Egungun festival in Nigeria
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Chapter 1
1.0 Introduction
THE YORUBA WORLD
More than twenty million Yoruba-speaking people live today in their ancient West African
homeland -- southwestern Nigeria and the southeastern Republic of Benin. The Yoruba
diaspora is vast. Large communities of Yoruba speakers live in Togo, Ghana, Ivory Coast,
Sierra Leone, and other West African countries. Yoruba descendants in the Americas (either
by blood or by a sense of belonging) are uncountable. Large numbers live in Brazil, Cuba,
Trinidad, Haiti, and elsewhere in the Americas, where Egungun performances honour the
departed in such places as Oyo Tunji, South Carolina, New York, Chicago, and Milwaukee.
A number of key historical and social factors may help us understand some of the reasons for
the dynamic cultural vitality and the deep and widespread impact of Yoruba religious and
artistic traditions over several centuries. One factor may be that Yorubas have been for many
centuries urban peoples. When we think about living patterns in Africa we often think of
isolated villages scattered in rain forests. But this is not the case for the Yoruba who like to
live in large urban settlements. The biggest cities in black Africa are Yoruba cities and they
have been for many centuries. The sacred city of Ile-Ife is regarded as the place of origin of
human life and civilization. From about 1000 BP, it and another urban center, Oyo, were
major population centers. Urbanism is a key cultural trait that helps explain the richness,
dynamism, and diversity of the arts and their importance in Yoruba society and thought.
Unlike typical modern suburbanites, they live in cities, "commute" daily outward to their
farms and markets, and then return at night for celebrations, rituals, and social gatherings of
one kind or another. Urbanism breeds urbanity.
Oral histories suggest that Egungun masking developed in one of the northern Yoruba city -
states, Oyo, that became the powerful Oyo-Yoruba Empire when it extended its influence far
beyond Yoruba-speaking people in West Africa, because of its military prowess, in
particular, its professional cavalry which controlled a vast area. The fourth ruler (alaafin) of
Oyo was Sango, a renowned warrior. Because of his contributions and reputation, he became
a divinity and joined the pantheon of deified ancestors known as orisa. The word refers to
those individuals who distinguished themselves by the contributions they made to the world
during their lives. As one of these, Sango is associated with thunderstorms, because of his hot
temper and fickle, volatile personality. His primary symbolic color is hot red, yet this is
balanced with cool white, because of his friendship with other more patient, cool gods like
Obatala. Red predominates in many Egungun ensembles. Also, the double-headed drum
sacred to Thundergod Sango, the bata, is the principal drum for Egungun. The drum's stacatto
rhythms and sharp, cracking sound are likened to a thunderclap and the flash of lightning.
Yorubas say of their culture that it is like "a river that never rests." This stresses the dynamic,
ever-changing qualities of culture. Culture, in order to survive and thrive, must be ready to
change, adapt, and move continually, the way a river does. They recognize that some shallow
parts of a river change quickly, adapting to rapidly changing conditions. But they also
recognize that other parts of a river are deep, move much more slowly, and change little.
Yorubas consider the deep parts of their “river of culture” as harboring basic, fundamental
philosophical concepts, foundational principles or ipilese--ideas and ideals that serve as
guides to show them the way through lives filled with changes and challenges.
The Nigerian custom is the symbol of identity of the country since her independence, and this
has greatly contributed to her magnificent popularity in the continent and tremendously given
her the name “Giant of Africa”. Nigeria is a country rich in petroleum as the major source of
revenue but the contribution of the Nigerian custom in tourism cannot be taken for granted.
Many Nigerian customs today have turned to both national and international tourist centre
fetching the country huge amount of revenues. Some of the tourist attractions include Obudu
hills, Osun festival, Egungun festival, Argungu fishing festival, e.t.c. Egungun festival is part
of the Yoruba religious system sometimes referred to as “orisa”. Egungun is celebrated in
festivals and the rituals through the custom or masquerade. An elder from the egungun family
called “Alagbaa” sometimes presides over the ancestral rites, but egungun priests are the ones
in charge of invoking the spirit of the Ancestor and bringing them out. The invokation is done
when the egungun worshippers dance, drums, and possessed by the ancestral spirits, that they
beat everybody they see with their Whips. They believe using the Whip against people could
help to clean the community from wickedness. After this, the egungun priest advice, warn
and pray for their spectators, and people give them money which evidently results to the
priests becoming richer. Egungun is otherwise known as the masked ancestors of the Yoruba
kingdom which assures the people that the dead are among the living. The chief priest of
egungun that does invoke the spirit of the ancestors is called “Alapini”. The festival is
celebrated annually in the Yoruba kingdom, in almost all the towns and cities and this has
tremendously contributed positively to the Nigerian economy, and also helped to foster unity
among indigenous people.
For Yoruba-speaking peoples in West Africa, cloth is equated with their most precious
possession, children. The proverb omo l'aso eda, "children are the clothes of a person," points
out that children, like clothes, are what one shows to the world and is judged accordingly.
Valuable textiles are what Yoruba use to celebrate the power and presence of their ancestors
in exquisite masquerade ensembles known as Egungun.
In the world of Yoruba-speaking peoples, Egungun is the masquerade tradition that honors
one category of spiritual beings ancestors those departed who are no longer present in
physical form but who are still present in spirit. While these usually occur as annual festivals
of remembrance, renewal, and re-dedication, they also take place at special occasions such as
funeral celebrations or at moments of social crisis and catharsis like droughts, epidemics, or
social upheavals. Yorubas use the full range of their artistic imaginations and powers of
inventiveness (imoju mora) to give visible, tangible form and substance to the normally
invisible presence of ancestral spirits. Using the unique qualities of textiles--their textures,
colors, weight and flexibility--they create moving (both literally and figuratively) experiences
of the spirits of their departed loved ones.
For Yoruba, these performances are serious business. At the same time, they are also serious
play (ere), for Yoruba are creating an elaborate multi-media and multi-sensorial event that is
meant to please and honor ancestors who, like all of us, enjoy homage and respect, as well as
a good laugh! Thus many Egungun ensembles impress with their sumptuous materials and
symbols of power and prestige, while others provoke laughter in their humorous or satiric
portrayal of human (and divine) foibles. Yoruba strive to put on a good spectacle (aworan), a
party for their departed family and community members. For Yoruba, the playfulness and
surprise of improvisation are essential for the success of any artistic endeavour, whether
object or event. Inviting the return of ancestors is to play with forms and ideas in order to
make onlookers think in new ways about their world: not only about the shared past and
imagined future, but themselves and the conduct of their mortal lives.
According to the myth, egungun becomes a known deity in two different way s. In the
beginning, egungun was among the great divinities (IRUNMOLES) that came directly from
the heaven beyond .The history made us aware that there was once lived a great man whose
name was called LAPANPA , he was the one that started the cult of EGUNGUN. According
to IFA verse
“ONA NI KO TO
TARARA NI MO Y A
LODIFA FUN LAPANPA
TI O TI ALADE ORUN
LO RE E MEGUNGUN WAY E
OLODUMARE WA FUN UN LEGUNGUN
EGUNGUN TI ELEDUMARE FUN LAPANPA
KII SE EY I TI O DA ASO BORI
SUGBON O DABI ORI
BI LAPANPA TI GBA KINNI TI O DABI ORI Y II
O NPADA BO WA SAY E
OORUN MIMU SI NY O ORI TI LAPANPA MU LOWO”
TRANSLATION
The path is not straight
I branch and follow the path
This divine IFA oracle for LAPANPA
That started his journey from the heaven above
To bring the cult of EGUNGUN to the physical world
The believe that, GOD gave him EGUNGUN
The type of EGUNGUN given to LAPANPA by great GOD
Was not the type that covered head with long cloth?
But looks like a Shea-butter
He returned to the physical world
The sun heated the Shea -butter brought by LAPANPA
He thought of what he could do to protect the Shea-butter from melting away, he later
hid the remaining ORI (Shea- butter) in his mouth to prevent it from total melting and
wasting away .On getting to the physical plain of existence. He wanted to alter a word saying
„‟MO DE TI ,‟‟O FE KE NI OHUN RE BA Y I PADA‟‟ translating „‟ I have, before he could
alter such a powerful word, his voice change because the Shea-butter had melted and slipped
into his throat . His voice changed and resembled not the voice of his contemporaries. He was
ashamed of his voice, his character and his life. He was planning what to do to prevent the
shame. He decided to cover his own head with cloth. Whenever he wanted to speak out, he
noticed a strange voice, completely different from the normal voice of his generation of his
days, thus, people became exceedingly grip with fear. People started to revere him that
consequently resulted into „‟EGUNGUN CULT‟‟. Meaning „‟ORACLE FROM HEAVEN
OR DEITY FROM UNKOWN THAT REPRESENT SPIRITUAL PAST OF THE PEOPLE
The second myth was, there was a great grandchild of ODUDUWA whose name was
called OBONBA. This man had three children. The first child was called ALARA, the
second was called AJERO , while the third was called ELEKOLE . On reaching adulthood,
they lived in different cities far away from IFE. They later, became the king of three different
cities in Yoruba land. It was believed that their grand- mother killed their father OBONBA
because she was a witch , however , as these three children become advanced in age, and they
wanted to inherit the exalted position of their father .They were gripped with fear of their
grand-mother who had previously killed their father with her witchery . This made them
sought spiritual advice in the house of IFA priest, which according to IFA verse came out
“PAAFA TEERE NII LEKE OMI
LO DIFA FUN OBONBA TO
TORUN RO WA Y E
BABALAWO NI KI WON RU EBO Y II
ASO OY EPE MEJI ATI ASO GOGOWU OKUNRIN
ALAWE MERINDINLOGUN
NIGBA TI AWON BABALAWO DE IGBO IGBALE
ENI TI Y OO SE ETUTU SO FUN WON PE
OUN RI BABA WON LORUN
O SI SO FUN OUN PE KI OUN KI WON LAY A
ATI WIPE KI WON O MAA RU EBO SI OUN LODOODUN
EY IN TOO JE AMI ATI APEERE IRANTI OUN ATI PE IPA IY A
WON AGBA TABI AJEKAJE KO SI NI KA WON”
Translation:
PAAFA TEERE NII LEKE OMI--- PAAFA TEERE IS ALWAY S ON THE SURFACE OF
THE RIVER
This divine IFA oracle for OBONBA
Who was coming from the heaven above to the physical world
IFA priest advised them to offer sacrifice
OYEPE cloth two yards
GOGOWU – men cloth sixteen yard
When IFA priest reached the forest of secret (IGBO IGBALE
The man who wanted to offer the sacrifice
Said he saw their father in heaven
Telling him he should helped the three
Children to be brave, strong and vehement
And that they should always offer annual sacrifice to him
As a sign and pact toward ancestral support
As a remembrance of his continue existence
And their grandmother, who was his (OBONBA) mother
Or any other witch would not have influence on their blessing or overcome them
According to the tradition the name of this IFA priest was called BABATUNDE ESA
OGBIN, he was the first ,ALAPINNI , the head chief of EGUNGUN cult in the land of
Yoruba. These children got all the sacrificial materials, took then to the forest of
deities (IGBO-IGBALE) . On getting to the forest of deities, they tailored OY EPE cloth
similar to EGUNGUN cloth , they sewed GOGOWU cloth to cover the head of image that
look like human structure, and , they did the same with shoes and the socks ,
BABATUNDE , the first priest of EGUNGUN cult wore the cloth and he went to the
house of the grand – mother. On seeing her , that is, their grandmother , she was
gripped with fear because she had not seen EGUNGUN in her life . The rumour in the
cities was that the dead father of the children came to visit his children on earth. The
rumour also reached their grand-mother , and she was filled with awe.
According to the myth, anybody under the attack of the witches and the wizards , IFA
priest will invoke the spirit of EGUNGUN to deter such a negative vibration . The
children claimed their inheritance and they were installed as the king of three
different cities in Yoruba-land . That was how EGUNGUN cult sprouted up in land of
Yoruba , from there , the cult gained prominent significant among Yoruba in
Diasporas and devotees of IFA all over the world. EGUNGUN becomes a special
divinity to be worshipped annually among devotees and also as a sign and pact with
the spirit of dead to bring into manifestation the blessing of heaven upon the people of
the earth. It is also a remembrance to the spirit and the soul of the dead. It teaches
people that their beloved one who has departed to the world beyond should not be
totally forgotten but constantly be in their memory through the cult of EGUNGUN.
EGUNGUN really means "bone," hence "skeleton," and Egungun himself is supposed
to be a man risen from the dead. The part is acted by a man disguised in a long robe, usually
made of grass, and a mask of wood, which generally represents a hideous human face, with a
long pointed nose and thin lips, but sometimes the head of an animal. Egungun appears in the
streets by day or night indifferently, leaping, dancing, or walking grotesquely, and uttering
loud cries. He is supposed to have returned from the land of the dead in order to ascertain
what is going on in the land of the living, and his function is to carry away those persons who
are troublesome to their neighbours. He may thus be considered a kind of super natural
inquisitor who appears from time to time to inquire into the general domestic conduct of
people, particularly of women, and to punish misdeeds. Although it is very well known that
Egungun is only a disguised man, yet it is popularly believed that to touch him, even by
accident, causes death. A crowd always stands round watching, at a respectful distance, the
gambols of an Egungun, and one of the chief amusements of the performer is to rush
suddenly towards the spectators, who fly before him in every direction in great disorder, to
avoid the fatal touch. To raise the hand against Egungun is punished with death, and women
are forbidden, on pain of death, to laugh at him, speak disparagingly of him, or say he is not
one who has risen from the dead. "May Egungun cut you in pieces," is an imprecation often
heard.
Egungun is thus at the present day a sort of "bogey," or make-believe demon, whose
chief business is to frighten termagants, busybodies, scandalmongers, and others, but it seems
probable that originally he was regarded as the incarnation of the dead, and that the whole
custom is connected with manes-worship. In June there is an annual feast for Egungun lasting
seven days, during which lamentations are made for those who have died within the last few
years. It is a kind of All-Souls festival, and resembles the Affirah-bi festival of the Tshi tribes,
described in the first volume of this series. Moreover, Egungun also appears in connection
with funeral ceremonies. A few days after the funeral an Egungun, accompanied by masked
and disguised men, parades the streets of the town at night, and, as in the Roman onclainatio,
calls upon the deceased loudly by name. A superstitious and half -frightened crowd follows,
listening for any response that may be given to the weird cries of the Egungun. A few days
later the Egungun, again accompanied by several followers, proceeds to the house in which
the death took place, and brings to the relatives news of the deceased, usually that he has
arrived in Dead land safely, and is quite well. In return for the good news the family set food,
rum, and palm-wine in a room of the house, and inviting the Egungun to partake of it,
themselves retire, for to see Egungun eating is death. When Egungun and his followers have
consumed everything loud groans are heard to issue from the room, and, this being a sign that
be is about to depart, the family re-enter and entrust him with messages for the deceased.
In Yoruba country, and he appears in a long robe of cotton-print, with a piece of cloth, having
apertures for the eyes, covering the face and head. Spectators soon gather round him, and
though, if asked, they will tell you that it is only "play," many of them are half-doubtful,
and whenever the Egungun makes a rush forward the crowd flees before him to escape his
touch.
Chapter 2
2.0 Classification of Egungun types
The classification of Egungun types, which might appear to be a fairly straightforward
task, is in fact an extremely complex problem involving the comprehension of indigenous
taxonomies. The difficulties include: the problem of distinguishing between personal
Egungun names and generic terms for types; the problem of determining "sets" where one
masquerader may be regarded as within several type categories simultaneously; the practice
of "layering," in which a masquerader wears one costume type over another and changes
these during performance; and the variety of criteria used to classify Egungun as well as the
range of variations within type categories. Such factors demonstrate the complexity attending
the analysis of indigenous taxonomies and the classification of masquerade types. These
same difficulties arise in the definition and use of the term Egungun itself.
Amongst the Yoruba, the annual ceremonies in honor of the dead serve as a means of
assuring their ancestors a place among the living. They believe the ancestors have the
responsibility to compel the living to uphold the ethical standards of the past generations of
their clan, town or family. The Egungun is celebrated in festivals, known as Odun Egungun,
and in family ritual through the masquerade custom. In family situations, a family elder
known either formally or informally as "Alagba" presides over ancestral rites.
He may or may not be initiated into the local Egungun society. In matters that deal with
whole communities, Egungun priests and initiates who are trained in ancestral
communication, ancestral elevation and funerary rites are assigned to invoke and bring out
the ancestors. They wear elaborate costumes in masquerade. Through drumming and dance,
the Egungun robed performers are believed to become possessed of the spirits of
theancestors, as manifested as a single entity. The Egungun spiritually clean the community;
through the dramatic acting and miming of the robed priests, they demonstrate both ethical
and amoral behavior that have occurred since their last visit. In this way, they expose the
strengths and weaknesses of the community to encourage behavior more befitting of their
descendants. When this performance is completed, the performers as Egungun give messages,
warnings and blessings to the assembled spectators. Important Egungun include the Oloolu
and Alapansanpa, both of Ibadanland. Elewe of the Ìgbómìnà Yoruba clan, which is common
in the towns of Òkè-Ìlá Òràngún, Ìlá Òràngún, and Arandun, is also of particular prominence.
In Brazil, the main cult of the Egungun is found on the island of Itaparica, in the State of
Bahia. Houses of worship dedicated to the Egungun also exist in other states. One type of
Egungun, called Egungun agba, means literally "senior/elder Egungun". This Egungun
probably honors a royal lineage as indicated by the beaded veil reminiscent of those on royal
beaded crowns. In addition to celebrating its royal heritage, this family's masquerade also
honors its hunter and warrior ancestors. Animal horns with spiral patterns crown the
headdress. Horns are typically containers for powerful medicines, empowering substances
with ase that are used to protect and strengthen persons.
Due to the partrilineal basis of most Yoruba-speaking peoples, Egungun agba usually honor
male ancestors while still symbolizing the entire lineage of men and women. But there is an
Egungun masquerade that specifically honors foremothers. It does not come out as often as
the others but only on the most important ritual occasions. In contrast with the elaborately
embellished, multicolored ensembles for male ancestors, the masked embodiment of "our
mothers" is simple and totally white. The color white (funfun) evokes a host of ideas --
enormous concealed power, or ase, coolness, composure, patience, age, wisdom, sanctity, and
nurturance. The appearance of iya agba, the "great ancestral mother," brings assurances of
protection and support.
Another type of Egungun agba known as baba prikoko ("ancestral father-who-walks- about")
refers to the fact that such Egungun march through the town, visiting certain families,
dignitaries, and sacred sites during their "outings." Such processions are like journeys or
pilgrimages that re-enact episodes in the histories of ancestors and families. Their distinctive
construction is a long train of cloth, a long tube of fabric that trails on the ground or is carried
by a series of junior Egungun attendants. Older Baba parikoko are made of locally woven and
indigo-dyed cloth known as aso oke, traditionally the most expensive and valued prestige
cloth in Yorubaland. More recent baba parikoko cover this older prestige cloth with other
expensive materials, textiles that come from markets all over the planet. Yoruba have been
active cloth traders for many centuries (and continue to be today), buying and selling fabrics
of every imaginable type and style. When they put together an Egungun ensemble they prefer
the most expensive, most fashionable, most up-to-date styles to celebrate their ancestors.
Thus, to honor the past, the family wants to demonstrate its vitality and sophistication--its
active engagement with the present and with the global economy. They want to obtain the
finest cloth they can find in the marketplaces of Nigeria, Benin, and the world, for this is an
expression of their "buying power," status, and devotion.
If the height of a skyscraper is the symbol of corporate power, success, and identity in the
capitalist West, then the length and elegance of baba parikoko‟s cloth trailing on the ground
is a Yoruba symbol of family longevity, power, prestige, and presence. Making an Egungun,
like the creation of all sacred arts among Yoruba peoples, is a sacrifice, an ebo. It is a
tangible offering meant to secure good fortune through the support of ancestors and deities.
Each year, Egungun families add or replace the cloth in these trains, extending and
refurbishing them with fashionable cloth to proclaim their lineage pride.
In a sense an Egungun ensemble is a history of textiles related to family history. As one peels
back the layers upon layers of cloth panels, one is moving backward in time to the earliest
textiles used to enclose the performer, usually the strip-woven prestige cloth, aso oke. Each
layer represents the aesthetic choices of generations of family members.
Some Egungun combine exquisite cloth ensembles with elaborately carved headdresses. One
from a hunter's family is distinguished by its dramatic coiffure, a long tuft of hair that
descends to the left and terminates with an amuletic medicine container. Carved skulls of
animals killed and sacrificed are intended as signs of the hunting prowess of a family's
ancestors. Such ensembles do not celebrate specific individuals, but rather the collective
ancestors of a family over many generations.
Elebiti is another type of Egungun agba. A panel of wood at the top is covered in cloth and
moves on a kind of hinge. It is flipped forward and backward at different times during the
performance. It has been likened to an animal trap, and may therefore be considered another
reference to hunting.
Besides using printed patterns and colors on commercially made cloth, Yoruba often
embellish and transform such trade cloth in inventive ways. One method is to pattern cloth
using intricate appliqué and reverse-appliqué techniques. The variety of disk-like motifs,
chevrons, spirals, and interlaces probably has sources in North African Islamic arts that came
to Yorubaland via ancient trans-Saharan trade routes. The interlace motif in Yoruba arts is a
sign of infinity -- the eternal spiral of life/afterlife/re-birth and regeneration -- and the
complexity of life's problems and challenges. It probably comes into Yorubaland through
Islamic sacred knot patterns that are widespread in Western Africa. Another important motif
is the chameleon, which for Yoruba is a supreme symbol of transformation and liminality,
like ancestors. Yoruba ideas about chameleons come from having closely observed their
attributes and actions. These are creatures that can change colors in order to blend in with
their surroundings. A famous Yoruba story tells of how the chameleon defeated all his
enemies in a fashion contest since he could match whatever they selected to wear!
Chameleons walk slowly like elders and have eyes that move independently; like ancestors,
they can see the past as well as the future.
The construction of layered lappets of decorated cloth suspended from the top contribute a
stunning vision when the masker is in motion. Egungun frequently whirl in circles, twist and
turn, leap up and perform high-energy kicks. When they do, these panels flutter and fly
outward on the air, creating an illusion of an ephemeral presence. The ancestors are present,
as otherworldly spiritual entities, not as physical beings like us. The cool breeze created by
their whirling panels is said to be a "breeze of blessing."
Egungun known as alabala have a distinctive style feature--a patch-work facing of triangles
or squares of sharply contrasting colored cloth. Such an effect activates and energizes the
dancing ensemble, reinforcing and heightening the ephemerality of these otherworldly spirits.
They play with each other and chase onlookers, creating chaos and laughter in the crowd.
Some of the children are really scared. They run to their parents for protection. The older kids
laugh and taunt the masqueraders. There is a lot of interaction between the audience,
especially the kids, and the masquerades. Successful Yoruba performances are filled with a
lot of give and take, interactions between masqueraders and audiences that give this multi-
media, multi-sensorial experience its aesthetic power and energy. Everyone contributes her or
his ase to empower the ancestors, selecting elements from the past and transforming them
into vibrant visual statements about the present and about hopes for the future.2
This is the
dynamic of Yoruba culture, a river that never rests.
2.1 Egungun Ensembles
Cloth plays an important role in the world of the Yoruba. Their myths equate
nakedness with infancy, insanity, or the lack of social responsibility.[3] More elaborate dress
reflects social power and prestige. In performances honoring ancestors, exquisite cloth is the
major medium for the masker's transformation. An Egungun costume is composed of
multiple layers of cloth lappets made from expensive and prestigious textiles, expressing the
wealth and status of a family as well as the power of the ancestor. The composition of an
Egungun ensemble has several distinctive features. The layer worn closest to the masker's
skin, the undersack, must be made of asooke, the indigo and white strip-cloth (Fig. 6). It
closely resembles the shroud in which the dead are wrapped. This sack, along with the netting
for the face and hands, must completely seal the masker's body. The netting effectively
disguises facial and hand features that might disclose his identity. On top of this base are
placed the layers of lappets. As the masker whirls, the lappets are sent flying, creating a
"breeze of blessing." The design of the costume is therefore closely related to the
choreography of the performance. Henry Drewal hypothesizes that the breeze of blessing
created by the Egungun may also relate to Oya, the wife of Shango, the god of thunder.[4]
Oya is the whirlwind, considered a wind of blessing, that precedes Shango, the storm.
To make the costume beautiful, and thus powerful, the lappets are decorated with patchwork
patterns, braids, sequins, tassels, and amulets. The amulets hold medicinal preparations which
have performative power (ase), providing protection against enemies at a time when the
transformed person is vulnerable. The main protective amulets, however, are on the inside of
the costume, not the outside. An ensemble is repaired and refurbished for use year after year,
with layers of new lappets and amulets added to express remembrance and honor. Through
divination, however, an ancestor might request a new costume altogether. The owner and the
patron, the priest of divination, the tailor, the herbalist who prepares the packets of medicines,
and the entire lineage collaborate in creating the ensemble. Depending upon its wealth, a
family may own several types of Egungun costumes, which may represent specific or
collective ancestors of the lineage.
The Egungun ensemble acts as the medium for the masker's transformation into his ancestors.
An Egungun society is composed of men and women whose lineages have the right to present
the masquerade. Men do the masking. Women never wear the costume, although they
participate in the chorus that sings the oriki (praise poems) and histories of the families. Elder
women of high title also perform invocations, prayers, and offerings. At annual festivals,
each of the numerous lineages is given a separate day to perform. The masker is kept at a
distance from the surrounding crowd with the help of attendants dressed in masquerade
costumes of different types. After all the Egungun have danced, the ensembles are stored
until the next performance.
2.2 Power in Cloth
The Yoruba have a rich material culture landscape and history. They have produced
and continue to make some of the most widely appreciated art in the world. Among their
renowned skills, is their ability to produce varied and intricately designed cloth such as adire
(cassava paste and indigo print and dye method) and aso oke (strip woven indigo cloth). In
this section, I will discuss the way in which textiles are used in Yoruba dress and dance and
relate these practices to that of the egungun masquerade traditions.
A common saying in Yorubaland is “Asp la riki ki a to ki eniyan” or “It is the cloth we should
greet before greeting the wearer.” This saying illustrates that in some contexts the cloth that
the person wears is more important than the physical attractiveness of the person themselves.
It also indicates that one‟s importance or status is tangibly linked the garments they wear and
cloth they possess. Clothing such as the agbada and the dandogo are excellent examples of
the importance of cloth and its use in clothing in Yoruba culture. An “agbada," is a large,
voluminous garment made from strip woven cloth worn by men. It is made from many strips
of cloth sewn together with armholes extending past the natural length of the arm which are
then folded up onto the shoulders, allowing the excess to flow down on the The dandogo is a
larger version of the agbada. The term “dandogo” derives from the Hausa word “dogo”
meaning to “grow larger.” The theme of becoming larger through clothing is what Beverly
Gordon describes as the “big cloth equals big man” phenomenon whereby clothing is used to
not only enhance physical stature but also personal and social status of a given man.
A garment in which the use of cloth closely mirrors that of the egungun masquerade is the
gbariye dandogo, the cloth “with pleats” worn by traditional dancers in Yorubaland: The gold
and indigo strips are cut and sewn together (pleated and tapered) so that the skirt flares,
extending into the surrounding space, forming almost a full circle, revealing the dancer‟s feet
and trousered legs. The dancer whirls, bending forward at times so that the skirt undulated,
revealing the contrasting colors of the cloth‟s lining. It is the cloth, not the dancer, that is the
center of attention; and those standing nearby invariably feel the movement of the air as the
dancer whirls before them and the cloth comes alive.
When one compares the image and description with that of the egungun, the similarities are
striking The senior bata drum sounds the phrase, titiketike, which the junior drum
repeats, and suddenly the Egungun image is whirling with all his might, the cloths about his
body blowing in the wind…The other Egungun uses all his power in performance. As soon as
the drums start, he begins to dance, all his cloths swirling like a violent breeze. One can see
how the use of cloth and the cultural sensitivity to its spiritual and physical properties is
echoed again and again in Yoruba ritual settings.
What is central in both dances incorporating gbariye dandogo and egungun masquerade is
not only the abundance and use of cloth but the swirling motions and the resulting wind
created in both performances. As Thompson suggests, the creation of wind through the
movement of cloth, particularly in the egungun tradition is related the myth surrounding Oya,
the goddess of whirlwinds and her role as the wife of Shango, the Thundergod. What is
exhibited in both gbariye dandogo and egungun are the “essential elements: cloth, wind and
power.”
The importance placed on cloth, particularly in its use in Egungun masquerades, draws from
myths and beliefs surrounding the practice. Folklore suggests that cloth, particularly red
cloth, has apostrophic qualities and that it was once used to ward off disease and epidemics.
Even the saw tooth borders known as igbala, which edge the lappets has ties to this myth. It
is believed that Shango, the Thundergod, was spared from the epidemic because his followers
used red cloth with saw-tooth edging to ward off the sickness: “The word, igbala, means:
„something that saves a person.” In this way, cloth is believed to have immortal and powerful
properties that when combined with song, dance and ceremony, can affect the lives of the
Yoruba people. The immortal properties associated with Egungun inevitably have ties to the
fact that the Egungun performer and their costume acts as a bridge between the worlds of the
living and the dead, both by invoking ancestral spirits as well as through the use of cloth
closely associated with funeral rites and shrouds. The Yoruba believe that “we were born
wearing cloth.” Furthermore, the close link between cloth and immortality can be found
expressed in divination poetry explicitly connecting cloth with the creator, Olodumare:
Young ones never hear the death of cloth,
Cloth only wears to shreds.
Old ones never hear the death of cloth,
Cloth only wears to shreds.
Young ones never hear the death of Olodumare,
Cloth only wears to shreds.
Old ones never hear the death of Olodumare
Cloth only wears to shreds.
Through these links, one can see the explicit connection the Yoruba make between cloth and
lifecycle, their cosmos and power. Understanding these connections is fundamental in terms
of examining Egungun and their meaning.
sant.”
Chapter 3
3.0 Egungun festival
In the first place , the chief priest of the cult of EGUNGUN will take a lead after a due
consultation with EGUNGUN dev otees, on the spiritual direction of IFA oracle to give light
to ev ery step toward achiev ing a successful festiv al . One of the highly placed priests of
EGUNGUN cult , most especially ALAGBA would ask IFA oracle again about the duration
of the festiv al that can be either three, fifteen or sev enteen day s. After IFA has spoken and
day s chosen , the priest of egungun would go and report to the king to sanction and sanctify
the day s of the festiv al. Hence both the priest of egungun and the town crier of the king
would announce the day s to both the devotees and the populace in general. The
announcement precedes the commencement of the festiv al . While all worshippers both in
the city and in the neighbouring v illages would really prepare for the festiv al , and they
would bring fire sticks to prepare the food , beans, pepper , chicken , maize , cassav a flour
and other materials for EGUNGUN festivals
The first day is alway s fall on the day of EGUNGUN according to IFA v erse „‟OJO
NI IBO ESE AWO‟‟ meaning „the first day alway s fall on the day of secret and its ritual‟
EGUNGUN represent in reality ancestral div inities that shows the belief of IFA devotee in
the life after death and the resurrection of ev ery soul in the univ erse. The remembrance
signifies that ev ery soul in the univ erse must ensure that he works toward making a univ
erse , most especially the phy sical world a place of learning , and for the redemption of soul
to attract the wisdom and light of ODU , the v ibration from OLODUMARE. IFA teaches us
to learn and to turn our learning into meaningful step to shape our life on the daily basis,
ORI BABA RE AGBE OOO
ORI IY A RE AGBE OOO
ASEY I SAMODUN
OJO AJI NA SI ARA WON
EGUNGUN A GBE WA OOOO
TRANSLATION
The soul and the spirit of y our father will lift you
The soul and the spirit of y our mother will lift you
Annually, we shall all be blessed
We shall liv e long to attract the blessing of GOD
EGUNGUN will bless us
3.1 THE WORSHIPPERS OF EGUNGUN
ALAPINNI --- The head priest of EGUNGUN cult
ALAGBAA--- is the head of the OJE, ---second in command to ALAPINNI
ALARAN--- it is the third in command in the hierarchy of EGUNGUN cult . It is second
in command and important to ALAGBAA
EESORUN--- mostly women, they are fourth, most important title , and rev ered
position in the cult of EGUNGUN
AKEERE--- it is the least most important position in the cult of EGUNGUN
OJE---- this is the name giv en to all EGUNGUN worshippers
EGUNGUN SIGN
ATORI , EY I TI AFIN TI A SI DIPO NI AMIN EGUNGUN, THAT IS ATORI ( GLY
PHAEA
BREVIS (SPRENG) MONACH,TILIACEAE) remov e parts of outer-coat , heated with
fire and bind it together is the sign of EGUNGUN
SACRIFICIAL MATERIALS
ORUKO -MALE GOAT (HE –GOAT)
AKUK O- COCK (MALE HEN )
OBI - KOLANUTS EITHER WITH THREE, FOUR , FIVE, SIX LOBES
OOLE OR OLELE--- THAT IS , A BEAN FLOUR , MIXED WITH INGREDIENTS(
PEPPER ,
ONION , TOMATOES AND OTHER FLAVOR ( WRAPPED INSIDE A LEAVE OR NY
LON
AND COOKED IN THE EXTREMELY HOT WATER
DIE NINU ORIKI EGUNGUN, - PARTS OF EGUNGUN ADORATION
AJE OLELE MA LE E SARE
EATING OLELE TO THE STATE OF RUNNING LESS
AJE MOIN -MOIN SU SASO
EATING COOKED BEAN FLOUR TO THE EXTENT OF EXCRETING ON THE OWN
BODY
EGUNGUN ARA OKO
EGUNGUN FROM THE TRIBE OF OKO
ANOTHER ORIKI EGUNGUN -- ADORATION OF EGUNGUN
ODUN PE AWO ELEJIO
THE Y EAR COMES , THE SECRET OF THE OWNER OF EJIO
OSUN OMO ARINNAKO
MONTH, THE CHILDREN OF ARINNAKO
AJODUN WE RO DE AWO AROSINKO
THE CELEBRATION GOES BEY OND IMAGINATION, THE SECRET OF AROSINKO
ODUN LA RA TA, ODUN LA ROBI
EVERY Y EAR , WE SEE PEPPER, Y EARLY WE SEE KOLANUTS FRUITS
ODUN WADI PEREGUN
Y EAR BECOME PEREGUN( DRACAENA ARBOREA)
ODUN NI PEREGUN Y E
Y EARLY PEREGUN IS ALIVE
AJODUN WA RO DE AWO AROSINKO
OUR CELEBRATION GOES BEY OND IMAGINATION, AND THE SECRET OF
AWOSINKA
EGUNGUN OJE Y AWA JIY O, WA JEPO
ALL EGUNGUN‟S DEVOTEES AND ITS WORSHIPPER COMES AND EAT THE SALT
AND
THE PALM OIL
ADUDAMADA BI ENI PORI
ADUDAMADA LIKE MELTING THE SHEA BUTTER
OY O FUN SARA RE LO Y IN
MELTING ITSELF LIKE THE SHEA-BUTTER
Y AGBO-Y AAJU BI OSUN IWERI
LIVING IN THE FOREST AND IN THE JUNGLE LIKE FEMALE DIVINITIES OF
IWERU
AGBALAGBA Y A WA JIY O WA JEPO
THE ELDER COMES AND EATS THE SALT AND THE OIL
ODU WA DA PEREGUN
OUR Y EAR IS LIKE THAT OF PEREGUN
ODUN NI PEREGUN Y E
EVERY Y EAR PEREGUN LIVES
EMI SESE TI KOWE DUN
WITH CALMNESS AND MY STERIOUS VOICE WAS THE SOUND OF KOWEE (A
SPECIAL
BIRD THAT INFORM US OF FUTURE DEATH , OR IMMINENT DEATH OF A
FAMILY ,
OR BELOVED ONES)
SONGS OF EGUNGUN CULT:
IY A UN O FE LEGUN O JARE
FELEGUN (2TIMES)
BABA UN O FE LEGUN O JARE
FELEGUN( 2 TIMES)
BODUN BA DE MA ME GBA DANI
FELEGUN
BOSUN BA DE MA KERO LEY IN
FELEGUN
ORO Y I A DARI WO BE JE FELEGUN
TRANSLATION
MOTHER , I WILL LIKE TO MARRY A MEMBER OF EGUNGUN CULT
LET ME MARRY ONE OF THEM( 2 TIMES)
FATHER, LET ME MARRY ONE OF THE DEVOTEES OF EGUNGUN SECT
LET ME MARRY ONE OF THEM
EVERY Y EAR , I WILL TAKE UP MY WHIPING STICK
THAT GIVE ME THE STRENGTH TO CARRY OUT MY EGUNGUN RITE
EVERY MONTH , I WILL GATHER PEOPLE FOR EGUNGUN FEAST
TO DISCHARGE MY EGUNGUN DUTIES
IT WILL BE A TOTAL CHAOS , IF Y OU SHOULD NOT ALLOW ME TO CARRY OUT
MY EGUNGUN RITE
OTHER SONGS
OLOBI MAJE NBI KO WU MI OOO
OLOBI MAJE NBI KO WU MI
OMO BII OLUMOKO OOO
OLOBI MA JE NBI KO WU MI
TRANSLATION
NEVER ALLOW EVIL DOERS TO AFFLICT EVIL UPON ME
NEVER ALLOW EVIL ONES TO DESTROY ME WITH EVIL
LIKE THE CHILDREN OF OLUMOKO
NEVER ALLOW EVIL TO BEFALL ME
ANOTHER MY TH SORROUNDS THE CULT OF EGUNGUN
EGUNGUN ARA ORUN KIN-KIN? EGUNGUN, THE HEAVENLY HOST FROM
ABOVE
It is a deity with a colourful dress , it is one of the greatest div inities in the land of
Y oruba. Among oral traditions, there are lot of stories about EGUNGUN cult and how
it sprouted up among Y oruba race
IFA told us about a man called KUJENRA who turned the cloth of ORO to EGUNGUN ,
which attract people‟s adoration of this said cloth and consequently led to the object
of worship. While other my ths made us to know that EGUNGUN and ORO are of the
same family that is brothers. The my th went further that both ORO and EGUNGUN
were good merchants . They took their trade to neighbouring cities . ORO was a
spendthrift , squandered and a compulsiv e shopper. He had no reserv e ,while
EGUNGUN was found of pleasing himself with v arious cloths and meticulously
dressing himself to taste. When it was a time to go back to their town , EGUNGUN put
on beautiful , elegant and flamboy ant dresses while ORO could not hav e a good wear
on his body because he was a wastrel. This brought shame , dishonour and indignity
to him. In disgrace , he was forced to enter into forest v ery close to their city , while
his brother EGUNGUN entered the city with ex otic and ostentatious dresses that
befitted the glory of OLODUMARE and his statues as a rev ered deity .
ORO , liv ed in the forest nearby , but designed a mean to intimidate people in the
market place whenev er he wanted to buy food with his strange noise of „‟NO MU UN ,
NO MU UN‟‟ . This unusual attitude was to bully and frighten the people in the market
to run and leav e their good behind. When people ran helter-skelter for their liv es ,
ORO would cease the opportunity to take all what he wanted and the food to support
his continues stay in the forest. That was how ORO became a fearful being that
ev entually turned to a deity ,worshipped by men, while his brother EGUNGUN also
become an attractiv e deity among Y oruba and the cult later spread to the other part
of the world.
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