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Page 1: Caribbean Political Philosophy

NAME: Jepter Lorde

FACULTY: Social Sciences UWI Cave Hill

DEPARTMENT: Government, Sociology and Social Work

DEGREE: B.Sc Political Science and Economics

LECTURER: Dr. Tennyson Joseph

DATE: 22ND November 2013.

Identify and discuss the central themes of Gordon Lewis’ Main Currents in Caribbean Thought, Paget Henry’s Caliban’s Reason, Rex Nettleford’s “The Battle for Space” and Charles W. Mill’s Blackness Visible and explain the manner in which these works assist in your understanding of the characteristic features, concerns and content of Caribbean political thought?

ABSTRACT

Western Political Philosophy in the opinion of this essay is a concerted attempt to project and

impose on a hapless people a foundation for immediate, continued domination and exploitation,

we, therefore as a united Caribbean people, cannot solve our problems with the same thinking

that created them. This paper identifies and discusses the central themes (thinking) of Gordon

Lewis’ Main Currents in Caribbean Thought, Paget Henrys’ Calibans Reason, Rex Nettlefords’

“The Battle for Space” and Charles W. Mills’ Blackness Visible. This identification and

discussion (generally) is achieved by tracing the evolution of Caribbean Political thought through

an examination of race/class, explanations of underdevelopment, perspectives on dependency

and the anti colonial movement inter alia. The paper goes on to explain (specifically) the manner

in which these works assist in understanding the characteristic features, concerns and content of

Caribbean political thought. The final section briefly examines where the Caribbean is at

currently by isolating the present set of circumstances engaging the islands. In doing so the paper

hopes to make a contribution to the understanding and progress of Caribbean political thought.

Page 2: Caribbean Political Philosophy

INTRODUCTION

The Caribbean has been described as an area of European colonisation and exploitation through

slavery and the plantation system according to Dennis Benn (1987), it has also been described in

terms of the product of these conjoined variables, the product of a racial mixture of African,

European and Asian referred to as Creole. Nigel Bolland (2004) describes Creole as locally born

persons of non-native origin, which, in the Americas, generally means people of either African

or European ancestry. This essay goes further and defines this groups’ contribution to this space,

diverse in cultural, ethnic and religious inputs, in terms of the new demands to be made on the

state from the product of the aforementioned conjoining. Contribution is achieved by way of a

clearly articulated political philosophy moderating the competing interest. It is this articulation

that is the purview of this essay. To this end an effort will be made to identify and critically

discuss the central themes of Gordon Lewis’ “Main Currents in Caribbean Thought”, Paget

Henrys’ “Caliban’s Reason”, Rex Nettlefords’ “The Battle for Space” and Charles W. Mills’

“Blackness Visible”. To achieve the necessary coverage of the issues the essay will proceed as

follows: an analysis of the characteristic features, concerns and content of Caribbean political

thought. Comparisons will be made to typically distinctive aspects of African and European

political philosophy (characteristic features), democracy, representation, institutional

arrangement and authority (concerns), equality, social justice, welfare (content). It is by this

comparison to the assumed standard that a location of Caribbean political thought could be made

and understanding of its existence assessed. Finally the understanding sought will be put to use

in locating the Caribbean in this global milieu. It is hoped that a contribution however small will

contribute to the ongoing development of Caribbean Political Thought.

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CHARACTERISTIC FEATURES

The assumption that philosophy is held as a European monopoly is grounded in an intellectual

tradition whose history consists of the evolution of men’s thoughts about political problems over

time according to Sabine and Thorson (1973). Thankfully, there is balance to the discussion

accorded by nuanced analysis describing the aforementioned assertion as a false assumption

given that these phenomena as known to the Greek were but artefacts of thought George Belle

(1996). The question must, therefore, be asked to what extent the character of Caribbean political

philosophy shown a level of independence from western political philosophy and by extention an

enlightened path that reflects its African/European/Asian origin and coalescence of its peoples

(Creole).

This coalescence is described, to a large extent, by C W Mills (1998) as “the coexistence of

parallel but incompatible institutional arrangements within a recognised political state” speaks

clearly to the many complex issues engaging the multitude of interest acting within this

Caribbean. Significantly and more importantly, is the anti-colonial struggle that is fought at the

level of the psyche through cultural and spiritual expressions Paget Henry (1997). This essay will

examine both examples and place them into context. Henry argues that religion has undergone

systematic alienation within the Caribbean theatre by way of a “lowering of its register or

importance to thought.” His observations show an embrace of Eurocentric Christianity used by

the former colonials as a tool of control and subordination culminating in a radical

disenfranchising of traditional African religions pertaining to inherited Afro-Caribbean

Christianity (voodoo and shango). He explained:

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“A deployment of binaries (negative assertions) led to European/Christian

denials of the existence of an African religious philosophy, significantly and more

importantly, is the anti-colonial struggle that is fought at the level of the psyche

through cultural and spiritual expressions.”

What is noted by Henry is the idea that stagnation has been allowed to take root in the

philosophy allowing gaps for re-colonisation. These gaps are identified by Mills (1998) as he

draws on the efforts of David T Wellman (1993) who made clear:

“It has been argued that the historic source of white racism lies in a combination

of religious intolerance and cultural predispositions to see non-whites as alien.

The medieval battles against Islam are then the precursors of the racism that was

to accompany European expansionism into the world. African religions were seen

as devil worship, black culture and customs viewed as "mumbo jumbo,"

paradigmatically bizarre.”

Henry and Mills collectively recognised the Eurocentric imposition that has come to be known as

Christianity and its use as a tool to negatively impact race relations dividing and colonising a

people. The expectation would be a Caribbean response in defense and ownership of that

cosmology which was African. Instead, according to Belle (1996), an intellectual stasis was the

result complementing the concept of negative binaries. Belle went on to intimate:

“Haitian political actors culturally trivialised and ridiculed voodum. The role of

voodum, a spiritual expression, in the Haitian experience was central for them in

their supernatural and cultural expressions within an anti colonial context.”

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Recall Mills (1998) “incompatible institutional arrangement” alluded to earlier; consider that

Henry was able to capture the Haitian dynamic beautifully, this also in the context that Haiti

holds the distinction of being the first independent black state of the new world. He expressed it

as

“A series of extended debates between the major competing racial groups of the:

Euro-Caribbean, Amerindians, Indo-Caribbean and Afro-Caribbean over

projects of colonial domination. The philosophical productions of the Euro-

Caribbean were aimed at effecting European political and social hegemony

(recall Belle (1996)). While, in contrast, the philosophical undertakings of the

Indo-Caribbean and Afro-Caribbean were aimed at destroying European

hegemony by destroying the legitimacy of their colonial projects.”

It is clear from these attempts to define the character of Caribbean political philosophy emphasis

has been placed on its utility as an anti colonial tool for overcoming and overturning projects of

European hegemony according to Henry (1995). At the heart of these projects are attempts to

minimise the effort to develop an alternative to Christianity, reconnection to an African

cosmology that bore witness to the imposition of European dogma and through the

condemnation of Islam. This essay accepts that any attempt to build out a project must at the

same time have a level of self assessment attempted by Mills and Henry in this instance. What

are of concern to this essay are efforts from within to compromise the character of the project. It

is left to be determined if concerns (to be discussed) will suffer the same fate.

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CONCERNS

The classic argument in favour of western political thought is found in social-contract theories,

first proposed by seventeenth-century philosophers Thomas Hobbes and John Locke. Social-

contract theory, in fact, constitutes the basis for concerns in modern political thought according

to Andrew Heywood (2004). The argument is referenced to society without government, a so-

called ‘state of nature’. Hobbes poignantly describes this state of nature as being ‘solitary, poor,

nasty, brutish and short’ reinforcing that without government to restrain selfish impulses, order

and stability would be impossible. To what extent has this argument been a part of the

contribution concerning Caribbean political philosophers or has there been a redefining of

Hobbes’ position?

Paget Henry (2000) identifies a situation of what came natural to the African and the colonial

intrusion of a self appointed hegemonic force. In an attempt to locate the discussion within the

confines of the state Henry draws on Kwameh Nkrumah (1965) to establish a modern ideology

unlike the European articulation of Hobbes state of nature. The African assessment is one of

diametric opposition, Nkrumah explains:

“The traditional face of Africa includes an attitude toward man which can only be

described, in its social manifestation, as being socialist. This arises from the fact

that man is regarded in Africa as primarily a spiritual being, a being endowed

originally with certain inward dignity, integrity and value.”

This rationality of the African locates him apart from his European counterpart. Henry

showed the widespread existence of one-party states in Africa was not due to one

particular outlook he opined it pointed to the persistence of a traditional political culture

Page 7: Caribbean Political Philosophy

that included a “grammar” of chiefly or kingly political behaviour. The argument is not

without reason given the application by Plato to the philosopher kings and much later the

Divine Right of Kings show a use of African political structure in an attempt to order a

European society. The Caribbean, however, has shown no such inclination having been to

a large extent “trapped in and shaped by social rivalries, ethnic animosities, weak

personal/social identity and political fragmentation caused by the twin epiphenomena of

slavery and colonialism” according to Gordon Lewis (1983). This is not by accident

Lewis argued that the inability of Caribbean people to come to grips with this reality, that

was not imagined but was real, left them open to continued exploitation. He went on to

explain quite accurately that:

“Slavery was also a powerful ideological deterrent, for it generated a scale of

values in the top, dominant groups of the colonies, in which fear of the black

masses stifled aspiration for national independence. At every turn in the story,

these groups opted for selfish treason rather than for popular revolt.”

Lewis contribution established the consequence of the native bourgeoisie's economic dependence

upon the colonial bourgeoisie. It has never been the intent of the former coloniser to give more

for less on the contrary the intent was one of taking more for less. Observe how the power

struggle ostensibly between colonised and coloniser gets displaced by power relations within the

colonised body politic itself. Remember the argument is one of government structure based on

self interest (Hobbes and Locke) against one based on consensus (Paget Henry). Seemingly self-

serving political and economic ambitions knows no boundary and does not seek to serve the

interests of the newly independent proletariat. Frantz Fanon (1963) suggests the ways in which

intellectual leaders often betray the national working-class:

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“Before independence, the leader generally embodies the aspirations of the

people for independence, political liberty, and national dignity. but as soon as

independence is declared, far from embodying in concrete form the needs of the

people in what touches bread, land, and the restoration of the country to the

sacred hands of the people, the leader will reveal his inner purpose: to become

the general president of that company of profiteers impatient for their returns

which constitutes the national bourgeoisie.”

Fanons assessment is encapsulated by a more specific argument against the existence of a

Caribbean Philosophy, it is the perception of the absence of an intellectual tradition, and the

belief the Caribbean is a cultural desert. The widely held view of the Caribbean as a region of

the three S’s: sea, sand and sex. – A notion upon which the tourism industry has been

constructed by and to this day exploited by a select few (national bourgeoisie).

The writers, to a large extent, have highlighted the threats to democracy, representation,

institutional arrangement and authority by way of concerns. A social contract theory

promulgated by the former colonial has been answered by an African option structured on

consensus. A timely observation of the constraints to growth based on petty rivalries is a

reminder of the island state vulnerability to external influence. This essay suggests that betrayal

of the political elite fairly represents the intellectual dilemma the Caribbean is now facing if

Fanon (1963) is accepted. This essay argues that if these concerns were addressed maybe the

stability of the natural African heritage would have offered up a leader and a type of governance

sensitive to the masses and diversification needed. This essay understands the contribution of

Henry and Lewis in attempting to show there was an intellectual tradition drawing attention to

democracy, institutional arrangement and authority to address the myriad of concerns.

Page 9: Caribbean Political Philosophy

CONTENT

Issues that, historically and today, have most concerned political philosophers begin with a set of

questions about equality, justice and welfare. These could be thought of as an enquiry into the

best form of state according to David Miller (1998). It is a fact that for most of our history

human beings have not been governed by states hence the free roaming tribes of Africa, Taino

and Kalilingo of the Caribbean and not to be left out the marauding barbarians of Europe. From

the inception this essay has identified a specific group as central to the continued existence of the

Caribbean. Rex Nettleford (1993) and Charles Mills (2007) confirm that centrality by, in the first

instance, identifying the group as one of three broad elements shaping the society in the second

instance, through a specific schema that embodies a racial polity both starting at diverging points

but eventually reaching a mutually understood location.

Nettleford has been innovative using the concept of space to draw attention to social injustice; he

describes maronnage or “the retreat into safe psychic sanctums calling on inner reserves beyond

the reach of external violators.” This retreat came about with the use of language to

communicate, plan and execute rebellion in a tongue foreign to the invaders bringing some

equality to a struggle that was always almost dictated by the colonial. He explained

“.....Creole, in the proper sense of native-born, native-bred and not in the sense of

an aberration of a dialect to the norm of a standard tongue. The very code

switching , so normal to Caribbean people in the liberal use of Creole for

appropriate circumstances transformed to the lingua franca as the occasion

demands (sometimes in one sentence), is a sign of the capacity to master the flow

between inner and outer space on one level.”

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The code switching to which he refers is an attempt to push back an institution not sympathetic

to the Creole. To organise and communicate meant the mastery of a tongue foreign to the

colonial because the institutions to which he had a monopoly were unequal, lacked social justice

and had no welfare. This was identified by an economic relationship that marginalised tray

merchants placing the Caribbean person on the periphery of existence according to Nettleford

(1993). The exclusion from the vicinity of “formal commercial enterprises” driving the trader

underground to the informal economy away from the formal economy clearly establishes a prima

facie case for the judicial, executive and legislative institutions to answer with regard to the

adopted precepts of western political thought.

Mills wasted no time highlighting the fact that race has been essentially reduced to a minimal

debate, glossed over, and otherwise left out of the majority of the multiculturalism literature

Mills (1998). His evaluation was logical and nuanced, he argued that:

“Tracing the evolution of the concepts of race and ethnicity race began as a

biological and therefore immutable aspect of the human condition, while ethnicity

was and is seen as a consequence of culture. Racism and ethnocentrism were

differentiated by their essential characterisations: Race is a consequence of biology

and therefore racism presumes a biological hierarchy; ethnicity is a consequence

of culture and therefore ethnocentrism requires a surrender of cultural distinction

and assimilation.”

Given the consensus within the scientific community that biological race and thus biological

hierarchy do not exist, what pertains in the Caribbean, therefore, in the form of Creole ethnicity

and ethnocentrism are seen as relatively more logical and reasoned according to Mills (2007).

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There is confirmation of this assessment by Lewis (1983). He articulated a position that the

Caribbean’s single greatest contribution to political thought is its open exploration of the

question concerning race. This exploration, as Lewis puts it, possibly offers a counter to a

Eurocentric fetish with its misplaced presumption of superiority on the subject, a sober

Caribbean response. The content of Caribbean thought being characterised as overly concerned

with the use of race converges to the concept of Creole recall the alignment sought earlier by

Nettleford (1993) and Mills (2007) it is no wonder, therefore, that ethnicity as articulated by

Mills (2007) is seen as a more politically palatable category to discuss and philosophically

legitimate engaging the polity at all levels.

As a people are we therefore satisfied with the aforementioned argument in its attempt to

reconcile what is a contentiously debated topic? This essay suggest that the attempt at

convergence is likely due to the challenge of the (particularism) of Caribbean Political thought

essentially a question of authenticity which can be defined as of undisputed origin, genuine,

reliable and trustworthy. It is a question of who constitutes the Caribbean person, in this case the

African or Asian or European or is it the Creole or maybe none of the previously mentioned.

Since it is suggested by some that the attempt at convergence is unlikely must the debate be

reduced to one or the other in an attempt to secure an answer? This essay further suggests a

complexity that cannot be determined by way of who has the right to speak on behalf of the

Caribbean and a claim of superiority. To attempt this would in the opinion of this essay reduce

the debate to that which western political thought is - insecure in its biological existence. This is

where maturity and understanding is paramount in the construction of a worthwhile paradigm

independent of western political dogma.

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UNDERSTANDING CARIBBEAN POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY

The term "political philosophy" often refers to a view, specific political belief or attitude about

politics that does not necessarily belong to the technical discipline of philosophy. In short,

political philosophy is the activity, as with all philosophy, whereby the conceptual apparatus

behind such concepts as aforementioned are analysed, in their history, intent, evolution and the

like according to Jean Hampton (1997). Tim Hector questioned, "Where is our philosophy?" as if

to imply that the aforementioned concepts are yet to be found or worst not understood and

overlooked. His ask is reasonable given the time our people have occupied this space with the

accompanying accoutrements of independence and must be answered against a background of

accepted criteria as to what a political philosophy is Hampton (1997).

Right or wrong the confluence, convergence, divergence, lack of application that has become

synonymous with these islands gives what they have to say a genuine uniqueness. Since

independence, for all the limitations, they have not found the need to go on crusades slaughtering

millions in the name of God, use an intellectually convenient ideology to foist on the rest of the

world a self serving expansionist ideology under developing Africa and the Caribbean in the

name of capitalism, murder its own in two world wars and as this essay concludes present

globalisation as the new destabilising force. It is the position of this essay that the writers have

been able to establish a prima facie case toward a political philosophy; there is history, intent and

evolution however more needs to be done if only to say Caribbean political philosophy is not

what western political philosophy is. As long as the peoples resist the urge to lean toward their

own understanding Caribbean Political Philosophy has a chance to become a global solution to

its Western Political nemesis.

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CONCLUSION

It is clear that an understanding of Caribbean political philosophy is an understanding of the post

colonial project and the need for the Caribbean to extricate itself from the political dogma that is

Eurocentric in construction and delivery. In summary this characterisation of Caribbean thought

places a high value on overturning projects of European hegemony Nettleford (1995). So

important is this aspect of the project that an epistemology, ontology perspective was developed

to give structure and ground the thinking given the purported monopoly expressed by the

European. Henry (2000) highlights the key thematic lines along which Caribbean political

thought has thus far been expressed. This, however, has not been without controversy the claim

that the Caribbean’s single greatest contribution to global thought is its exploration of the

question of race Lewis (1983) has triggered the characterisation as overly concerned with the

utilisation of race as an analytical category. Mills (2007) answers the characterisation with a

nuanced alternative articulating that biological race and thus biological hierarchy do not exist,

what pertains in the Caribbean in a form of Creole ethnicity and ethnocentrism.

If exclusively defined by the Western Political standards the Caribbean would be hard pressed to

identify a political philosophy, the debate is thus confined to what is important to the people

occupying the space. The fundamental difference is with application of what needs to be done

given that the Caribbean is young relative to its European counterpart then there is more to be

accomplished. This essay understands the confluence, convergence, divergence, dialectic that has

become synonymous to these balkanised geographical dispersed islands. This essay accepts that

understanding of a situation comes not with a presumption of right or wrong but openness to

arguments, that, if placed on a balance of probabilities could become the reality of the reader.

Page 14: Caribbean Political Philosophy

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Belle, George. 1996 Against Colonialism: Political Theory and Re-Colonisation in the Caribbean. Paper presented at the Conference on Caribbean Culture: Mona Jamaica UWI.

Benn, Dennis. 1987 Ideology and Political Development: the Growth and Development of Political Ideas in the Caribbean 1774-1983. Jamaica: ISER, Mona.

Bolland, Nigel. 2004 The Birth of Caribbean civilization: A century of ideas about culture and identity, nation and society Kingston: Ian Randle

Fanon, Frantz. 1963 The Wretched of the Earth. New York: Grove Press.

Hampton, Jean. 1997. Political Philosophies and Political Ideologies, Montreal: Westview Press.

Heywood, Andrew. 2004 Political Ideologies, 3rd Edition: An Introduction, USA: Palgrave McMillan

Henry, Paget. 2000. Calibans Reason: Introducing Afro Caribbean Philosophy, London: Routledge,

Lewis, Gordon. 1983. Main Currents in Caribbean Thought: The Historical Evolution of Caribbean Society in Its Ideological Aspects, 1492-1900, Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press.

Miller, David. 1998. Political philosophy in E. Craig (Ed.), Routledge Encyclopedia of Philosophy, London: Routledge.

Mills, Charles. 1998 Blackness Visible: Essays on Philosophy and Race, Ithaca: Cornell University Press.

Mills, Charles. 2007 “Multiculturalism as/and/or Anti-Racism?” in Multiculturalism and Political Theory Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.

Nkrumah, Kwameh. 1965 Neo-Colonialism, the Last Stage of Imperialism London: Thomas Nelson & Sons, Ltd.

Nettleford, Rex. 1993 Inward Stretch, Outward Reach: A voice from the Caribbean Basingstoke: MacMillan.

Sabine, George Holland, Thomas Landon Thorson. 1973. A history of political theory. Hinsdale, Ill: Dryden Press.

Wellman, David T. 1977 Portraits of White Racism, 2d ed, New York: Cambridge University Press.


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