Transcript
8/19/2019 Alvares Chariton 1997
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Chariton's Erotic History
Author(s): Jean AlvaresSource: The American Journal of Philology, Vol. 118, No. 4 (Winter, 1997), pp. 613-629Published by: The Johns Hopkins University PressStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1562054 .
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8/19/2019 Alvares Chariton 1997
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CHARITON'S
EROTIC HISTORY
Jean
Alvares
It is clear
that numerous personages
and events
of Chaireas and
Callirhoe
are either
taken
directly
from
history
or are
in
some
way
based
on
historiographical
materials.1
The work has been considered
a
historical
romance,2
yet
its
mixture of
genuine
historical
fact,
gross
inac-
curacies, anachronisms of Chariton's period,3 and reflections of drama,
oratory,
and
epic4 suggests
to
some
that Chariton
merely
aims to
pro?
vide
a
"general
colouring
of Greek
history,
to titillate the readers"
(Reardon
1996,
327).
I believe Chariton had
larger
aims.
Building upon
the
insights
of
Edwards
(1987, 29-51)
into
how
Chariton
depicts Aphro?
dite's influence
upon politics
and
society,
I
consider
here how Chariton
adapts
familiar elements
from
history
in
order to
provide
a contrast
to
For
example,
Hermocrates, Ariston, Statira,
and Artaxerxes
are historical
fig?
ures. Mithridates
may
recall a Mithridates
that,
according
to
Ktesias,
Statira
helped
be?
come
satrap.
The
Egyptian
rebellion
probably
recalls the revolt of
404 B.c.
and
Chaireas
the Athenian
Chabrias
who
fought
for
King
Tachos around 360 b.c.
Chaireas'
victories re?
call Alexander's
conquest
of
Tyre
and the Athenian defeat of the Persian
navy.
See
Bartsch
1934,1-34;
Schmeling
1974, 51-56, 76-80;
Zimmerman
1961;
Plepelits
1976,16-17;
Perry
1967, 77-78;
Hunter
1994, 1055-61;
Salmon
1961.
2On Chaireas
and
Callirhoe
as a historical novel see
Hagg
1987;
also Ruiz-Montero
1996,
47.
3I find
convincing
a date
in
the
early
Empire,
but
before
the
blossoming
of Atti-
cism and
the
Second
Sophistic,
most
probably
mid- to late first
century
a.d. See
Perry
1967,108-9;
Plepelits
1976, 8;
Ruiz-Montero
1980, 64-67;
Reardon
1996,
319-25.
4Mithridates' trial before the
Great
King
best demonstrates this mixture. For ex?
ample,
the court's
eagerness
to see
Callirhoe recalls the
appearance
of
Penelope
before
the suitors in
Odyssey
18
and the
Teichoskopia
of Iliad 3. The trial itself
combines tradi?
tional
conceptions
of the
Great
King
as
judge,
translations of Roman administrative
prac?
tice
(such
as
the
imperial
conventus)
into a Persian
setting,
and
details of
generic
Greek
legal practice,
such as the
paragraphe
(5.7.3).
Chariton stresses the
superiority
of
the
Greek ethos to that of the barbarians as he shows the proceedings corrupted by the lusts
of the Persians. Yet at
the
same
time,
the role of the
Great
King,
as
understood
by
himself
and
his
underlings,
also reflects
Stoic-Cynic
notions of
the ideal ruler. See Bartsch
1934,
5-7;
Bowersock
1994, 41-42;
Karabelias
1990,
393-95
and n.
109;
Ruiz-Montero
1989,
138-41;
Zimmerman
1961, 331-32, 339,
341;
Schmeling
1974,
117-18.
American
ournalf
Philology
18
1997)
13-6291997
y
The
ohns
opkins
niversity
ress
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614
JEAN
ALVARES
history,
as
those
elements' usual
political
and social
significances
are at-
tenuated or
ignored
and
as
they
in turn
become evidence
for
the
opera-
tions
of
Aphrodite.
Thus
a
Greek
assembly pleads
for
the
marriage
of
teenagers,
an
eros-obsessed
satrap
contemplates
revolt,
and the
hero,
seeking vengeance
against
his
erotic
rival,
mimics the deeds of Alexan?
der. I
use
these elements
to
produce
an
outline
(not
a
full-fledged
nar?
rative)
of an
"alternative"
history
of
Syracuse,
one that
suggests
a more
satisfying
history
wherein
Aphrodisian
values are
pursued
with the
same
vigor
as those
of
conventional
history.51
do not assert that
Chari?
ton intended
his work
to
be read as
a
type
of
history
or even as a his?
torical
novel;61
merely
wish to reveal
the
historical
narrative that is con-
tained
(with
much
else)
within the text and its
significance.
To
provide
context
for
this
reading
I
begin
with
Muller's observa?
tion that
Chariton
offers
his work as
a
successor
to
epic
inasmuch as
Chaireas
and
Callirhoe
concerns
a
heroic
period
of Greek
history
that
had
by
Chariton's
time become
legendary.7
For
such
"epic"
and
"my-
thologized"
history,
traditional
accounts,
such as
those
of
Thucydides,
become
simply
raw
material,
such as Homer became for later
poets,
dramatists
and
rhetoricians?material
to be altered
according
to the au?
thor's
purposes.8
Further,
as Bowersock
notes,
starting
at
roughly
the
5By
"conventional
history"
I
denote historical narratives like
those
of
Herodotus
or
Thucydides.
6I
consider
Greek
novels as
light
entertainment for the
educated,
and
Chaireas and
Callirhoe directed
to
those
who,
like
Chariton,
had
a
"decent
secondary
education" but
were
by
no
means
"very
well read" as
might by
contrast be said of
Longus
or Heliodorus.
See Reardon 1996, 323; also Bowie 1985, 688; Wesseling 1988, 77.
7Miiller
1976,131-34.
See also
Scholes
and
Kellogg
1966,
57-81.
8Ruiz-Montero
(1996,
42-48) gives
a
good
account
(with
bibliography)
of the rela?
tionships
between dramatic or
tragic history,
Hellenistic
biography,
and
the Greek
novel.
The conventions of these
genres
would
encourage
some readers to
respond
to
Chaireas
and
Callirhoe
as a
type
of
history
or
biography.
I
must also at least
mention the
vexed
question
of the
extent
to which
Greek and Roman
historians
and
their readers
felt
that
"fictional" elements?whether
made-up persons,
events,
or
sequences
of
events?could
be
incorporated
into historical
writing.
My
own
position
is
that ancient historians were
more
concerned with
history's ability
to
reveal
general
truths
than its
import
as a
collec?
tion of specific facts. Thus even a Thucydides will invent or alter historical details so what
they
signify
becomes
clearer.
Lesser historians invented even
more
freely,
although
all re-
spected
a
certain "core" set of facts
that could not be
radically
altered. This wide
variety
of treatment of historical facts
could lead to a
confusion,
even
among
supposedly
edu?
cated
people,
between fact and fiction.
Thus Diodorus
incorporates
the
utopian
romance
of Iambulus
(2.55-60)
and
Euhemerus
(5.41.4)
into
his
world
history.
For an
introduction,
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CHARITON'S
EROTIC HISTORY
615
time of
Nero,
various
literary
works
appeared
that
challenged
conven?
tional
history
or
myth by presenting
an
alternative version of
famous
events:
for
example,
the account
of the
Trojan
War
offered under
the
name
of
Dictys
of Crete.9
I
suggest
that,
for
Chariton,
the
glorious
period
of
Syracuse's
victory
over Athens is
sufficiently
remote
and
my-
thologized
to be the
legitimate object
of
a similar
rewriting,
an "alter?
native"
history
which
demonstrates
that
pursuit
of the
values of
Aphro?
dite
and Eros can
bring
the sort
of
success
achieved
by
the heroes
of
conventional
histories. The outlines
of
such
an alternative
history
can be
extracted from Chaireas
and
Callirhoe.
The
starting point
for
Chariton's
alternative erotic
history
is
an
idealized
Syracuse,
a
state whose
unique
excellence makes it
a
fitting
birthplace
for
the
exceptional
Chaireas and Callirhoe.
A
long-standing
literary
tradition
idealized
Syracuse
and
Hermocrates for their wealth
and
unexpected
defeat of
Athens.10
The
Syracuse
of
Chaireas
and Cal?
lirhoe is
a
city
with
recognizably
Hellenic
political
and social
institutions
that
work
in
surprising harmony.11
Hellenistic
and
Roman
historiogra?
phy
often connect
the
rise and
fall
of states and
individuals to
their
character and
actions;
similarly,
the
social
harmony
and
success of these
fictive
Syracusans
are
linked
to their
willingness
to follow
the influence
of
Aphrodite,
whose
politically
beneficent
effects
are
observed
early
on.
Initially
a fierce
political
rivalry
exists between
Hermocrates and
Ariston
(1.1.3-4).
Such rivalries were a common
historiographical topos
as weil
as
a
present
reality
of the Greek East.12
They
often
brought
civic
with some bibliography, to these questions see Wiseman 1993;Morgan 1993;Feeney 1993;
Woodman
1988,
197-212.
Finally,
Chariton's own
text indicates a
concept
of
history
that
includes
properly
mythological
events.
Dionysios,
amazed at Callirhoe's
supernatural
beauty,
questions
his bailiff about the
circumstances
surrounding
her
arrival,
suspecting
that
Callirhoe
is a divine
being:
"xouxo exelvo-
uia
Nuu^cov r\
NrjQTjtdtov
x
OaXdaaTjg
avekr\kvQe.
xaxaXafupdvouai
de xai
daijiovag
xaiQoi,
xiveg
eijiaQuivTjg vdyxTjvc|>eQOvxeg
6|niXiag biex'
vOodmcov
xauxa
r\\ilw
oxoqovoi
Jtoirrraixe xai
aDYYQacbeig"
2.4.8-9).
Such
divine
liaisons are
thought
appropriate
material for
guyyQ0^8^
as weh as
poets.
For other
examples
of the confusion
between
mythology
and
history
see
Bowersock
1994,
8-13.
9See Bowersock
1994,
1-28;
also Merkle
1994.1 would
argue,
however,
that
Xeno?
phon's Cyropaideia, which rewrites the history of Cyrus and Persia to illustrate Xeno?
phon's
conception
of ideal
kingship, represents
the
earliest such
"alternative"
history.
See
Tatum
1989,
Stadter 1991.
10See
Bompaire
1977; Billault,
1989;
Pernot 1981.
11
See
Alvares
1993,
153-67;
Ruiz-Montero
1989,
113-18.
12
C.
P.
Jones
1971,112.
For a fine
example
of
such
rivalry
see
C. P Jones
1978,101-4.
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JEAN ALVARES
disaster,
but
here
Eros,
"who is a lover
of
victory
and
rejoices
in
para-
doxes set
straight,"
decides that the rivals' two children should be
mar-
ried and
arranges
their
meeting.
Chaireas
and
Callirhoe
fall in
love, and,
forbidden
to
marry, begin
to
waste
away (1.1.4-10).
At
the next sched-
uled
assembly
the
Syracusans,
dominated
by
Eros
the
demagogue, ig?
nore all other
public
business and instead
beg
Hermocrates to
marry
his
daughter
to his rivaPs
son,
which would be
"the
first
among
his
[Her?
mocrates'] trophies"
(1.1.11).
Hermocrates,
being
fyikoTcaxQic,,
relents
and
allows
the
marriage.
The
assembly
is
abruptly
canceled
as
all
pre-
pare
for
the
wedding,
which
the
Syracusans
celebrate "with more
plea?
sure
than the
day
of their
victory" (1.1.13-4).
This
early episode exemplifies
Chariton's
method of
presenting
episodes
that both recall events
and motifs
of
conventional
history
and
yet signify
very
different historical forces
and values.
For
example,
like
Tyche
in
Hellenistic
history,
Love
in
Chaireas and Callirhoe
is
stronger
than human will
or
custom,13
and
seems
determined to overthrow stan?
dard
political expectations.14
Thus,
instead
of
making
a
political
mar?
riage
with a leader
of a
nearby city,
Callirhoe marries the
son
of her fa?
ther's rival. That
the affairs of
young
lovers
become
the
business
of a
public assembly,
that
Hermocrates,
having
permitted
the
marriage,
is
designated
(^ikoitaxQiq,15
and
the celebration
of
the
marriage
with
more
joy
than after
a
famous
victory,
all
represent
a
conscious transformation
of
the civic
values of conventional
historiography.
This
transformation,
however,
makes
perfect
sense
in
the context
of this
history;
for
by
ac-
knowledging
and
cooperating
with
Aphrodite,
who is
a
potent
historical
force,
the
Syracusans
gain
a
desideratum
of
conventional
history:
the
dissolution
of a
dangerous political
rivalry.16
This will be the first
of
many
benefits
arising
from devotion to the values of
Aphrodite.
13Konstan
1994, 32-33;
Fusillo
1989,
208.
14Chaireasand
Callirhoe
purposely
contrasts the
power
of
Tyche
to
that of Love.
The
account
of Theron's
discovery
demonstrates the
widespread
Hellenistic belief
in
the
power
of
Fortune:
"And Fortune
brought
to
light
the
truth,
without whom
nothing
is ac-
complished" (3.3.8).
Yet
later
Aphrodite
overrules
Tyche's plan
to have
Chaireas leave
Callirhoe
behind
on
Arados
(8.1.2-3).
Both
Eros and
Tyche
can
be
seen
as servants
of
Aphrodite. See Reardon 1982.
15This
designation
for a leader
appears
at
Aphrodisias
frequently
in
the
Imperial
Period. See
Ruiz-Montero
1989,
117;
Robert
1965,
215.
16In
an
interesting
sidelight,
Beck
(1996,
138)
notes an
inscription
which describes
how
Sarapis
orders his cult
to
be
introduced
at
Opus
and in
the
process
reconciles two
po?
litical enemies.
See IG
X.2 1.255
=
Totti no. 14
(1st
cent.
a.d.).
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CHARITON'S
EROTIC HISTORY
617
Sicilian
history
relates
numerous conflicts between
Syracuse
and
its
neighboring
states. Chaireas
and
Callirhoe transfers this
struggle
to
the realm
of
the erotic. Callirhoe's
suitors are rulers
and
sons
of
tyrants
from
Sicily
and the mainland
(1.1.2).
Informed
that Chaireas has wed
Callirhoe,
the son
of
the
tyrant
of
Rhegium proposes
to
murder
Chai?
reas
(1.2.2-4),
but
the
tyrant
of
Acragas points
out
that
open
warfare
(f|
ex
c()avefjoD
\icL%r\)
s
impossible
and
proposes
instead
to
fight
Chai?
reas
by guile.
He
then
asks
the
suitors
to
elect
him
"general
in
the war
against
Chaireas"
(1.2.5).
And,
after one
setback,
the
suitors
win
this
war,17
as
Chaireas,
provoked
into
a
jealous
rage,
kicks
Callirhoe,
who
falls down as
if
dead.
Out
of
respect
for Hermocrates
Chaireas
is
quickly
tried for mur?
der
(1.5.3).
This
haste
suggests
that the
population
wishes to
give
Her?
mocrates
the
opportunity
to
avenge
his
daughter's
murder as
quickly
as
possible.
The whole
demos,
shouting
various
opinions, gathers
for the
trial,
while the
suitors stir
up
the
crowd
(e&rip.oxojtouv,
1.5.3).
Such de?
scriptions
of
an excited demos and
demagogic
activity
are a
common
feature of
rhetoricians'
picture
of
Greek
civic life
(Russell
1983,
22).
Disaster
threatens,
since,
if
convicted,
Chaireas
will
be
destroyed
and
Ariston
disgraced.
Note that
Chaireas,
demanding
his
own
execution,
declares:
"I
have taken
the crown
(&jteoT8(J)dva)oa)
from the
demos"
(1.5.4-5),
as
if
his crime were
political,
not
private
(Edwards
1987,
43).
But
instead
Hermocrates,
respecting
his
daughter's
wishes,
pronounces
Chaireas
innocent,
and the
jury
concurs.
Hermocrates
and
the
Syracu?
san
demos,
unified
in
their desire to honor
Callirhoe's
love for
Chaireas,
avoid an
error with
dangerous political implications.
As often
noted,
Callirhoe is the
palpable
manifestation of
Aphro?
dite's
power.18
By
joining
with Chaireas in
marriage,
Callirhoe
gives
the
Syracusans
hope
of
further
blessings
from
the
divine
force she
repre-
17Laplace (1980,
88-89)
points
out
how this
episode
also
recalls the
activities of the
suitors of Helen of
Troy.
Many
of
Chariton's
scenes recall the
myths
of
Helen,
as
seen in
Homer
and
the
Cyclic
poets
or
in
drama,
especially Euripides'
Helen.
18Many
scenes
present
Callirhoe
as
an
apotheosis
of the
goddess
herself. Crowds
become awestruck by her beauty as if by a divine epiphany and Callirhoe is sometimes
mistaken for a
goddess.
See
1.1.1-2,
1.1.16, 2.3.6-7,
3.2.17, 4.1.19,
4.7.5-7,
8.6.11.
For
further
discussion see
Muchow
1988, 75-87;
Helms
1966,
42-45;
Ruiz-Montero
1989,126;
Laplace
1980,121-22;
Scott
1938,
385-86;
Edwards
1987,
29-51.
However,
Reardon
(1996, 328-29),
while
acknowledging
the
importance
of
Aphrodite,
sees
her
influence
as "less
than
sys?
tematic."
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618 JEAN
ALVARES
sents. She is rather
like
Syracuse's
living
Palladium,19
the embodiment
of divine favor.
Accordingly,
the announcement of Callirhoe's death
(1.5.1)
is likened
to
the
fall of a
city (Perry 1930,129),
and like
a
notable
political figure,
she is
given
a
state
funeral
attended
by
all
segments
of
the
population
(1.6.3-4).
After
Callirhoe is
kidnapped by
the
grave-
robber
Theron,
her
complaint
that
although
Hermocrates
had defeated
three hundred Athenian
warships,
he could not
keep
one small boat
from
carrying
off
his
daughter (1.11.2) suggests
the
equal
historical
im?
portance
of the
two
events,
an
equivalence
which will be
proved
accu?
rate,
for
this
kidnapping prompts
Chaireas
to
begin
his
career,
whose
successes
will
surpass
those
of
Hermocrates.
Some
separation
of lovers
(however minor)
is
a common motif
in
the
extant
Greek romances.
But
only
in Chaireas and Callirhoe does the
entire state
strive
to reunite the
lovers,
as
if
this were
a
matter
of
high-
est
political
import.20
This
corporate
mission to
regain
Callirhoe recalls
the
mythical panhellenic
effort to recover
Helen;21
yet
the
workings
of
the
Syracusan
demos,
assembly,
and
Hermocrates also recall conven?
tional
history
and
thereby
allow Chariton's erotic alternative
history
to
demonstrate the
superiority
of
the
Syracusans' eros-inspired
conduct.
Thus Hermocrates finds his
countrymen
far more
willing
to
recover a
lost
wife than
did
Agamemnon,
and
the
Syracusans
demonstrate a so?
cial
harmony
born of
common devotion to
Aphrodisian
values. When
Callirhoe's
tomb
is found
empty,
the citizens
mobilize: "triremes
were
immediately
launched,
and
many
took
part
in
the
search"
(3.3.8).
After
Theron is found
due
to
the
machinations
of
Tyche (and,
one
suspects,
Aphrodite),22
his
interrogation
takes
place
in the
assembly
(3.4.3-
19Callirhoe
s
called an
dyak\ia
(1.1.1),
and
in Ionia
her statue
is
beside
Aphrodite's
(3.6.3).
20The
closest
parallel
is found
in
Heliodorus'
Eithiopica,
where
the
citizens
of
Meroe intercede on behalf
of Characleia
and
Theagenes (10.15-40).
There too the
father
finally gives
in
and,
by altering
the
age-old
custom of human
sacrifice,
allows the
marriage
with
consequent
benefit for the state.
21
See
Laplace
1980,
84-85. Unlike
Helen,
Callirhoe
represents
more than
a
capti-
vating,
destructive menace.
Despite
the
irregularity
of
her
bigamous
(but forced)
marriage
to
Dionysios,
Callirhoe seeks
to
uphold
high
standards
of female
probity.
The
passivity,
obedience, and suffering of the young lovers in romance balance the self-assertion im?
plicit
in
their
marrying
partners
of
their own
choosing,
and
thus
they
confirm the
patterns
of
familial
control
and social
order.
See
Muchow
1988, 75,
93-98,135-36;
Heiserman
1975,
283.
22Chariton
states that it was
Tyche
who
allowed
Theron
to be
discovered while
be-
calmed at sea.
However,
the link
between
Aphrodite
and the
sea is weil
known,
and
it is
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CHARITON'S EROTIC
HISTORY 619
3.4.14),
where
the truth is
revealed when the archons
give
a
lowly
fisher-
man
the
liberty
to
speak.23
When
Hermocrates
proposes
an
embassy
to
seek
Callirhoe
in
Asia,
the
whole
assembly
shouts
"Let us
all
sail,"
and
most of the Boule volunteers
(3.4.17).
Hermocrates then
picks
two
men
from the
assembly (representing
the
demos)
and two men from the
Boule
(representing
the
aristocracy)
to seek Callirhoe
together.
The search for Callirhoe is
part
of
Aphrodite's punishment
of
Chaireas and initiates his career as future leader. His
voyage
to recover
Callirhoe recalls Menelaus'
expedition
to
Troy
as
well
as historic con?
flicts between Greek and
Persian forces on the Ionian coast. Thus when
Phocas,
Dionysios'
bailiff,
learns of
Chaireas'
objective,
he
leads
out a
Persian
garrison
to burn
the
ship
and
capture
its
crew. We note that
Phocas thus acted "to
put
off
something
terrible
and
quench
a war that
would not be
great
or
widespread,
but
only
concerning Dionysios'
household"
(3.7.2). Though
Chariton
is
being
ironic
(this
certainly
would
have been no
Trojan War )
nevertheless the
aborted
military
conflict
between
Dionysios
and
Chaireas should
be seen in the
light
of Chaireas'
future
conflict with the
Great
King
and his
navy.
The
episodes
set in
Ionia and Asia likewise
demonstrate the
power
of
love
as a
historical force and
similarly
transform
familiar
his-
toriographical
elements,
a
process
epitomized by
Miletus'
temple
of
Homonoia
(3.2.16).
Traditionally
altars, statues,
and
temples
of
Homo-
noia
were
dedicated to
harmony
between
warring
social
classes
as
well
as
to
peace
between
cities.24 This cult
was
familiar
to
Chariton's reader-
ship.25
Homonoia
was
also a
popular
literary
and
political
topic
in the
quite
possible
that
Chariton
intends his
reader
to
imagine
Aphrodite
the cause of The-
ron's
fate. Edwards
(1987,
44 n.
66)
refers
to the
cult of
Aphrodite Euploia
who
enjoyed
a
vigorous
cult
in
Asia
Minor and
the
nearby
islands.
See also Mellink
1978;
Farnell
1897,
636-38;
Solmsen
1979,
56-57.
23
Such
supervision by
the
archons
probably
reflects the
practice
of the
Hellenistic
and later
periods,
when
the
public's
right
to address the
assembly
was
curtailed;
see
A.
H. M.
Jones
1940,
164. But
the influence
of
Aphrodite
here
breaks
down
such
social
barriers.
24See
Plepelits
1976,174
n.
81;
Ruiz-Montero
1989,114.
Edwards
(1987,29-30
n.
20)
further points out that coins from Aphrodisias feature a statue of Aphrodisian Aphrodite
in a
conversation with
the
statues of other
cities,
under which
grouping
is written
homo-
noia.
Such a
temple
at
the
romance's
dramatic
date, however,
is
anachronistic,
since these
temples belonged
to the
Hellenistic
and
Imperial
eras.
25At
Aphrodisias
a
dedication
was
made to Homonoia and
Roma
in
the
second
century
b.c. See
Reynolds
1982,
document
1,
6-11.
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620 JEAN ALVARES
Imperial period.26
Yet
Aphrodite
herself was sometimes
conceived
of
as a
protector
of Greek
officials
(Sokolowski 1964),
and
Aphrodisias
minted coins that depicted Aphrodite with the cult statues of various
cities
accompanied
by
the
word
homonoia.27 Chariton
replaces
the
cus-
tomary political
associations
of
the cult of Homonoia
with
purely
erotic
ones,
as
this
temple
becomes
the
center of a
marriage
custom,
thereby
suggesting
that
Aphrodite
best
serves
the
city
by creating
homonoia be?
tween
man and
wife.28
During
her erotic anabasis29 from
Miletus to
Babylon,
Callirhoe
becomes the obsession of
ever more
powerful
men:
Dionysios,
the
lead?
ing
man of
Ionia;
Mithridates and
Pharnaces,
the
Persian
satraps;
and
fi?
nally
the
Great
King,
Artaxerxes. The
Great
King's
infatuation
with
Callirhoe
should
be
viewed
in the context of
accounts of Persian
history
as a series of court and
harem
intrigues
that
goes
back to
Ctesias
and
Duris and
can be seen
in
Plutarch's
Life of
Artaxerxes.3?
Again,
Chari?
ton
expands
upon
a
preexisting
tradition,
here to
suggest
the
influence
of eros
upon
Persian
political
life.
Thus in
Chaireas
and
Callirhoe,
al?
though
Mithridates
had
quarreled
with
Pharnaces,
the
neighboring
satrap,
Pharnaces'
appeal
to Artaxerxes is motivated
solely
by
passion
for
Callirhoe
(4.6.2).
As
in
conventional
histories,
Artaxerxes
must
pro?
tect himself
against
his
satraps
and
fears that if he
does
not
act,
Mithri?
dates will be
encouraged
to treat
him
with
disrespect (4.6.6-7).
Mithri?
dates,
when
summoned,
intends to seize Callirhoe and
revolt,
and
only
her
unexpected departure
prevents
him
(4.7.1).
Thus Chaireas
and Cal?
lirhoe
presents quarrels
between
satraps,
the watchful
scrutiny
of
the
Great
King,
and
contemplated rebellion?typical
elements of Persian
history?as
motivated
by
Aphrodite
and
Callirhoe.
26Dio
of Prusa wrote discourses on
homonoia,
as
did
Aelius
Aristides.
The
political
rhetoric of
Vespasian, Trajan,
and
Hadrian
likewise
frequently
mention homonoia. See
Ruiz-Montero
1989,
114-15.
27See Edwards
1987,
30-31 n.
20;
Vermule
1968,
160-61.
And
see note 24 above.
28Chariton's era shows
an
increased
appreciation
of
marriage.
Coins
and
funeral
epitaphs
stress
sophrosyne
and
philandria
as well as
homonoia,
and
such marital concord
is stressed, for example, by Plutarch in his Advice to the Bride and Groom as well as by
Musonius Rufus. See Ruiz-Montero
1989,131-33.
29The
party
of
Mithridates,
as it heads toward
Babylon,
is called
a
oxokoz,
sent out
by
Eros,
a
term that
often
denotes
a
military expedition.
The
party
of
Callirhoe
and
Dio?
nysios
is
likewise denoted
(4.7.5).
See
Laplace
1980,
96.
30Bartsch
1934, 5;
Zimmerman
1961,
339.
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CHARITON'S
EROTIC HISTORY
621
At
Babylon
Callirhoe's
erotic
power
exerts an
even more baleful
effect
upon
the Persian leaders'
ability
to
rule
effectively.
The
role of
the Persian
king
as
the
supreme
arbiter of
justice
had
figured promi-
nently
in
Greek
literature
from
Herodotus onward.31
And
here,
as has
been
noted,
the trial at
Babylon
combines traditional
conceptions
of
the
Great
King's judicial
role,
translations
of
Roman administrative
prac?
tice into a Persian
context,
and
details of Greek
legal practice32?all
of
which
are
subverted
by
eros
and
Callirhoe.
As the trial
begins,
Mithri-
dates
objects
to Callirhoe's
absence.
Dionysios
correctly
answers that
she has
no role in the
case,
but to no avail: xama
5ixavixa)g
\iev
eurtev 6
Aiovuoioc;, jtXf]v
ou5eva ejteiBev
EJteBi^ow yap Jtdvxeg KaXXiporiv
i6etv
(5.4.11). Royal justice
is undercut
by
passion,
and
the
peers
must
find an
excuse for the
Great
King
to demand Callirhoe's
presence.
Later,
after Chaireas
has
reappeared
and
Mithridates has
been
acquit-
ted,
the Great
King
sets a date to decide
who is
Callirhoe's
true hus?
band.
But on the
night
before the
judgment
is
due,
the
King,
unable
to
face
giving up
Callirhoe,
decides to
feign
a dream from
the
royal gods
demanding
a month of sacrifice
(6.1.6-12,
6.2.2-4).
Thus the Great
King,
through
the
influence of
eros,
not
only
fails in his role as
supreme
ar?
biter of
justice
but
undermines
Persian
religion
as
well.33
Another
activity particularly
associated in
history
with Persian no-
bles and the Great
King
was
hunting,
both as recreation and
as
training
for
war.34 In Chaireas and Callirhoe eros
likewise subverts the
royal
hunt. Earlier
the
head
eunuch, Artaxates,
had
suggested
a hunt to take
the infatuated
king's
mind off
Callirhoe.
The
lavish tableau of
the
Great
King riding
out
(6.4.1-3)
recalls
the
royal
hunt's
usual
literary/cultural
significances.
But here his
riding gear
is like the
extravagant plumage
birds flaunt to attract a
mate,35 and,
overcome
by
eros,
the
Great
King
31Notice,
for
example,
in
Herodotus'
description
of the Median
monarchy,
that
Deioces becomes
absolute
ruler
through
his efforts as
judge
(1.96-97).
32Karabelias
1990, 393-95;
Zimmerman
1961,
341.
33Artaxerxes'
religious
role is
evident;
he is considered a
god among
his
people
(xaxcx:n;?:n;^r|Yaaiag
Jidvxeg
ol
pdopaooi
xai Oedv
(t>av?Qov
oul^ovai
xov
paailea,
3.7.12),
and
his
quasi-divinity
is
linked to the
worship
of
the
paaileioi
Oeoi invoked
by
Mithridates (5.7.10) and later by Artaxerxes (6.2.2).
34Cook
1983,142;
J. K.
Anderson
1961,
57-76.
See,
esp.
in
reference to the
depiction
of the
importance
of
hunting
as
training,
Tatum
1989,
110-11.
35As
is
made clear
by
the
text:
xaOfjaxo
6e
aopaooc;
eaxi
ydo
i'6iov
'
Eowxog
(xo)
()>iA6xoaux)vjOeta
6e
uiaog
vno
KaMioong
ooaGfjvai,
xai 6id
xfjg
jio^ewg djidang
e^icbv
Jieoieptajiev
ei'nov xdxeivn
Oeaxai
xr\v jioujuiv
(6.4.3).
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622 JEAN
ALVARES
indulges
in
voyeuristic
fantasies of
Callirhoe
(6.4.5-7).
It is
apparently
now
that
Artaxates convinces
the
King
that he can
possess
Callirhoe
without
violating
his own laws on
adultery (6.4.7).36
Thus not
only
does
Eros cause
the
King
to
transgress
his own laws on
proper
erotic
behav?
ior,
but Eros' trivialization
of
the
royal
hunt,
granted
its traditional
sym?
bolic
value,
can
be linked to
the
historical
question
of the decline of
Persian
military
excellence
and foreshadows the later
incompetence
of
the Persians
in the
Egyptian
rebellion.
Factional
conflicts
were a
notable
feature of Greek cities
in the
Classical
period
and
during
the
Roman
Empire.
In Chaireas and
Cal?
lirhoe
such divisions are
inspired
by
erotic concerns. As Callirhoe
ap?
proaches
Babylon,
the
Persian
noblewomen fear that
her
loveliness
will
undermine
their own
reputations
for
beauty
(5.3.1)?which
in
Chaireas
and
Callirhoe
equals political
status.
They approach
Queen
Statira
and,
at
her
urging,
hold a virtual
assembly37
with
debates and
voting
in order
to
pick
a
challenger
to
Callirhoe's
beauty
(5.3.3-5).
Afterwards
Baby?
lon
is
divided
over
the
coming
trial: the
aristocrats
support
Mithridates,
while the
ordinary
people
sympathize
with
Dionysios (5.4.1),
and all
Babylon
prepares
for the trial as
if em
JtoXe^iov
xov
piyiaxov (5.4.1).
And
just
as war and its causes
figure prominently
in
conventional
historiography,
so
here
the
events
of
the
Egyptian
rebellion
fully
reveal
the
influence
of
Aphrodite.
Indeed
nearly
all
the
central
participants
are
motivated
by
erotic
concerns,
and a
close correlation exists
between de?
votion to erotic values and
military
success. To
start
from the lowest de?
gree
of erotic
devotion,
the
nameless
Egyptian king
has
strictly
conven?
tional
goals:
political
freedom for
Egypt,
and territorial
conquest.
His
greatest
success,
the
conquest
of
Tyre,
is achieved
only by
the efforts of
the erotic
hero,
Chaireas. He is
finally
defeated and
forced
to
commit
suicide
by Dionysios,
whose heroics are
largely
motivated
by
hope
the
Great
King
will
reward him
with
Callirhoe. Yet
simple
devotion to love
is
not
quite
enough
for
Dionysios;
the
rule
of the romances seems to be
"one mate for
life."
Dionysios'
first
wife
is
dead,
but
his
relationship
36Thetext is somewhat defective at this point. See Reardon 1989, 94 n. 97.
37Note
that
now,
as
in a
Hellenic
assembly,
differing
views
are
put
forth about
pos?
sible
challengers,
after which "there
was
voting by
hands as if
in a
theater"
(xetQOtovia
6e
rjv
(bg
ev
Oedxoq),
5.3.4).
Such
voting
seems
strange
in
autocratic
Persia,
but here
again,
as
during
the
investigation
of
Theron,
Chariton wishes us
to
see
the
democratizing
effects
of
the
erotic.
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CHARITON'S
EROTIC HISTORY
623
with
Callirhoe
betrays
that earlier
love.38
Thus while
Dionysios
survives,
his
only
consolation
is to raise
the child of another
man,
which Callirhoe
has made him believe his own. The Great King,
in
turn, is
on the
point
of
forcing
Callirhoe
when the
Egyptian
rebellion intervenes.
While the
Great
King
must concentrate
on
defense of his
empire,
he nevertheless
sees
to it that
Callirhoe
is
brought
along
(6.9.7-8).
When
Tyre
is
lost,
Artaxerxes seems
to abandon the erotic
as he leaves the
excess
bag-
gage,
including
Callirhoe
and his wife
Statira,
on Arados
(7.4.11-13).
The
Great
King
then
finally
wins
and
regains
his
territories,
but loses
his
wife to
Chaireas.
The
king's
willingness
to reward
Dionysios
with
Cal?
lirhoe
(7.5.15)
and his
eager,
almost
frantic,
behavior
when
Statira
re?
turns
(8.5.5),
indicate
that he has not abandoned the
erotic;
rather,
in his
new
appreciation
of his
wife,
he has the erotic values
appropriate
to his
role.39
Indeed,
while he still feels
strongly
about
Callirhoe,
Artaxerxes is
glad
that
Chaireas has taken
her off his hands
(8.5.8).
Chaireas
demonstrates
the most absolute devotion to
the values of
Aphrodite
and
receives its ultimate
rewards,
presenting provocative
contrasts between
conventional
history
and Chaireas
and Callirhoe's
erotic alternative.
Critics
decry
Chaireas'
lack
of
public engagement,
his
hysterical
emotionalism,
attempts
at
suicide,
and occasional
paralysis,40
but
these weaknesses
prove
his utter devotion to Love and to
Callirhoe.
His
excellence,
given
the
proper
erotic
motivation,
will show itself. Thus
when
Chaireas
finally joins
the
Egyptian
rebellion
in
order to
punish
his
erotic rival
(7.1.11),
he rises
rapidly
in
the ranks
(7.2.5-6)
and
soon
shows
the
greater
resourcefulness
and
bravery
inherent
in
Greeks.
Chaireas'
successes,
by mimicking
famous
events,
demonstrate
how devotees of romantic love can
prove
equal
or
superior
to the
great
figures
of conventional
history.
Like Leonidas
at
Thermopylae,
Chaireas
has three hundred
picked companions,
as he himself
notes
(7.3.9).
Like
Alexander
(but
with less
effort),
he
captures Tyre (7.4.1-10).
Like
the
Athenians
(whose
victory
at
Salamis
is
mentioned several
times),41
38
As
Dionysios
himself seems
to
realize;
see
2.1.1-2,
2.4.4-5.
39Konstan(1994, 1-59) points out how the Greek novels emphasize the equality of
age
and
experience
of
the
central lovers.
Thus,
despite
their
obvious
advantages
as
mates,
the
greater age
and
experience
of
Dionysios
and
Artaxerxes
prevent
them from
challeng-
ing
Chaireas as
a
match for Callirhoe.
40See
Egger
1990, 175-76;
Bowie
1985,
689;
Helms
1966, 28;
G.
Anderson
1984,
64.
41
See,
e.g.,
1.11.2, 6.7.10,
7.2.4,
7.5.8.
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624 JEAN ALVARES
Chaireas defeats
the
Persians at
sea
(7.6.1).
Again
like
Alexander,
Chai?
reas
captures
the
Persian
queen
and
treats
her
humanely.
While Chai?
reas' successes recall the achievements of famous Greek military lead?
ers,
Chaireas'
letter reminds us that this
war
has
been above
all
an
erotic contest
with
Artaxerxes
(8.4.2).
And
Chaireas
has
won,
a
triumph
symbolized by
the fact that
he
celebrates
his first
night
with Callirhoe
in
the
Great
King's
bed in
his
domicile
on
Arados
(8.1.13-14).
Like
Xenophon
in
the
Anabasis,
Chaireas
must
get
his men
home
after their
king
has been
killed
(8.2.1-3).
But,
unlike
Xenophon,
Chai?
reas does not
have
to
deal with
constant
dissension
among
his officers
and
men;
quite
the reverse. As
Chaireas
goes
from Phoenicia to Arados
to
Paphos,
and then
prepares
to
return to
Syracuse,
all
wish
to
return
with
him
(8.3.11),
and he takes
with
him
twenty ships
filled with
Greeks
and
a
select
portion
of non-Greeks.
While
the
Persians
must
keep
a
multinational
empire together
by
force,
a
microcosm of such
an
empire
spontaneously
organizes
itself
around Chaireas.
When Chaireas returns
to
Syracuse,
the
spoils
of his
conquests
indicate
the
scale
of
his achieve?
ment.
After
listing
some of
these
treasures,
Chariton
concludes,
"the
whole
city
was
filled, not,
as
formerly,
with the
poverty
of Attica from
the Sicilian
war, but,
a
thing
most
novel,
with
spoils
of the Medes
in
peacetime " (8.6.12).
Athenian riches
are the
results of
an earlier Per?
sian
victory, yet
even the fruits of
Hermocrates'
victory
over the Athe?
nians do not match those of Chaireas'
new
conquest.
Further,
Chaireas'
three hundred Greeks become citizens of
Syracuse,
and farm land
(al?
though
not
citizenship)
is
given
to
the
Egyptians
(8.8.13-14).
Chaireas
has
gained political power
equal
to
Hermocrates'.
And
whereas
Her?
mocrates' victories had
not ended hostilities with
Athens,42
Chaireas
can declare that he has made the
Great
King
a
friend
of
the
Syracusans
through
the return of
Queen
Statira
(8.8.10).
As their
uneventful re?
turn over the
open
sea
indicates,
Chaireas
and
Callirhoe remain
at
peace
with
the
gods.43
And
it is
clear that this new
order,
superior
to the
famous
achievements of
old,
was the result
of devotion to erotic
values,
as
demonstrated
by
the deeds of the
Syracusans
and,
above
all,
of
Chaireas.
42When
Chaireas'
fleet
appears,
the
Syracusans immediately
worry
that
they
may
be
hostile Athenians
(8.6.2-3).
43
Like
Menelaus,
Chaireas has
regained
his wife from an
Asian
prince,
but without
incurring
divine
anger.
See
Laplace
1980,
119-20.
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CHARITON'S
EROTIC
HISTORY
625
And
other benefits are still to
come from
the
productions
of
Love?most
notably
Callirhoe's
son.
As she
debates
the fate
of her un-
born child, Callirhoe declares that she is sure that the child will sail one
day
to
Sicily (2.9.5).
Later she
begs
Dionysios
in her
letter
to send their
child
back
to
Hermocrates
(8.4.6),
and
the victorious
Chaireas
declares
to the
Syracusans,
"There is one
being
raised
as
a citizen for
you,
O
men
of
Syracuse,
one
[raised]
as
wealthy, by
a
distinguished
man"
(8.7.12).
While Naber's
conjecture
that
the child is to be
thought
of as the future
Dionysios
I
of
Syracuse
is
speculative,44
this child
is
obviously pictured
as a future leader and
bringer
of
blessings
to
Syracuse.
We
may
summarize the
historical narrative within Chaireas
and
Callirhoe
as
follows.
Syracuse's phenomenal
defeat
of
Athens indicates
the excellence of its
citizens,
which
make
them a
fitting people
to
pro?
duce a
Callirhoe,
who incarnates the
power
and favor of
Aphrodite
and
draws
Syracuse
towards
a
greater
appreciation
of love and sentimental
values. As a
result,
Chaireas
and
Callirhoe
are married and a
dangerous
political
rivalry
dissolved.
There
follows
the
successful attack of various
Sicilian and Italian
potentates
upon
the
marriage,
and thus
upon
the
state,
but the
workings
of
Aphrodite
turn Chaireas' mistaken
jealousy
and its
unhappy
aftermath into a
felix
culpa.
Callirhoe infatuates the
leading
men of Asia and demonstrates
Aphrodite's power
over the
poli-
ties of Ionia
and the
Persian
Empire.
The
excellent
Chaireas,
inspired
by
his love for
Callirhoe,
trained
by Aphrodite's punishment,
and
finally
moved
by
the desire
for
vengeance against
his erotic
rivals,
becomes a
military
leader more successful than
Hermocrates.
He
captures Tyre,
defeats
the Persian
navy,
and
returns to
Syracuse
with
vast
spoils
and
numerous followers as the future ruler of a new
Syracuse.
Further,
through
Callirhoe's
actions,
there is the
promise
that one
day
still an?
other
outstanding
leader,
Callirhoe's
child,
will come from
Asia.
Thus Chariton offers material that both
recalls conventional
Greek
historiography
and
yet
has been
transformed to make the reader
aware
that
this material
belongs
to the
history
of a
different sort of
world,
one that revolves around
Aphrodite
and Eros and the
apprecia?
tion of romantic
values,
all
fully integrated
into the
historical
process.
Chaireas
and Callirhoe
contains a
partial
historical narrative of this dif?
ferent
world,
one that describes the rise of
Syracuse
to new
heights
of
44See Naber
1901,
98.
In
contrast,
Laplace (1980, 121)
sees an allusion to
Aeneas
and
a
return to his ancestral
home.
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626
JEAN
ALVARES
unity
and success
through
its devotion to
Aphrodite,
and
through
its
new
leaders,
Chaireas
and
Callirhoe.
The
pleasures
of
Chariton's im?
plicit alternative history are those which critics as diverse as Frye and
Jameson45 have seen as a
property
of
romance: an
escape
from
history
as
ongoing
tragedy
into
a
more
utopian
world,
which
has
not
only
its
own
protective gods,
but its
own
history.
Montclair State University
e-mail:
Alvaresj@saturn.montclair.edu
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EROTIC
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