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Working Paper 06-06November 2006
Janelle A. Kerlin
A Comparative Analysis of the
Global Emergence of Social
Enterprise
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A Comparative Analysis of the
Global Emergence of Social
Enterprise
Working Paper 06-06
Janelle A. Kerlin
November 2006
Nonprofit Studies ProgramAndrew Young School of Policy StudiesGeorgia State UniversityInternet: aysps.gsu.edu/nonprofit
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A Comparative Analysis of the Global Emergence of
Social Enterprise
Janelle A. Kerlin
Department of Public Administration and Urban StudiesAndrew Young School of Policy Studies, GSU
Abstract:
This paper examines the different factors shaping the global emergence of socialenterprise in six regions of the world: Western Europe, Eastern Europe, the United States,Southern Africa, South America, and Southeast Asia. It proposes that current differencesin social enterprise found in various regions of the world are, in part, reflections of theregional socioeconomic contexts in which the term came to rest. To test this proposition,
the paper matches data from a number of international social and economic databaseswith newly gathered information from regional social enterprise experts. In the process,it shows how region-specific factors may have differently shaped the conceptualization ofsocial enterprise including its uses, organizational forms, legal structures, and supportiveenvironment.
The author would like to thank Geoff Edwards for his help with development of the data.Please do not cite the paper without authors permission.
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Introduction
Over the past three decades social enterprise has grown dramatically in many
regions of the world. Broadly defined as the use of nongovernmental, market-based
approaches to address social issues, social enterprise provides a business source of
revenue for many types of socially-oriented organizations and activities. This revenue
often contributes to the self-sufficiency and long-term sustainability of organizations
involved in charitable activities. However, within these broad parameters, different
world regions have come to identify different concepts and contexts with the social
enterprise movement in their areas. What are the regional differences in social enterprise
and what can account for them? This paper examines the different factors shaping the
global emergence of social enterprise in six regions of the world: Western Europe,
Eastern Europe, the United States, Southern Africa, South America, and Southeast Asia.
Though the idea of earned-income revenue generation in service of charitable
activities is not new, the contemporary application of the term social enterprise to this
phenomenon is. With the new term came increased attention and an aura of a newly
discovered form of revenue for social benefit. As the term spread, however, it appeared
to become increasingly associated with a certain set of organizations and activities, old
and new, that were relevant to the regional context at hand. Moreover, as the concept
grew in popularity, the actors and institutions that became involved in its promotion and
development seemed increasingly reflective of the larger regional environment in terms
of social enterprise emphasis, structure, and resources. This paper proposes that current
differences in social enterprise found in various regions of the world are, in part,
reflections of the regional socioeconomic contexts in which the term came to rest. To test
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this proposition, the paper matches data from a number of international social and
economic databases with newly gathered information by regional social enterprise
experts. In the process, it shows how region-specific factors may have differently shaped
the conceptualization of social enterprise including its uses, organizational forms, legal
structures, and supportive environment.
This paper also addresses the fact that social enterprise is rarely discussed as a
global phenomenon. Most literature on social enterprise in relation to place focuses on
country or regional analyses and case studies (Nyssens 2006; Borzaga and Defourny
2001; Dacanay 2004; Young 2003; Les and Jeliazkova 2005; Mulgan 2006). The
discourse on social entrepreneurship, which generally focuses on the individual
accomplishments of highly innovative social activists from different regions of the world,
has been much more international in scope (Bornstein 2004; Nicholls 2006). However,
even here, little attention has been paid to the immediate context of the socially
enterprising activity and how that context has shaped the kind of need, purpose, activity,
organizational form, legal structure, and process involved in its creation and realization.
This paper begins to address these knowledge gaps, by examining how different regional
contexts may have helped shaped broad conceptions of social enterprise. It draws on
information from draft chapters of the book, Social Enterprise: A Global Comparison, an
edited volume (currently in development) with contributions from social enterprise
scholars from the six aforementioned world regions.
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Historical Contexts for the Development of Social Enterprise
Though there is little existing data on social enterprise in different regions of the
world, Salamon et al. (2004) does provide some evidence that not only is it a prominent
phenomenon in civil society but also that its context can influence its occurrence. In
terms of civil society organizations alone, Salamon et al. (2004:30), in their study of 34
countries around the world, found that, on average, 53 percent of civil society
organization income comes, from fees and charges for the services that these
organizations provide and the related commercial income they receive from investments,
dues, and other commercial sources. Indeed, fees in 24 of the 34 countries represented
the dominant source of revenue for these organizations. Of particular importance, they
note that this is especially true of transitional and developing countries where the civil
society sectors are small. For countries in their study that fall into these two categories,
fees represented, on average, 61 percent of civil society organization income compared to
45 percent for developed countries (Salamon et al. 2004: 31-32). What these findings
allude to is how a regions history can shape social and economic factors which
ultimately shape social enterprise activity. This section provides a brief overview of the
historical contexts that shared in shaping the socioeconomic conditions and ultimately
social enterprise in the six world regions under consideration.
The general theme underlying the emergence of social enterprise in all six regions
is the absence of state social programs or funding, due to either the retreat or poor
functioning of the state. The United States, Western and Eastern Europe, as well as
South America all experienced, to differing degrees, a withdrawal of state support in the
1980s and/or 1990s. In the United States, scholars attribute the beginning of the
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contemporary social enterprise movement to government cuts in funds supporting
nonprofits. A slow down in the U.S. economy in the late 1970s resulted in government
deficits in the 1980s that, in turn, brought on government cuts in funds for nonprofits by
the Reagan administration. These cuts were estimated to have affected a wide array of
nonprofits not just those involved in human services. According to some scholars,
nonprofits seized upon the idea of commercial revenue generation as a way to replace the
loss of government funds (Crimmins and Keil 1983; Eikenberry and Kluver 2004;
Salamon 1993, 1997).
In Western Europe, a faltering economy was also at the root of the emergence of
contemporary social enterprise in the region. However, the consequences played out in
slightly different form. As unemployment grew and government revenue fell,
government employment programs in Western Europe were increasingly found to be
ineffective. Moreover, given dwindling resources, many West European governments
resorted to retrenchment of their welfare states which had become large and cumbersome
over time. Reforms were characterized by decentralization, privatization, and a reduction
in services. The social enterprise movement was in part a response to the unemployment
problem as one of its main initiatives was work integration of the unemployed often
through social cooperatives. Social enterprises also stepped in to provide human services
the welfare state was no longer directly responsible for (Borzaga and Defourny 2001).
In Central Europe, social enterprise was also spurred on by a withdrawal of the
state though in this case the cause was the fall of communism. Here the withdrawal of
the state was much more dramatic and compounded by an already weak civil society
undercut by communist rule. In addition, the transition to a market economy brought
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large increases in unemployment. The international community responded to these crises
with sizable amounts of foreign aid as well as policy recommendations. A small but
growing number of Central European social reformers seized upon social enterprise
(borrowing mostly from the West European model) as a viable solution and received
support for its development from international sources. Though still largely framed as an
unemployment and human service tool, the concept of social enterprise in Central Europe
is already beginning to reflect the realities present there (Les and Kolin 2006).
On the other hand, many countries in South America experienced a withdrawal of
the state due to Washington Consensus structural adjustment programs instituted as a
part of market reform. Not only did reforms shrink universal social benefit programs, but
changes in the economy resulted in rising unemployment. Roitter et al. summarizes that
social enterprise in Argentina, appeared and grew as a result of the vacuum left by a
shrinking state. Its widespread appeal as a [solution] to unemployment and social
exclusion [underscores] problems related to poverty, inequality in income distribution,
and conditions for production that were no longer being addressed by the economic
sphere (2006:5). Social enterprise, particularly in Argentina, became associated with a
broad range of cooperatives and mutual benefit societies to address unemployment.
By contrast, the histories of Southern Africa and Southeast Asia are marked by a
persistent lack of state support and poor economies. In Southern Africa, this situation
was compounded by structural adjustment programs similar to those in Argentina. Here,
employment-oriented social enterprises emerged after structural adjustment programs
resulted in unemployment rates reaching 60-80 percent. Large amounts of international
aid increasingly went to non-state actors as state institutions capacity to manage the
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economy came in doubt (Masendeke and Mugova 2006). According to Chabal and Daloz
(1999), this focus of international aid on non-state actors was the single most important
factor leading to the development of social enterprise through NGOs. Rather than
cooperatives, international aid focused on micro-credit for small businesses though lack
of state reforms in certain areas continues to constrain their success.
Southeast Asia has also long been associated with high rates of poverty and
unemployment. However, the situation appears to be improving somewhat as economies
in the region show signs of growth. The term social enterprise is just now beginning to
be associated with a certain type of organization most often involved in sustainable
development, likely due to international influence rather than any identifiable event.
These organizations, whether for-profit or not-for-profit, are small social ventures that
simultaneously address unemployment, provide needed services, and protect the
environment (Kobayashi 2006).
Differing Characteristics of Social Enterprise in Six World Regions
The six regions in this study are compared across six variables that help
characterize differences in social enterprise: outcome emphasis, program area focus,
common organizational type, legal framework, societal sector, and strategic development
base. Information that informs these factors for each region was drawn from draft
chapters written by the regional authors mentioned above and, with the exception of the
brief histories already presented, is not provided here. As a comparison, regionswere
characterized relative to the other regions in the study. The following section provides
explanations of the variables and examples of how regional variations were determined.
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Outcome emphasis is focused on the overall immediate goal in implementing a
social enterprise activity relative to other regions emphases. Thus, the United States has
more of an emphasis on revenue generation for the purpose of supporting a charitable
organization than does Western Europe where the outcome is more social in nature such
as employment or the reduction of social exclusion. Program area focus is the type of
activity that is generally supported by social enterprise in a region. In the United States,
basically all nonprofit activities can be supported by social enterprise to one degree or
another. In Eastern Europe, on the other hand, most of the programs associated with
social enterprise are employment or human service oriented. In many of the regions there
are a number oforganizational types or arrangements in which social enterprise is
conducted. This factor considers the most common organizational form. For example, in
the United States, though there are many different organizations in which social
enterprise is undertaken, ranging from corporate forms to charitable organizations, the
most common is the nonprofit, or more specifically, charitable organizations with a
501(c)(3) tax exempt status. In Western Europe, on the other hand, the association and
cooperative are most commonly used for social enterprise. Closely related is whether or
not a separate legal frameworkhas been established for social enterprises, even if it is not
the organizational form most often used for social enterprise in the region. Western
Europe is the clear leader in this area with legal designations for social enterprises
established in several European countries, most recently the United Kingdom. Southeast
Asia, on the other hand, has not begun to move in this direction with little or no
discussion on the topic at present.
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Also considered is the societal sectorsocial enterprise is most commonly
associated with. Here the focus is on the immediate environment in which the social
enterprise activity operates or is perceived to operate. In the United States, given the
emphasis on revenue generation, the market economy is the most relevant sphere. In
South America, on the other hand, where social enterprise has taken on a role of meeting
citizen needs, it falls into civil society commonly referred to there as the social economy
(the same is found in Eastern and Western Europe). Finally, the strategic development
base is the source of funding and development initiatives for social enterprise in a given
region. In the United States, this base is clearly the private foundation and business
world with limited government involvement. Whereas in Southern Africa, this base
mostly consists of international aid programs implemented by foreign-based
organizations and governments. Table 1 on the following page provides an overview of
where social enterprise in the various regions falls with regard to the six characteristics.
Table 2 synthesizes the above regional characterizations in relation to their
emphasis on four areas: market, civil society, international aid, and state.1 For example,
for the variable outcome emphasis the question was, what immediate benefit is social
enterprise oriented towards in the region? Is it more a market benefit in terms of revenue
or is it considered more of a civil society benefit in support of a collective group of
citizens? For common organizational type, the question was whether the most visible
organizational types used for social enterprise were more civil society or market-based.
The relevance of the last two factors, societal sector and strategic development base,
to the four areas is readily apparent. Two factors, program focus and legal
1 Nicholls (2006) uses market, civil society, and state to characterize and differentiate socialentrepreneurship in different regions of the world. Nyssens (2006) also draws on these three elements inher discussion of social enterprise in Europe.
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framework, were not considered because of their similar focus on one of the four areas
across all regions. The last row in Table 2 shows the composite model for social
enterprise for each region. Figure 1 illustrates where social enterprise in each region falls
with respect to other regions for market, civil society, international aid and state.
Table 1. Comparative Overview of Social Enterprise in Six World Regions
United
States
Western
Europe
Central
Europe
South
America
Southern
Africa
South
As
Outcome
EmphasisSustainability
SocialBenefit
SocialBenefit
Social/PoliticalBenefit
Self-Sustainability
SustainDevelo
Program Area
Focus All NonprofitActivities
Human
Services/Employment
Human
Services/Employment
Human
Services/Employment
Employment EmployServi
Common
Organizational
Type
Nonprofit(501(c)(3))
Association/Cooperative
Association/Cooperative
Cooperative/Mutual Benefit
MFI*/ SmallEnterprise
SmEnterp
Not-for
Legal
Framework
UnderDiscussion
Developing DevelopingUnder
Discussion?Not Yet
ConsideredNot Y
Consid
Societal
Sector
MarketEconomy
SocialEconomy
SocialEconomy
SocialEconomy
MarketEconomy
MarEcono
Strategic
Development
Base
FoundationsGovernment/
EUInternationalDonors/EU
Civil SocietyInternational
DonorsMixed/U
*Micro Finance Institution small banks with micro-credit lending programs.
Table 2. The Emphasis of Social Enterprise in Four Areas: Market (M), Civil Society (CS),
State (S), and International Aid (I)
United
States
Western
Europe
Central
Europe
South
America
Southern
Africa
Southeast
AsiaOutcomeEmphasis
M CS CS CS M M
Common Org.Type
CS CS(M) CS(M) CS(M) M M,CS
Societal Sector M CS CS CS M M
Strategic Devel.Base
M S I(S) CS(I) I I,M,S
Social
Enterprise
Model
Civil
Society/
Market
Civil
Society/
State
Civil
Society/
Intl Aid
Civil Society/
Civil Society
Market/
Intl AidM,CS,I,S
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Figure 1. Relative Placement of Social Enterprise for Six World Regions withRegard to Market, State, Civil Society, and International Aid
WesternEurope
SE Asia
SouthernAfrica
United
CentralEurope
SouthAmerica
States
MARKET
INTERNATIONAL
AID
CIVIL
SOCIETY
STATE
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The Socioeconomic Environment for Social Enterprise in Six World Regions
The socioeconomic environment for social enterprise in the six world regions was
also found to vary significantly across the four areas of market, international aid, state,
and civil society. Data for each of these areas was collected from a number of sources
including the World Banks World Development Indicators, Transparency International,
Freedom House, and the Johns Hopkins Comparative Nonprofit Sector Project. For each
of the four areas, one to two indicators were used to represent the general presence or
functioning of that area as shown in Table 3 (endnotes for each indicator provide detailed
information on data sources, definitions, and exceptions). The regional values and scores
for each indicator shown in the table are composites of individual country information.
The countries representing each region are found in box 1.
These regional composite figures were each given a rating of one to four to reflect
their position relative to one another, with one being the lowest and four the highest
(these ratings are found in parentheses next to the composite figures). An overall rating
was then given for each of the four areas which, in most cases, involved taking the
average of the ratings for the composite figures. These overall ratings are found in bold
in Table 3 along with the relevant description of that rating ranging from weak to strong.
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Table 3. Ratings of the Socioeconomic Environments of Six World Regions
United
States
Western
Europe
Central
Europe
South
America
Southern
Africa
Southeast
Asia
GDP, PPP, per capita,international dollarsi
$36,465 28,072 11,039 8,721 1,383 10,034
Gross fixed capitalformation, per capita ii
$6,616 4,492 895 865 64 198
Market Functioning
Rating4
Strong
3.5
Strong
1.5
Weak
1
Weak
1
Weak
1.5
Weak
International aid percapitaiii
NA NA $72 10 54 13
International Aid
Rating
None None4
Strong
1
Weak3
MostlyStrong
1
Weak
Public spending oneduc/health, % ofGDPiv
6.5% (4) 6.4 (4) 4.8 (3) 3.3 (1) 3.3 (1) 2.6 (1)
Corruption Perceptionv(1 corrupt 10 clean)
7.5 (4) 8.0 (4) 3.7 (1) 3.0 (1) 2.5 (1) 2.9 (1)
State Capability
Rating4
Strong
4
Strong2
Mostly Weak
1
Weak
1
Weak
1
Weak
Civil Liberties
vi
(1 free - 7 not free) 1 (4) 1 (4) 1.8 (4) 2.5 (3) 5 (1) 4.6 (1)
Global Civil SocietyviiIndex Score (1-100)
61 (4) 52 (4) 26 (1) 34 (1) 36 ? (1) 27 (1)
Civil Society Rating4
Strong
4
Strong
2.5
Moderate2
Mostly Weak
1
Weak
1
Weak
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Box 1. Countries Representing the Six World Regions
United States Eastern Europe Southeast Asia
Albania Cambodia
Western Europe Bosnia&Herzegovina IndonesiaAustria Bulgaria Lao PDRBelgium Croatia MalaysiaDenmark Czech Republic MyanmarFinland Hungary Papua New GuineaFrance Macedonia, FYR PhilippinesGermany Poland ThailandIreland Romania VietnamItaly Serbia&MontenegroNetherlands Slovak Republic Southern Africa*Norway Slovenia ZambiaPortugal ZimbabweSpain South America*Sweden ArgentinaSwitzerland PeruUnited Kingdom
*These regions were limited to two countries because they were theonly countries for which there was information on social enterprise.
Social Enterprise Models and their Socioeconomic Environments
Table 4 compares the different social enterprise models for each of the regions
with their corresponding ratings for the four socioeconomic factors of market
performance, international aid, state capability, and civil society. Interestingly, the
comparison finds, almost without exception, that the strongest socioeconomic factors for
each region were reflected in that regions social enterprise model.
For the United States and Western Europe, each strong in all three areas of
market, state, and civil society, their social enterprise models reflected two of the three
strengths. While both shared the strength of civil society in social enterprise, the second
strength for the United States was the market while for Western Europe it was the state.
This difference is likely explained by long traditions of market reliance in the United
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States and state intervention in Western Europe. Though closely following Western
Europe in use and type, Central Europe varies in its source of support for social
enterprise. The high levels of international aid that shore up this transitioning region are
also found to be the main source of support for a small but growing social enterprise
movement there. By contrast, in South America, civil society was the one socioeconomic
factor that showed a slightly elevated level and thus, not too surprisingly, civil society
appears to completely define social enterprise in that region.
Southern Africa shows an interesting phenomenon where, though social enterprise
is accurately associated with high levels of international aid in the region, its association
with market does not fit with the weak market situation there. One explanation may be
that international donors, interested in finding solutions for weak markets and poverty,
are pushing the more market-oriented concept of social enterprise involving microcredit
institutions and small enterprise thereby making it a dominant model there. Finally,
Southeast Asia, with its mixed social enterprise model, was found to be weak on all four
socioeconomic factors. This widespread weakness may in fact explain why there is no
clear focus of social enterprise on any one area. Given all areas are weak, social
enterprise draws a little from where it can, resulting in a mixed social enterprise model.
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Table 4. Comparative Overview of Social Enterprise Models and Four Socioeconomic
Factors for Six World Regions
United
States
Western
Europe
Central
Europe
South
America
Southern
Africa
Southeas
Asia
Social
Enterprise
Model
Civil Society/Market
Civil Society/State
Civil Society/Intl Aid
Civil Society/Civil Society
Market/Intl Aid
M,CS,I,S
Market
PerformanceStrong* Strong Weak Weak Weak* Weak*
International
AidNone None Strong* Weak
Mostly
Strong*Weak*
State
Capability Strong Strong* Mostly Weak Weak Weak Weak*Civil
SocietyStrong* Strong* Moderate*
Mostly
Weak*Weak Weak*
Conclusion
Though a modern movement for social enterprise appears to be developing
simultaneously around the world, there are important regional differences in what the
term means and how it is supported and developed. Differences in the regions appear to
be explained at least in part by the different regional socioeconomic contexts. Most
importantly, social enterprise appears to draw on those dominant socioeconomic factors
that offer the most strength in the region. Researchers, donors, and practitioners involved
in social enterprise on an international level may find it useful to understand the direction
social enterprise is moving in a given region and what is influencing that direction. This
knowledge not only provides a starting point for analysis and intervention, but also a
basic understanding of the regional differences in social enterprise from which
international dialogue and exchange of information can flow.
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iSource: World Development Indicators, World Bank, International Comparison Programme database,2004.
Definition: GDP per capita based on purchasing power parity (PPP). PPP GDP is gross domestic product
converted to international dollars using purchasing power parity rates. An international dollar has the samepurchasing power over GDP as the U.S. dollar has in the United States. GDP at purchaser's prices is thesum of gross value added by all resident producers in the economy plus any product taxes and minus anysubsidies not included in the value of the products. It is calculated without making deductions fordepreciation of fabricated assets or for depletion and degradation of natural resources. Data are in constant2000 international dollars.
Data for Papua New Guinea and Cambodia are estimates based on regression. The following countrieswere omitted due to lack of available data: Myanmar and Serbia & Montenegro.
iiSource: World Development Indicators, World Bank national accounts data, and OECD National
Accounts data files, 2004.
Definition: Gross fixed capital formation consists of outlays on additions to the fixed assets of the economyplus net changes in the level of inventories. Fixed assets include land improvements (fences, ditches,drains, and so on); plant, machinery, and equipment purchases; and the construction of roads, railways, andthe like, including schools, offices, hospitals, private residential dwellings, and commercial and industrialbuildings. Inventories are stocks of goods held by firms to meet temporary or unexpected fluctuations inproduction or sales, and "work in progress." According to the 1993 SNA, net acquisitions of valuables arealso considered capital formation. Data are in constant 2000 U.S. dollars. Gross fixed capital formation percapita is calculated by dividing total gross capital formation by the population estimate.
The following countries were omitted due to lack of available data: France, Laos, Myanmar, and PapuaNew Guinea. Data for Switzerland and the United States are from 2003.
iiiSource: World Development Indicators, Development Assistance Committee of the Organisation for
Economic Co-operation and Development, and World Bank population estimates, 2004.
Definition: International aid per capita includes both official development assistance (ODA) and officialaid, and is calculated by dividing total aid by the midyear population estimate.
The following countries were not included because they do not receive international aid: Austria, Belgium,Denmark, Finland, France, Germany, Ireland, Italy, Netherlands, Norway, Portugal, Spain, Switzerland,Sweden, United Kingdom, and the United States.
ivSource: World Development Indicators, Education spending data are from the United NationsEducational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) Institute for Statistics. Health spending dataare from the World Health Organization, World Health Report and updates and from the OECD for itsmember countries, supplemented by World Bank poverty assessments and country and sector studies.
Education spending data are from 2002 except for the following countries: Laos (2003), Myanmar (2001),Thailand (2001), Zambia (2001), and Zimbabwe (2000). All health spending data are from 2003.
Definition: Public expenditure on education consists of current and capital public expenditure on educationplus subsidies to private education at the primary, secondary, and tertiary levels. Public health expenditureconsists of recurrent and capital spending from government (central and local) budgets, externalborrowings and grants (including donations from international agencies and nongovernmentalorganizations), and social (or compulsory) health insurance funds.
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The following countries were omitted from public education spending total due to lack of available data:Bosnia & Herzegovina, Papua New Guinea, and Serbia & Montenegro.
vSource: Transparency International Annual Reports Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI), 2004.
Definition: From Transparency Internationals 2004 Annual Report, The Corruption Perceptions Index is apoll of polls, reflecting the perceptions of business people and country analysts, both resident and non-resident. The 2004 index draws on 18 surveys provided to Transparency International between 2002 and2004, conducted by 12 independent institutions. The CPI score ranges from 0 (highly corrupt) to 10(highly clean).
The following countries were omitted due to lack of available data: Cambodia and Laos.
viSource: Freedom House (2005) Freedom in the World, survey for the period covering December 1, 2003
through November 30, 2004.
Definition: The Civil Liberties Index score rates each country according to its residents freedoms ofassembly, association, education, religion, and expression. The score ranges from 1 (highest level of
freedom) to 7 (lowest level of freedom).
viiSource: Johns Hopkins Comparative Nonprofit Sector Project via Global Civil Society, Volume Two(2004) by Lester M. Salamon, S. Wojciech Sokolowski, and Associates.
Definition: The Global Civil Society Index Score is comprised of three scores from three differentdimensions of the civil society sector: capacity, sustainability, and impact. Capacity measures the ability ofan individual countrys civil society sector to mobilize. Sustainability measures the ability of the civilsociety sector to sustain such mobilization. Impact measures the contribution of the civil society sector tothe broader society.
Data for countries in this index were collected in 1995 for most of the countries and between 1997 and2000 for the rest. (2004). There was no data available for the following countries: Albania, Bosnia &
Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Cambodia, Croatia, Denmark, Indonesia, Laos, Macedonia, Malaysia, Myanmar,Papua New Guinea, Portugal, Serbia & Montenegro, Slovenia, Switzerland, Thailand, Vietnam, Zambia,and Zimbabwe. The following countries were substituted for Zambia and Zimbabwe: Kenya, Tanzania, andUganda. Southeast Asia was represented in the data solely by the Phillipines.
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