Do We Know Terrorism When We See It? (U.G. Essay)
Post on 24-Jan-2023
0 Views
Preview:
Transcript
Thomas Felix Creighton
Page 1 of 13
PEACE STUDIES - YEAR TWO - UNDERGRADUATE (BA)
International Terrorism Assignment: Essay
PE0711D
This document is an essay with the set title: Identify and evaluate the major shortcomings in Laqueur’s statement on terrorism that ‘we know it when we see it’
Thomas Felix Creighton
Page 3 of 13
Identify and evaluate the major shortcomings in Laqueur’s statement on terrorism that
‘We know it when we see it’
This essay will examine how individuals, groups and societies evaluate ‘terrorism’ in order to
consider if Laqueur (2009:1) was accurate to insist that “most of those who have studied terrorism
and are reasonably free from bias will agree much of the time in their judgment of an action”. There
are several subsequent questions to ask such as: who should we define as ‘we’? This could include
individuals, groups or societies. A second question is; what do we actually ‘know’ about ‘it’ -
terrorism? This essay section will examine the theories of social constructionists and touch on both
psychological and sociological theories, as well as sketching the evolution of ‘terrorism’ over time.
The third section addresses the ‘when’; terrorism can be easy to identify in retrospect but rarely
contemporarily. Fourthly, do we actually ‘see’ terrorism? To watch explosions on television or
Youtube must surely be a different experience to seeing the attacks firsthand, so does this merely
give us the illusion of ‘seeing terrorism’? Is this in any way useful? Finally; with over one hundred
definitions of terrorism, is it true that ‘terrorists’ are simply ‘freedom fighters’ by another name?
Whose freedom was being fought for on 9/11 and 7/7?
We might hope that on issues of major contention we make our decisions through rational
consideration of empirical evidence. However, researchers at Stanford University questioned this in
an experiment to assess the role of individual bias when assessing factual information. When their
subjects were presented with mixed or inconclusive evidence on an emotive issue - does the death
penalty act as a deterrent to murder? - the experimenters found a marked tendency for people to
notice and/or recall material that strengthened their pre-existing opinions and to ignore or question
evidence contrary to their views. (Lord, Ross, & Lepper, 1979:1): “Thus, the result of exposing
contending factions in a social dispute to an identical body of relevant empirical evidence may be
not a narrowing of disagreement but rather an increase in polarization”. This has since been
confirmed in subsequent studies which have found that we may overestimate the value and/or
volume of information that confirms our biases because it is “more easily noticed, more easily
brought to mind, and more easily retrieved from memory” (Snyder, Tanke, & Berscheid, 2005:590).
This is relevant to the study of terrorism since, if empirical evidence can lead to polarization, non-
empirical evidence seems even less likely to lead to a consensus: Silke (2002) has criticized how little
new writings on terrorism actually comprise of new research compared to literature on comparable
subjects, such as criminology. He observed an excessive “reliance on open-source documents...
researchers were not producing substantively new data or knowledge”. Schmid & Jongman (1988)
had also found this to be the case many years previously. Difficulties of conducting first-hand
research in this area are obvious, yet many writers do not even study ‘terrorists’ own public
statements, instead relying on government sources or media reports (Silke, 2002). The former has an
inevitable bias, whilst the latter has issues examined below. So, not only do individuals frequently
fail to make rational judgements based on evidence, but in the case of terrorism, the ‘evidence’ itself
can often be deeply flawed.
A better known psychological experiment conducted at Stanford was the prison experiments which
demonstrated how quickly individuals could identify with a group - prisoners or guards - and de-
humanize the opposing group (Zimbardo, 2003). The phenomenon of ‘groupthink’ has also been
illustrated through study of the Bay of Pigs affair, explaining how “bright, shrewd men like John F.
Thomas Felix Creighton
Page 4 of 13
Kennedy and his advisers... [were] taken in by the CIA’s stupid, patchwork plan” (Janis, 1972:iii). In
both these instances, unusually homogenous groups were under pressure to make swift decisions
and once they had agreed among themselves, proved remarkably resistant as a group to ideas
emanating from outside the group. Indeed “Bobby Kennedy (US Attorney General at the time)
described how he had become a self-appointed “mind guard” to the group, threatening outsiders
holding opposing opinions and accusing them of disloyalty to the President” (West, 2004:119). A far-
reaching review of the decision making processes ultimately led to better, more hard-headed
decision making during the subsequent Cuban missile crisis (Janis, 1972). So, whilst individuals can
suffer confirmation bias, groups of individuals may suffer similar difficulties to an even greater
extreme. Indeed, this has been highlighted by Horgan (2003) as a distinct problem within terrorist
organisations, which are closed groups by necessity. This might conceivably be a danger for those
tasked with countering a terrorist threat.
Given that societies are constructed of groups of individuals, can society at large suffer from
‘groupthink’? One symptom of the latter is to “develop stereotyped images that de-humanize out-
groups” (Janis, 1972:6). This is something that societies are certainly not immune to; indeed, it is
very common in conflict situations (Somasundaram, 2009). Maiese (2003:1) stated that in conflicts,
“the actions of distrusted parties are seen as threatening, even when their actions are ambiguous...
when an adversary makes some conciliatory actions, this conduct is likely to go unnoticed, or to be
discounted as deceptive” so, once a negative stereotype has been established by either group, a
proccess of ‘selective perception’ takes place which is difficult to alter. Perhaps this is one reason
why “governments and security services are extremely quick to try to label their enemies as
terrorists” (Silke, 2003:34). “Like many of the most durable prejudices, the stereotype of the
terrorist as a psychopathic monster has survived a lot of academic attempts to dilute it” (Townshed,
2002:20). However, does labelling a group as ‘terrorists’ represent the beginning or the end of this
de-humanizing process?
Societies choose who to call ‘terrorisms’, who usually describe themselves by a variety of other
terms (Whittaker, 2007). The demarcation between ‘we’ and ‘they’ is an important one; terrorists
who target civilians, seeking to install fear in others, set themselves apart from society by their
actions. Often they will already come from an ethnic or religious ‘out-group’ such as in the
Israeli/Palestinian conflict or in Northern Ireland: Sometimes, however, their personal backgrounds
are entirely comparable to their targets such as the Baader-Meinhof gang or Red Army Faction and
the Weather Underground (Silke, 2002). Gunaratna (2009), stated that members of a ‘terrorist
organisation’ generally see their close knit group as being quite separate from society, in a fashion
not dissimilar to religious cults. Equally similar to members of a cult, ‘terrorists’ tend to believe
profoundly in a ‘higher truth’ that others seem frustratingly unable or unwilling to see (Whittaker,
2007). There have been ‘pure terror cults’ such as Aum Shinrikyo, the Symbionese Liberation Army,
and the Jewish group Gush Emunim, which were determined on mass destruction, not for the sake
of temporal political goals but for the sake of their somewhat unusual religious beliefs (Townshed,
2002): However, such groups have been the overall exception with other better known ‘religious
terrorists’ such as Hezbollah, Hamas and Al-Qaeda basing the majority of their demands strictly in
the temporal realm (Richardson, 2007).
The societal concept that is, perhaps, closest to ‘groupthink’ and ‘selective bias’ may be ‘cultural
relativism’. The essential claim is that there are no universal values or beliefs in politics, rather
Thomas Felix Creighton
Page 5 of 13
societies construct unique ideologies that work for their own unique circumstances (Tomlinson,
2002). This was primarily designed as a counter to the ascendancy of human rights, with the claim
that traditional ‘Asian values’ rendered democracy inappropriate to the region (Rothkopf, 1997);
such a view has become less popular, with Amartya Sen (2001:248) claiming such “dubious history
does nothing to vindicate dubious politics”. Yet the most widely quoted adage on terrorism is ‘one
man’s terrorist is another man’s freedom fighter’ which stresses that “where you stand depends on
where you sit” (Martin, 2003:9). It has been further claimed that many such violent movements
represent a ‘groundswell’ of anger and resentment against global inequalities, and that ‘terrorists’
often have substantial understanding, if not support, from oppressed peoples (Rogers, 2010).
However, terrorism can also exist with very little popular support (Aust, 1987). Both Laqueur (2001)
and Whittaker (2007) observe that terrorism is primarily found within democratic states, where
there is less reason but far more opportunity to commit terror offenses. This observation is heavily
dependent on perceiving sub-state terrorism as distinct and different from state oppression.
The majority of what we ‘know’ about the wider world is a result of second-hand knowledge
received through the press (Lippmann, 1949). The issues of how individuals evaluate facts has been
highlighted above, as was the reliance on media reports: we select second-hand information which
has already been through a selection process. “No one elects journalists to their public role and yet
they make decisions on behalf of society as to who gets to speak, when they speak, and how the
messenger or message is framed” (Cooke, 2003:89). Schaefer (2003) suggested that the reporting of
terror attacks were mainly influenced by the nature of the events themselves, although the
subsequent political discourse was influenced by local cultures. Cooke (2003) observing longer
running conflicts, argued that reporters can sometimes reflect the public’s pre-existing distaste for
certain groups; journalists are as susceptible to ‘selective biases’ as anyone else and if these remain
unchecked, may re-enforce the society’s prejudices. The media prioritise stories and elements within
stories according to how closely the readers will feel connected to them; hence the Western media
focuses mainly on terror attacks against Western targets (Schaefer, 2003). This may explain why
there is a commonly perceived connection between Islam and the tactic of suicide bombing, despite
the fact that there have been more suicide bombings committed by Hindus in the past twenty years
than by members of all other religious groups put together (Silke, 2003). There is also a danger that
by simply ‘reporting the facts’ journalists may focus on the most violent aspects of a conflict, over-
exposing the more polemic actors and underplaying peaceful movements that may have far more
substantial support (Lynch & McGoldrick, 2005).
None of us are ‘culture neutral’; this is central to ‘social constructionism’ which stress the
importance of the society into which we were born in determining our opinions, values and ideas.
These theories are normally advanced by psychologists claiming that “as a culture or society we
construct our own versions of reality between us” (Burr, 2003:6): it is further claimed that the
language(s) people speak can help shape their thoughts and ideas. So, if the English language did not
have the word ‘terrorist’, would we need to invent it to describe certain actions or would we
describe these actions in other terms? When we refer to ‘bombings’, ‘shootings’ and ‘killings’, these
terms are easily understood and easily defined. So why do we attempt to link - potentially unrelated
- activities and encompass them within the term ‘terrorism’? Whittaker (2007:9) argued that the
difference is; “the terrorist is essentially an altruist: he believes that he is serving a “good” cause...
The criminal, by comparison, serves no cause at all, just his own personal aggrandizement”.
Thomas Felix Creighton
Page 6 of 13
The concept of groups committing what A.P Schmid termed “the peacetime equivalent of war
crimes” (Siegel, 2009:328) in a ‘good’ cause has sometimes led to the assumption that terrorists
must be ‘crazy fanatics’: However, “most academic studies point to the view that terrorists are
generally remarkable for their sheer ordinariness” (Townshed, 2002:20). This fact may remain
somewhat unpopular outside a small group of experts since “the despair in recognising that terrorist
psychology is just like that of everyone else is the realisation that in the wrong circumstances most
people could either come to support a terrorist group or possibly even consider joining one” (Silke,
2003:51). Most people regard ‘terrorists’ in a different way to criminals, who might even have
committed the same physical acts, and most academics do not study ‘terrorists’ in the same way as
criminals (Silke, 2002). This would seem to support the social constructionists claim that the use of
language can be “a form of action” (Burr, 2003:8). Yet this only truly applies if one accepts the claim
that ‘terrorism’ is a constructed reality and not a description of reality. Many ‘terrorists’ - including
Osama Bin Laden and Shamil Basayev - claim to be ‘freedom fighters’ but they are fighting for
“political freedom rather than conceding to others the right of freedom from fear, or freedom from
random violence” (Richardson, 2007:9); this is an abstract concept in conflict with a tangable reality:
Galtung’s (1971) concept of ‘structual violence’ may be an important one, but so is the right to life,
and a world of other freedoms (Naussbaum & Sen, 1993). “The world that we have to deal with
politically is out of reach, out of sight, out of mind. It has to be explored, reported, and imagined”
(Lippmann, 1949:29); this may be true for the majority, but ‘terrorists’ live a life almost entirely
dedicated to a political ideology and a political group, only in some cases supplemented by religion
(Townshed, 2002).
Three ways of thinking about ideology are as “false consciousness... knowledge deployed in the
service of power... [or] ‘lived experience’” (Burr, 2003:84&85): The first, a Marxist perspective,
stresses the unifying power of an ideology for an otherwise diverse group of individuals. The second
stresses the link between ideology and its tangible results, whilst the final definition focuses on how
ideology is initially constructed. Those ‘terrorists’ that have been interviewed have often described
the unifying emotional bond shared among those who are part of an outlawed organisation; this
camaraderie is often aggrandized by including non-members who sympathise with their ideology
(Horgan, 2003). Additionally, ‘terrorists’ are often motivated by outrage at the existing power
structures; certainly the leadership, if not the ‘foot soldiers’, tend to have an extensive critique of
their societies (Laqueur, 2001). Many only become interested in the ideology after they or someone
close to them is directly affected by existing power structures (Richardson, 2007): Something
‘terrorists’ chosen ideologues generally lack is a detailed and viable alternative to the status quo -
Marx gave very little description of his utopia, and the same is true of Sayyid Qutb. The goal of a
‘return’ to an Islamic Caliphate is as essentially ambiguous as ‘workers of the world unite’. This
stands in contrast to the successful Civil Rights movement in the US - Martin Luther King’s speech
gives a very tangible vision of a future society, though it was very far removed from American society
at the time (Hodgson, 1998).
In the modern day, terrorism is a pejorative term but in the nineteenth century there were
anarchists who openly described themselves as ‘terrorists’ (Laqueur, 2001). Even in the mid
twentieth century Irgun stated openly that terrorism was an essential tactic to achieve an
independent state of Israel; the British Army was initially reluctant to describe them as ‘terrorists’ in
case it implied British soldiers were frightened of them. (Townshed, 2002). Over time, however,
those who commit violent crimes for political causes have distanced themselves from the term
Thomas Felix Creighton
Page 7 of 13
(Martin, 2003) and political authorities have become quicker to label their opponents ‘terrorists’
(Silke, 2003). This may be because the nature of terrorism has changed from being quite limited in
its targets, to an increasingly random use of violence normally directed against civilians (Rapoport,
2002). This is, perhaps, a result of the emergence of the bureaucratic state whereupon “the death of
a single individual, even a monarch, did not necessarily produce the policy change they sought”
(Whittaker, 2007:18). Instead, groups now target the civilian population, sometimes claiming that all
who pay taxes are legitimate targets as it is this money that finances the ‘oppressors’ (Richardson,
2007). In 1907, a Russian anarchist asked rhetorically “would it make any difference which bourgeois
one throws the bomb at?” (Townshend, 2002:60). This has a certain similarity towards Osama Bin
Laden’s claim that all kafir [non-believers] are legitimate targets - but Al-Qaeda has been consistent
in carrying out such a philosophy, whereas the Russian Anarchists showed in reality considerable
restraint (Laqueur, 2001).
“One of the tragic ironies of non-state terrorism is that outrages are committed to gain attention
and/or a hearing. Yet the very fact that such a language of blood is used tends to preclude a
dialogue” (Schmid & Jongman, 1988:23). Whilst all forms of violent conflict are in some sense
political (Clausewitz, 2008), terrorism has a tendency to be more political still in its character; “war is
ultimately coercive, terrorism is impressive” (Townshed, 2002:15). Religiously motivated terrorism
might be an exception to this, however, Al-Qaeda has a long list of political aims including: the
removal of ‘crusader forces’ from Arab lands, regime change within the Arab world - to Islamic
government not popular rule - and the diminution of the state of Israel, if not its complete
destruction (Rogers, 2010). In any political struggle, the mass media is of increasing importance and
‘terrorists’ often have strong propaganda campaigns that can sometimes compensate for
weaknesses in other areas (Wilkinson, 1997). A starting point for most ‘terrorists’ is to reject the
label entirely (Whittaker, 2007).
According to the editorial policy of the BBC (2011:1), “the word "terrorist" itself can be a barrier
rather than an aid to understanding”. Yet surely the 7/7 bombings - not to mention 9/11 - were
terrorist actions? Al-Qaeda have justified their ‘freedom fighting’ using both political arguments and
a variety of religious and historical texts - which are heavily contended within Islamic scholarship
(Lewis, 2008). Yet “criminals and their victims will seldom agree on the nature of a crime” (Laqueur,
2003:235); so why should we allow such a disagreement to stand in the way of recognising terrorism
as terrorism? One difficulty is that theft, assault and murder can be objectively defined (BBC, 2011).
Among the experts, there is still considerable disagreement over what actually constitutes
‘terrorism’ (Martin, 2003. Silke, 2002. Crenshaw, 1983. Schmid & Jongman, 1988). Society at large,
however, seems far readier to use the term ‘terrorist’; perhaps because one part of the definition of
‘terrorism’ may be the knowing violation of a society’s norms of how disputes, protest and dissent
are governed (Wilkinson, 1997). As such, ‘terrorists’ may only be identified in relation to the society
they seek to coerce.
A common feature of definitions of terrorism is to highlight the intended political effects of the
violence (Schmid & Jongman, 1988). Given that political struggles have a tendency to be context
specific, it should perhaps be quite unsurprising that the nature of political violence has also varied
significantly according to the context (Laqueur, 2001). Rapaport (2002) identified four distinct stages
in the history of terrorism: Anarchist, Anti-Colonial, New Left and Religious. His claim was that these
international trends in motivation determined the essential form of terrorism - though he noted that
Thomas Felix Creighton
Page 8 of 13
it had very little effect on antiterrorist action. The term ‘antiterrorist’ is used here instead of
‘counter-terrorist’ as the latter term has been used to refer to state, state sponsored and vigilante
terrorism when employed in response to sub-state terror (Crenshaw, 1983). Rapaport only covered
‘rebel terror’ in his writings, which is not particularly unusual in the literature at large (Whittaker,
2007): The greatest forms of ‘terror’ in the twentieth century were state directed. However, there
are differences between the two terrors beyond the state’s claim to a moral monopoly on violence.
Specifically, for states that have employed political violence; “terrorism was no more than one of
several strategies, and usually a subordinate one” (Laqueur, 2001:7). So, sub-state ‘terrorists’ have
tended to be ‘terror simple’, whereas Stalin and Hitler - whilst directing considerable ‘terrors’ against
their own populations - are not best understood by solely examining their ‘terrorist’ credentials.
Separating the two ‘terrors’ is a necessity “if we want to have any analytical clarity” (Richardson,
2007:5). It is difficult to see Al-Qaeda through any other lens than as ‘terrorists’. However,
Hezbollah, by engaging in philanthropic and educational activities as well as engaging in ‘terrorism’,
have emerged as a phenomenon some have described as a ‘state within a state’, and so are
conceivably ‘pseudo-state terrorists’ (International Crisis Group, 2007).
It is common for militaries to study previous wars in order to learn useful lessons for possible future
conflicts. Perhaps this is partially responsible for the common criticism that regular militaries
‘prepare for the previous war’ (Taber, 1970). However, terrorism and antiterrorism have rarely
received the same kind of attention; possibly because terrorism is not specifically a military problem,
a police problem or a political problem, so there is little available institutional memory for policy
successes or failures in this field (Richardson, 2007). This is little disagreement that antiterrorist
policies tend to be unimaginative and inflexible (Laqueur, 1987). Perhaps this is a result of the
tendency to ignore historical lessons? This may be comparable to the extensive - and rapid -
research made by the US Department of the Army into counter-insurgency since the invasion of Iraq.
The USDA (2007) concluded that very few of the most successful counter-insurgency tactics from
history would be acceptable in the modern day, but that there were underlying principles that most
successes had in common and could still be applied today.
Do we ‘see’ terrorism or do we ‘perceive’ it? Whilst the 7/7 bombings may be ‘seen’ by those not
present due to CCTV footage (Brown, 2008), there is surely a world of difference between watching
explosions on television and experiencing a ‘terrorist attack’ for real. We may fear that one day the
terror we see at remove may come too close for comfort but this is only a psychological effect:
Mueller (2006:8) has argued that the likelihood of being killed in a terrorist attack is comparable to
that of “drowning in the bathtub”; and yet vast amounts of money are spent countering a ‘terrorist
threat’ that may be little more perilous than the ‘red threat’ in the nineteen-fifties or ‘Japanese-
American saboteurs’ during the Second World War. One of the main aspects of the - over one
hundred - definitions of ‘terrorism’ examined by Schmid and Jongman (1988) was the secondary
effects of the violence; “kill one to scare a hundred” (Whittaker, 2007:37), and Townshend (2002:15)
stated that terrorism’s “biggest facillitator is collective alarmism”. Yet terrorism sells books,
newspapers and is a popular subject for undergraduates to study - far more so than road safety,
despite the fact that traffic accidents kill far more people in Europe and North America than
terrorism (Richardson, 2007). Just as with the fact that most ‘terrorists’ are not insane, the fact that
terrorism is a very minor danger has not trully entered the popular conciousness. So whilst we might
believe that ‘we know terrorism when we see it’, we might simply be seeing ‘reds under the bed’.
Thomas Felix Creighton
Page 9 of 13
As this essay has demonstrated, terrorists publically defy the laws and customs of the societies
within which they live, attempting to generate a climate of fear, in order to change their societies. As
such many are clearly recognisable, from Hitler and Stalin to the Weather Underground and the
Baader-Meinhof group: all of them believed that their utopian dreams, often far removed from
reality and sometimes quite incomprehensible to the majority of their own peoples, were more
important than human lives. Over time, sub-state terrorism has become less and less discriminate.
Terrorists attempt to force change through fear and coercion - something that is often recognisable
yet not quantifiable. Herein lies the difficulty; a social science must be based on empirical evidence
yet what can be the primary evidence of fear or the climate of fear? For the field of terrorism, no
such science exists; after four decades of research, experts still remain divided as to what constitutes
terrorism. However, societies do have established norms and moral standards; those who knowingly
and publically flout those standards stand to be condemned by their fellows - especially if they are
demanding that until their particular utopia is realised, others must live in fear of their lives.
Thomas Felix Creighton
Page 10 of 13
References
Aust, S. (1987). The Baader-Meinhof Group: The Inside Story of a Phenomenon - Translated from the
German by Anthea Bell. London: The Bodley Head Ltd.
BBC. (2011). Editorial Guidelines - Section 11 - War, Terror and Emergencies. [Website, accessed 6th
April, 2011]: Available from: http://www.bbc.co.uk/guidelines/editorialguidelines/page/guidelines-
war-practices-accuracy/#use-of-language.
Brown, D. (2008). CCTV Footage Reveals Moment of 7/7 Bombings. [Accessed 5th April, 2011]:
Available from: http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/uk/crime/article3724101.ece.
Burr, V. (2003). Social Constuctionism - Second Edition. Hove: Routledge.
Clausewitz, C. (2008). On War. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Cooke, T. (2003). Paramilitaries and the Press in Northern Ireland. In P. Norris, M. Kern, & M. Just,
Framing Terrorism: The News Media, the Government, and the Public (pp. 75-90). London:
Routledge.
Crenshaw, M. (1983). Terrorism, Legitimacy, and Power: The Consequences of Political Activity.
Connecticut: Wesleyan University Press.
Galtung, J. (1971). A Structural Theory of Imperialism. Available at:
http://bev.berkeley.edu/ipe/readings/Galtung.pdf: [Website, accessed 16th October 2009].
Gunaratna, R. (2009). Terrorism: a Unique Form of Political Violence. In N. Loucks, S. Holt, & J. Adler,
Why We Kill: Understanding Violence Across Cultures and Disciplines (pp. 139-154). Hendon:
Middlesex University Press.
Hodgson, G. (1998). People's Century. London: BBC.
Horgan, J. (2003). Leaving Terrorism Behind: An Individual Perspective. In A. Silke, Terrorisms,
Victims and Society (pp. 109-130). Chichester: John Wiley & Sons Ltd.
International Crisis Group. (2007). Hizbollah and the Lebanese Crisis - Middle East Report No.69 - 10
October 2007. London: International Crisis Group.
Irwin, A. (2004). The Ethics of Counter-terrorism. In P. Mileham, War and Morality (pp. 95-104).
London: The Royal United Services Institue for Defence and Security Studies.
Isreali Ministry of Foriegn Affairs. (2002). Blackmailing Young Women into Suicide Terrorism.
[Website: Accessed 4th November 2009]: Available from:
http://blackboard.brad.ac.uk/webapps/portal/frameset.jsp?tab_id=_2_1&url=%2fwebapps%2fblack
board%2fexecute%2flauncher%3ftype%3dCourse%26id%3d_10298_1%26url%3d.
Janis, I. (1972). Victims of Groupthink: A Psychological Study of Foreign-Policy Decisions and Fiascos.
Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company.
Thomas Felix Creighton
Page 11 of 13
Jefferies, F. (2001). Chapter 9, Zapatismo and the Intergalactic Age. In R. Burbach, Globalization and
Postmodern Politics: From Zapatistas to High Tech Robber Barons. London: Pluto Press.
Laqueur, W. (2009). Terrorism: A Brief History. [Website, accessed 26th February 2011]: Available
from: http://www.laqueur.net/index2.php?r=2&id=71
Laqueur, W. (2003). No End to War: Terrorism in the Twenty-First Century . London: The Continuum
International Publishing Group Ltd.
Laqueur, W. (2001). A History of Terrorism. New Brunswick: Transaction Publishers.
Laqueur, W. (1987). The Age of Terrorism. London: Little, Brown and Company.
Lewis, P. (2008). Young, British and Muslim. London: Continuum International Publishing Group .
Lippmann, W. (1949). Public Opinion. London: George Allen & Unwin Ltd.
Lord, C., Ross, L., & Lepper, M. (1979). Biased Assimilation and Attitude Polarization: The Effects of
Prior Theories on Subsequently Considered Evidence. [Website, accessed 15th March 2011]: Available
from: http://www.unc.edu/~fbaum/teaching/POLI891_Sp11/articles/jpsp-1979-Lord-Ross-
Lepper.pdf.
Lynch, J. & McGoldrick, A. (2005). Peace Journalism. Stroud: Hawthorn Press.
Maiese, M. (2004). Entrapment. [Website, accessed 11th April, 2010]: Available from:
http://www.beyondintractability.org/essay/sacrifice_trap/?nid=1088.
Maiese, M. (2003). Destructive Escalation. [Website, accessed 2nd April, 2010]: Available from:
http://www.beyondintractability.org/essay/escalation/?nid=1085.
Martin, G. (2003). Understanding Terrorism: Challenges, Perspectives, and Issues. London: Sage
Publications, Inc.
Mockaitis, T. R. (1990). British Counterinsurgency 1919-60. London: MacMillan Press Ltd.
Mueller, J. (2006). Is There Still a Terrorist Threat? - The Myth of an Omnipresent Enemy. [Website,
accessed 5th April, 2011]: Available from:
http://heinonline.org/HOL/Page?handle=hein.journals/fora85&div=77&g_sent=1&collection=journal
s.
Nacos, B. & Torres-Reyna, O. (2003). Framing Muslim-Americans Before and After 9/11. In P. Norris,
M. Kern & M. Just, Framing Terrorism: The News Media, the Government, and the Public (pp. 133-
157). London: Routledge.
Naussbaum, M. & Sen, A. (1993). The Quality of Life. Oxford: Clarendon Press.
Patterson, H. (2003). Northern Ireland Since 1945. In J. Hollowell, Britain Since 1945 (pp. 141-160).
Oxford: Blackwell Publishers Limited.
Ponton, G. & Gill, P. (1996). Introduction to Politics: 3rd Edition. Oxford: Blackwell Publishers Limited.
Thomas Felix Creighton
Page 12 of 13
Rapoport, D. (2002). The Four Waves of Rebel Terror and September 11. [Website, accessed, 26th
February 2011]: Available from: http://www.anthropoetics.ucla.edu/ap0801/terror.htm.
Richardson, J. (2007). What Terrorists Want: Understanding the Enemy, Containing the Threat. New
York: Random House.
Rogers, P. (2010). Losing Control. London: Pluto Press.
Rothkopf, D. (1997). In Praise of Cultural Imperialism? [Website, accessed 3rd March 2010]:
Available from: http://www.mtholyoke.edu/acad/intrel/protected/rothkopf.htm.
Schaefer, T. (2003). Framing the US Embassy Bombings and September 11 Attacks in African and US
Newspapers. In P. Norris, M. Kern, & M. Just, Framing Terrorism: The News Media, the Government,
and the Public. (pp. 93-112). London: Routledge.
Schmid, A. & Jongman, A. (1988). Political Terrorism: A New Guide to Actors, Authors, Concepts, Data
Bases, Theories and Literature. Oxford: North-Holland Publishing Company.
Sen, A. (2001). Development as Freedom. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Siegel, L. (2009). Crimonology - Tenth Edition. Belmont: Thompson Higher Education.
Silke, A. (2003). Becoming a Terrorist. In A. Silke, Terrorists, Victims and Society (pp. 29-53).
Chichester: John Wiley & Sons Ltd.
Silke, A. (2002). The Devil You Know: Continuing Problems with Research on Terrorism. [Website,
accessed 25th March]: Available from:
https://www.webdepot.umontreal.ca/Usagers/langlost/MonDepotPublic/recherche/Continuing%20
Problems%20with%20Research%20on%20Terrorism.pdf.
Snyder, M. Tanke, E. & Berscheid, E. (2005). Social Perception and Interprative Behaviour: On the
Self-Fulfilling Nature of Social Stereotypes. In D. Hamilton, Social Cognition (pp. 589-598). Hove:
Psychology Press.
Somasundaram, D. (2009). Collective Violence and War. In N. Loucks, S. Holt, & J. Alder, Why We Kill:
Understanding Violence Across Cultures and Disciplines (pp. 157-179). London: Middlesex University
Press.
Taber, R. (1970). The War of the Flea: Guerrilla Warfare Theory and Practice. London: Paladin.
Thompson, R. (1966). Defeating Communist Insurgency - Experiances From Malaya and Vietman.
London: MacMillan Press Ltd.
Tomlinson, J. (2002). Cultural Imperialism: A Critical Inroduction. London: Continuum.
Townshed, C. (2002). Terrorism: A Very Short Introduction. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
USDA. (2007). The US Army: Marine Corps: Counterinsurgency Field Manual. London: University of
Chicago Press Ltd.
Thomas Felix Creighton
Page 13 of 13
Vlavianos, H. (1992). Greece, 1941 - 49: From Resistance to Civil War - The Strategy of the Greek
Communist Party. London: MacMillan Academic and Professional Ltd.
West, M. A. (2004). Effective Teamwork. Oxford: BPS Blackwell.
White, N. J. (1999). Decolonisation: The British Experiance Since 1945. London: Pearson Press Ltd.
Whittaker, D. (2007). The Terrorism Reader - Third Edition. Oxon: Routledge.
Wilkinson, P. (1997). The Media and Terrorism: A Reassessment. [Website, accessed 1st November
2009]: Available from:
http://ics.leeds.ac.uk/papers/pmt/exhibits/755/The%2520Media%2520and%2520Terrorism.pdf.
Winstedt, R. (1962). Malaya and its History (6th Edition). London: Hutchinson.
Wintringham, T. (2008). Introduction. In Y. Levy, Guerrilla Warfare (pp. 7 - 13). London: Penguin
Books.
Zakaria, F. (2009). David Petraeus. Newsweek: The Interview Issue , 48-51.
Zimbardo, P. (2003). A Situationist Perspective on the Psychology of Evil: Understanding How Good
People Are Transformed into Perpetrators. [Website, accessed 25th April, 2010]: Available from:
http://www.zimbardo.com/downloads/2003%20Evil%20Chapter.pdf.
top related