedinthesecommunitiesarereluctanttowelcome
outsiders.Although,Ihaveknownindividualswhowereinvolvedinsomeaspectsof
theundergroundeconomy,Icouldnotsolelyrelyonthem.Fortunately,Iknewother
informantswhowereabletohelpandintroducemetoothers.Informantscanplaya
pivotalroleinmeetingotherpeople;however,itbecomesdifficultwhenan
informantdoesnotfollowthroughwithwhathesaidhewoulddo.Relyingon
informantscanbebeneficial,butalsocanbecripplingtotheexperienceofdoing
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research.Ifaninformantdoesnotfollowthrough,aresearchercouldbeputata
disadvantage.Gainingparticipantsforthisstudywasquitechallenging.Therewere
someindividualswhosaidthattheywerewillingtoparticipateanddidnot.Inother
casesaninformanthaddifficultyfindingwillingandavailableparticipantsthrough
hernetworks.Suchissuescanarisewhendoingresearch,butitwaschallengingfor
mebecauseIcouldnothaveconductedthisstudysolelyonmyown.
LimitationsandImplicationsforFurtherResearch
Asthisstudyhighlightedtheexperiencesofindividualsinvolvedinthe
undergroundeconomy,therearelimitations.Oneofthelimitationsistime.Timecan
beadisadvantagewhenworkingwithmobileandhiddenpopulations.I
encountereddifficultiesattemptingtointerviewasmanypeopleaspossibledueto
timeconstraintsandinmanycasestheavailabilityofparticipants.Becauseofthis,I
couldnotoptimallyincorporateasmanyinterviewsandasmuchdataasIhoped.I
alsohadtorelyonsecondarysourcesinsteadofinterviewingdaylaborers.IfIhada
greatertimeframetoworkonthisstudy,Imayhavehadthetimetobuildarapport
withdaylaborersandinterviewthemasIinitiallywantedtoinsteadofrelyingon
theuseofsecondarysources.ThetimerestraintthatIhadtoconductthisstudyhad
adetrimentaleffectonmyabilitytoincorporatemoreparticipants’experiences.
Anotherlimitationisdiscussingfewsectorsoftheundergroundeconomy.
Theundergroundeconomyisexpansiveandtherearemanymoresectorsthanwhat
isdiscussedinthisstudy.Also,althoughthisstudydiscussedexperiencesand
participationinthreesectorsoftheundergroundeconomyinOakland,eachsector
thatwasdiscussedhaspotentialtobeitsownethnographyorstudy.
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Thelimitationsinthisstudysuggestaneedfurtherresearch.Thereshouldbe
moreresearchonsectorsoftheundergroundeconomythatwerediscussedinthis
studyaswellasothersectors.Theundergroundeconomyhasasignificantimpact
onitsparticipantsaswellasonotherinstitutionssuchasbusinessesandlaw
enforcement.Theexistenceofthesesectorsoftheundergroundeconomywill
continuetochangeovertimeanditwouldbeinterestingtopursueresearchon
thesesubjectstocontributeknowledgeabouttheseareasaswellasprovide
knowledgeonindividuals’experienceswhoareinvolved.Itwillbeinterestingtosee
howthesesectorschangeovertimeinOaklandespecially,consideringtheeconomic
anddemographicchangesthatOaklandisexperiencing.
ApplicationsofResearchandAdvocacy
Thesignificanceofqualitativeresearchandethnographyisthatitcan
provideinsightintotheexperiencesofindividualsandinmanycasesallowsanin-
depthandobjectiveunderstandingofaphenomenon.Thisstudycanserveasa
resourceforunderstandingtheinvolvementoftheseparticularoccupationsinthe
undergroundeconomy.
Daylaborhiringzonesanddaylaborcenterswerecreatedassolutionstothe
presenceofdaylaborers.Thehiringzonesandcenterslessenedthepresenceofday
laborersinparticularneighborhoods,buttheycannotguaranteeimprovementsin
theconditionsthatdaylaborersexperience.TheOaklandWorkers’Collectivehasan
onlinereferralportalthatallowsindividualstoemploydaylaborersfromtheir
collective.Thecollectivealsohasajobreferralanddevelopmentcoordinatorwho
receivesinquiriesforworkfordaylaborers.Thecollectivehasarequirementof
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payingdaylaborersabasewageof$15perhourandaminimumlaborchargeof$45
perworker(oaklandworkerscollective.org).Thecollectivealsoprovidessafety
trainingforthedaylaborers.Asthecollectiveattemptstoprotectdaylaborersand
ensurethattheyaretreatedfairly,therearedaylaborerswhoarenotmembersof
thecollectivewho,thereforeareatriskofmistreatmentfromemployers.Members
ofthecollectivearenotexemptfromilltreatmenteither.Manyemployersviolate
laborlawsbuttheviolationsgounreported.Ifemployerscontinuetodisregard
laborlawsdaylaborerswillcontinuetobepaidlessforlongerhoursofworkornot
getpaidatallandcontinuetosufferotherformsofmistreatment.
RecentlytheminimumwageinOaklandincreasedfrom$9.00to$12.25
(SFGate2014).Thisincreaseisbeneficialfordaylaborersbecauseitcanenable
themtohavemoremoneyforremittancesandtheirlivingexpenses.Theminimum
wageincreaseisbeneficialonlytodaylaborerswhoarecontractedtoworkwith
companies;therefore,itdoesnothelpotherdaylaborerswhoreceiveworkonthe
street.Althoughthecityhasaminimumwagerequirement,manyemployersdonot
abidebyitandgetawaywithitbecausedaylaborersareoftenpaidunderthetable.
Fairwagerequirementsforalldaylaborersshouldbeenforced.
Safetyprecautionsandprotectionofdaylaborersshouldbeaddressedin
localandstatepolicies.Unsafeworkingconditionsareillegal.Inmanycases,day
laborersworkinunsafeconditionsbecausethatiswhattheyhavetodotoearn
money.Unsafeworkingconditionsalsoareunreported.Thereisaneedtoprotect
daylaborersingeneral.Forexample,Ricardomentionedthathisfriendswere
kidnapped.Thereisaneedforlawsthatinclusivelyallowdaylaborersandother
77
immigrantstotheUnitedStatestoknowthattheytooareunderthesame
protectionasothercitizens.
Asthereisagreatneedformoreadvocacyandpoliciestoprotectday
laborers,itisimperativethatthepoliciesareinclusiveanddonotfocuson
alienation.In2013,CaliforniaGovernorJerryBrownsignedAssemblyBill60,which
allowsimmigrantstoobtaindriver’slicenses.ThebillbecamelawinJanuary2015
(dmv.org2015).Thesedriver’slicensesaretolookdifferentthanactualdriver’s
licenseforUScitizens.Thedifferencesoflicensescreatetheconcernthatsome
immigrantsmaybetreateddifferentlyorbediscriminatedagainstbecausethey
haveadifferentlicense.Thosewhoareopposedtoimmigrantsobtainingdriver’s
licensesbelievethatitisunfairforsomeimmigrants,manyofwhommaybe
undocumented,tohavelicenses.Suchattitudescancontributetothediscrimination
againstimmigrantsanddaylaborerswhohavelicenses.
OnOctober21st,2014,OaklandCityCouncilunanimouslyvotedtoexpand
theNuisanceEvictionOrdinance.Thislawallowsthecitytoevictprivateproperty
tenantswhocausesproblemsintheircommunities,especiallythosewhoare
involvedinillegaldrugactivityorviolence(EastbayExpress2014).CityAttorney
BarbaraParkerproposedanamendmenttothelawtochangethelistofnuisances
thatarelistedinthelaw.Thelawwasexpandedtoincludesexworkers.One
concernbythosewhoopposethisordinanceisthatitenableslandlordstohavethe
powertoevicttenantsatwill,whichinturncouldenablemoreinstancesof
profiling.Alandlordcanevictatenantwhomayormaynotbeengagedinillegal
activitywithoutcause.Accordingtothedocument,“Oaklandhasasevereproblem
78
withnuisanceactivityassociatedwithgambling,illegallypossessingammunition
andengaginginprostitution,pimping,panderingandsolicitationatcommercialand
residentialproperties.Thesenuisancesareacitywideproblem…thesetenantsand
theirillegalactivitiesareanuisance”(NuisanceEvictionOrdinanceAmendment
September2014).
Insteadofcreatingmoreproductiveandreasonablewaystodealwithillegal
activityonpropertiesandcommunities,thereisalawthatfurtherincriminates
individualsandcanlegallyevictthemfromtheirspaces.Asillegalactivitiescreate
problemsforneighborhoods,evictinganddisplacingpeopleisnotasolutiontothe
problemsofthesecommunities.Infact,itcreatestheopportunityfortheseactivities
totakeplaceinotherareasorsurroundingneighborhoods.Thislawwasamended,
butitisvague.Specifictypesofillegalactivityarelistedasnuisancesin
communitiesinOaklandwhileothersarenot.Theambiguityofthisdocumentraises
manyconcernsaboutthepurposesofthislaw.Thislawisanotherformofstructural
marginalizationandundoubtedlywillhaveadetrimentaleffectonmany
communities.Thereneedstobemorediscussionaboutthislawandthepotential
detrimentaleffectsitcanhaveonneighborhoodsandmoreadvocacysothatother
lawssuchasthisonearenotenforcedtodisplaceanddisregardindividuals’
circumstances.
79
Chapter7:Conclusion
Thisstudydescribedtheexperiencesandreasonswhyparticipantsworked
intheundergroundeconomy.Findingsrevealedthatparticipantsinthestudyused
theundergroundeconomyasameanstoanendandthattheundergroundeconomy
servedasameansforparticipantstoprovideforthemselvesandtheirfamilies.
Thereweremultiplefactorsthatthatinfluencedparticipants’involvementin
theundergroundeconomy.Asdiscussed,familialtieswiththeunderground
economy,socioeconomicdeprivationandideasofopportunitywerefactorsthatled
participantstopursueworkintheundergroundeconomy.Ashleywitnessedhergod
sisterworkasasexworkerandnotedthatshehadfamilymemberswhowere
involvedinsexworkaswell.Terrancewitnessedfamilymembersselldrugsandhe
eventuallybecameinvolvedinthedrugtradeaswell.Mauriceeventuallybecame
involvedinthedrugtradeafterbeingintroducedtoitbyhisolderbrothers.
Socioeconomicdeprivationalsowasasignificantfactorinparticipants’involvement.
Terrancementionedthatthewomeninhisfamilysolddrugsandtheprofitsmade
wereusedtopayhouseholdbills.ManyofthedaylaborerssuchasRicardoand
Felipereportedfacingsocioeconomicdeprivationinthehomecountriesandthat
theycametoworkintheUnitedStateswithhopesofescapingpoverty.Manyday
laborersinthisstudybelievedthatworkingintheUnitedStatescouldprovide
betteropportunitiesfortheirfamiliesandanoverallbetterqualityoflife.
Asidefromthemotivespreviouslymentioned,participants’motivesfor
workingintheundergroundeconomywereundoubtedlyeconomicallydriven.The
needformoneyplayedapivotalroleintheworkthattheparticipantschose.As
80
mentionedpreviously,RicardoandFelipecametotheUnitedStatestoescape
povertyintheircountries;forexample,Ricardonotedthatthehighvalueof
AmericancurrencyversusGuatemalancurrencywasfavorableforhisfamilyat
home.Ashley,TerranceandMaurice,andthemajorityoftheparticipantsinthe
studymentionedthattheywerefrompoorneighborhoodsandpointedoutthatthe
moneytheyearnedfromtheirjobshelpedthemtakecareoftheirfamilies.
ForJo,AshleyandMaurice,workingintheundergroundeconomyhelped
themachieveupwardsocioeconomicmobility.Theseparticipantsmentionedhow
theywereabletohelptheirfamiliesfinanciallyandmentionedmaterialassetsthey
acquiredfromtheincometheyreceivedfromtheirjobs.Onthecontrary,workingin
theundergroundeconomywaslessofapathtoupwardsocioeconomicmobilityfor
someofthedaylaborers.FelipementionedhowheleftGuatemalainefforttoescape
povertybutfoundhimselfinsimilarcircumstancesintheUnitedStatesduetothe
lowwageshehadbeenpaidforhiswork.
Workingintheundergroundeconomydidnotimpactsomeofthe
participants’involvementinthelegaleconomy.Jo,Ashley,MauriceandTerrance
hadjobsinthelegaleconomyatsomepoint.Althoughtheseparticipantshadthe
abilitytoworkinthelegaleconomy,theincomethattheyearnedinthe
undergroundeconomyenabledthemtocontinuewiththeirworkinthe
undergroundeconomy.Onthecontrary,forsomedaylaborers,itwasdifficultto
acquireworkinthelegaleconomyduetocitizenshipstatus.Salvadoralludedtothis
pointwhenhementionedthatemployersaskforsocialsecurityidentificationfor
81
employeesandinturn,hebelievedthatthispreventsmanydaylaborersand
undocumentedindividualsfromhavingotheremploymentopportunities.
Despitetheparticipants’involvementintheundergroundeconomy,manyof
themaspiredtohavejobsandlivesthatwereapartofthelegaleconomyoneday.Jo
andMauriceaspiredtobeapartofthelegaleconomyoncetheyacquireda
significantincomethatallowedthemtolivecomfortablyandhavewhattheywished
tohave.Ashleyaspiredtojointhelegaleconomyandwithdrawfromthe
undergroundeconomyaswell.Jo,AshleyandMaurice’saspirationsofbeingpartof
thelegaleconomywereexpressedthroughhowtheyfeltmorallyabouttheirjobs
andprioritiestheyhadfortheirfamilies.
Forthisstudy,Iwasinterestedinlearninghowtheundergroundeconomy
impactedtheparticipants.Ilearnedthatperceptionsofstigmatizationand
structuralinequalitieshadanimpactonparticipants.Daylaborersinthestudy
facedimmeasurableamountsofinequalities.Manyofthedaylaborerswere
underpaid,discriminatedagainst,andstigmatizedbyothers.Structuralinequalities
impactedMauriceandTerranceaswell.AsBlackmen,theyweremorelikelytoface
harsherlegalchargesforthepossessionofmarijuanathananyotherraceinthe
UnitedStates.
Thisstudyhumanizesparticipantsbyrevealingwhytheparticipantsworkin
theundergroundeconomyinsteadoffocusingontheillegalityoftheirjobs,beitin
sexwork,drugdealingorlivingandworkinginthiscountrywithoutdocumentation.
Humanizingtheparticipantsisimportantbecauseitprovidesanopportunityto
showthattheyaremorethancriminalsandproblemstocommunities.Infact,they
82
aremulti-facetedindividualswithgoalsandaspirations.Theparticipantswere
businesssavvy;theyweremothers,fathers,auntsandunclesandmostimportantly,
theywereprovidersfortheirfamilies.Thesearerolesthatmanyofuscanrelateto.
Humanizingtheseparticipantsandacknowledgingtheirrolesasproviderscreates
theabilitytoconfrontstigmatizations.Confrontingthestigmatizationofviewing
participantsintheundergroundeconomysolelyascriminalsenablesustoview
themaspeopleandunderstandwhytheyareinvolvedininformaleconomicactivity.
Settingasidestigmasandstereotypesthatwemayhaveaboutdrugdealers,
sexworkersanddaylaborerscancreatepossiblesolutionstohowtheseindividuals
canbecomepartofthelegaleconomy.Manyoftheparticipantsinthestudy
mentionedhowtheywereoronceweresocioeconomicallydeprived.Thiswasa
reasonwhymanyoftheparticipantsworkedintheundergroundeconomy.A
possiblesolutionistocreatemorejobassistanceprograms.Creatingmorejob
assistanceprogramsforyouthandadultsinOaklandandtrainingthemfor
employableskillsforwellpayingjobsinthelegaleconomycandeterindividuals
frompursingworkintheundergroundeconomy.
Anotherissuewithregardtothestigmatizationofparticipantsinthe
undergroundeconomyisthechallengeforpeopletogetjobsbecauseoftheir
criminalrecords.MauricebrieflydiscussedthisinChapter4whenhementioned
thathewasfiredfromhisjobbecauseofhisdrugcharges.Ifmanyemployersdonot
hirepeoplewithcriminalrecords,workingintheundergroundeconomycouldseem
tobeaviableoptiontoearnanincome.Theinabilityforindividualswithcriminal
historiestoobtainjobsisanissuewithinourjudicialsystemthatneedstobe
83
changedtoencourageandenablethemtohavelegaljobsinsteadofresortingto
workintheundergroundeconomy.
Undoubtedlydaylaborersarevaluabletobusinessesandneighborhoodsin
Oaklandandthroughoutthecountry.AsmentionedinChapter6,thereisaneedfor
enforcedlocalandstatepoliciestoprotectdaylaborers.Ofthemanyformsofwork
intheundergroundeconomy,daylaboringislegalinOakland.Thisisimportant.
Daylaborersmaynotbeviewedascriminalsandendurethatstigmatization,butin
manycasestheyaremistreatedandcanbeviewedasaproblem.Examplesofthisis
howdaylaborersareconfinedtoparticularareastoseekworkandhowChapter5
discussedthesecurityguardwhowashiredtoensurethatdaylaborersdidnot
congregatenearstores.Despitethefactthatdaylaboringislegal,manydaylaborers
aremistreatedandsuffermanyadverseconsequencessuchaswagetheft.
Employersshouldabidebylaborlawsandshouldbeheldaccountablewhentheydo
not.
Itwouldbeunrealistictobelievethatparticipationintheunderground
economycanbecompletelyeradicated;howeverthesefewsuggestionscould
potentiallylessenindividuals’influencetopartakeintheundergroundeconomy.
Althoughtheparticipantsinthisstudymayhavecontrastingexperiences
fromthosewhohavethesamejobsastheydo,Iwantedtopresenttheexperiences
ofasexworkerwhocouldbefoundonInternationalBoulevardinsearchofclients;
theexperienceofadrugdealerwhocouldhavebeenamongthe1,376individuals
whowerearrestedinOaklandin2013fordrugpossessionandsale(CityofOakland
YearEndCrimeReport2013);andtheexperienceadaylaborercouldbefoundata
84
hiringzoneat6aminOaklandinsearchofworkfortheday.Alloftheseexperiences
arevalidtounderstandinghowandwhymanyindividualsengageinthe
undergroundeconomyinOakland.
85
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Ferman,PatriciaandFerman,Louis.1973.TheStructuralUnderpinningofthe IrregularEconomy.PovertyandHumanResourcesAbstracts.(8)3-17.
FederalBureauofInvestigation.CrimeStatistics.fbi.gov.CrimeStatistics.
Fitch,Kate.2009.TeenagersAtRisk.SafeguardingNeedsofYoungPeopleinGangs andViolentPeerGroups.NSPCCInform.
Flynn,MaryK.2010.OPDGoesUndercoverToGetYoungProstitutesOffTheStreet. OaklandNorth.
Gonzalez,Arturo.2007.DayLaborintheGoldenState.PublicPolicyInstituteof California.3(3):1-21.
Guttman,Peter.1977.TheSubterraneanEconomy.FinancialAnalystJournal(33)24- 27.
Goode,Judith.2002.HowUrbanEthnographyCounterMythsAboutthePoor.Urban Life.5thEdition.USA:WavelandPress,Inc.
Hart,Keith.1973.InformalIncomeOpportunitiesandUrbanEmploymentinGhana. JournalofModernAfricanStudies.11(1):61-89.
Herrera,JohnCarlos.2010.AttheDayLaborHiringZone:ThePoliticsofImmigrant IllegalityandRegulationofFormalLabor.InstitutefortheStudyofSocietal Issues,UCBerkeley.
Kane,Will.2014.OaklandVotesDownToGraduallyIncreaseMinimumWage. SFGate.
Losby,Janetal.2002.InformalEconomyLiteratureReview.CharlesStewartMott Foundation.
Levin,Sam.2014.Oakland’sThreattoSexWorkers.EastbayExpress.
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Messerschmidt,Donald.1981.AnthropologistsAtHomeinNorthAmerica.Methods andIssuesintheStudyofOne’sOwnSociety.CambridgeUniversityPress.
Onlineresource:“OWCNews”.2014.postedbyOaklandWorkers’Collective. http://www.oaklanddaylabor.com/blog.php
Purser,Gretchen.2009.TheDignityofJob-SeekingMenBoundaryWorkamong ImmigrantDayLaborers.JournalofContemporaryEthnography38(1):117- 139.
Restrepo-Echavarria,Paulina.2015.MeasuringtheUndergroundEconomyCanBe Done,ButIt’sDifficult.TheRegionalEconomist.
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Srinivas,M.N..1966.SomeThoughtsonTheStudyofOne'sOwnSocietyIn SocialChangeinModernIndiabyM.N.Srinivas,pp.147-63.NewDelhi:Allied.U.S.DepartmentofJustice,HandbookforEmployers:InstructionsforCompleting FormI-9.ImmigrationandNaturalizationService,Washington,D.C.,1991.
Valenzuela,Able,Jr.,Theodore,Nick,Melendez,Edwin,andGonzalez,AnaLuz.2006. OntheCornerDayLaborintheUnitedStates.UCLACenterfortheStudyof UrbanPoverty,LosAngeles,CA.
Walter,Nicholas,PhilippeBourgois,andH.MargaritaLoinaz.2004.Masculinityand undocumentedlabormigration:InjureddaylaborersinSanFrancisco.Social Science&Medicine59:1159-68.
YearEndCrimeReport.2013.CityofOakland.
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AppendixA:InterviewConsentFormEnglish
AgreementtoParticipateinResearchResponsibleInvestigator:IdaWilson(Master’sofArtsinAppliedAnthropologygraduatecandidateatSanJoseStateUniversity.)TitleofStudy:UnderstandingFacetsoftheInformalEconomyinOakland.PurposeofStudy:Youhavebeenaskedtoparticipateinastudytounderstandthelivesofindividualswhoareinvolvedintheinformaleconomy.Theinformaleconomyiswaysinwhichpeoplemakealivingthatmaynotbedocumentedasataxableincome.Thepurposeofthisstudyisalsotounderstandhowindividualsareimpactedbytheinformaleconomyaswellastheskillsthataregainedfromparticipatingintheinformaleconomy.StudyProcedures:Youwillpartakeinanin-depthinterviewandwillbeaskedquestionsaboutyourexperiencesintheinformaleconomy.Theidentityoftheparticipantswillnotberevealedtotheextentpossiblebylaw.Fakenameswillbeusedtohidetheidentityofparticipants.Informationthatcanidentifytheparticipantwillnotbeused.Interviewswillbescheduledandtakeplaceattimesandlocationsthatareconfortablefortheparticipant.Interviewswillberecordedusingadigitalaudiorecorder.Thestudymaybepublished.Thereisnocompensationforparticipation.ParticipationRights:Yourparticipationinthisstudyiscompletelyvoluntary.YoucanrefusetoparticipateintheentirestudyoranypartofthestudywithoutanynegativeeffectonyourrelationswithSanJoseStateUniversity.Youalsohavetherighttoskipanyquestionyoudonotwishtoanswer.Thisconsentformisnotacontract.Itisawrittenexplanationofwhatwillhappenduringthestudyifyoudecidetoparticipate.Youwillnotwaiveanyrightsifyouchoosenottoparticipate,andthereisnopenaltyforstoppingyourparticipationinthestudy.ProceduresforMaintainingConfidentiality:Interviewswillbecodedwithfakenamesstoredonapasswordprotectedfileandstoredinalocksecuredfilecabinet.PromiseofConfidentiality:Iwillnotshareparticipants’informationwithanyone.Iwillnotuseanyinformationagainsttheparticipants.Risks:Aforeseeableriskisthediscomfortwithsharingpersonalinformation.Participantsareundernoobligationtosharepersonalinformation.Participantscanchoosenottoparticipateatanytime.Involvementinthisprojectmightsubjectparticipantstoincreasedriskbecauseofthepossibilityoflegallymandateddisclosure,whichmightaffecttheconfidentialityofdata.Iwillundertakespecialproceduresformitigatingthisincreasedrisk,includingthedestructionofallidentifyingdataaftertheiscomplete.Benefits:Thisstudycancontributetogeneralizableknowledgeandchangeperceptionsabouttheinformaleconomyandparticipants.
88
Questionsregardingtheresearchmaybeaddressedtotheprimaryinvestigator,IdaWilson,at(510)314-1123.ComplaintsabouttheresearchmaybepresentedtoDr.RobertoGonzalez,GraduateDirector,DepartmentofAnthropologyatSanJoseStateUniversity,atroberto.gonzalez@sjsu.edu.Questionsregardingsubjects’rightsorresearch-relatedinjurymaybeaddressedDr.PamelaStacks,AssociateVicePresident,GraduateStudiesandResearch,at(408)924-2427.Yoursignatureindicatesthatyouvoluntarilyagreetobeapartofthestudy,thatthedetailsofthestudyhavebeenexplainedtoyou,thatyouhavebeengiventimetoreadthisdocument,andthatyourquestionshavebeenanswered.Youwillreceiveacopyofthisconsentformforyourrecords. ______________________________________ __________________________________________________________Participant’sName(Printed) Participant’ssignature DateIcertifythattheparticipanthasbeengivenadequatetimetolearnaboutthestudyandaskquestions.Itismyopinionthattheparticipantunderstandshis/herrightsandthepurpose,risks,benefits,andproceduresoftheresearchandhasvoluntarilyagreedtoparticipate.____________________________________________________________________________________________________________SignatureofPersonObtainingInformedConsent Date
89
AppendixBInterviewConsentFormSpanish
Acuerdoparaparticiparenunainvestigación.InvestigadoraResponsable:IdaWilson(CandidataGraduadadelaUniversidadEstataldeSanJos(SanJoseStateUniversity)enMaestriaenArtesenAntropologíaAplicadaTítulodelEstudio:ComprendiendoFacetasdelaEconomíaInformalenOakland.PropositodelEstudio:Selehapedidoqueparticipeenunestudioparacomprendercomolosindividuossevenafectadosporlaeconomíainformalasícomolashabilidadesqueseobtienendelaparticipaciónenlaeconomíainformal.Laeconomíainformalesmanerasenlasquehacenunavidaquenopuedeserdocumentadacomouningresogravable. ProcedimientosdelEstudio:Setomaránparteenunaentrevistaenprofundidadyleharánpreguntasacercadesusexperienciasenlaeconomíainformal.laidentidaddelosparticipantesnoseránreveladaalamedidadeloposibleporlaley.Losseudónimosseránutilizadosparaocultarlaidentidaddelosparticipantes.Lasentrevistasseránprogramadasyserealizanadiscrecióndelosparticipantes.Lasentrevistasserángrabadasusandounagrabadoradeaudiodigital.Elestudiopuedeserpublicado.Nohaycompensaciónporsuparticipación.DerechosdeParticipación:laparticipaciónenesteestudioescompletamentevoluntaria.Ustedpuedenegarseaparticiparenelestudioensutotalidadodecualquierpartedelestudio,sinningúnefectonegativoensusrelacionesalaUniversidadEstataldeSanJosé.Ustedtambiéntieneelderechodeomitircualquierpreguntaqueustednodesearesponder.Esteformulariodeconsentimientonoesuncontrato.Setratadeunaexplicaciónporescritodeloquevaasucederduranteelestudio,sidecidenparticipar.Norenunciaaningunodelosderechossiusteddecidenoparticipar,ynoexistensancionesparadejardeparticiparenelestudio. ProcedimientosparaMantenerlaconfidencialidad:Lasentrevistassecodificaráconnombresfalsosalmacenadosenunarchivoprotegidoporcontraseñaysealmacenanenunarchivodeseguridadbloqueogabinete.Promesadeconfidencialidad:elinvestigadornocompartirálainformacióndelosparticipantesconnadie.Elinvestigadornoutilizaráningunainformacióncontralosparticipantes.Riesgos:Elúnicoriesgoprevisibleeslaincomodadconelintercambiodeinformaciónpersonal.Losparticipantesnotienenlaobligacióndecompartirinformaciónpersonal.Losparticipantespuedenoptarpornoparticiparencualquiermomento.Divulgarinformaciónsobrelaparticipaciónenlaeconomíainformalpuede
90
serunriesgoparaelparticipante.Participaciónenelproyectopodríapresentaralosparticipantesconelaumentodelriesgodebidoalaposibilidaddedivulgaciónobligatoria,loquepodríaafectaralaconfidencialidaddelosdatos.Elinvestigadorsecomprometerálosprocedimientosespecialesparamitigarelaumentoenelriesgo,incluyendoladestruccióndetodoslosdatosparasuidentificacióndespuésdelainvestigaciónsehacompletado.Beneficios:Esteestudiopuedecontribuiralconocimientogeneralizadoycambiarlaspercepcionessobrelaeconomíainformalylosparticipantes.)Puededirigirsuspreguntassobrelainvestigacionalainvestigadoraprincipal,IdaWilsonal(510)314-1123.DenunciassobrelainvestigacionsepuedenpresentaralDr.RobertoGonzalez,conjeserodelgraduadodelDepartamentodeAntropologiaenlaUniversidadEstataldeSanJoseal(408)924-5710.Preguntassobrelosderechosdelossujetos,orlesionesdebidosalainvestigacionsepuedenpresentaralaDra.PamelaStacks,VicepresidentaAsociada,EstudioseInvestigacionesGraduadosal(408)924-2427.Sufirmaindicaqueustedvoluntariamenteaserunapartedelestudio,quelosdetallesdelestudiosehanexplicadoausted,queselehadadotiempodeleerestedocumento,yquelaspreguntashansidocontestadas.Ustedrecibiráunacopiadeesteformulariodeconsentimientoparasuregistro. ________________________________________________________________________________________________nombredelparticipante Firmadeparticipante FechaCertificoqueelparticipantesehadadosuficientetiempoparaaprenderacercadelestudioyrealizarlaspreguntas.Miopiniónesqueelparticipanteentiendasusderechosylosefectos,riesgos,beneficiosyprocedimientosdelainvestigaciónyhaaceptadovoluntariamenteaparticipar._________________________________________________________________________________________________Firmadelapersonaobtenerelconsentimientoinformado Fecha
91
AppendixC:NumberofArrestsInOaklandforSexWorkandCommercializedViceinYears2009-2014
StatisticsProvidedbyCityofOaklandYearEndCrimeReports2013and2014
In2009therewere643arrests,512arrestsin2010,264arrestsin2011,167arrestsin2012,230arrestsin2013and258arrestsin2014.
0
100
200
300
400
500
600
700
2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014
92
AppendixD:NumberofArrestsInOaklandforDrugPossessionandSaleInYears2009-2013
StatisticsProvidedbyCityofOaklandYearEndCrimeReport2013
3,869arrestsweremadein2009,2,907arrestsin2010,1,738arrestsin2011,1,332arrestsin2012and1,376arrestsin2013.
0
500
1,000
1,500
2,000
2,500
3,000
3,500
4,000
4,500
2009 2010 2011 2012 2013
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