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The Ordination of a Tree: The Buddhist Ecology Movement in Thailand

Author(s): Susan M. Darlington

Source: Ethnology, Vol. 37, No. 1 (Winter, 1998), pp. 1-15

Published by: University of Pittsburgh- Of the Commonwealth System of Higher Education

Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3773845

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THE ORDINATION OF A TREE: THE BUDDHIST

ECOLOGY MOVEMENT IN THAILAND1

SusanM. Darlington

HampshireCollege

Aspartof a growingenvironmentalmovementn Thailand,a smallnumberof Buddhistmonks engage in ecological conservationprojects. These "ecology monks" teach

ecologically oundpracticesamongThaifarmersand criticizerapideconomicdevelop-ment nationwide (which they see as one of the primary causes of the country'senvironmental risis). This articleexamineshow one northern Thaimonk used a tree

ordination,adaptedfrom a traditionalBuddhistritual, to buildvillagers'commitmentto his ecologyprojects.(Buddhism,environmentalism, itual, Thailand)

A Buddhist cologymovement,developingn Thailand ndotherBuddhistnations,addresses ocal and nationalproblemsof deforestationndecologicaldestruction.While this is only one aspectof growingenvironmentalismn Thailand Hirsch1996), the Buddhistsnvolvedin this movement ee theirreligionas criticalfor

providingpracticalas well as moralguidelines or ecologicalconservation.Thisarticle ocuseson howBuddhists, speciallymonks,puttheirconceptsof Buddhismandecologyintoaction,and heconsequent einterpretationsf bothsets of conceptsthatresult romsuchbehavior.As Buddhisms increasingly sedto promote ocialactivismsuch as conservation, ts role in Thai society is also being implicitly

challengedndreworked.While he exact

changeshatwill occurare

unknown,he

Buddhistcologymovement's otential irectionmaybeglimpsedbyexamining ow

rituals,particularly rdaining rees, promotethe ecology movement,lendingit

economic,political,social,and moral orce.The "ecology monks" are those actively engaged in environmentaland

conservationactivitiesand who respondto the sufferingwhich environmental

degradationauses.A majoraim of Buddhisms to relievesuffering, he rootcausesof which are greed, ignorance,andhatred.The monks see the destruction f the

forests, pollutionof the air and water, and other environmental roblemsas

ultimately ausedby peopleacting hroughheseevils, motivated y economicgain

andthe materialbenefitsof development,ndustrialization,nd consumerism.Asmonks,theybelieveit is theirdutyto take actionagainst heseevils. Theiractions

bringtheminto the realmof politicaland economicdebates,especiallyconcerningtherapiddevelopment f theThaieconomyandcontrolof natural esources.

Thescholarlydebate hathas arisen egardingherelationshipetweenBuddhismandecologyrevolvesaroundwhetherBuddhism romotesan environmentalistthicandwhat the basisof such anethicis withinthe religion.Muchof this debatehasoccurred nanabstractevel, looking o thescriptures,uchas thePalicanon,eitherto upholdor to refutethe idea that Buddhism upportsenvironmentalisme.g.,Chatsumarn1987, 1990; Harris 1991; Sponsel and Natadecha-Sponsel 995;Thurman1984). Otherworkhasfocusedon the forestmonksof ThailandandSri

ETHNOLOGYvol. 37 no. 1, Winter 1998, pp. 1-15.

ETHNOLOGY,c/o Departmentof Anthropology,The Universityof Pittsburgh,PittsburghPA 15260 USA

Copyright? 1998 The Universityof Pittsburgh.All rightsreserved.



2 ETHNOLOGY

Lanka, meditationmasters who emphasizea relationshipbetween the Sangha(monkhood) nd he forestbut not themonks' nvolvementnexplicitenvironmentalactivism Chatsumarn990;Tambiah 984;Taylor1993a).A few studiesexamine

the interaction etweenBuddhistprinciplesandconceptsof ecology; looking,forexample,atthepromotion f wildlifeandplantconservation ithin emplegroundsdue to the Buddhistnotion of preserving ife generally(Pei 1985; SponselandNatadecha 988).Whileunderstandinghescripturalasesof ecologyandhowdailypractice oincideswithconservations critical, orthemostpart hesestudieshavenot examined he consciouseffortsof Buddhists o becomeactivelyengagedin

dealing with the environmental risis beyondthe inherentconnectionbetweenBuddhist eachingsand nature.This essay describes he responseof a handfulofTheravadaBuddhistmonksto the severeenvironmentalrisis in Thailandand its

impacton the lives of ruralpeoples.

THEENVIRONMENTALND POLITICAL ONTEXT

Although t hasbeensuggested hatBuddhism as been"co-optedo argue hecase for a moreenvironmentallyriendlyapproacho development"Rigg1995:12),the severityof the environmentalrisisandits linkwithdevelopmentn Thailandcannot be denied. As will be exploredbelow, the monksare respondingo the

consequences f environmentalegradationn ruralpeopleand heirqualityof life.The debates urroundingnvironmentalismre nherentlyolitical, nvolving ontrol

over and access to natural esources especially and,forests,andwater)andthecausesof rapiddeforestation nd otherenvironmentalroblems.The focus here ison deforestationecauseof its relevance o the ruralpeoplewithwhomthe monkswork; deforestation,however, is only one element of a complexenvironmentalsituationn a rapidly hangingnational conomy.

The rateof deforestationn Thailands higher han n anyAsiancountry xceptNepal(Hirsch1993:2)andpossiblyBorneo.Theofficial iguresgivenby theRoyalForest Department RFD) indicate hat in 1961 (whenthe currentdrive towardeconomicdevelopment eriouslybegan),53 percent of the nationwas covered nforest.By 1986,thisfiguredroppedo between 5 and29

percent.

Nongovernmen-tal organizationNGO)estimatesplace the current igureas low as 15 per cent(Hirsch 1993:26-27;Pinkaewand Rajesh1991:22-23;Trebuil1995:68). These

figuresrepresent decrease romapproximately5 percent forestcover in 1913(Hirsch1993:27).

Thedifferencesbetween heofficialfiguresand NGOestimatesarelargelydueto howforest s defined.TheRFDincludesorestreserveands,despite hefactthatmuchof thearea abeledas suchhas beencleared.Theyalso includeeconomicandproductive orests, includingmonocropplantations uch as eucalyptus orests.EnvironmentalGOsrarely onsiderhese andsasforested.Theforestreserveands

are particularly roblematic s even areas whichstill have forestcover (usuallysecondaryorest) endto be inhabited y small-scalearmerswho either ivedthere



THEORDINATION F A TREE

atthe time thegovernment esignatedt as forestreserve andor latermigratedntothe area n searchof land. Thesepeoplehaveno legaltitle to the landalthoughheydependon it for their ivelihood.

Environmentalismn Thailand s not equivalent o the Westerndistinctionbetweendevelopment ndpristinenatural reas hatmustbe preserved. nThailandnature s inextricablyinkedwith economics.The critical ssue is accessto landandresourcesand the need to maintain ustainableivelihoods. The debatesrevolvearoundwhoseconceptsof sustainableivelihoodare to be upheld.

The causes of deforestation, omplexand inherently conomic and political,rangefrompovertyin ruralareasto economicdevelopment ndconsumerismn

Bangkok(Rigg 1995:6). They include commercial ogging (illegal since 1989),gatheringuel wood andmaking harcoalby ruralpoor,andswiddenagriculturen

highland reas althoughhe blameplacedon swiddenagriculturalistsftenignoresthe recentdecreasen available and hatwouldallowsustainableallowperiodsand

the uplandmigrationof increasingnumbersof lowlandpeoples). Ruralpeople,encouragedo clearmore orests ojoin inthe marketconomy,have ncreased ash-

crop production,but at the cost of clearingnatural orests. Nationalsecurity,especiallyduring hepre-1980era of Communistnsurgency ased n remote orest

areas, contributedo deforestation y buildingroads to make the forests moreaccessibleand diminish he areas n whichthe Communists ould hide. Farmersnsearchof landquicklymoved ntothe secured orests.Theprocessof state ormationlinkedthe nationalperipherieswith the center n Bangkokover the past century,

similarly creatinggreateraccess to previouslyisolated areas (Hirsch 1993:29).Cultural iews also promoteddeforestations the forests(paa and theuan)were

traditionallyeen as wild or untamed Stott 1991) and available o the generalpopulation s common andto be broughtntocivilizationandproductivity.Thesefactorscontributedo deforestation ndthe integration f the ruralpopulationntomainstreamoliticaldiscourseHirsch1993:14).Both heenvironmentalegradationand the limitsplaced uponruralpeoplesthroughpublic policy (in particular,heeffortsby the governmento remove armers rom national orest reserve ands nfavorof eitherconservation r economicdevelopment f productiveorests)affectthe

qualityof life of the rural

population.These issues have

provokedome monks

intosociallyconsciousaction n thenameof religiouspracticeandresponsibility.

ECOLOGYMONKS

InThailand,he self-proclaimedcologymonks phranakanuraksa) re at thecore of the Buddhistecology movement.Although ome of these environmentalactivistsparticipaten thescholarlydebateon the issue, theirprioritiesie in actionto preservevanishing orests,watersheds, ndwildlife,and o mitigate henegativeconsequences f theirdisappearancen people's lives. Their effortsprovidethe

motivationor re-examininghe scripturesn lightof environmentalismather hanthe studyof the canoncreating he impetus or conservation.To understandhe

3



4 ETHNOLOGY

current cologymovementn Thailand, ndultimatelyn otherBuddhist ations, tis importanto examine he effect of thepracticeof theecologymonkson religionin Thailand, o see how theybasetheirprojectson Buddhism, einterpretingnd

rearticulatingeligious oncepts, he role of theSangha, nd he function f Buddhistrituals n theprocess.

The number f monks nvolved n theecologymovementn Thailand, lthoughsmall,hasrecently rownrapidly2 iththepopularityf environmentalismurrentlysweepingThailand.Giventhe respect he Sanghacommandsn Thaisociety, the

potential or theirecologicalactivism s high. This can be illustratedhrough he

analysisof anecologyproject onductedn 1991 nNanProvince,northern hailand.Thisproject,co-ordinatedy a Buddhistmonk, nvolved hecreation ndsanctifica-tion of a protected ommunityorest hroughhe ordination f thelargest emainingtree in the forest. The tree ordination rovides nsightinto how ecology monks

throughoutThailandare rethinkingBuddhismand adaptingBuddhistrituals to

promote heir cause. Their concern s as muchto maintain he relevanceof the

religionin a rapidlychangingworld of industrializationnd modernization s tocreate an environmentalwarenessamonglocalpeopleand the Thai nationas awhole.

The ecology monkscome froma cross-section f the ThaiSangha.A few ofthemarebased n urban emples,andareinvolved n providing cripturalustifica-tions andscholarly xaminations f themovement ather han akinganactiverole.The majorityof the activistmonks are fromruralareas,the placesmostdirectly

affected by threats of environmental egradation.They come from both theMahanikaiand Thammayut ects. A few are rankedmembers of the Sanghahierarchy, uch as PhraPhothirangsrin ChiangMai Province,andcome under

greater crutinyandcriticism han ess prominentmonks.Evenwhileprovidinganalternativeo thetraditionalctivities f theSangha,ewof theecologymonks haveencountered elongto the moreconservativeadicalbreak-awayects, suchas theSantiAsokeor Thammakaay ovements.Most of the monks ryto avoidexplicitpoliticalstatements although hereare well-knownexceptions,particularly hra

PrajakKhuttajitto;aylor1993b, 1996;Reynolds1994),but thepoliticalnature ftheissues cannotbe ignored.Most

ecologymonksare

supportedrassisted

bylocal

and even nationalenvironmental GOs, some of the loci of politicaloppositionwithinThaisocietytoday.

Overthepastcentury, hegovernment as takenovermany raditionalctivitiesof Thaivillagemonks.While hetemplesremainhespiritual eartof villages,onlya few still houseschools or serve as health-care r community enters Darlington1990;Kingshill1965 [1960];Tambiah1970, 1976).To compensate ndmaintainclose contact with the laity, many monks performan increasingnumberofceremonies.For example,the consecration f Buddha mageshas becomemore

frequentD. K. Swearer,pers.comm.).The moreactive,visible,and n manyways

controversialesponsehas been o movetoward ociallyengagedaction. SeeQueenandKing 1996 for a goodoverviewof engagedBuddhistmovementsn Asia.)This



THE ORDINATION OF A TREE

firstmanifestedtself in Thailandn the 1970sthroughhe rise of the developmentmonks(phranakphadthanaa,an informalgroupmadeup of mostlyrural,lower-rankedmonksworking ndependentlyf thegovernment),who promotegrassroots

economicdevelopmenthroughouthe country Darlington1990; Somboon1987,1988).

Fromthedevelopmentmonksemerged heecologymonks,who see theirworkas monksandBuddhists s promoting uman esponsibilityoward he naturaland

inherently ocial) environment.They stressan interpretationf the religionthat

emphasizes he Buddha'sconnectionwith natureand the interdependencef all

things. While many of these monks work independentlyn their conservation

programs,hey are awareof the actionsof othermonks,share deas, information,andexperiences, ndparticipatenregional ndnationalrainingeminarse.g., Thai

Inter-Religiousommissionor

Development992).Some

provinces,uchas Nakorn

Ratchasima nd SuratThani,alsohaveco-operativessociations f monks nvolvedin ecological projects. Throughtheir preaching,educationalprograms, andconservation ctivities,the ecologymonkshave influencedThaisociety'sview ofBuddhismand, to some degree, its practice.They have raised the nation'sconsciousness egardingts environmentalesponsibilities s theiractivitieshavedrawn ignificant ttention ndmediacoverage.3

Criticism has been leveled at many ecology monks by the government,developers, nd hemoreconservativemembers ftheSanghaorbecomingnvolvedin political ssuesand activities een as inappropriateor Buddhistmonks(suchas

protestingheconstructionf hydroelectricams).TheThaiSanghahastraditionallybeenconservativeespeciallywhencomparedwiththe monks n Burma,SriLanka,Tibet, and Vietnam), rarely makingpolitical statementsor criticisms of the

government. he actionsofthedevelopmentmonksandespeciallyheecologymonkshavechallengedomeof thedevelopment oliciesof thegovernmentndquestionedtheindustrializationnd ncreasedonsumerismf Thaisociety.Theircritics,manyof whomtendto benefit romthecurrent irection f Thaidevelopment, elievethe

Sangha's ole shouldbe strictly n thespiritual ealm,keepingclearof politicalandeconomic issues. Some, such as the Sanghahierarchy,are concerned hat such

potentiallyontroversialctions ouldharm he

reputationf the

Sanghaas a

whole,lessening ts influencen providingmoralguidelineso thepeople.Regardlessof the reactions o them, the ecology monksarguethat it is their

responsibility s monks andas Buddhistso becomeengaged n this manner.TheBuddhistcologists andsociallyengagedBuddhistsn general; ee QueenandKing1996;ThaiInter-Religious ommissionorDevelopmentndInternational etworkof EngagedBuddhists1990) stress their connectionwith the Buddha's deas ofnature,heoriginsof thereligion,and he Buddha's dmonitionso relievesufferingin the world. Theirmovementdoes not advocatea new form of Buddhism, heyargue,but is aneffortto putthe basic ideas of the religion n terms that meet the

needs of the modernworld.Theysee this movementas one of "radical onserva-tism,"4 eturningo theoriginal eachings f the Buddha s appliedo contemporary

5



6 ETHNOLOGY

situations.This movement s not limitedto Thailand,but is part of a growinginternational uddhistmovementhatgoesbeyondnational ndsectarian ifferencesto promote cologicalawareness.

Therehavebeen monks n Thailandxplicitly oncerned bout heenvironmentfor sometime, such as PhraAjarnPongsakTechadhammon ChiangMai(Suchira1992;Renardn.d.) and Buddhadasahikkhun SuratThani,buttheiractionsand

teachingshadlimitedscope. In recentyears,the Buddhist cology movementhascoalesced nto a consciousandsomewhato-ordinatednstitution. tscoherence ndtheincreased o-operationnddialogueamongmonks romdifferent egionsof the

countryhave drawnpublicattentiono themovement ndgreateracceptance f itsmethodsandthe appropriatenessf suchactionsby monks.Thisnew approacho

religionandmonks nThaisocietyand hecreative pplicationf theecologymonks'

philosophyo makeBuddhist ituals oolsof social actionmaychange

heconceptsand practiceof Thai Buddhism.One exampleis the work of PhrakhruPitak

Nanthakhun f Nan Province,the monk who co-ordinated he tree ordinationexaminedhere.

HISTORICALACKGROUND

Phrakhru itak's ponsorshipf treeordinationsndother nvironmentalctionscame romhisexperiencen a remotemountainillageaffectedby deforestationndthe promotionof cashcropsandconsumerism.n the mid-1970s,shortlyafterhis

ordination,PhrakhruPitak became alarmedat the deforestation nd damagedwatershedsntheregionaround is homevillagedueto extensive ogging legaland

illegal)by largecompanies ndclear-cuttingy northernThai farmers n order o

plantmaize.Thevillagerscontinually adto cut into theforestto growmaizeas a

supplementaryourceof income,andthemaize tselfcaused ignificantrosionand

damage o the soil, necessitatingurtherclear-cuttingor agriculturaland. Thiscausedhisdistrict o become hepoorestanddriest ntheprovince,with thehighestrateof adultsmigratingofindwork nBangkok.Foryears he monkpreached bout

ecologicalconservation, tressing he interconnectionetweensocial and naturalenvironments ndhumankind's

esponsibilityo each.

Despite Phrakhru itak'spreaching, he destructionontinued.The villagerscameto himto makereligiousmeritand isten o his sermons, hen returned ometo clearthe land.Theloggingcompanies ut the forestandthevillagerswereeithertoo afraidof retributionrtoounorganizedo oppose hem.If theysawaconnectionbetween heiractions, heir ncreasing overty,and heenvironmentalrisis,theydid

nothingabout t. In early 1990Phrakhru itakvisitedPhrakhruManasof PhayaoProvince, he monkcreditedwithperforminghefirstsymbolicordinationf a treeto makepeopleawareof environmentalesponsibility.nJune1990,Phrakhruitakmovedbeyondpreaching necologicalmessageandsponsored treeordinationn

thecommunityorestof his homevillage(seeDarlington .d.), and n July1991 heperformed second o sanctify heforestsurroundingenneighboringillages.



THEORDINATION FA TREE

These ceremonieswere only a small portionof the monk'sprojects,whichincluded everalmonthsof educating illagersaboutenvironmentalssues,trainingyoung emporary ovicesabout he naturalnvironment,hepromotion f economic

alternativeso growingmaize as a cash crop, and the establishment f protectedcommunityorests(see Darlington .d.; LocalDevelopmentnstitute1992;SanehandYos 1993).Phrakhru itakpromotedelf-reliant evelopment rojects, uch as

integrated griculture mphasizingplanting or subsistenceratherthan for sale,becauseprotectinghe forestsimplyby denying hevillagersaccessto it would notbe successful.Since the villagers gainedmuch of their income from the forest,economic alternativesneeded to be established o ensure their co-operation n

preservingheforest. Localcommitteeswere also establishedo manageheforests,

patrol the sanctified areas againstincursion,and sponsorcontinuedecologicalactivities o

keepthecommitment f the

projectsalive.

The tree ordinationwas the symboliccenterof Phrakhru itak's conservation

program.The discussionswith the villagers eadingup to the ordination nd theconservationactivitiesorganizedby them afterwardwere all motivatedby theemotional and spiritualcommitment reatedby the ceremony. Throughouthe

ceremony, Buddhistsymbols were used to stress the religious connection to

conservation,he villagers' nterdependenceiththeforest,and the moralbasis oftheproject.

THE TREEORDINATION EREMONY

Tree ordination eremoniesbuattonmai)areperformed y manyparticipantsin the Buddhist cology movementn order o raisethe awarenessof the rate ofenvironmental estructionn Thailand nd to builda spiritual ommitment monglocalpeopleto conservingheforestsandwatersheds. omelarge-scale rdinationshavebeencarriedout forpublicity ndpublicsympathyo make hegovernmenteethe environmentalmpactof some of its economicdevelopment lans.(Thiswas thecase in the southernprovinceof SuratThani n March1991,when over50 monksandlay peopleentereda nationalparkto wrapmonks' robes aroundall the largetreesin a rainforest hreatened

ythe construction f a dam

[Pongpet1991].)Most

treeordinationsreaimedatlocalareas,andvillagers, hroughheirparticipationntheseceremonies, ignifytheiracceptance f this adaptationf a Buddhist itual o

sanctify he forest andtherebyprotect t. Theregulationshe monksestablish imittheiruse of theforest,forbiddinghe cuttingof anytrees or killingof anywildlifewithin t.

InJuly1991,I attended treeordinationeremonyn Nan Provincen northernThailandponsored yPhrakhru itakNanthakhun. lthoughhetreeordination astheculmination f monthsofpreparationndwasoneaspectof a larger onservation

program,he actual eremonynvolvedonlya dayanda half of activities.Phrakhru

Pitak nvitedovertwentymonks romNan andothernorthern rovinces o assistinperformingheceremony.Recognizingheimportancef gaining hesupport f the

7



8 ETHNOLOGY

Sanghahierarchy nd he localgovernmentor theproject's uccess,Phrakhruitakconsulted with and involved membersof the province'sSangha organization,especiallythe seniormostmonk in the three subdistricts f the ten participating

villages,the DistrictOfficer,andother ocal bureaucrats.5 any ocalgovernmentofficials and mid-level membersof the Sangha hierarchyparticipatedn the

ceremony.Giventheindependentature ndpotentiallyontroversialspectsof theactivitiesof mostsociallyengagedmonks,Phrakhruitak'sattentiono convincingthe Sanghahierarchy nd thegovernment f theproject'smportances significantfor assuring ts success. Thenightbefore heceremony epresentativesf WildlifeFundThailandanaffiliateof WorldWildlifeFund)showedslides to thevillagers.Theircosponsorshipf theprojectplacedPhrakhru itak'sworkon a national tageandgave it furtheregitimacy.Not only is WFT one of the largestenvironmentalNGOs n Thailand, ut it also has

royalpatronage.heinvolvement f NGOs nthe

workof ecologymonks s essential o muchof theirsuccess,although t the sametime it raises potentialpolitical issues, as many NGOs are openly critical of

government olicy.The ordinationceremony began in the morningwith a modificationof a

traditionalitual, hautphaapaa (thegivingof theforestrobes).Traditionally,hisritual s performed y Thai aypeople o donate obes,money,andothernecessitiesto monks orreligiousmerit.Thefundsraised upporthe monksand heupkeepofthetemple.Since the 1980sthisritualhas beenincreasingly sedacross he nationto raise funds for local development rojects; hose contributing fferings o the

monksgainmerit,andthe monksallowthe moneydonated o be usedforprojectsranging rombuildingor repairing school to establishing localcreditunionor

village co-operative tore.People'scommitmento suchprojects s oftenstrongerbecauseof the religiousconnotationsehind hesourceof thefunds-they notonlygainmerit rom heoriginaldonations tthephaapaaceremony,but romsupportingthedevelopment roject anctioned y themonksas well.

Phrakhru itakaddeda newtwistto thisceremony.Severalnurseries roundhe

provincial apitalandsomewealthypatrons ffered12,000seedlings o themonks.

Along with the donationof seedlings,therewere several otherinnovations.The

villagersparadedheir

offeringsn three

groups,representinghe threesubdistricts

inwhichthe tenparticipatingillagesbelonged.While heycarriedmodel reeswith

simple offeringsof moneyandnecessities, heydid not dance,drink,or playthetraditionalmusicthatusuallyaccompanies phaapaaparade Darlington 990:132-

37). Rather,each of the threegroupsperformed kits they had preparedwhich

presentedtheir ideas of conservingthe forest. Two were straightforward;or

example,onegrouppantomimedlanting eedlings.The mostdramatic f thethreeincludedpoliticalcommentary. hevillagersactedout anincident f theforestbeingcut down, passingthe blamefrom the minorityhill people, to the northernThai

villagers,untilit finallysettledon thegovernmentornotprotectingheforest.The

politicaldebateconcerningorestconservationndtheeconomic nterests nvolvedin its destruction nderliesall conservation ctivities.6 t is unusual,however,for



THEORDINATION F A TREE

these issues to be brought o openlyto the surface,especiallyduringa Buddhistritual.All threeskitsemphasizedhe urgentneedfor the villagers o conserve heforest.

Once the forest robeswere rituallyacceptedby Phrakhru itak, he and thehighest-rankingmonkpresent accepted he seedlings,thus sanctifying hem and

conferringmerit on the donors and the participants.A few of the seedlingswere

planted round hetemplegrounds ndatthesiteof the tree ordination s partof the

ceremony.Mostweregivento thevillagers o reforestareas hathadbeendenuded,

following the patternestablishedby phaa paa ceremonies conductedto raise

developmentprojectfunds. These new trees were chosen carefully;they were

species, such as fruittrees, that were profitablewithouthavingto be cut down.

Havingbeen sanctifiedand given by the monks furtherprotected hem, as the

villagerswouldsee

cuttinghem as a formof

religiousdemerit

baap).Afterplantinghe trees at thetemple, heparticipantslimbed ntotrucks,vans,andbusesto make he five-kilometerrip ntothe mountainso the tree chosen o beordained.Over 200 people accompaniedhe morethantwentymonks to the site,which hadearlierbeenprepared y volunteer evelopment orkersandvillagers.Afour-foot-tall uddhamagehad beenplacedon a concrete tandat thebase of the

giant ree.Thethickvegetation round he sitehadbeentrimmed,anda tent forthemonksput up. Phrakhru itak commentedhat over twentyyears ago, when hewalked heeightkilometersromhisvillagethroughhedeepforest o schoolalongthisroute,this treewas notunusualor its heightor size. Now it clearlystoodout

asthetallestremainingree. Onecouldnow see for milesfrom t acrossa landscapedottedwithnearlyverticalmaizefields,visiblebecauseof the deforested illsides.

It is importanto notethat nthisceremony,ike all treeordinations,he monksdid not claim to be fully ordaininghe tree, as that status s reserved or humans

only. Theceremonywas usedsymbolicallyo remindpeoplethatnature houldbetreated sequalwithhumans,deserving f respectandvital for human swell as alllife. The opportunity f the ordinationwas usedto buildspiritual ommitmento

preserving he forest and to teach in an active and creativeway the value ofconservation.Themainemphasis f Phrakhru itak'ssermonduring heritualwason the

relationshipetween he Buddha ndnature, nd he

interdependenceetween

theconditionsof the forest andthevillagers' ives.

During he ritual,at the samepointin which a new monkwould be presentedwith his robes,two monkswrapped rangerobes around he tree'strunk,markingits sanctification. crowdofphotographersrom ocalandBangkok ewspapersnd

participatingGOs,oneanthropologist,nd wovideocamera rewsdocumentedhe

quickact. The robesstood as a reminderhat o harmor cut thetree-or anyof theforest-was anactof demerit.While t was not unusual o findbodhitrees(thetreeunderwhich he Buddha chieved nlightenment)rappedwithsacred loth,inthosecasesthetree wasalready een asholy;the cloth servedmore o honor hetreethan

to sanctify t. Theinnovation erewas that hetreeordainedwas notalreadyreated

9



10 ETHNOLOGY

as sacredbut was madeso throughhe ritual.Theorange obessymbolizedts newstatus.

As in mostordinations,heritualncluded he sanctificationf water na monk's

almsbowl. A small Buddhamagewasplaced n the bowland candlewax drippedintothe waterwhilethe monkschanted.Traditionally,hisholywater nammon) s

sprinkled n the participants, onferring blessingon them.Thiswater s seenas

rituallyverypowerful,andpeople alwaysmakesure to receivesome of the dropsfromthe monk(Olson 1991). On this occasion,Phrakhru itakused the blessedwater n anoriginalmanner.Eachof theheadmenrom he tenvillagesdrank omeof the water n frontof the largeBuddhamageto seal theirpledgeto protect heforest.Thisuseof a sacred ymbol o strengthenuchanoathwasanothernnovationwhich reinforced he notionof environmentalisms a moral action.It madethe

protectionr destruction f theforestkarmic ction:

protectingtwould

confergoodmerit bun),destroyingt bringing ad,the balance f whichwouldultimately ffectone'srebirth r evenqualityof livinginthis life. Beyond hat,it drewon thebeliefof the villagersin the magicalpowersof the holy water;while specificsanctionswerenot mentionedorfailing oupholdheheadmen's ledge, heimplications erethatbreaking t would involvegoing against he powersecuredby the use of thewater.

Perhapshemosttellingaspectof theceremonytheonewhich nitselfraises hemostquestionsor is opento thegreatest arietyof alternativenterpretations)s the

plaque hatwas nailed o thetreeprior o theordination.No formalmentionof the

sign was made during the ritual, nor was much discussion or fanfaremadeconcerning ts contentor placement.Yet it alwaysdrawsthe most attentionanddiscussion romThaiwhoare ntroducedo it. Thesignreads,"Thamaaypaakheetham aaychaat,"whichcanbetranslated, Todestroyheforest s to destroy ife."The wordchaat(life) is problematicndcancarryseveralmeanings,all of whichrelateto the issue of conservation on various levels.7 Chaat can mean life, birth (asin rebirth),or nation.Thesentence ouldthusbe read,"Todestroy heforest s to

destroy ife, one'srebirth,or thenation."The first meaningis the most straightforwardrom the point of view of

environmentalists hose concernsdo not necessarily nvolve eitherreligiousornationalistonnotations.Yet it alsoimplies heBuddhistdea hatoneshouldrespectandcarefor all life becauseanybeingcouldhavebeen one'smother n a previouslife. The secondmeaning, o destroyone'srebirth,nvokes heconceptof kamma.Itraises he ideathatdestroyingheforest s anact of demeritandconsequently asa negative nfluenceon how one is reborn n one'snext life. Thethirdpossibility,thatof destroyinghenation meaning oth erritory ndpeople;Reynolds1977:274,1994:442), s themostcomplex.Itevokesnationalisteelings,linking heconditionof the forestwith that of the state. It drawsuponthe moralconnectionbetweennation chaat),religion satsana),andmonarchymahakeset),hetrinityof concepts

whichsupposedlymakesup Thailand'sdentity Reynolds1977, 1994).Eventhismeanings double-edged.While t invokes hevillagers' oyalty othenationand he



THE ORDINATION F A TREE

kingin protectingheforest,it alsocallsuponthe nation tself to uphold ts moral

responsibilityo preserve heforest.Given hepoliticalundertones f theconserva-tion issue, it is unlikely hatthis implicitmeanings presentby merecoincidence.

The use of the word chaat on the sign demonstrateshe complexityandsignificanceof the tree ordination.Conceptsof religionarebeing reinterpretedo

promoteenvironmentalismt the same timethe latter s linked hroughmoraltieswith ocalandnational oliticalandeconomic ssues.Throughoutheordination, ndthelargerprojectof which t was a part,Phrakhru itakextendedhistraditional oleas spiritualand moral leader of lay villagers to embrace an activism whichnecessitates olitical nvolvement.The samekindof roleenlargements recreatedn

every projectrunby ecologymonks, romtree ordinationsndtheestablishment fsacredcommunity orests to tree-plantingeremoniesand exorcisms or long-lifeceremonies t sitesthreatenedy ecologicaldestruction.

THEMORALITYOFENVIRONMENTALISM

Monksare notsupposedo be concernedwithworldly ssues such aspolitics.Atthe same time, however,the ecology monks see environmental estructionas acrucial actor n theirmainconcern-human uffering.Theycannotavoid a certain

degreeof involvementn the former f theyare to deal withthe latter.Theyfeel a

responsibilitys monks o teachpeopleenvironmentalwareness ndshow them he

path to relievingtheir suffering.The root causes of sufferingare, in Buddhist

philosophy,greed,ignorance, ndhatred.As thedestructionf theforest s causedby theseevils (through eople'sselfish aimsat economicgainor unconsidered seof natural esources o meet needsarising rompovertyandoverly rapiddevelop-ment), he monks ee itas theirduty o adaptraditionaleligious onceptsandritualsto gainthevillagers'acceptancendcommitmento theirecologicalaims.

The destruction f theenvironment as not a significantssuein Thailand ntiltherapid ndustrializationf thecountrybecamea national riorityafterWorldWarII (Sponseland Natadecha 988:305).Eventhen, it was not until the 1980sthatnature onservation ecameawidespreadoncern,despite he earlier ffortsof suchenvironmentalNGOs as Wildlife FundThailandand the Projectfor

EcologicalRecovery.The adoptionof the issue by the ecologymonksbeginning n the late1980shasraised hemovement o a newlevel. Itcanno longerbe seensimplyas aneconomicorpoliticaldebatebetween nvironmentalistsnddevelopers,but has nowbeenplacedon a moralplane.Themonksare concernedwiththesufferingof bothhumans ndwildlifewhichresults rom hedestruction f the forestsandwatersheds.As it is a moralissue, the monks are interpretinghe scriptureso support heiractionsandareadaptingraditionalitualsandsymbols o involve ay villagers nthemovement.

Theecologymonksarewalkinga fine linebetween heir raditionalesponsibili-

ties as spiritual eadersandtheir new practiceas social activists.They are con-sciouslyusing the formerto supportand even justify the latter,to counterthe

11



12 ETHNOLOGY

criticisms hat heirenvironmentalffortsareinappropriateormonks.The result sa complex nterplay etweenraditionaleligious oncepts, ymbols,andrituals,andmoraldebatesof politicalandeconomic ssues. While hefocus of specificactivities

such as tree ordinationss predominantlyn local areas, the innovativeuse oftraditionalituals,such as theparade ndskitsaccompanyinghephaapaaton mai

ceremony,andthe implication f signslikethe one nailed o thetreein Nan,placethe issue on a nationalpolitical evelas well. Throughhe use of words likechaat,the monksraise issues thatquestion he role andresponsibility f the local andnational overnmentsn deforestation ndconservation.

Similarly, hepractice f religion tself s beingchanged, venchallenged,n the

process.Buddhismn Thailand asbecome ess relevant o dailylife over thepastcenturybecauseof increasing overnmentnvolvementn lay life through chools,

improvedhealthcare,

developmentrojects,andotherareas.TheBuddhist

cologymovement,ollowing hemodelof the workof developmentmonks, s notallowingthereligion o becomerelegatedo a secondary lacein Thaisociety.It challengesthe Sangha,as well as the Thaipeople, to reconsider ts role and not to acceptcomplacency r merelyperform ituals hat have no directrelevance or relievingsuffering n dailylife. It forcesBuddhistso question ndthinkabout he causesof

people'ssuffering,even whenthese causesare controversial r political.Whiletheactivistmonks'aim is to relievesuffering ndmaintainherelevance f thereligioninachanging ociety, his has alsoresultednquestioningndrethinkinghe functionof thereligion tself.

The use of traditionalBuddhist ituals suchas ordinations nd the phaa paaceremony) nd he invocation f powerful eligious ymbols suchasholywaterandmonks'robes,and he implication f words ikechaat n theplaqueontheordainedtree in Nan Province)serve as vehicleswhichsimultaneously reservereligiousconceptsandsentimentsandchallenge heirtraditional se and interpretationsnThailand.Theecologymonksarerespondingo what heyperceiveas threatso or,to putit moremildly,inevitable hanges n theirsocialposition.Theyaremakingconsciouschoices andactions,guidedby long-standingeligiousconceptssuchas

merit-makingndkarmic ction,andsocialrelations etween heSangha nd helay

villagers.As a

consequence,heir

role,the

conceptsnd

practicef the

religion,and

therelationbetween hereligion and tspractitioners)nd he stateare allchanging.While the scripturalustifications ehind he ecologymovementare importantounderstand,he practicewhichaccompaniesr motivateshe re-examinationf thecanon demonstrates hat the processcannot be examinedsolely on an abstract

theologicallevel. The case of the tree ordinationn Nan illustrates he social,political,and economic ssues involved,andreveals he levels at whichthe majorchangesaretakingplace.

This dynamicprocessof change s far fromcomplete.The Buddhist cologymovement s still growingandbecomingmorevocal andcontroversial,hallenging

specificcases of environmentalestruction ausedby policiesof thegovernmentreconomicdevelopment lans.Theresponsesof the government,ndustrialists,nd



THEORDINATION FA TREE 13

generalmembersof the Sangha,as well as the Sanghahierarchy,all need to beconsideredojudge he full effectof this movement n theconceptsof Buddhism nd

ecologyastheyareinterpretedndpracticednThaisociety.It is apparenthatThai

Buddhism s changing dramatically nd, despite some efforts to use it as aconservative orce to supportthe status quo and governmentpolicies, it hastremendous otential o effect social and environmentalhangein Thailand.Theextent andsuccessof theseefforts,andthetruedirectionof the changes nvolved,remain o be seen.

NOTES

1. Research, conducted in ThailandJunethroughAugust 1991, August 1992 throughJuly 1993, and

JulythroughDecember 1994, was madepossible by grantsfromthe JointCommittee on Southeast Asia

of the Social Science Research Council and the American Council of LearnedSocieties, with funds

provided by the National Endowment or the Humanitiesand the FordFoundation,the Southeast Asian

Council of the Associationof Asian Studies,andthe FordFoundationComparativeScientific Traditions

programof HampshireCollege. I thank David BrawnandAriel Heryantoforhelpful suggestions on an

early draftof this article, and the National Research Council of Thailand for researchpermission.2. While it is difficult to determinemembershipin a category such as "ecology monks," as manymonks are interested in environmentalwork butdo not label themselves as such, a sense of the scopeof the movement can be gained from looking at the participationn a three-dayconference (held near

Bangkok in July 1991) cosponsored by 23 nongovernmental environmental and development

organizations.The organizersexpected around 60 monks to attend;over 200 actually registered.3. From June to August 1991, there were articles on the conservationwork of monks at least weeklyin bothThai and English-languagenewspapers.While much of the coverage focused on the case of Phra

Prajak, the monk who was arrested twice in 1991 for his ecological work as it conflicted with

governmentpolicies concerning national forest land, the work of other ecology monks also received

some attention. On the legal case concerningPhraPrajak,see Reynolds (1994) and Taylor (1993b).4. This term is borrowed from the title of a book in honor of one of the best-known Thai monks,BuddhadasaBhikkhu,who called for socialactionas an aspectof Buddhistpractice(ThaiInter-ReligiousCommission for Development and InternationalNetwork of Engaged Buddhists 1990).5. In later projects, PhrakhruPitak involved provincialgovernmentofficials and Sangha, includingthe governor and militaryleaders.

6. Economicenterprises hatdestroynatural orests include the creation of eucalyptusplantationsand

logging hardwoodtrees such as teak. The former is occurringprimarilyin the northeastlegally, and

at a rapidrate (see Lohmann1991; Sanitsuda1992a, 1992b), while the lattercontinues throughout he

country despite a nationalbanpassed in 1989. The widespreadbelief is thatbothfrequentlyoccur withthe backing of factions within local, regional, and nationalgovernmentsand the military(Pinkaewand

Rajesh 1991).7. I thank Dr. ThongchaiWinichakul and Dr. Robert Bickner for pointing out to me the several

meanings of chaat as used in the sentence on the plaque.

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