Negation - univie.ac.at · 2008-12-10 · Negation in existential clauses Negative indefinite pronouns Towards a typological questionnaire on negation 2. Uralic languages 3. Conclusions
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Miestamo & Wagner-Nagy September 27, 2008
Negation 1
Negation:Typology and Uralic languages
Matti Miestamo, Helsinki Collegium for Advanced Studies<matti.miestamo@helsinki.fi>
Beáta Wagner-Nagy, Universität Wien <beata.wagner-nagy@univie.ac.at>
UTDB Kick-off ConferenceVienna, September 26-27, 2008
2
Introduction
Overview1. Typological aspects of negation
Overview of existing typological studies (cf. Miestamo 2007) Standard negationNegation in imperativesNegation in existential clausesNegative indefinite pronouns
Towards a typological questionnaire on negation2. Uralic languages3. Conclusions
Issues of explanation not addressed, focus is on taxonomies and structural features observed in typological literature.
1. Typological aspects 3
Standard negation
The negation of declarative verbal main clausesParameters in typological studies:
Type of negative marker (Dahl 1979; Payne 1985, Dryer 2005)Position of negative marker (Dahl 1979; Dryer 1988, 1992)Symmetric vs. asymmetric negation, subtypes of asymmetric negation (Miestamo 2005).
1. Typological aspects 4
Type of negative marker: affix
1. Typological aspects 5
Type of negative marker: particle
1. Typological aspects 6
Type of negative marker: verb
Miestamo & Wagner-Nagy September 27, 2008
Negation 2
1. Typological aspects 7
Negative markers (Dryer 2005)
1. Typological aspects 8
Position of negative marker
Jespersen (1917): Neg-FirstDahl (1979): Tendency to occur close to finite elementDryer (1992): negative particles tend to be pre-posed, negative auxiliaries show correlation with basic word orderPreposed: Latvian, Indonesian, Evenki, TonganPostposed: Lezgian, Sawu, SelknamCircumposed: Chukchi, French
1. Typological aspects 9
Position of negative marker: Clause-peripheral examples
These are not frequent.
1. Typological aspects 10
Symmetric and asymmetric negation (Miestamo 2005)
In symmetric negation, negatives do not differ structurally from affirmatives except for the presence of the negative marker(s).In asymmetric negation, there are structural differences, i.e. asymmetry, between affirmatives and negatives in addition to the presence of the negative marker(s).Symmetry and asymmetry can be observed in constructions and paradigms.Asymmetric negation can be further divided into subtypes.
1. Typological aspects 11
Symmetric constructions
Negatives differ from their corresponding affirmative by the mere presence of negative markers.
1. Typological aspects 12
Symmetric paradigmsThe correspondences between the members of the paradigms used in affirmatives and negatives are one-to-one.
Miestamo & Wagner-Nagy September 27, 2008
Negation 3
1. Typological aspects 13
Asymmetric constructions
Negatives differ from their corresponding affirmatives by something else than the mere presence of negative marker(s).
1. Typological aspects 14
Asymmetric paradigmsThe correspondences between the members of the paradigms used in affirmatives and negatives are not one-to-one.
1. Typological aspects 15
Symmetric and asymmetric negation
NB! The maps concerning standard negation are based on an areally and genealogically balanced subsample (179/297 languages).
1. Typological aspects 16
Subtype A/FinNegatives differ from affirmatives in that the lexical verb (LV) loses its finiteness, in one or more of the following ways: i) it becomes syntactically dependent on a finite element (FE) added in the negative, ii) it is in a form primarily used as a syntactically dependent verb in the language, iii) it has nominal characteristics.
1. Typological aspects 17
Subtype A/Fin/Neg-LVThe lexical verb loses its finiteness and the negative marker attaches to the lexical verb.
1. Typological aspects 18
Subtype A/Fin/Neg-LVThe lexical verb loses its finiteness and the negative marker attaches to the lexical verb.
Miestamo & Wagner-Nagy September 27, 2008
Negation 4
1. Typological aspects 19
Subtype A/Fin/Neg-FE
The lexical verb loses its finiteness and the negative marker attaches to the added finite element.
1. Typological aspects 20
Subtype A/Fin/Neg-FEThe lexical verb loses its finiteness and the negative marker attaches to the added finite element.
1. Typological aspects 21
Subtype A/Fin/NegVerbThe lexical verb loses its finiteness and the negative marker isthe finite element of the negative clause.
1. Typological aspects 22
Comrie’s hierarchy (1981)
imperative > {tense / person / number}
> mood > aspect
> voice
Revisited in Miestamo (2004)Valid for non-Uralic languages as well.With the exception of the imperative, this hierarchy conforms to what is marked on finite auxiliaries and dependent (lexical) verbs more generally in the world’s languages.
1. Typological aspects 23
Subtype A/Fin/NegVerbThe lexical verb loses its finiteness and the negative marker isthe finite element of the negative clause.
1. Typological aspects 24
Subtype A/NonReal
The negative differs from the corresponding affirmative in that it is marked for a category that denotes non-realized states of affairs.
Miestamo & Wagner-Nagy September 27, 2008
Negation 5
1. Typological aspects 25
Subtype A/NonRealThe negative differs from the corresponding affirmative in that it is marked for a category that denotes non-realized states of affairs.
1. Typological aspects 26
Subtype A/Emph
The negative differs from the corresponding affirmative in that it is marked for a category that expresses emphasis in non-negatives.
1. Typological aspects 27
Subtype A/EmphThe negative differs from the corresponding affirmative in that it is marked for a category that expresses emphasis in non-negatives.
1. Typological aspects 28
Subtype A/CatNegatives differ from affirmatives in how grammatical categories are marked, but no generalizations can be made about how the categories are affected (as is done in the other three subtypes). Grammatical distinctions made in the affirmative are often lost in the negative.
1. Typological aspects 29
Subtype A/Cat/TAMA/Cat asymmetry affecting the marking of tense-aspect-mood.
1. Typological aspects 30
Subtype A/Cat/TAM
A/Cat asymmetry affecting the marking of tense-aspect-mood.
Miestamo & Wagner-Nagy September 27, 2008
Negation 6
1. Typological aspects 31
Subtype A/Cat/PNG A/Cat asymmetry affecting the marking of person-number-gender.
1. Typological aspects 32
Subtype A/Cat/PNG
A/Cat asymmetry affecting the marking of person-number-gender.
1. Typological aspects 33
Variation in the marking of negation
Certain grammatical environments are more likely than others to have negative constructions different from standard negation.In Kahrel’s (1996: 70–71) 40-language sample, imperatives, existentials and nonverbal clauses were the most common environments for nonstandard negative constructions:
imperatives showed nonstandard negatives in 17 languages,existentials in nine languagesnonverbal clauses in eight languages.In addition to these three clause types, different environments,e.g. different TAM categories, may show different negative constructions, even within SN, but no typological generalizations can be made over these environments.
1. Typological aspects 34
Negative imperatives: Type I (van der Auwera & Lejeune 2005)
The prohibitive uses the verbal construction of the second singular imperative and a sentential negative strategy found in (indicative) declaratives
1. Typological aspects 35
Negative imperatives: Type II (van der Auwera & Lejeune 2005)
The prohibitive uses the verbal construction of the second singular imperative and a sentential negative strategy not found in (indicative) declaratives
1. Typological aspects 36
Negative imperatives: Type III (van der Auwera & Lejeune 2005)
The prohibitive uses a verbal construction other than the second singular positive imperative and a sentential negative strategy found in (indicative) declaratives
Miestamo & Wagner-Nagy September 27, 2008
Negation 7
1. Typological aspects 37
Negative imperatives: Type IV (van der Auwera & Lejeune 2005)
The prohibitive uses a verbal construction other than the secondsingular positive imperative and a sentential negative strategy not found in (indicative) declaratives
Asymmetry between negative and positive imperatives addressed byMiestamo & van der Auwera (2007).
1. Typological aspects 38
Negative imperatives (van der Auwera & Lejeune 2005)
1. Typological aspects 39
Negative existentials: Type A (Croft 1991)
The ordinary existential predicate is negated by the verbal negator
1. Typological aspects 40
Negative existentials: Type B (Croft 1991)
There is a negative existential predicate different from the verbal negator
1. Typological aspects 41
Negative existentials: Type C (Croft 1991)
The negative existential is identical to the verbal negator
Nonverbal and existential negation also studied by Eriksen (2005) and Veselinova (2006).
1. Typological aspects 42
Negative indefinites: Type I (Kahrel 1996)
Standard negation is found with ordinary (positive) indefinites
Miestamo & Wagner-Nagy September 27, 2008
Negation 8
1. Typological aspects 43
Negative indefinites: Type II (Kahrel 1996)
Standard negation appears with a special indefinite different from the one used in corresponding positives
1. Typological aspects 44
Negative indefinites: Type III (Kahrel 1996)
There is an inherently negative indefinite pronoun without standard negation
1. Typological aspects 45
Negative indefinites: Type IV (Kahrel 1996)
An inherently negative indefinite pronoun is accompanied by standard negation
1. Typological aspects 46
Negative indefinites: Type V (Kahrel 1996)
There is no indefinite pronoun at all, and the equivalent function is expressed with an existential construction
1. Typological aspects 47
Negative indefinites: Haspelmath’s (1997) semantic map
(1) (2) (3)
(4)
(5)
(6)
(7)
(8)(9)
specific known
specific unknown
irrealisnon-specific
conditional
question
comparative
indirect negation
direct negation
free choice
1. Typological aspects 48
Negative indefinites: Type NV-NI (Haspelmath 1997, 2005)
Miestamo & Wagner-Nagy September 27, 2008
Negation 9
1. Typological aspects 49
Negative indefinites: Type V-NI (Haspelmath 1997, 2005)
1. Typological aspects 50
Negative indefinites: Type (N)V-NI (Haspelmath 1997, 2005)
1. Typological aspects 51
Negative indefinite pronouns and predicate negation (Haspelmath 2005)
1. Typological aspects 52
Towards a typological questionnaire of negation
Clausal negationDescribe the different constructions used to express negation.
Negative marker(s): type, position, number (single, double?)Structural differences between affirmatives vs. negatives?
constructional asymmetry? any paradigmatic asymmetry involved?note the details specific to the subtypes found.
Which environments are they used in (e.g., different TAM categories, different clause types, main vs. dependent clauses, etc.)? Note specifically which categories/environments use the same construction.
Non-clausal negationNegative indefinites: negativity of the indefinite (cf. semantic map), cooccurrence with clausal negationConstituent negation (e.g., Foc Neg-Verb vs. Neg-Foc Verb) (and scope-related questions more generally)Negative derivationNegative polarityNegative transport
2. Uralic languages 53
Uralic languages
SourcesGrammarsNative speakersTextbooks
the data from several languages are incomplete or inexact, thus the classification is not totally final
2. Uralic languages 54
Standard Negation
Komi, Mari, UdmurtA/Cat/TAMA/Cat
Enets, Estonian, Finnish,Ingrian, Kamass,Karelian, Khanty,Komi, Livonian, Mansi,Mari, Mordvin, Nenets,Nganasan, Selkup, Saami,Udmurt, Veps, Votic
A/Fin/NegVerb
MariA/Fin/Neg-FEA/Finasymmetricnegation
Khanty, Hungarian,Kamass, Komi, Mansi,Mordvin, Selkup, Udmurt
Ssymmetricnegation
LanguagesFurtherSubtypes
SubtypeType
Miestamo & Wagner-Nagy September 27, 2008
Negation 10
2. Uralic languages 55
Standard NegationSymmetric vs. asymmetric negation
There are languages where differences are found in structure or in negative markersin different tenses.
different negative marker:Komi
structural differences:Kamass, Selkup, Mari, Mordvin, Udmurt,
2. Uralic languages 56
Symmetric negation
Ugric languages: in all tensesSamoyed: Selkup and Kamass
Kamass: in past tense, participial and gerundial structures (secondary process) Selkup
Volgaic and Permic languages:Mordvin: in present, future and in past tense 2Permic languages: only in past tense
2. Uralic languages 57 2. Uralic languages 58
2. Uralic languages 59
Asymmetric negationUralic languages most often use the structure A/Fin
A/Fin/Neg-FE: only in MariA/Fin/NegVerb: most frequently
There are languages, where this structure's appearance depends on the tense
Kamass, Mordvin, Permic languagesNo occurrence in:
Hungarian
2. Uralic languages 60
Subtype: A/Fin/NegVerbThe negative verb can be an auxiliary or an other negative verbMost of the Uralic languages use an auxiliaryParadigm of negative auxiliary
Nganasan: full paradigmsFinnish: number is marked on the auxiliary, but tense on the lexical verbEstonian: the negative auxiliary has lost all verbal inflections and looks like a particle; but the lexical verb does not carry any inflections
Miestamo & Wagner-Nagy September 27, 2008
Negation 11
2. Uralic languages 61
Paradigm of negative Auxiliaries
Cf. Comrie‘s hierarchy (1981)
2. Uralic languages 62
63
Depending on tense, the verb form can also change:Komi: present o-, past e-
Change of the negative marker
2. Uralic languages 64
The negative verb is not an auxiliary, but an existential verb
Selkup, Khanty, Mansi
2. Uralic languages 65
Subtype: A/Fin/Neg-FE
Not at all typical for Uralic languages, occurs only in Mari (Past 2) (Past2: etymologycally a gerund)
notice the word order: V Aux
A/Fin/Neg-FE: the finite element is non-negative, the negative marker is placed in relation to the finite element , cf. slide 19
2. Uralic languages 66
Subtype: A/Cat/TAM
Not at all typical for Uralic languages, occurs in Udmurt (Past 2: etymologically a PtcpPast and PtcpPastNeg) and in Komi
A/Cat asymmetry affecting the marking of tense-aspect-mood, cf. slide 29
Miestamo & Wagner-Nagy September 27, 2008
Negation 12
2. Uralic languages 67
Position of negative marker in Uralic languages
Negative particles tend to be pre-posed (Mansi, Khanty, Hungarian, Selkup, Mordvin)
Word order of structures with auxiliaries:
Estonian, Finnish, Karelian, Veps,Votic, Ingrian, Saami
VO & AuxV-----VO & VAux
Kamass, Komi, Enets, Mari, MordvinNenets, Nganasan, Udmurt,
OV & AuxVEastern MariOV & VAuxLanguagesWord order
2. Uralic languages 68
Non-standard NegationSemantically not empty negative auxiliaries
In all North-Samoyedic languages
cf: different word order, different form of lexical verb
2. Uralic languages 69
Negative lexical verbsIn all North-Samoyedic languages
2. Uralic languages 70
Negative imperativeVan der Auwera & Lejeune (2005) only deal with the imperative of the 2nd person singular, while several Uralic languages have a full paradigm (e.g. Northern Samoyedic languages, Hungarian)In many Uralic languages the imperative is treated differently, The Neg of the imperative can also be used in other moods (e.g. Enets: debitive)Aux is often not able to take up mood markers (e.g. Finnish, Veps)
‘I would give’
2. Uralic languages 71
Type I: Normal imperative – normal negative
only in Nganasan (in contrast to WALS (spec.-spec.))
2. Uralic languages 72
Type II: Normal imperative – special negative
Ugric and Samoyedic languages (except Nganasan); Mordvin, Finnish, Estonian, Mari
Miestamo & Wagner-Nagy September 27, 2008
Negation 13
2. Uralic languages 73
Type IV: Special imperative – special negative
2. Uralic languages 74
Negative existentials
In the Uralic languages Type B (special existential negation) is the most frequentThere can be divergencies between the marking of the different tenses, cf. Hungarian, Selkup.
Type A: Finnish, Estonian, Hungarian (Past and Future)
Type B: Enets, Hungarian (Present), Kamass, Khanty, Mansi Mordvin, Nenets, Nganasan (proform existential), Selkup
Type C: Mansi, Khanty, Selkup (Past)
2. Uralic languages 75
Type A: normal–normal (L Neg cop T)
Finnish, Estonian, Hungarian (Past and Future)
Estoniana. Ma ei näe raamatut. ‘I don’t see a book.’b. Laual on raamat. ‘There is a book on the table.’c. Laual ei ole raamatut. ‘There is no book on the table.’
Hungarian (Past and Future)a. Nem látok almát. ‘I don’t see any apples.’b. Az asztalon van alma. ‘There is an apple on the table.’c. Az asztalon nem volt alma. ‘There were no apples on the table.’d. Az asztalon nem lesz alma. ‘There will be no apples on the table.’
2. Uralic languages 76
Type B: special existential negation (L NegExst T)
Enets, Hungarian (Present), Kamass, Khanty, MansiMordvin, Nenets, Nganasan (proform existential), Selkup
HungarianAz asztalon nincs alma. ‘There are no apples on the table.’ (L NegExst T)
Mordvina. A sodasa ťe avańť. ‘I don't know this woman.’b. Tuvor langso umaŕ. ‘There are apples on the table.’c. Tuvor langso umaŕ araś. ‘There are no apples on the table.’
2. Uralic languages 77 2. Uralic languages 78
Distinction between SN, EN and NonverbalNegation
Komi, Khanty, Mansi
Hung., Mordvin, Nenets, Enets, Selkup
Nganasan
Estonian, Finnish
NNNonverbal Negation
ENExistential Negation
SNStandard Negation
Miestamo & Wagner-Nagy September 27, 2008
Negation 14
2. Uralic languages 79
No distinction between standard, existential and nonverbal negation
Estonian, Finnish
Mikko ei laula. ‘Mikko doesn't sing.’Mikko ei ole lääkäri. ‘Mikko is not a doctor.’Pöydällä ei ole omenoita. ‘There are no apples on the table. ’
2. Uralic languages 80
Three way distinctiononly in Nganasan
2. Uralic languages 81
SN and NN versus ENHungarian, Mordvin, Nenets, Enets, Selkup
2. Uralic languages 82
SN versus EN NNKomi, Khanty, Mansi
2. Uralic languages 83
Negative indefinites: sources
negative indefinite from non-negative scalar focus particles
Selkup: ‘nobody’, Nganasan, Nenets, Enets
negative indefinite from negative scalar focus particles
Hun. sem-mi ‘nothing’, Selkup ‘nobody’, Mansi ‘nothing’, Finnish, Estonian etc.
2. Uralic languages 84
Negative Indefinite and Verbal NegationUralic languages: the negative indefinite always co-occurs with SN: verbal negation + negative indefinite(Type NV-NI)
Miestamo & Wagner-Nagy September 27, 2008
Negation 15
3. Conclusions 85
Conclusions
Proposed typological parameters do not cover all relevant distinctions in the domain.To have full coverage of the domain of negation in Uralic languages, we have to go beyond what has been proposed in the typological literature so far.But this naturally applies to every functional domain to be included in the database.
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1 first person, 2 second person, 3 third person, ABS absolutive, ACC accusative, ACT actual, ADEL adelative, ADJ adjective, AFFaffirmative, ALL allative, ART article, ASS assertive, AUX auxiliary, CAR caritive, CERT certitive, CLT clitic, CMPL completive, CNconnegative, CONT continuative, COP copula, CVB converb, DATdative, DECL declarative, DEF definite, DUR durative, EL elative, ERG ergative, EX existential, EXCL exclusive, F feminine, FOCfocus, FUT future, GER gerund, GND gender, HAB habitual, HYPhypothetical, IMP imperative, IMPF imperfective, IMPSTimmediate past, INCL inclusive, IND indicative, INDEF indefinite, INF infinitive, IRR irrealis, LOC locative, M masculine, N neuter, N~ non~ (e.g. NPST = nonpast), NEG negation/negative, NOMACT nomen actionis, O objective conjugation, PART partitive, PERF perfect, PFV perfective, PL plural, POT potential, PRESpresent, PROF proform, PST past, PTCL particle, PTCP participle, R realis, RS relativized subject, SBJN subjunctive, SG singular, SUBJ subject, SURP surprise mood, T theme, V verb.
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