Two Spirits, Three Genders, For All People
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Two-Spirits, Three Genders, For All PeopleThird-Gender spiritual functionaries in global cultures
Luccia Jalila Rogers, Ph.D.
One evening at the Heard Museum in Phoenix, Arizona,
following the premiere of the documentary film, “Two Spirits:
Sex, Gender, and the Murder of Fred Martinez,” (Nibley, 2009)
there was a question and answer session with the director and
producers of the film. After a few comments and questions,
someone started speaking in Diné. The room fell silent. The man
spoke for at least five minutes, possibly longer. About halfway
through, my heart broke and I began to cry along with many, many
others in the audience. I don’t know Diné, but I know I was
experiencing great loss and sadness. The speaker kept talking and
by the time he ended, I realized I felt hopeful. The microphone
was handed to a young man next to the elder who gave a
translation, at least the translation of the part of the comments
to be shared with outsiders, with white people. It was as
follows:
“When the Europeans came, they encountered beings they did
not understand, that they feared and hated. They were blessed by
the Holy People, they were the healers, the counselors, those who
were in between the Holy People and the People, between men and
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women, between the People and other tribes. The Spanish killed
them all, throwing them to their dogs. There was a prophecy given
at that time, it is this: “In twenty-one generations, these
people, the nadleh, the people of the rainbow, will return. They
will return in great numbers, not just for the Diné, the People,
but for the whole Earth and the whole of humanity.”
“This is the twenty-first generation.”
But how far back do we find third gender people? An example
is one of the Sumerian Creation myths from more than 4,000 years
ago. The story has Ninmah, a Mother Goddess, fashioning humankind
out of clay. She boasts that she will determine the fate – good
or bad – for all she fashions. Enki, the father god, retorts as
follows.
Enki answered Ninmah: "I will counterbalance whatever fate –
good or bad – you happen to decide." Ninmah took clay from the
top of the abzu [ab = water, zu = far] in her hand and she
fashioned from it first a man who could not bend his outstretched
weak hands. Enki looked at the man who cannot bend his
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outstretched weak hands, and decreed his fate: he appointed him
as a servant of the king.
... [Three men and one woman with atypical biology are
formed and Enki gives each of them various forms of status to
ensure respect for their uniqueness] ...
Sixth, she fashioned one with neither penis nor vagina on
its body. Enki looked at the one with neither penis nor vagina on
its body and gave it the name Nibru [eunuch(?)], and decreed as
its fate to stand before the king.
This work began with my dissertation which was published in
2008 (Rogers, 1980). The core topic was the body image of pre-op,
MtF transwomen and how it integrated with their gender identity.
Part of my literature review included historical trans/third
gender/two spirit identities. It is this latter part that has
grown to include public speaking presentations and guest lecturer
invitations at various colleges and community groups. At this
point, it has joined with my lifelong interest and calling to
spiritual service to become this examination of global third
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gender persons who served their cultures as spiritual
functionaries.
This paper will serve as an overview of such third gender
persons in their cultures, how and in what capacity they served
their communities, and will include the commonalities and
differences in their roles of spiritual/cultural service.
We will begin with a very brief explanation of terms and
concepts to help the reader join the author in her perspective on
this topic, keeping in mind that each reader holds his or her own
set of expectations and understandings about this topic. Next, we
will begin with brief descriptions of third gender persons
beginning with the Pacific Islands and moving eastward globally
as an organizing method. Greeting the sun in this way is also
symbolic of the author’s desire to shed light on third gender
spiritual functionaries as a common, ancient, and renewed global
phenomenon with potential to touch each culture, society, nation-
state, and most importantly, person in the near future.
Our purpose is to focus upon those people who historically
fit into so-called, “third gender,” roles and identities and
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Luccia Jalila Rogers, Ph.D.
whose purpose in their respective societies was or is to serve as
spiritual functionaries. These roles include shamans, healers,
teachers, keepers of the tribe’s history and stories, ritualists,
undertakers, and intermediaries between the spirit world and this
world, between men and women, between their tribe and other
tribes. We will look into specific global cultures for these
people, how gender was constructed and sustained in these
cultures, how their third gender was an integral part of the
society, or not, which social roles they fulfilled, their
relationship to others in their culture, and whether these
persons and roles are still active today.
We will explore how both orientation and gender identity are
both known and/or intrinsic characteristics as well as being
socially constructed characteristics and/or categories. Each
group, nation, people, culture, or society examined in this study
created and sustained over time sexual orientations, gender
identities, social roles, and gender roles that supported their
cultures, that best reflected their world views, cosmologies, and
religions.
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Two-Spirits, Three Genders, For All PeopleThird-Gender spiritual functionaries in global cultures
Luccia Jalila Rogers, Ph.D.
We begin with parsing gender, sex, sex roles, sexual
practices, gender identity, and gender roles. Gender is not sex.
Sex is not gender. Gender is a social construction of function,
role, and identity specific to each human culture. Sex is related
to biology and physiology and is not necessarily linked to gender
and/or gender identity except as a choice by a culture to do so.
This has been very recently complicated by the findings by a
number of studies in which there is a biological and perhaps
genetic link to gender identity.
The first is a study of children between the ages of four
and eight years old that found that children whose gender
identity did not match their assigned-at-birth sex/gender, or
transgender children, clearly and strongly knew their gender
identity despite the apparent evidence of their physiognomy.
Thus, we have children with boy’s bodies who know with no doubt
that they are girls and children with girl’s bodies who know with
no doubt that they are boys. (Eaton, et al, 2015) The researchers
have committed to extending this study to become longitudinal,
covering the next decade or so of their subjects’ lives. This has
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significance for these trans children is enormous as the
potential that they may be raised in their known gender, and not
in their birth-assigned, enforced gender is now far greater. This
may well prove to be significant in vast improvements in the
physical and mental health as well as the social, cultural,
career, and life success of these children. Transfolk who have
elected to transform their physical bodies to match their inner,
or known gender identity as adults report significantly higher
rates of suicide attempts, addictions, failed careers, failed
intimate relationships, etc., than the population as a whole. By
being raised as one’s known gender identity just as cisgendered
people are raised, the stresses, strains, and lifelong damage to
the psyche should be avoided.
Additionally, a number of studies in the past 20 years have
found significant differences in the living brains of transfolk
in areas associated with identity as well as genetic differences.
These differences were not the result of trauma nor of the
effects of hormone therapy, but were congenital. The people with
these differences know with no doubt what their gender identity
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is and that they have always known it. Researchers are growing
more comfortable with saying their results seem to indicate a
definitive, biological cause for so-called gender identity
disorder. It is significant in that it confirms what transfolk
have been saying for seemingly ever, namely, there is no
conscious decision to, “become,” transgender. One is born
transgender as surely as one is born male/man, or female/woman.
(Zhou, et al, 1995, Krujiver, et al, 2000, Swaab, 2004, Goren,
2006.)
These studies also confirm the self-reports of my
respondents recorded in my dissertation in which they stated they
knew their gender difference by the time they were in elementary
school. (Rogers, 2008)
That there is a biological component to the discord between
the assigned-at-birth gender identity and one’s known gender
identity also supports legislation, changes in social and
cultural norms, and public perception that a transperson chooses
to become a transperson. However, as we see with gay, lesbian, or
bisexual persons who still face religious-based objections to
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their orientations as innate and not chosen, there is a long way
to go in United Statian society before science-based proofs of
any identity as innate and not chosen are readily accepted and
cultural attitudes change.
Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity
Sexual orientation and gender identity are not the same. As
mentioned above, both are innate, or known characteristics and
both generally become evident at part of the usual formation of
identity and personhood that occurs in all humans between the
ages of three and eight years old. This can be very difficult for
the reader whose life has been lived in the mainstream United
Statian or Euro-American culture, steeped as it is within the
binaries of patriarchy. The first of these binaries that concerns
us is sex, which we will define as that related to biology. The
dominant culture holds there are two biological sexes, male and
female. These historically have been determined at birth by the
configuration of the genitalia. Once determined to be male or
female, the child is raised to fit into another binary, that of
man and woman. Patriarchal culture joins biological sex as
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determined by genital configuration with social and cultural
roles of man and woman.
Throughout human history, the limits of the sex/gender
binary have been tested and proven lacking by women who’ve led
armies, like Jean d’Arc, nations, movements, and changed the
direction of society. In addition, it ignores and eliminates the
creative and vital energies of the entire segment of society that
doesn’t neatly fit into the sex/gender binary.
This is not a small group of people. An Australian meta-
analysis predicted that four percent of all human births are of a
person whose genitalia are not strictly or specifically male or
female. Other studies speculate the number is only one or two
percent. Taking the higher percentage, this third human sex, not-
male, not-female, number approximately 5.24 million people born
each year. (Sax, 2002, INSA.org, ret. 3-2015) Even the lower
figures result in over a million people a year. These people have
been called hermaphroditic or hermaphrodites, but a more accurate
term would be intersex.
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We will assume that intersex humans have existed as long as
there have been humans. Therefore, human societies have always
dealt with their third sex/third gender people in some way. The
Sumerian story above gives credence to this as do mythologies,
stories and recent actions from religions such as Judaism and
Hinduism.
In the former, the Talmud discusses those who are either
androginus, having both male and female external sexual
characteristics, or tumtum, which have neither. In 2002, Reform
rabbi Margaret Wenig organized a seminar at the Hebrew College-
Jewish Institute of Religion specifically to discuss issues
affecting transsexual or intersexed persons. In 2003, Rabbi Wenig
held a similar event at Reconstructionist Rabbinical College.
In the latter, we learn that Sangam Literature uses the
term, “pedi,” to refer to intersex persons. This also refers to
hijras (Winter, 2014).
Recently, since the 1950s, in Euro-American societies, the,
“solution,” to people born intersex has been surgical
intervention very early in life, as early as three days old.
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Genital surgery to, “repair,” hypospadeias, close up vaginal
openings so only the penis remains, remove, “excessive,” clitoral
length so it doesn’t appear to be a penis, remove scrotal and/or
testes tissues, create a vagina where none exists, etc., all to
be able to name the child a, “boy,” or, “girl,” so their
socialization into their binary sex/gender identity/role may
begin. However, numerous governmental agencies such as the Human
Rights Commission of San Francisco in 2005, the Senate of
Australia in 2013, the Yogyakarta Principles in 2006, the Swiss
National Advisory Council on Biomedical Ethics in 2012, the
United Nations Special Rapporteur on Torture and the Council of
Europe in 2013, the World Health Organization and UN Intergency
Report in 2014 have been standing against this kind of surgery,
some going as far as to call it disturbing, inhumane, and cruel.
However, for untold millennia of human history people born
intersex were welcomed, honored, and seen as those literally,
“in-between,” men and women, the spirit world and this world,
their tribe and all other tribes. (Roscoe, 1991, 1995, 1998,
2004, ibid, ed., 1988, 1998, Driscoll, et al, 2011, Trexler, 1995,
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Matzner, 2001, Sell, 2001, Goulet, 1992, Stockett, 2005) Their
social roles served all their people, not just their family or
clan or tribe. They were the glue that held the group together.
In cosmologies, they were an integral part of the creation of the
universe. Even in Western cultures, specifically the Greeks,
Plato described the first humans as being joined beings, male and
female together. This, “divine androgyne,” was the ideal for
humanity; a person whose energies, qualities, and personality
perfectly balance the male and female in one being. However,
Western cultures only recognized the patriarchal gender/sex
binary. The divine androgyne was only an ideal, not accepted as a
reality or a possibility at all.
Sexual Orientation
Sexual orientation is important to our exploration since
those who are sexually attracted to the same sex, or who possess
an erotic attraction to the same sex has also been used to
characterize people as, “different from,” men and women. However,
this applies only inasmuch as we recognize first that another
patriarchal binary is gay and straight or heterosexual and
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homosexual. Patriarchy recognizes heteronormativity as the
standard for society, going so far as to declare heterosexuality
as, “normal,” and homosexuality as, “deviant,” or, “inverse.”
This becomes more difficult for this study since attempts to
apply labels such as gay or straight turn out to have little
meaning when dealing with non-Western cultures (Driskill, et al,
2011). Even terms created by indigenous peoples for themselves,
such as Two-Spirit, have become less a useful categorization or
umbrella term since each First Nation or Indian tribe or culture
often defined Two-Spirit differently that its neighbors. In fact,
since 1988 when the term Two-Spirit was coined, it has offered
less to anthropologists and others engaged in studying Indian and
First Nations peoples than it was hoped because of that wide
variance in definition and practice. (ibid)
However, it remains helpful as we explore third-gender
persons since many Two-Spirit-identified people claim the
historical roles of third-gender people such as healers,
counselors, shamans, etc. Thus, our title, “Two Spirits, Three
Gender, For all the People.”
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A commonality among non-Euro-American cultures is that
sexual activity does not define nor characterize a person. Same-
sex activity is simply sex between people of the same sex. There
is no opprobrium nor shame nor bias attached to it. It is just
sex.
Traditionally, there are not, “Gay people,” nor, “Straight
people,” in indigenous cultures and thus, prior to Euro-American
and Christian missionary colonization, these concepts would be
completely foreign in gender and sex roles schemas, norms, and
mores. However, as we explore these cultures today, we find
ourselves with them attempting to sort out the past, the history,
the traditions, from the present or at least the recent, colonial
past. In the present, we also join with these cultures trying to
recall, rebuild, reclaim, and restore lost stories, practices,
and traditions. Gay, Straight, Bisexual, Transsexual, Assexual,
Two-Spirit, and Third Gender are imperfect definitions, but are
part of the discourse and as such will be included to help the
reader form a more exact picture of the culture, the people, the
story to which we are listening and which we are telling.
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Cultural Migration
One of the more fascinating, and admittedly speculative
concepts in our exploration is the similarity of worldviews,
cosmologies, religions, and cultural practices among the cultures
we are exploring. Each has a third gender identity and role that
was vital to the culture in the past and which is being reclaimed
in the present as these cultures release themselves from the
pervasive colonial influence. That these people in the cultures
we will be exploring served a spiritual function such as shaman,
healer, counselor, undertaker, ritualist, and also a social
function such as raising orphaned children, and that these
cultures span the planet is more than a little coincidental.
How did this come to be?
One speculates that humanity is collectively decent enough
to realize that if four percent of all the people born have
ambiguous genitalia, and that perhaps up to ten percent of people
are inclined to participate in social or cultural activities that
do not match those traditionally engaged in by people of their
same biological sex, then these people are simply different,
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always have been, always will be, and embody the inbetweeness
that is an essential part of their worldview and religious
practices. However, since this is the same humanity that
continues to fight wars over resources and ideologies, this is
unlikely.
Unless along with migrations of early humans around the
planet that spread languages and DNA, cultural, spiritual, and
religious practices were spread, as well.
Shaman Drums
We can look to a key marker of worldview, cosmology, and
religious practices among early human, non-monotheistic cultures
for evidence that these migrated, as well; the drums of shamans.
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The cosmologies and shamanic practices depicted in the drum
art reveal the idea that the universe has an upper, or spirit
world, a middle world, this physical world, and a lower world, or
underworld. The drums also show the animals important to each
culture, stars, moon, sun, plants important to each culture, and
people. The similarities in the artwork on the drums are not
coincidental. Humans migrated around the globe. Humans also
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traded with one another, despite the vast distances involved.
Ideas are also traded, often unintentionally, but passed between
cultures, nonetheless.
Since one important and common function of third-gender
people was to be the ambassadors between tribes, nations, and
peoples, it is not a stretch to consider that they accompanied
trade delegations encountering new groups for the first time.
And, as these cultures self-report that their third-gender people
filled similar functions around the planet, it may be a matter
of, “chicken or egg.” Did the third-gender ambassador show a
culture that their third-gender people could serve them is a
similar way? Or did the first encounters of new tribes include at
least one third-gendered person from each tribe greeting one
another on behalf of their respective tribes? We can’t know for
sure.
It is an artifact of colonization and a remnant of hegemony
to not consider the possibility that third-gender people, shaman
drum artwork, cosmologies, religious practices and other such
abstracts were not traded or exchanged along with shells,
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feathers, skins, fabrics, jewels, etc. The Euro-American
worldview of, “the Other,” tends to harken back to, “the noble
savages,” who lived simply and were content to stay in one region
their entire lives. The physical evidence reveals trade lines
hundreds or even thousands of miles long. It just makes sense
that the aforementioned abstracts made their way for hundreds and
perhaps thousands of miles.
Another important change in human understanding of third
gender people are the legal actions recently taken by governments
in relation to their third gender citizens.
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Third-Gender People
Mahu
Traditional Hawai’ian culture has the Mahu. Historically,
these male-bodied people are raised in an, “in-between,” place.
They are taught tasks that are traditional for men such as
fishing, but also tasks that are traditional for women such as
cooking, or caring for the children. It is not unheard of for
Mahu to have a birth name as a boy, but also be given a girl’s
name or nickname. In dress, they wear both men’s or women’s
clothing, and switch throughout their lives, depending upon the
situation, the task they are doing, their social or intimate
role, or even their mood.
Mahu are also given training and teaching that is culturally
significant and historically, unique to them. They are taught
healing skills, including which plants are medicine and where to
find them. Healing for traditional Hawai’ians includes spiritual
or energetic healing. Iki, a Mahu who lives on Kauai, reported
that traditional Hawai’ians have an alive, vital, and real
awareness of the spirit beings that surround them, but that Mahu
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are taught to interact with these spirit beings, to become more
sensitive to them, so they may intercede for healing, for good
fortune, and protection.
Traditional Hawai’ian spirituality includes respecting the
ancestors, and so it’s important in their worldview to know where
the ancestors’ bodies are located. Part of the training of a
young Mahu is being shown where all bodies are buried. The Mahu
then are charged with caring for the graves, so the ancestors may
be honored.
Mahu are taken under the wing of an elder, sometimes a
grandmother or elder aunt, who teaches them the stories of their
family, and their people. They are expected to share these when
asked, and to pass them along to a young Mahu so the stories are
not lost.
Sexually, Mahu are intimate with both men and women.
Socially, they often function as a sort of safety valve for
troubled relationships. Women may go to the home of a Mahu to get
away from their troubles, to gain perspective, solace, and
comfort. Men may go to a Mahu and engage in sex to relieve the
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pressure to be unfaithful and it is not considered infidelity. To
be intimate with a Mahu doesn’t make a man, “gay,” since the Mahu
is, “not man,” and, most importantly, traditional Hawai’ian
culture doesn’t have the concept of homosexuality,
heterosexuality, gay, or straight. The activity is simply sex.
There is a tradition of hanai, of caring for children who are
not one’s own. Mahu take in children who are having a hard time
at home, young Mahu whose parents don’t understand because of
modern, post-colonial attitudes about sex and sexuality. Those
familiar with the, “invented families,” such as the drag houses
featured in, “Paris is Burning,” will recognize what modern Mahu
often have done to keep young people safe, to provide a home and
structure. This may not always be what might be considered
wholesome as colonial/modern influences have marginalized the
Mahu so, like many transfolk around the world, their only options
to earn money may be engaging in prostitution or performing in
drag cabarets. The structure of these families includes the
traditional Hawai’ian respect for one’s elders so that the eldest
Mahu, often called, “Auntie,” rules the brood with an often-iron
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fist and the younger members respect and obey the elder members.
This is considered very important as this is the structure a
traditional family would have and for the Mahu, and all
traditional Hawai’ians, respect and service are vital part of the
culture.
One very-little-known function of the Mahu in traditional
Hawai’ian society is hula. Historically, Mahu are the ones who
teach hula, who keep the traditions of hula, who are the
performers of hula. There is recognition that hula is performed
for tourists and has become part of the titillation of those
tourists thanks to the, “Othering,” of Hawai’ian women by
Europeans and Americans, but the hula seen by tourists is not the
traditional, sacred dancing done or taught by Mahu. However, Mahu
like Iki have performed around the world, sharing hulu as part of
the sacred task of preserving and teaching Hawai’ian culture.
There is a separation between traditional Mahu and modern-
day transfolk, particularly transvestites. The latter have had a
strong tradition of performing centered around clubs like the
Glade. They value what may be considered, “high drag,” or very
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feminine, very glamorous appearance. Some of these often look
down at traditional Mahu for not dressing up in public as women,
for being cowardly. Ironically, many Mahu when they were younger
during the 1960s and 70s performed at the Glade or other clubs,
but as they’ve grown older, their concerns are more about serving
the community, preserving the culture, and caring for others.
But, in a small community such as the queer community of Hawai’i,
there is greater concern for the well-being of the whole and the
differences between two, “varieties,” of transfolk, are set aside
when necessary to organize for legislation, for funding for AIDS
services, etc. At least, that is the hope they share.
Inuit
The Inuit and other North American Arctic peoples have a
traditional religion which includes the figure of the shaman, one
who stands between the spirit world, and a world view in which
there are three worlds, i.e., the spirit realm, this world, and
an underworld in which also dwell sprits. The Inuit shaman lives
like others in the community; hunting, fishing, making clothing,
and so on. However, when someone falls ill, gets injured, or
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animals are scare the shaman is called upon to enter the sacred
trance and engage with the spirits to find the source of the
illness or which of them is keeping the seals, etc., from
swimming nearby. This journey of their spirit is risky since they
have to sneak past spirits that will harm a human spirit if
detected. So, part of the trance state of the shaman includes
changing into another animal and/or into the opposite sex. In
this way, the shaman isn’t recognized and can do battle or
persuade their helper spirits to join them in defeating the
spirit causing the disease or blocking the seals from swimming
within range.
This transformation is visible to those who believe. There
is a clip on YouTube in which an Inuit shaman was filmed by an
anthropologist as he drummed and danced into the sacred trance.
The community reacted when the transformation into the shaman’s
spirit animal occurred, but the anthropologist and camera crew
saw nothing. (Cite)
Not all shaman change sex as part of their transformation.
Those who do are valued for this unique ability as they are
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truly, “in-between,” not just the worlds, but men and women. They
are sought out for marriage by men and those who marry them gain
status among their people. As with the Mahu, a man who has sex
with a shaman isn’t homosexual or gay, because this concept
doesn’t exist in traditional Inuit societies and because the
shaman is, “not man, not woman,” or a third gender.
One identifier of the shaman is the drum. The artwork on the
drum reflects the shaman’s understanding of the construction and
shape of the universe. It represents the realms and beings the
shaman works with and cares for as part of their responsibility.
The drumming, along with dancing, is how the shaman enters the
sacred trance in which they are transformed. It represents the
heartbeat of the living universe, the rhythm that draws the
shaman into the spirit realm.
Part of the training of the shaman is the creation of their
drum. It becomes imbued with their essence and is a very sacred,
very treasured object because of its power in bringing about the
trance.
Two Spirits, Three Genders Rogers27
Two-Spirits, Three Genders, For All PeopleThird-Gender spiritual functionaries in global cultures
Luccia Jalila Rogers, Ph.D.
We have briefly seen the remarkable similarities among
shaman drums from disparate cultures. We will explore this in
greater depth when we discuss cultural migration.
Ohlone, Yurok, Miwok
Among California Coastal peoples, there were, “societies,”
or organized groups within tribal groups who served their tribes
by caring for the dead and the grieving survivors. Accounts of
anthropologists, etc., of these people from the late 19th/early
20th century reveal much about the differences between a
patriarchal culture with a heteronormative, heterogemonic, binary
sex/gender world view. Descriptions include phrases such as,
“large women,” “women who were surprisingly strong, as strong as
a man,” “women incapable of giving birth,” which paint a vivid
picture of these people, but clearly reveal the observer’s lack
of ability to conceive of a third gender person as reality. The
European, American, or Canadian researchers who reported on these
cultures recognized they knew little of the actual religion
practiced by these peoples, but were uninterested in learning
much as their bias about the religion being, “pagan,” or,
Two Spirits, Three Genders Rogers28
Two-Spirits, Three Genders, For All PeopleThird-Gender spiritual functionaries in global cultures
Luccia Jalila Rogers, Ph.D.
“savage,” led them to keep an arm’s length between them and the
people participating in the various practice and rituals.
These people were seen by their tribes as being closer to
the spirit world because of their third gender status, and so
were not at risk when handling the dead as a man or woman would
be. They cared for the dying, conducting the rituals and
comforting for the dying person, their family, and the tribe.
They prepared the body and buried it, conducting the necessary
rituals. And, finally, comforted and counseled those who grieved
the loss.
They also raised any orphaned children, worked at both,
“women’s,” and, “men’s,” work, depending upon talent and
inclination, and were skilled at finding healing plants.
Diné
Zuni
Hopi
Lakota
Ojibwa
Lap
Two Spirits, Three Genders Rogers29
Two-Spirits, Three Genders, For All PeopleThird-Gender spiritual functionaries in global cultures
Luccia Jalila Rogers, Ph.D.
Muxe
Hjira (India)
Thailand
(These will be inserted and the rest of this paper, which
will serve as the Introduction to a book-length project will be
about 20-30 pages. As this is a panel presentation, I will select
key points and cultures to illustrate the thesis in the time
allotted.)
Two Spirits, Three Genders Rogers30
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