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Page 1: British rule in bengal

Bangladesh Studies

British Rule in Bengal

Himadri Bhowmic

08-02886

2

British Rule in Bengal

During British rule two devastating famines were instigated costing millions of lives in 1770

and 1943 Scarcely five years into the British East India Companys rule the catastrophic Bengal

famine of 1070 one of the greatest famines of history occurred Up to a third of the population

died in 1770 and subsequent years The Indian Mutiny of 1857 replaced rule by the Company

with the direct control of Bengal by the British crown

A centre of rice cultivation as well as fine cotton called muslin and the worlds main source of

jute fibre Bengal from the 1850s became one of Indias principal centres of industry

concentrated in the capital Kolkata (known as Calcutta under the British always called Kolkata

in the native tongue of Bengali) and its emerging cluster of suburbs Most of the population

nevertheless remained dependent on agriculture and despite its leading role in Indian political

and intellectual activity the province included some very undeveloped districts especially in the

east In 1877 when Victoria took the title of Empress of India the British declared Calcutta

the capital of the British Raj

Indias most popular province (and one of the most active provinces in freedom fighting) in

1905 Bengal was divided by the British rulers for administrative purposes into an

overwhelmingly Hindu west (including present-day Bihar and Orissa) and a predominantly

Muslim east (including Assam) (1905 Partition of Bengal) Hindu - Muslim conflict became

stronger through this partition While Hindu Indians disagreed with the partition saying it was a

way of dividing a Bengal which is united by language and history Muslims supported it by

saying it was a big step forward for Muslim society where Muslims will be majority and they

can freely practice their religion as well as their culture But owing to strong Hindu agitation the

British reunited East and West Bengal in 1912 and made Bihar and Orissa a separate province

Another major famine occurred during the second world war the Bengal famine of 1943 in

which an estimated 3 million people died

Bengal famine of 1770

The Bengal famine of 1770 (Chhiattōrer monnōntoacuter lit The Famine of 76) was a catastrophic

famine between 1769 and 1773 (1176 to 1180 in the Bengali calendar) that affected the lower

Gangetic plain of India The famine is estimated to have caused the deaths of 10 million people

(one out of three reducing the population to thirty million in Bengal which included Bihar and

parts of Orissa) The Bengali names derives from its origins in the Bengali calendar year 1176

Background

The famine occurred in the territory which was called Bengal then ruled by the British East

India Company This territory included modern West Bengal Bangladesh and parts of Assam

Orissa Bihar and Jharkhand It was originally a province of the Mughal empire from the 16th

century and was ruled by a Nawab or governor The Nawab had become effectively

independent by the beginning of the 18th century though in theory was still a tributary power of

the Great Mughal in Delhi

In the 17th century the British East India Company had been given a grant on the town of

Calcutta by the Mughal emperor Akbar At this time the Company was effectively another

tributary power of the Mughal During the following century the company obtained sole trading

rights for the province and went on to become the dominant power in Bengal In 1757 at the

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battle of Plassey the British defeated the-then Nawab Siraj Ud Daulah and plundered the

Bengali treasury In 1764 their military control was reaffirmed at Buxar The subsequent treaty

gained them the Diwani that is taxation rights the Company thereby became the de facto ruler

of Bengal About ten million people[5][6]

approximately one-third of the population of the

affected area are estimated to have died in the famine The regions in which the famine

occurred included especially the modern Indian states of Bihar and West Bengal but the famine

also extended into Orissa and Jharkhand as well as modern Bangladesh Among the worst

affected areas were Birbhum and Murshidabad in Bengal and Tirhut Champaran and Bettiah in

Bihar

A partial shortfall in crops considered nothing out of the ordinary occurred in 1768 and was

followed in late 1769 by more severe conditions By September 1769 there was a severe

drought and alarming reports were coming in of rural distress These were however ignored by

company officers By early 1770 there was starvation and by mid-1770 deaths from starvation

were occurring on a large scale Later in 1770 good rainfall resulted in a good harvest and the

famine abated However other shortfalls occurred in the following years raising the total death

toll

As a result of the famine large areas were depopulated and returned to jungle for decades to

come as the survivors migrated in mass in a search for food Many cultivated lands were

abandonedmdashmuch of Birbhum for instance returned to jungle and was virtually impassable for

decades afterwards From 1772 on bands of bandits and thugs became an established feature of

Bengal and were only brought under control by punitive actions in the 1780s

East India Company responsibilities

Fault for the famine is now often ascribed to the British East India Companys policies in

BengalAs a trading body the first remit of the company was to maximise its profits and with

taxation rights the profits to be obtained from Bengal came from land tax as well as trade tariffs

As lands came under company control the land tax was typically raised fivefold what it had

been ndash from 10 to up to 50 of the value of the agricultural produce[7]

In the first years of the

rule of the British East India Company the total land tax income was doubled and most of this

revenue flowed out of the country[8]

As the famine approached its height in April of 1770 the

Company announced that the land tax for the following year was to be increased by a further

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Sushil Chaudhury writes that the destruction of food crops in Bengal to make way for opium

poppy cultivation for export reduced food availability and contributed to the famine[9]

However

this claim has been disputed on the grounds that the total area under opium poppy cultivat ion in

the Bengal region constituted less than two percent of all the land The company is also

criticised for forbidding the hoarding of rice This prevented traders and dealers from laying in

reserves that in other times would have tided the population over lean periods as well as

ordering the farmers to plant indigo instead of rice By the time of the famine monopolies in

grain trading had been established by the company and its agents The company had no plan for

dealing with the grain shortage and actions were only taken insofar as they affected the

mercantile and trading classes Land revenue decreased by 14 during the affected year but

recovered rapidly (Kumkum Chatterjee) According to McLane the first governor-general of

British India Warren Hastings acknowledged violent tax collecting after 1771 revenues

earned by the Company were higher in 1771 than in 1768 Globally the profit of the company

increased from fifteen million rupees in 1765 to thirty million in 1777

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The Indian Rebellion of 1857

The Indian Rebellion of 1857 began as a mutiny of sepoys of the British East India Companys

army on 10 May 1857 in the town of Meerut and soon erupted into other mutinies and civilian

rebellions largely in the upper Gangetic plain and central India with the major hostilities

confined to present-day Uttar Pradesh Bihar northern Madhya Pradesh and the Delhi region

The rebellion posed a considerable threat to Company power in that region and it was contained

only with the fall of Gwalior on 20 June 1858[3]

The rebellion is also known as Indias First

War of Independence the Great Rebellion the Indian Mutiny the Revolt of 1857 the

Uprising of 1857 the Sepoy Rebellion and the Sepoy Mutiny

Other regions of Company-controlled IndiamdashBengal province the Bombay Presidency and the

Madras Presidencymdashremained largely calm[3]

In Punjab the Sikh princes backed the Company

by providing both soldiers and support The large princely states Hyderabad Mysore

Travancore and Kashmir as well as the smaller ones of Rajputana did not join the rebellion[5]

In some regions such as Oudh the rebellion took on the attributes of a patriotic revolt against

European presenceRebel leaders such as the Rani of Jhansi and Rani of Tulsipur Ishwori

Kumari Devi of Tulsipur-State became folk heroes in the nationalist movement in India half a

century later however they themselves generated no coherent ideology for a new order The

rebellion led to the dissolution of the East India Company in 1858 and forced the British to

reorganize the army the financial system and the administration in India[8]

India was thereafter

directly governed by the Crown in the new British Raj

Bengal famine of 1943

The Bengal famine of 1943 is one among several famines that occurred in British-administered

Bengal It is estimated that around three million people died from starvation and malnutrition

during the period making the number of Indian deaths higher than the two world wars the entire

independence movement and the massive carnage that followed the Partition of India

Background and Possible causes

The Second World War began simultaneously with a series of crop failures and famines By

August 1939 out of 14 states in Rajasthan the 9 largest had declared that they were suffering a

famine under the Indian Famine Code as it then stood[3]

In Bengal in 1940-41 there was a small

scale famine although quick action by the authorities prevented widespread loss of life Food

prices increased throughout India and the Central Government was forced to undertaking

meetings with local government officials and release regulations of price controls

The United Kingdom had suffered a disastrous defeat at Singapore in 1942 against the Japanese

military which then proceeded to invade Burma in the same year Burma was the worlds largest

exporter of rice in the inter-war period the British having encouraged production by Burmese

smallholders which resulted in a virtual monoculture in the Irrawaddy Delta and Arakan By

1940 15 of Indias rice overall came from Burma while in Bengal the proportion was slightly

higher given the provinces proximity to Burma

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British authorities feared a subsequent Japanese invasion of British India proper by way of

Bengal (see British Raj) and a scorched earth policy was hastily implemented in the Chittagong

region nearest the Burmese border to prevent access to supplies by the Japanese in case of an

invasion In particular the Army confiscated many boats (and motor vehicles carts and even

elephants) fearing that the Japanese would commandeer them to speed an advance into India

The inhabitants used the boats for fishing and to take goods to market and the Army failed to

distribute rations to replace the fish and the food lost through the stoppage of commerce[8]

The

dislocation in the area forced many of the inhabitants into the Military Labour Corps and the

break-up of families left many children and dependents to beg or to starve

On 16 October 1942 the whole east coast of Bengal and Orissa was hit by a cyclone A huge

area of rice cultivation up to forty miles inland was flooded causing the autumn crop in these

areas to fail This meant that the peasantry had to eat their surplus and the seed that should have

been planted in the winter of 1942-3 had been consumed by the time the hot weather began in

May 1943[10][11]

The famine reached its peak between July and November 1943 Famine fatality

statistics were unreliable and a range of between 2-4 million has been suggested According to

author John Keay even if the lower number is accepted the famine killed more Indians than the

two world wars the entire Indian freedom movement and the massive death toll that followed

Partition of India[2]

Amartya Sen holds the view that there was no overall shortage of rice in Bengal in 1943

availability was actually slightly higher than in 1941 when there was no famine[12]

It was partly

this which conditioned the sluggish official response to the disaster as there had been no serious

crop failures and hence the famine was unexpected Its root causes Sen argues lay in rumours

of shortage which caused hoarding and rapid price inflation caused by war-time demands which

made rice stocks an excellent investment (prices had already doubled over the previous year) In

Sens interpretation while landowning peasants who actually grew rice and those employed in

defence-related industries in urban areas and at the docks saw their wages rise this led to a

disastrous shift in the exchange entitlements of groups such as landless labourers fishermen

barbers paddy huskers and other groups who found the real value of their wages had been

slashed by two-thirds since 1940 Quite simply although Bengal had enough rice and other

grains to feed itself millions of people were suddenly too poor to buy it[13

Response

During the course of the famine the Government of Bengal mobilised considerable

resources[14]

however its efforts were undermined by its own lack of understanding of the

situation the poor coordination of relief efforts and the failure of government officials and

departments to work together to combat the famine[15]

During the Famine Inquiry Commissions

investigation one official stated that We felt difficulty about one thing That was lack of one co-

ordinating authority at the time of famine[16]

In December 1942 there was a shortage in Calcutta itself Therefore focused on getting supplies

to Calcutta[17]

by trying to buy surplus stocks in the region The quantities that District Officers

were able to locate and purchase were considered too small to end the famine so the

Government introduced free trade in rice in Eastern India hoping that traders would sell their

stocks to Bengal however this measure also failed to move large stocks to Bengal[18]

In April

and May there was a propaganda drive to convince the population that the high prices were not

justified by the supply of food the goal being that the propaganda would induce hoarders [19]

When these propaganda drive was followed by a drive to locate hoarded stocks When these

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drives continually failed to locate large stocks it convinced the government that the scale of the

loss in supply was larger than they initially believed[18]

Bayly and Harper claim that in contrast to the incompetence of the civil service the British

military commanders and the British military in general performed as best as it could to combat

the famine[20]

providing food to the suffering and organising relief During the course of the

famine the government organised roughly 110000000 free meals which proved too small to

cope with the disaster

In response to an urgent request by the Secretary of State for India Leo Amery and Viceroy of

India Achibald Wavell to release food stocks for India Winston Churchill the Prime Minister of

that time responded with a telegram to Wavell asking if food was so scarce why Gandhi

hadnrsquot died yet[22][23]

Initially during the famine he was more concerned with the civilians of

Greece (who were also suffering from a famine) compared with the Bengalis[24]

Overall Sen argues the authorities failed to understand that the famine was not caused by an

overall food shortage and that the distribution of food was not just a matter of railway capacity

but of providing free famine relief on a massive scale The Raj was in fact fairly right in its

estimation of overall food availability but disastrously wrong in its theory of Famines[25]

The

famine ended when the government in London agreed to import 1000000 tons of grain to

Bengal reducing food prices[26]

Mark Tauger and Peter Bowbrick argue the opposite that the

government had the same view of the famine as Sen did and tried to locate surplus stocks

during the course of the famine but was unable to do so because no such stocks exist[27]

During the course of the famine 264 thousand tons of rice 258 thousand tons of wheat and

wheat products and 55 thousand tons of millets were sent to Bengal for the purposes of famine

relief from the rest of India and overseas[28]

The Bengal Famine may be placed in the context of previous famines in Mughal and British

India Deccan Famine of 1630-32 killed 2000000 (there was a corresponding famine in

northwestern China eventually causing the Ming dynasty to collapse in 1644) During the

British rule in India there were approximately 25 major famines spread through states such as

Tamil Nadu in South India Bihar in the north and Bengal in the east altogether between 30

and 40 million Indians were the victims of famines in the latter half of the 19th century (Bhatia

1985)

Food availability decline or man made

Severe food shortages were worsened by World War II with the British administration of India

exporting foods to Allied soldiers The shortage of rice forced rice prices up and wartime

inflation compounded the problem

Food deliveries from other parts of the country to Bengal were refused by the government in

order to make food artificially scarce This was an especially cruel policy introduced in 1942

under the title Rice Denial Scheme The purpose of it was as mentioned earlier to deny an

efficient food supply to the Japanese after a possible invasion Simultaneously the government

authorised free merchants to purchase rice at any price and to sell it to the government for

delivery into governmental food storage So on one hand government was buying every grain of

rice that was around and on the other hand it was blocking grain from coming into Bengal from

other regions of the country[29]

The price controls on wheat were introduced on December 1941

and on rice in 1942[30]

7

Amartya Sen has cast doubt on the idea that the rice shortage was due to a fall in production He

quotes official records for rice production in Bengal in the years leading up to 1943 as reported

in the table to the right[31]

According to Oacute Graacuteda he also argues that famine and democracy are

virtually incompatible[32]

The 1943 yield while low was not in itself outside the normal

spectrum of recorded variation and other factors beyond simple crop failure may thus be

invoked as a causal mechanism

Others have drawn attention to the quality of the data that Amartya Sen cites Mark Tauger has

drawn attention to the manner in which the statistics were gathered [33]

whilst Peter Bowbrick

has described them as wildly unreliable[34]

Year Rice production(in million of tons)

1938 8474

1939 7922

1940 8223

1941 6768

1942 9296

1943 7628

Indian Independence Movement

Bengal played a major role in the Indian independence movement in which revolutionary

groups such as Anushilan Samiti and Jugantar were dominant Bengalis also played a notable

role in the Indian independence movement Many of the early proponents of the freedom

struggle and subsequent leaders in movement were Bengalis such as Chittaranjan Das

Surendranath Banerjea Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose Prafulla Chaki Bagha Jatin Khudiram

Bose Surya Sen Binoy-Badal-Dinesh Sarojini Naidu Aurobindo Ghosh Rashbehari Bose and

many more Some of these leaders such as Netaji did not subscribe to the view that non-violent

civil disobedience was the only way to achieve Indian Independence and were instrumental in

armed resistance against the British force During the Second World War Netaji escaped to

Germany from house arrest in India and there he founded the Indian Legion an army to fight

against the British Government but the turning of the war compelled him to come to South-East

Asia and there he became the co-founder and leader of the Indian National Army (distinct from

the army of British India) that challenged British forces in several parts of India He was also the

head of state of a parallel regime named The Provisional Governmeent of Free India or Arzi

Hukumat-e-Azad Hind that was recognized and supported by the Axis powers Bengal was also

the fostering ground for several prominent revolutionary organisations the most notable of

which was Anushilan Samiti A large number of Bengalis were martyred in the freedom struggle

and many were exiled in Cellular Jail the much dreaded prison located in Andaman

8

History of the Indian National Congress

From its foundation on 28 December 1885 until the time of independence of India on August 15

1947 the Indian National Congress was the largest and most prominent Indian public

organization and central and defining influence of the Indian Independence Movement

Although initially and primarily a political body the Congress transformed itself into a national

vehicle for social reform and human upliftment The Congress was the strongest foundation and

defining influence of modern Indian nationalism

Founded upon the suggestion of British civil servant Allan Octavian Hume the Congress was

created to form a platform for civic and political dialogue of educated Indians with the British

Raj After the First War of Indian Independence and the transfer of India from the East India

Company to the British Empire it was the goal of the Raj to support and justify its governance

of India with the aid of English-educated Indians who would be familiar and friendly to British

culture and political thinking Ironically a few of the reasons the Congress grew and survived in

the era of undisputed British hegemony was through the patronage of British authorities Anglo-

Indians and a rising Indian educated classThe theory of safety valve has also been associated

with the birth of congress It says that congress provided a platform to Indians to bring out their

resentment vocally Its initial aim was to divert the minds of Indians from any sort of physical

violence

Hume embarked on an endeavor to get an organization started by reaching-out to selected

alumni of the University of Calcutta writing in his 1883 letter that Every nation secures

precisely as good a Government as it merits If you the picked men the most highly educated

of the nation cannot scorning personal ease and selfish objects make a resolute struggle to

secure greater freedom for yourselves and your country a more impartial administration a

larger share in the management of your own affairs then we your friends are wrong and our

adversaries right then are Lord Ripons noble aspirations for your good fruitless and

visionary then at present at any rate all hopes of progress are at an end and India truly

neither desires nor deserves any better Government than she enjoys[1]

In May 1885 Hume secured the Viceroys approval to create an Indian National Union which

would be affiliated with the government and act as a platform to voice Indian public opinion On

12 October 1885 Hume and a group of educated Indians also published An Appeal from the

People of India to the Electors of Great Britain and Ireland to ask British voters in 1885 British

general election to help support candidates sympathetic to Indian public opinion which included

opposition to the levying of taxes on India to finance the British Indian campaigns in

Afghanistan and support for legislative reform in India[2]

The appeal was a failure and was

interpreted by many Indians as a rude shock but a true realization that they had to fight their

battles alone[3]

On 28 December 1885 the Indian National Congress was founded at Gokuldas

Tejpal Sanskrit College in Bombay with 72 delegates in attendance Hume assumed office as

the General Secretary and Womesh Chandra Bonnerjee of Calcutta was elected President[2]

Besides Hume two additional British members (both Scottish civil servants) were members of

the founding group William Wedderburn and Justice (later Sir) John Jardine The other

members were mostly Hindus from the Bombay and Madras Presidencies[2]

9

Though there has been discussion over the fact that the congress was founded by a retired civil

servant and not by Indians GKGokhale with his characteristic modesty and political wisdom

stated this explicitly in 1913 No Indian could have started the Indian National Congressif an

Indian had come forward to start such a movement embracing all Indians the officials in India

would not have allowed the movement to come into existence If the founder of the Congress

had not been an Englishman and a distinguished ex-official such was the distrust of political

agitation in those days that the authorities would have at once found some way or the other to

suppress the movement

Reactions

Many Muslim community leaders like the prominent educationalist Syed Ahmed Khan viewed

the Congress negatively owing to its membership being dominated by Hindus The Orthodox

Hindu community and religious leaders were also averse seeing the Congress as supportive of

Western cultural invasion

The ordinary people of India were not informed or concerned of its existence on the whole for

the Congress never attempted to address the issues of poverty lack of health care social

oppression and the prejudiced negligence of the peoples concerns by British authorities The

perception of bodies like the Congress was that of an elitist then educated and wealthy peoples

institution

Rise of Indian nationalism

First session of Indian National Congress Bombay 28-31 December 1885

Lokmanya Tilak was the first to embrace Swaraj as the national goal The first spurts of

nationalistic sentiment that rose amongst Congress members were when the desire to be

represented in the bodies of government to have a say a vote in the lawmaking and issues of

administration of India Congressmen saw themselves as loyalists but wanted an active role in

governing their own country albeit as part of the Empire This trend was personified by

Dadabhai Naoroji considered by many as the eldest Indian statesman Naoroji went as far as

contesting successfully an election to the British House of Commons becoming its first Indian

member That he was aided in his campaign by young aspiring Indian student activists like

Muhammad Ali Jinnah describes where the imagination of the new Indian generation lay

Bal Gangadhar Tilak was the first Indian nationalist to embrace Swaraj as the destiny of the

nation Tilak deeply opposed the British education system that ignored and defamed Indias

culture history and values He resented the denial of freedom of expression for nationalists and

the lack of any voice or role for ordinary Indians in the affairs of their nation For these reasons

he considered Swaraj as the natural and only solution in the abandonment of all the British

things He was backed by rising public leaders like Bipin Chandra Pal and Lala Lajpat Rai who

held the same point of view Under them Indias three great states - Maharashtra Bengal and

Punjab region shaped the demand of the people and Indias nationalism

10

The moderates led by Gopal Krishna Gokhale Pherozeshah Mehta and Dadabhai Naoroji held

firm to calls for negotiations and political dialogue Gokhale criticized Tilak for encouraging

acts of violence and disorder But the Congress of 1906 did not have public membership and

thus Tilak and his supporters were forced to leave the party

But with Tilaks arrest all hopes for an Indian offensive were stalled The Congress lost credit

with the people while Muslims were alarmed with the rise of Tilaks Hindu nationalism and

formed the All India Muslim League in 1907 considering the Congress as completely unsuitable

for Indian Muslims

The Traditionalists

According to one approach the traditionalist point of view though not in a political sense was

represented in Congressmen like Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel Rajendra Prasad CRajagopalachari

Purushottam Das Tandon Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan and Maulana Azad who were also

associates and followers of Gandhi Their organizational strength achieved through leading the

clashes with the government was undisputed and proven when despite winning the 1939

election Bose resigned the Congress presidency because of the lack of confidence he enjoyed

amongst national leaders A year earlier in the 1938 election however Bose had been elected

with the support of Gandhi Differences arose in 1939 on whether Bose should have a second

term Jawaharlal Nehru who Gandhi had always preferred to Bose had had a second term

earlier Boses own differences centred on the place to be accorded to non-violent as against

revolutionary methods When he set up his Indian National Army in South-east Asia during the

Second World War he invoked Gandhis name and hailed him as the Father of The Nation It

would be wrong to suggest that the so-called traditionalist leaders looked merely to the ancient

heritage of Indian Asian or in the case of Maulana Azad and Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan

Islamic civilization for inspiration They believed along with educationists like Zakir Husain

and E W Aryanayakam that education should be imparted in a manner that enables the learners

also to be able to make things with their own hands and learn skills that would make them self-

supporting This method of education was also adopted in some areas in Egypt (See Reginald

Reynolds Beware of Africans) Zakir Husain was inspired by some European educationists and

was able with Gandhis support to dovetail this approach to the one favoured by the Basic

Education method introduced by the Indian freedom movement They believed that the

education system economy and social justice model for a future nation should be designed to

suit the specific local requirements While most were open to the benefits of Western influences

and the socio-economic egalitarianism of socialism they were opposed to being defined by

either model

11

Creation of Pakistan

As the independence movement throughout British-controlled India began in the late 19th

century gained momentum during the 20th century Bengali politicians played an active role in

Mohandas Gandhis Congress Party and Mohammad Ali Jinnahs Muslim League exposing the

opposing forces of ethnic and religious nationalism By exploiting the latter the British probably

intended to distract the independence movement for example by partitioning Bengal in 1905

along religious lines The split only lasted for seven years

At first the Muslim League sought only to ensure minority rights in the future nation In 1940

the Muslim League passed the Lahore Resolution which envisaged one or more Muslim

majority states in South Asia Non-negotiable was the inclusion of the Muslim parts of Punjab

and Bengal in these proposed states The stakes grew as a new Viceroy Lord Mountbatten of

Burma was appointed expressly for the purpose of effecting a graceful British exit Communal

violence in Noakhali and Calcutta sparked a surge in support for the Muslim League which won

a majority of Bengals Muslim seats in the 1946 election Accusations have been made that

Hindu and Muslim nationalist instigators were involved in the latter incident At the last moment

Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy and Sarat Chandra Bose came up with the idea of an independent

and unified Bengal state which was endorsed by Jinnah This idea was vetoed by the Indian

National Congress

British India was partitioned and the independent states of India and Pakistan were created in

1947 the region of Bengal was divided along religious lines The predominantly Muslim eastern

half of Bengal became the East Bengal (later renamed East Pakistan) state of Pakistan and the

predominantly Hindu western part became the Indian state of West Bengal

Pakistans history from 1947 to 1971 was marked by political instability and economic

difficulties In 1956 a constitution was at last adopted making the country an Islamic republic

within the Commonwealth The nascent democratic institutions foundered in the face of

military intervention in 1958 and the government imposed martial law between 1958 and 1962

and again between 1969 and 1971

Almost from the advent of independent Pakistan in 1947 frictions developed between East and

West Pakistan which were separated by more than 1000 miles of Indian territory East

Pakistanis felt exploited by the West Pakistan-dominated central government Linguistic

cultural and ethnic differences also contributed to the estrangement of East from West Pakistan

When Mohammad Ali Jinnah died in September 1948 Khwaja Nazimuddin became the

Governor General of Pakistan while Nurul Amin was appointed the Chief Minister of East

Bengal Nurul Amin continued as the Chief Minister of East Bengal until 2 April 1954 The

abolition of the Zamindari system in East Bengal (1950) and the Language Movement were two

most important events during his tenure

Indias independence from Great Britain in August 1947 resulted in the partition of British India

into India and Pakistan Pakistan was created out of the Muslim-majority provinces of British

India with no regard for geographical contiguity The resulting state was formed into two

physically separate wings with the territory of India intervening between the two The eastern

wing was created by the partition of the British province of Bengal and the principal language

spoken there was Bengali Although it was principally the language of those who fled India to

Pakistan the government of Pakistan decreed that Urdu would be the national language

12

Creation of Bangladesh

In the evening of March 25 1971 the Pakistan army attacked East Pakistan as the future

Bangladesh was then known The attack was an effort to put down East Pakistani protesters who

demanded that the national government recognize the right of the elected majority party the

Awami (Peoples) League to assume political office The attacks by the Pakistanis and

resistance by the Bangladeshis continued until December of that year with the Bangladeshis

seeing this as a war of independence and the government forces viewing it as a civil war

Throughout the year India provided support for the East Pakistani rebels and received a large

number of refugees Early in December Pakistans internal conflict assumed international

dimensions with the direct intervention of Indian troops The violence ended on December 16

when the Pakistani commander at the time General A K Niazi surrendered to General Jagjeet

Singh Arora commander of the Indian forces

The discontent of East Pakistanis in the united state of Pakistan had a long history before it

finally culminated in war The Muslim League government of Pakistan led by Muhammad Ali

Jinnah had long ignored East Bengal However during his only visit to the eastern province in

March 1948 Jinnah was confronted by Bengalis who demanded that their language be

recognized along with Urdu as a co-official language of Pakistan Jinnah stated that anyone who

opposed the status of Urdu as the official language of Pakistan was a traitor to the country This

angered the Bengali faction and in 1952 that anger gave rise to the language movement in

East Pakistan

After independence the Pakistani government was constituted according to the Government of

India Act (1935) as modified by the India Independence Act of 1947 both acts of the British

Parliament It was not until 1956 that a formal constitution was promulgated (India adopted its

own constitution in 1950) The constitution of 1956 changed the name of the eastern wing of the

country from East Bengal to East Pakistan and the four provinces of the west wing were

consolidated into West Pakistan The constitution also instituted the concept of parity between

the eastern and western regions This meant that representation in the National Assembly would

be equal from each province even though East Pakistan had about 54 percent of the total

population of Pakistan The Bengalis of East Pakistan viewed this as an affront

This shortchanging of representation in the National Assembly was also seen in the military

services There were very few officers from East Pakistan in a military overwhelmingly

dominated by West Pakistanis There was a similar disparity in representation within the civil

service Although a quota system was later instituted the disparity persisted at the higher levels

throughout the 1960s

In 1954 a major and violent strike occurred at the Adamjee Jute Mill in Narayanganj a suburb

of Dhaka In addition to disputes over pay and labor practices the East Pakistani workers felt

that the company was showing favoritism to Urdu-speaking Biharis in employment Bihari is a

general term applied to those Urduspeaking Muslims most of them from the Indian state of

Bihar who fled east at the time of partition but who never learned to speak Bengali In addition

the East Pakistani strikers were protesting the fact that the majority of East Pakistans

manufacturing and banking firms were owned by West Pakistanis among whom the Adamjee

family was prominent

13

The leading Muslim political party in Bengal prior to Pakistans independence had been the

Muslim League which dominated the Bengal Provincial Assembly At the time of

independence the sitting members of the Bengal Provincial Assembly chose their future

membership in either the assembly of West Bengal in India or the assembly of East Bengal in

Pakistan The Muslim League maintained control Although elections were held in each of the

provinces of the west wing as early as 1951 elections in East Bengal were delayed until 1954

The election when it was finally held resulted in an almost total rout of the Muslim League

which was looked upon locally as a proxy of the central government

The winning coalition in East Pakistan was comprised of the Awami League and the Krishak

Sramik (Farmers and Workers) Party The principal founder of the Awami League was Husain

Shahid Suhrawardy The Krishak Sramik Party was led by Fazlul Haq Haq had been a prime

minister of united Bengal (ie prior to independence) when his party was known as the Krishak

Praja (Farmers and Peoples) Party For the 1954 election the Awami League and the Krishak

Sramik Party joined forces as the United Front and ran for office on a platform called 21

Points Among the issues addressed by the coalition were the recognition of Bengali as an

official language of Pakistan autonomy for East Bengal in all matters except defense foreign

affairs and currency land reform improved irrigation nationalization of the jute industry and

other points that if enacted into law would give East Bengalis greater control of their own

governance

The demand that Bengali be recognized as an official language was an outgrowth of the

language movement of 1952 Since the early days of independence East Pakistanis had

demanded that Pakistan recognize two official languages Bengali (the most widely spoken

language) and Urdu An attempt by the central government to devise a means to write Bengali in

the Urdu script was met with widespread opposition and rioting mainly from academics and

university students On February 21 1952 in an attempt to suppress the violence the police

fired on a crowd of demonstrators and about twenty students were killed Today a monument

stands at the site of the killings and February 21 is celebrated annually as Martyrs Day

For its championing of this and other issues important to the majority of East Pakistanis the

Krishak SramikndashAwami League coalition won the 1954 election Eventually however the

Krishak Sramik Party withered away and the Awami League became the most important party

in the province It would become the leader of the independence movement and dominate

emerging Bangladeshi politics

In October 1958 General Muhammad Ayub Khan proclaimed himself president of Pakistan

following a military coup declared martial law and dissolved the National Assembly and the

provincial legislatures He then set up what he called Basic Democracy which he described as

a more representative government Elections at the local level would be direct and those elected

at this level would be designated Basic Democrats Elections for the provincial and national

assemblies and for the presidency would be indirect with the Basic Democrats serving as the

electoral college He retained the principle of parity however This meant that each province

was allocated an equal number of Basic Democrat electors so that East Pakistanis continued to

be underrepresented at the higher levels of government Not unexpectedly Ayub was elected

president in 1962 and reelected president in 1967 Although he won majorities in each wing in

each election his majority in the east wing in 1967 was dramatically less than in 1962

14

Nonetheless Ayubs power began to slip after his reelection to office as did his health

Opposition to his rule spread even in West Pakistan Ayub grew concerned about a growing

secessionist movement in East Pakistan The Awami League now headed by Sheik Mujibur

Rahman demanded that changes be made in regard to East Pakistan These changes were

embodied in Mujibs Six Points Plan which he presented at a meeting of opposition parties in

Lahore in 1966 In brief these Six Points called for

1 A federal and parliamentary government with free and fair elections

2 Federal government to control only foreign affairs and defense

3 A separate currency or separate fiscal accounts for each province to control

movement of capital from east to west

4 All power of taxation to reside at the provincial level with the federal government

subsisting on grants from the provinces

5 Enabling each federating unit to enter into foreign trade agreements on its own and

to retain control over the foreign exchange earned and

6 Allowing each unit to raise its own militia

If these points had been adopted it would have meant almost de facto independence for East

Pakistan Many observers saw point six a separate militia as the point most unacceptable to the

central government but they were wrong The 1965 Indo-Pakistan War had demonstrated the

lack of local defense forces in East Pakistan which would have left the province defenseless had

India attacked there In fact it was point four regarding taxation that proved to be the problem

because the enactment of this point would make it all but impossible for a central government to

operate

In 1968 in response to the Six Points Plan the Ayub government charged Mujib and his

supporters with treason This later became known as the Agartala Conspiracy Case so-called as

it was alleged that Mujib had met with Indian agents in Agartala the capital of the Indian state

of Tripura which borders on Bangladesh Mujib and the Awami League denied that any such

meeting had ever taken place In early 1969 as hostility to Ayub increased in both East and

West Pakistan he invited opposition leaders to meet with him Mujib having been jailed

awaiting his trial for treason was not invited to this meeting The opposition leaders refused to

come to the meeting unless the charges against Mujib were withdrawn and demanded that he

too be invited to attend Ayub complied with these demands The meeting which Ayub hoped

would work to his advantage instead strengthened the oppositions position which called for the

end of the policy of Basic Democracy and the return to direct parliamentary elections

The opposition movement expanded beyond the political sphere to the military and Ayub was

forced to resign on March 25 1969 He was replaced by General Agha Muhammad Yahya

Khan who promised to reinstate direct elections These were held in December 1970 in most of

the country but flooding in East Pakistan forced a few constituencies to delay their elections

until January 1971 In addition to reinstating free and direct elections Yahya also acted to

restore the former provinces of West Pakistan which had been united into a single unit by the

1956 constitution More important for East Pakistan he ended the principle of parity In the

1970 election for the National Assembly East Pakistan would have 162 general seats out of a

total of 300 reflecting the 54 percent majority that Bengalis enjoyed according to the 1961

population census

15

Yahya also introduced legislation that in his view would limit the changes that could be made

to the constitution by the National Assembly This legislation called the Legal Framework

Order touched upon seven points

1 That Pakistan would be a federated state

2 Islamic principles would be paramount

3 Direct and regular elections would be held

4 Fundamental rights would be guaranteed

5 The judiciary would be independent

6 Maximum provincial autonomy would be allowed but the federal government

shall also have adequate powers including legislative administrative and financial

powers to discharge its responsibilities and

7 Economic disparities among provinces would be removed

The result of the election in East Pakistan startled outside observers and even took some

supporters of the Awami League by surprise The party won 160 of the 162 seats in East

Pakistan thereby gaining a majority in the National Assembly without winning a single seat in

West Pakistan which had thrown its support behind the Pakistan Peoples Party led by Zulfiqar

Ali Bhutto Neither Yahya nor his military associates nor Bhutto looked favorably on a

government comprised solely of the Awami League and headed by the author of the Six Points

Plan Yahya began a series of negotiations perhaps in the hope of creating a coalition

government but more in an effort to sideline Mujib As the talks became more rancorous and

compromise seemed impossible the Pakistani government began to increase the strength of its

rather small contingent of military forces stationed in East Pakistan

Yahya negotiated with Bhutto and Mujib the former declaring that there were two majorities

in Pakistan and the latter insisting on the full enactment of the Six Points even where these

were at variance with Yahyas Legal Framework Order (ie on the issues of taxation)

Demonstrations supporting the Awami Leagues position spread across East Pakistan Violence

began to look more attractive than political activism as a means of protecting East Pakistans

interests By this time the term Bangladeshi was widely adopted by the Awami League and its

supporters to replace the designation East Pakistani

The army struck back on March 25 1971 Its first move was to attack the faculty and students at

Dhaka University and to take Mujib into custody By one estimate up to 35000 Bangladeshis

were killed at the university and elsewhere on the first few days Mujib was transported to jail in

West Pakistan (There were fears that he would be executed but these later proved unfounded

when he was released at the end of the conflict) A number of Mujibs associates fled first to a

village on the border with India then to Calcutta Major Ziaur Rahman who would later become

president of independent Bangladesh issued a declaration of independence

Bangladeshi police and border patrol forces organized a resistance force to oppose the Pakistani

army and they were later joined by several civilians many of whom had been university

students It was however almost nine months before India intervened triggering the December

16 1971 surrender of the Pakistani army India intervened both for strategic reasons (as

weakening Pakistan) and for humanitarian reasons to alleviate the suffering of Bangladeshis

16

Pakistan complained about Indias invasion of its sovereign territory to the UN Security Council

in early December In an often emotional speech Bhutto argued with reason that this

intervention was a violation of international law The Security Council agreed but the question

soon became moot with the surrender of the Pakistani troops in Bangladesh

The number of Bangladeshis killed disabled raped or displaced by the violence of 1971 is not

fully known Estimates by Bangladeshi sources put the number killed at up to three million and

it is estimated that as many as ten million may have fled to India Initially the Pakistani army

targeted educators students political leaders and others who were generally considered to be

prominent sympathizers of the Awami League As the Bangladeshis formed military units

however these units also became the targets Some of these units were formed by Bangladeshis

who had formerly served in the Pakistani army others were recruited from the police and the

East Pakistan (now Bangladesh) Rifles a border security force These units based in rural and

outlying areas of Bangladesh were able to take advantage of the Pakistani armys initial focus

on the student-led demonstrations in the Dhaka region Survivor accounts such as that by

Jahanara Imam suggest that much of the killing soon devolved into little more than

indiscriminate slaughter

The Pakistani surrender and the termination of conflict left several unsettled questions Many

Bangladeshismdashmostly civil servants or military troops and their familiesmdashwere still detained in

Pakistan In Bangladesh there were non-Bengalismdashagain mostly civil servants or military

troops but also some business owners and professionalsmdashwho wished repatriation to Pakistan

In addition the fate of de facto prisoners of war held by Bangladesh and Pakistani prisoners of

war held by India had yet to be decided Bangladesh wanted to place 195 Pakistani military

personnel on trial for war crimes and genocide On August 9 1975 a tripartite agreement

between Bangladesh India and Pakistan was reached to create a panel that would attempt to

settle these issues Bangladesh also agreed to drop all charges against the 195 Pakistanis accused

of war crimes and to permit their repatriation to Pakistan

In the end and at great cost Bangladesh achieved its independence Slowly the two countries

were able to establish diplomatic relations Pakistan recognized Bangladesh as independent on

February 22 1974 primarily at the urging of the Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC)

which was meeting in Lahore at that time The OIC insisted that Bangladesh a Muslim state be

permitted to attend the conference Bangladeshis however remained unsatisfied They wanted

an apology from the Pakistanis for the excesses committed during the war They received one

finally from the Pakistani president Pervez Musharraf when he visited Bangladesh in July

2002

17

Age-Sex Structure of the Population

A populations age-sex structure is the number andor proportion of the population to be found in

each age-sex group If each population could be got together for a day and lined up in their age

groups - females at one end males at the other a plane flying overhead would look down on a

certain shape

There are many different ways to graphically present population data The most important

demographic characteristic of a population is its age-sex structure and the use of an age-sex

pyramid also known as a population pyramid is considered the best way to graphically

illustrate the age and sex distribution of a given population

An age-sex pyramid consists of two horizontal histograms joined together It displays the

percentage or actual amount of a population broken down by gender and age The five-year age

increments on the y-axis allow the pyramid to vividly reflect both long-term trends in the birth

and death rates and shorter-term baby-booms wars and epidemics

The fertility rate of a population is the single most important influence on the shape of a

population pyramid The more children per parent the broader will be the base of the pyramid

The median age of the population will also be younger While mortality will also have an

influence on the shape it will be far less important an influence than fertility but somewhat

more complex One would assume that lower mortality rates in a population would result in an

older age distribution However just the opposite is true a population with lower mortality rates

will display a slightly younger age distribution This is due to the fact that any disparities in the

mortality rates of a population are more likely a result of variations within the younger age

groups usually infants and children

There are generally three types of population pyramids created from age-sex distributions

expansive constrictive and stationary Examples of these three types of population pyramids

appear at the end of this report Definitions of the three types follow

1 Expansive population pyramids show larger numbers or percentages of the population in

the younger age groups usually with each age group smaller in size or proportion than

the one born before it These types of pyramids are usually found in populations with

very large fertility rates and lower than average life expectancies The age-sex

distributions of Latin American and many Third World countries would probably display

expansive population pyramids

The following figure is an example of such an age-sex pyramid This pyramid of the

Philippines shows a triangle-shaped pyramid and reflects a high growth rate of about 21

percent annually

18

2 Constrictive population pyramids display lower numbers or percentages of younger

people The age-sex distributions of the United States fall into this type of pyramid

In the United States the population is growing at a rate of about 17 percent annually

This growth rate is reflected in the more square-like structure of the pyramid Note the

lump in the pyramid between the ages of about 35 to 50 This large segment of the

population is the post-World War II baby boom As this population ages and climbs up

the pyramid there will be a much greater demand for medical and other geriatric

services

3 Stationary or near-stationary population pyramids display somewhat equal numbers or

percentages for almost all age groups Of course smaller figures are still to be expected

at the oldest age groups The age-sex distributions of some European countries

especially Scandinavian ones will tend to fall into this category

Germany is experiencing a period of negative growth (-01) As negative growth in a

country continues the population is reduced A population can shrink due to a low birth

rate and a stable death rate Increased emigration may also contribute to a declining

population

19

Bangladesh

Age

Age structure

0ndash14 years 329 (male 24957997female 23533894)

15ndash64 years 636 (male 47862774female 45917674)

65 years and over 35 (male 2731578female 2361435) (2006 est)

Median age 233 years

Male 229 years

Female 235 (2009 est)

Gender ratio

At birth 104 male(s)female

Under 15 years 101 male(s)female

15ndash64 years 09 male(s)female

65 years and over 094 male(s)female

Total population 093 male(s)female (2009 est)

Bangladesh Population Pyramid for 1995

Age and sex distribution for the year 1995

20

Bangladesh Population Pyramid for 2010

A Definition of Migration

The definition of the word can be the movement of people from one place to another There

are two main types of migration first internal migration ie migration within one country and

secondly international migration which means the movement from one country to another A

good example of internal migration is the movement from East Germany to West Germany

which causes big problems for East Germany A good example of international migration is the

movement from third-world countries to Europe or America The next question is What makes

people migrate from one place to another

The reasons for migration can be divided into two main aspects the so-called push and pull

factors

Push factors are those in their old place which force people to move For example there may be

civil wars or wars in general in the country but political or religious oppression climate

changes lack of jobs or simply poverty are all important push factors

Pull factors are factors in the target country which encourage people to move these include

peace and safety a chance of a better job better education social security a better standard of

living in general as well as political and religious freedom

Calculation

MIGRATION = M

)()( 12 DBPPM

M=Total Migrations

Population Initial1 P

Population Final2 P

B=Total birth during the time period

D=Total Death

21

Pattern of rural urban migration in Bangladesh

Migration Rural-Urban Migration is a flexible and dynamic phenomenon that encompasses

territorial mobility of the people and involves movements like commuting absence from home

place for periods from a couple of days to several years seasonal migration and permanent

relocation Although diversified in forms it involves a certain degree of commitment on the part

of migrants to the place of origin and of destination This shows whether the migration is of

permanent or non-permanent nature Non-permanent forms of migration are now becoming

increasingly important given the massive improvement in the transportation networks and in the

information technology Migration is one of the vital forces that contribute to rapid urbanization

generally associated with higher levels of productivity and development

Migration also plays an important role by linking people with spaces and transferring people

from places of lower opportunities to those of higher opportunities and a subsequent transfer of

resources Bangladesh is one of the few countries where remittances from temporary migrants

working abroad contribute nearly 10 to the GDP and finance a substantial proportion of trade

deficit For rural areas remittances constitute a form of income which not only helps in

sustenance of families but also cushions against income erosion a recurrent threat faced by poor

households

In the 90 years between 1901 and 1991 the urban POPULATION of the country increased almost

30 times (from 702000 to 2156 million) as opposed to only about a three-fold increase (307 to

883 million) of the rural population The urban population grew at an annual rate of 1 - 2

during the British period (1757-1947) and about 4 during the Pakistan period (1947-1971)

The relatively low rate of urbanization during the British period can be explained by the slow

pace of industrialization With the growth of JUTE and TEXTILES industries mainly in Dhaka and

its surrounding areas urbanization accelerated during 1951-1961 The rate of urbanization

increased sharply after liberation of Bangladesh This was associated with spread of economic

and commercial activities in the urban centers The number of urban centers rose dramatically

from 78 in 1961 to 198 in 1974 and 522 in 1991

Before 1974 there was no city in Bangladesh that had a population of one million or more but

now DHAKA emerged as a mega city with a population of around 10 million Distribution of the

urban population over the years reveals significant increases in the size of four major cities

(Dhaka Chittagong Rajshahi and Khulna) particularly in recent years In the first half of this

century they contained around a third of the total urban population and in 1991 about 50 of

them lived in these cities The level of urbanization raised from a very low base (76) in 1970

to 20 in the 1990s The annual growth rate of urban population in Bangladesh during 1975-

1995 was 34 which is higher than that in the neighboring countries and in other largely

populated countries of Asia

The rural-urban migration along with reclassification contributes nearly 60 to the urban

growth Rural-urban migration occurs in a particular type of setting marked by limited industrial

but rapid commerce-centered growth around major cities especially after the liberation

Empirical evidence suggests that the development of road infrastructure and transportation and

the rapid expansion of manufacturing trade hotel and restaurants and housing and construction

generated demand for unskilled and semi-skilled labor in these cities This had dramatically

increased migration for job-related reasons Also the unequal land relations and loss of land due

to natural calamities influence the spatial movement of population Available statistics suggest

that top 10 of the rural households controlled 51 of land and had a share of 32 of the total

income The share of the bottom 40 of the households was 2 and 16 of land and income

respectively Subsequently three-quarters of rural out-migration occurred from landless

22

households However there had been many cases of migration from the landowning households

the members of which migrated to maximize income from diversified sources and the migration

remained largely non-permanent in nature

Most male migrants from rural areas were agricultural laborers at their original places Rural-

urban migration also takes place from the districts that had better performing agricultural sector

and this is particularly witnessed in the case of migration to Dhaka city A great deal of

population mobility results from survival and adaptive strategies to maximize family income by

allocating their labor in diversified income earning activities to a number of locations Migration

of independent women has been on rise since middle of 1980s as a result of establishment of

export oriented garment manufacturing factories in Dhaka and Chittagong In the 1970s

educational selectivity and population density played an important role in the process of rural-

urban migration Micro-level surveys show bi-polar pattern of educational selectivity suggesting

that both the highly educated and illiterate sections of people have a great propensity to migrate

as both groups undertake equal risks in this regard

Along with education other characteristics of migrants such as age gender marital status roles

and responsibilities assumed in the family and resource endowment (particularly landholding)

play an important role in migration motivation Role of social networks as sources of

information prior to migration and other aids and assistance at the place of destination emerged

as a pre-condition for migration Similarly rapid expansion of the rural non-farm activities and

greater value addition in these activities in urban sector fail to support the thesis that high

population density determines the migratory flows in Bangladesh Migration is rather induced by

jobs available in a particular area and the laws that regulate employment there the threat of

income erosion level of development of physical and infrastructural facilities and

mechanization of agriculture

Rural-urban migration often leads to a broad range of consequences both beneficial and

detrimental and also mixed in the receiving and sending communities In terms of employment

and cash earnings existing evidence weighs heavily in favour of migration The flow of

remittances contributes significantly to the welfare of the relatives left behind by the temporary

migrants in rural areas The migrants now residing in the slums of the Dhaka city tend to spend

increasingly more of their earnings in nutritious food and childrens education

Yet school enrollment of slum children (6-14 years) is much lower (around 35) than their age

cohorts from rural landless households (nearly 50) Similarly infant mortality rate in the urban

slums is comparable with rural areas In the absence of government intervention and adequate

NGO support to improve basic social services and human resources development in urban areas

the urban poor especially poor women are more susceptible to health and environmental

hazards than their non-poor counterparts Poor migrant households also face potential threat of

income-erosion arising out of eviction extortion by musclemen frequent sickness and sexual

harassment of women However contrary to the conventional wisdom migrants living in urban

poor agglomerations do manage access to urban amenities such as gas electricity and water

through informal sources

Persistent migration from rural areas to a few large cities has serious implications for the level of

productivity the state of urban infrastructure and environmental conditions since with migrants

cities grow faster than the capacity of the economy to support them Whilst rapid and huge

growth of urban population exacerbates the growing degradation the inability to enforce basic

cannons of cost recovery in delivering basic amenities lack of coordination among different

service giving agencies and weak capacity and inadequate authority of the city corporations and

municipalities are the major causes of the environmental problem

Page 2: British rule in bengal

2

British Rule in Bengal

During British rule two devastating famines were instigated costing millions of lives in 1770

and 1943 Scarcely five years into the British East India Companys rule the catastrophic Bengal

famine of 1070 one of the greatest famines of history occurred Up to a third of the population

died in 1770 and subsequent years The Indian Mutiny of 1857 replaced rule by the Company

with the direct control of Bengal by the British crown

A centre of rice cultivation as well as fine cotton called muslin and the worlds main source of

jute fibre Bengal from the 1850s became one of Indias principal centres of industry

concentrated in the capital Kolkata (known as Calcutta under the British always called Kolkata

in the native tongue of Bengali) and its emerging cluster of suburbs Most of the population

nevertheless remained dependent on agriculture and despite its leading role in Indian political

and intellectual activity the province included some very undeveloped districts especially in the

east In 1877 when Victoria took the title of Empress of India the British declared Calcutta

the capital of the British Raj

Indias most popular province (and one of the most active provinces in freedom fighting) in

1905 Bengal was divided by the British rulers for administrative purposes into an

overwhelmingly Hindu west (including present-day Bihar and Orissa) and a predominantly

Muslim east (including Assam) (1905 Partition of Bengal) Hindu - Muslim conflict became

stronger through this partition While Hindu Indians disagreed with the partition saying it was a

way of dividing a Bengal which is united by language and history Muslims supported it by

saying it was a big step forward for Muslim society where Muslims will be majority and they

can freely practice their religion as well as their culture But owing to strong Hindu agitation the

British reunited East and West Bengal in 1912 and made Bihar and Orissa a separate province

Another major famine occurred during the second world war the Bengal famine of 1943 in

which an estimated 3 million people died

Bengal famine of 1770

The Bengal famine of 1770 (Chhiattōrer monnōntoacuter lit The Famine of 76) was a catastrophic

famine between 1769 and 1773 (1176 to 1180 in the Bengali calendar) that affected the lower

Gangetic plain of India The famine is estimated to have caused the deaths of 10 million people

(one out of three reducing the population to thirty million in Bengal which included Bihar and

parts of Orissa) The Bengali names derives from its origins in the Bengali calendar year 1176

Background

The famine occurred in the territory which was called Bengal then ruled by the British East

India Company This territory included modern West Bengal Bangladesh and parts of Assam

Orissa Bihar and Jharkhand It was originally a province of the Mughal empire from the 16th

century and was ruled by a Nawab or governor The Nawab had become effectively

independent by the beginning of the 18th century though in theory was still a tributary power of

the Great Mughal in Delhi

In the 17th century the British East India Company had been given a grant on the town of

Calcutta by the Mughal emperor Akbar At this time the Company was effectively another

tributary power of the Mughal During the following century the company obtained sole trading

rights for the province and went on to become the dominant power in Bengal In 1757 at the

3

battle of Plassey the British defeated the-then Nawab Siraj Ud Daulah and plundered the

Bengali treasury In 1764 their military control was reaffirmed at Buxar The subsequent treaty

gained them the Diwani that is taxation rights the Company thereby became the de facto ruler

of Bengal About ten million people[5][6]

approximately one-third of the population of the

affected area are estimated to have died in the famine The regions in which the famine

occurred included especially the modern Indian states of Bihar and West Bengal but the famine

also extended into Orissa and Jharkhand as well as modern Bangladesh Among the worst

affected areas were Birbhum and Murshidabad in Bengal and Tirhut Champaran and Bettiah in

Bihar

A partial shortfall in crops considered nothing out of the ordinary occurred in 1768 and was

followed in late 1769 by more severe conditions By September 1769 there was a severe

drought and alarming reports were coming in of rural distress These were however ignored by

company officers By early 1770 there was starvation and by mid-1770 deaths from starvation

were occurring on a large scale Later in 1770 good rainfall resulted in a good harvest and the

famine abated However other shortfalls occurred in the following years raising the total death

toll

As a result of the famine large areas were depopulated and returned to jungle for decades to

come as the survivors migrated in mass in a search for food Many cultivated lands were

abandonedmdashmuch of Birbhum for instance returned to jungle and was virtually impassable for

decades afterwards From 1772 on bands of bandits and thugs became an established feature of

Bengal and were only brought under control by punitive actions in the 1780s

East India Company responsibilities

Fault for the famine is now often ascribed to the British East India Companys policies in

BengalAs a trading body the first remit of the company was to maximise its profits and with

taxation rights the profits to be obtained from Bengal came from land tax as well as trade tariffs

As lands came under company control the land tax was typically raised fivefold what it had

been ndash from 10 to up to 50 of the value of the agricultural produce[7]

In the first years of the

rule of the British East India Company the total land tax income was doubled and most of this

revenue flowed out of the country[8]

As the famine approached its height in April of 1770 the

Company announced that the land tax for the following year was to be increased by a further

10

Sushil Chaudhury writes that the destruction of food crops in Bengal to make way for opium

poppy cultivation for export reduced food availability and contributed to the famine[9]

However

this claim has been disputed on the grounds that the total area under opium poppy cultivat ion in

the Bengal region constituted less than two percent of all the land The company is also

criticised for forbidding the hoarding of rice This prevented traders and dealers from laying in

reserves that in other times would have tided the population over lean periods as well as

ordering the farmers to plant indigo instead of rice By the time of the famine monopolies in

grain trading had been established by the company and its agents The company had no plan for

dealing with the grain shortage and actions were only taken insofar as they affected the

mercantile and trading classes Land revenue decreased by 14 during the affected year but

recovered rapidly (Kumkum Chatterjee) According to McLane the first governor-general of

British India Warren Hastings acknowledged violent tax collecting after 1771 revenues

earned by the Company were higher in 1771 than in 1768 Globally the profit of the company

increased from fifteen million rupees in 1765 to thirty million in 1777

4

The Indian Rebellion of 1857

The Indian Rebellion of 1857 began as a mutiny of sepoys of the British East India Companys

army on 10 May 1857 in the town of Meerut and soon erupted into other mutinies and civilian

rebellions largely in the upper Gangetic plain and central India with the major hostilities

confined to present-day Uttar Pradesh Bihar northern Madhya Pradesh and the Delhi region

The rebellion posed a considerable threat to Company power in that region and it was contained

only with the fall of Gwalior on 20 June 1858[3]

The rebellion is also known as Indias First

War of Independence the Great Rebellion the Indian Mutiny the Revolt of 1857 the

Uprising of 1857 the Sepoy Rebellion and the Sepoy Mutiny

Other regions of Company-controlled IndiamdashBengal province the Bombay Presidency and the

Madras Presidencymdashremained largely calm[3]

In Punjab the Sikh princes backed the Company

by providing both soldiers and support The large princely states Hyderabad Mysore

Travancore and Kashmir as well as the smaller ones of Rajputana did not join the rebellion[5]

In some regions such as Oudh the rebellion took on the attributes of a patriotic revolt against

European presenceRebel leaders such as the Rani of Jhansi and Rani of Tulsipur Ishwori

Kumari Devi of Tulsipur-State became folk heroes in the nationalist movement in India half a

century later however they themselves generated no coherent ideology for a new order The

rebellion led to the dissolution of the East India Company in 1858 and forced the British to

reorganize the army the financial system and the administration in India[8]

India was thereafter

directly governed by the Crown in the new British Raj

Bengal famine of 1943

The Bengal famine of 1943 is one among several famines that occurred in British-administered

Bengal It is estimated that around three million people died from starvation and malnutrition

during the period making the number of Indian deaths higher than the two world wars the entire

independence movement and the massive carnage that followed the Partition of India

Background and Possible causes

The Second World War began simultaneously with a series of crop failures and famines By

August 1939 out of 14 states in Rajasthan the 9 largest had declared that they were suffering a

famine under the Indian Famine Code as it then stood[3]

In Bengal in 1940-41 there was a small

scale famine although quick action by the authorities prevented widespread loss of life Food

prices increased throughout India and the Central Government was forced to undertaking

meetings with local government officials and release regulations of price controls

The United Kingdom had suffered a disastrous defeat at Singapore in 1942 against the Japanese

military which then proceeded to invade Burma in the same year Burma was the worlds largest

exporter of rice in the inter-war period the British having encouraged production by Burmese

smallholders which resulted in a virtual monoculture in the Irrawaddy Delta and Arakan By

1940 15 of Indias rice overall came from Burma while in Bengal the proportion was slightly

higher given the provinces proximity to Burma

5

British authorities feared a subsequent Japanese invasion of British India proper by way of

Bengal (see British Raj) and a scorched earth policy was hastily implemented in the Chittagong

region nearest the Burmese border to prevent access to supplies by the Japanese in case of an

invasion In particular the Army confiscated many boats (and motor vehicles carts and even

elephants) fearing that the Japanese would commandeer them to speed an advance into India

The inhabitants used the boats for fishing and to take goods to market and the Army failed to

distribute rations to replace the fish and the food lost through the stoppage of commerce[8]

The

dislocation in the area forced many of the inhabitants into the Military Labour Corps and the

break-up of families left many children and dependents to beg or to starve

On 16 October 1942 the whole east coast of Bengal and Orissa was hit by a cyclone A huge

area of rice cultivation up to forty miles inland was flooded causing the autumn crop in these

areas to fail This meant that the peasantry had to eat their surplus and the seed that should have

been planted in the winter of 1942-3 had been consumed by the time the hot weather began in

May 1943[10][11]

The famine reached its peak between July and November 1943 Famine fatality

statistics were unreliable and a range of between 2-4 million has been suggested According to

author John Keay even if the lower number is accepted the famine killed more Indians than the

two world wars the entire Indian freedom movement and the massive death toll that followed

Partition of India[2]

Amartya Sen holds the view that there was no overall shortage of rice in Bengal in 1943

availability was actually slightly higher than in 1941 when there was no famine[12]

It was partly

this which conditioned the sluggish official response to the disaster as there had been no serious

crop failures and hence the famine was unexpected Its root causes Sen argues lay in rumours

of shortage which caused hoarding and rapid price inflation caused by war-time demands which

made rice stocks an excellent investment (prices had already doubled over the previous year) In

Sens interpretation while landowning peasants who actually grew rice and those employed in

defence-related industries in urban areas and at the docks saw their wages rise this led to a

disastrous shift in the exchange entitlements of groups such as landless labourers fishermen

barbers paddy huskers and other groups who found the real value of their wages had been

slashed by two-thirds since 1940 Quite simply although Bengal had enough rice and other

grains to feed itself millions of people were suddenly too poor to buy it[13

Response

During the course of the famine the Government of Bengal mobilised considerable

resources[14]

however its efforts were undermined by its own lack of understanding of the

situation the poor coordination of relief efforts and the failure of government officials and

departments to work together to combat the famine[15]

During the Famine Inquiry Commissions

investigation one official stated that We felt difficulty about one thing That was lack of one co-

ordinating authority at the time of famine[16]

In December 1942 there was a shortage in Calcutta itself Therefore focused on getting supplies

to Calcutta[17]

by trying to buy surplus stocks in the region The quantities that District Officers

were able to locate and purchase were considered too small to end the famine so the

Government introduced free trade in rice in Eastern India hoping that traders would sell their

stocks to Bengal however this measure also failed to move large stocks to Bengal[18]

In April

and May there was a propaganda drive to convince the population that the high prices were not

justified by the supply of food the goal being that the propaganda would induce hoarders [19]

When these propaganda drive was followed by a drive to locate hoarded stocks When these

6

drives continually failed to locate large stocks it convinced the government that the scale of the

loss in supply was larger than they initially believed[18]

Bayly and Harper claim that in contrast to the incompetence of the civil service the British

military commanders and the British military in general performed as best as it could to combat

the famine[20]

providing food to the suffering and organising relief During the course of the

famine the government organised roughly 110000000 free meals which proved too small to

cope with the disaster

In response to an urgent request by the Secretary of State for India Leo Amery and Viceroy of

India Achibald Wavell to release food stocks for India Winston Churchill the Prime Minister of

that time responded with a telegram to Wavell asking if food was so scarce why Gandhi

hadnrsquot died yet[22][23]

Initially during the famine he was more concerned with the civilians of

Greece (who were also suffering from a famine) compared with the Bengalis[24]

Overall Sen argues the authorities failed to understand that the famine was not caused by an

overall food shortage and that the distribution of food was not just a matter of railway capacity

but of providing free famine relief on a massive scale The Raj was in fact fairly right in its

estimation of overall food availability but disastrously wrong in its theory of Famines[25]

The

famine ended when the government in London agreed to import 1000000 tons of grain to

Bengal reducing food prices[26]

Mark Tauger and Peter Bowbrick argue the opposite that the

government had the same view of the famine as Sen did and tried to locate surplus stocks

during the course of the famine but was unable to do so because no such stocks exist[27]

During the course of the famine 264 thousand tons of rice 258 thousand tons of wheat and

wheat products and 55 thousand tons of millets were sent to Bengal for the purposes of famine

relief from the rest of India and overseas[28]

The Bengal Famine may be placed in the context of previous famines in Mughal and British

India Deccan Famine of 1630-32 killed 2000000 (there was a corresponding famine in

northwestern China eventually causing the Ming dynasty to collapse in 1644) During the

British rule in India there were approximately 25 major famines spread through states such as

Tamil Nadu in South India Bihar in the north and Bengal in the east altogether between 30

and 40 million Indians were the victims of famines in the latter half of the 19th century (Bhatia

1985)

Food availability decline or man made

Severe food shortages were worsened by World War II with the British administration of India

exporting foods to Allied soldiers The shortage of rice forced rice prices up and wartime

inflation compounded the problem

Food deliveries from other parts of the country to Bengal were refused by the government in

order to make food artificially scarce This was an especially cruel policy introduced in 1942

under the title Rice Denial Scheme The purpose of it was as mentioned earlier to deny an

efficient food supply to the Japanese after a possible invasion Simultaneously the government

authorised free merchants to purchase rice at any price and to sell it to the government for

delivery into governmental food storage So on one hand government was buying every grain of

rice that was around and on the other hand it was blocking grain from coming into Bengal from

other regions of the country[29]

The price controls on wheat were introduced on December 1941

and on rice in 1942[30]

7

Amartya Sen has cast doubt on the idea that the rice shortage was due to a fall in production He

quotes official records for rice production in Bengal in the years leading up to 1943 as reported

in the table to the right[31]

According to Oacute Graacuteda he also argues that famine and democracy are

virtually incompatible[32]

The 1943 yield while low was not in itself outside the normal

spectrum of recorded variation and other factors beyond simple crop failure may thus be

invoked as a causal mechanism

Others have drawn attention to the quality of the data that Amartya Sen cites Mark Tauger has

drawn attention to the manner in which the statistics were gathered [33]

whilst Peter Bowbrick

has described them as wildly unreliable[34]

Year Rice production(in million of tons)

1938 8474

1939 7922

1940 8223

1941 6768

1942 9296

1943 7628

Indian Independence Movement

Bengal played a major role in the Indian independence movement in which revolutionary

groups such as Anushilan Samiti and Jugantar were dominant Bengalis also played a notable

role in the Indian independence movement Many of the early proponents of the freedom

struggle and subsequent leaders in movement were Bengalis such as Chittaranjan Das

Surendranath Banerjea Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose Prafulla Chaki Bagha Jatin Khudiram

Bose Surya Sen Binoy-Badal-Dinesh Sarojini Naidu Aurobindo Ghosh Rashbehari Bose and

many more Some of these leaders such as Netaji did not subscribe to the view that non-violent

civil disobedience was the only way to achieve Indian Independence and were instrumental in

armed resistance against the British force During the Second World War Netaji escaped to

Germany from house arrest in India and there he founded the Indian Legion an army to fight

against the British Government but the turning of the war compelled him to come to South-East

Asia and there he became the co-founder and leader of the Indian National Army (distinct from

the army of British India) that challenged British forces in several parts of India He was also the

head of state of a parallel regime named The Provisional Governmeent of Free India or Arzi

Hukumat-e-Azad Hind that was recognized and supported by the Axis powers Bengal was also

the fostering ground for several prominent revolutionary organisations the most notable of

which was Anushilan Samiti A large number of Bengalis were martyred in the freedom struggle

and many were exiled in Cellular Jail the much dreaded prison located in Andaman

8

History of the Indian National Congress

From its foundation on 28 December 1885 until the time of independence of India on August 15

1947 the Indian National Congress was the largest and most prominent Indian public

organization and central and defining influence of the Indian Independence Movement

Although initially and primarily a political body the Congress transformed itself into a national

vehicle for social reform and human upliftment The Congress was the strongest foundation and

defining influence of modern Indian nationalism

Founded upon the suggestion of British civil servant Allan Octavian Hume the Congress was

created to form a platform for civic and political dialogue of educated Indians with the British

Raj After the First War of Indian Independence and the transfer of India from the East India

Company to the British Empire it was the goal of the Raj to support and justify its governance

of India with the aid of English-educated Indians who would be familiar and friendly to British

culture and political thinking Ironically a few of the reasons the Congress grew and survived in

the era of undisputed British hegemony was through the patronage of British authorities Anglo-

Indians and a rising Indian educated classThe theory of safety valve has also been associated

with the birth of congress It says that congress provided a platform to Indians to bring out their

resentment vocally Its initial aim was to divert the minds of Indians from any sort of physical

violence

Hume embarked on an endeavor to get an organization started by reaching-out to selected

alumni of the University of Calcutta writing in his 1883 letter that Every nation secures

precisely as good a Government as it merits If you the picked men the most highly educated

of the nation cannot scorning personal ease and selfish objects make a resolute struggle to

secure greater freedom for yourselves and your country a more impartial administration a

larger share in the management of your own affairs then we your friends are wrong and our

adversaries right then are Lord Ripons noble aspirations for your good fruitless and

visionary then at present at any rate all hopes of progress are at an end and India truly

neither desires nor deserves any better Government than she enjoys[1]

In May 1885 Hume secured the Viceroys approval to create an Indian National Union which

would be affiliated with the government and act as a platform to voice Indian public opinion On

12 October 1885 Hume and a group of educated Indians also published An Appeal from the

People of India to the Electors of Great Britain and Ireland to ask British voters in 1885 British

general election to help support candidates sympathetic to Indian public opinion which included

opposition to the levying of taxes on India to finance the British Indian campaigns in

Afghanistan and support for legislative reform in India[2]

The appeal was a failure and was

interpreted by many Indians as a rude shock but a true realization that they had to fight their

battles alone[3]

On 28 December 1885 the Indian National Congress was founded at Gokuldas

Tejpal Sanskrit College in Bombay with 72 delegates in attendance Hume assumed office as

the General Secretary and Womesh Chandra Bonnerjee of Calcutta was elected President[2]

Besides Hume two additional British members (both Scottish civil servants) were members of

the founding group William Wedderburn and Justice (later Sir) John Jardine The other

members were mostly Hindus from the Bombay and Madras Presidencies[2]

9

Though there has been discussion over the fact that the congress was founded by a retired civil

servant and not by Indians GKGokhale with his characteristic modesty and political wisdom

stated this explicitly in 1913 No Indian could have started the Indian National Congressif an

Indian had come forward to start such a movement embracing all Indians the officials in India

would not have allowed the movement to come into existence If the founder of the Congress

had not been an Englishman and a distinguished ex-official such was the distrust of political

agitation in those days that the authorities would have at once found some way or the other to

suppress the movement

Reactions

Many Muslim community leaders like the prominent educationalist Syed Ahmed Khan viewed

the Congress negatively owing to its membership being dominated by Hindus The Orthodox

Hindu community and religious leaders were also averse seeing the Congress as supportive of

Western cultural invasion

The ordinary people of India were not informed or concerned of its existence on the whole for

the Congress never attempted to address the issues of poverty lack of health care social

oppression and the prejudiced negligence of the peoples concerns by British authorities The

perception of bodies like the Congress was that of an elitist then educated and wealthy peoples

institution

Rise of Indian nationalism

First session of Indian National Congress Bombay 28-31 December 1885

Lokmanya Tilak was the first to embrace Swaraj as the national goal The first spurts of

nationalistic sentiment that rose amongst Congress members were when the desire to be

represented in the bodies of government to have a say a vote in the lawmaking and issues of

administration of India Congressmen saw themselves as loyalists but wanted an active role in

governing their own country albeit as part of the Empire This trend was personified by

Dadabhai Naoroji considered by many as the eldest Indian statesman Naoroji went as far as

contesting successfully an election to the British House of Commons becoming its first Indian

member That he was aided in his campaign by young aspiring Indian student activists like

Muhammad Ali Jinnah describes where the imagination of the new Indian generation lay

Bal Gangadhar Tilak was the first Indian nationalist to embrace Swaraj as the destiny of the

nation Tilak deeply opposed the British education system that ignored and defamed Indias

culture history and values He resented the denial of freedom of expression for nationalists and

the lack of any voice or role for ordinary Indians in the affairs of their nation For these reasons

he considered Swaraj as the natural and only solution in the abandonment of all the British

things He was backed by rising public leaders like Bipin Chandra Pal and Lala Lajpat Rai who

held the same point of view Under them Indias three great states - Maharashtra Bengal and

Punjab region shaped the demand of the people and Indias nationalism

10

The moderates led by Gopal Krishna Gokhale Pherozeshah Mehta and Dadabhai Naoroji held

firm to calls for negotiations and political dialogue Gokhale criticized Tilak for encouraging

acts of violence and disorder But the Congress of 1906 did not have public membership and

thus Tilak and his supporters were forced to leave the party

But with Tilaks arrest all hopes for an Indian offensive were stalled The Congress lost credit

with the people while Muslims were alarmed with the rise of Tilaks Hindu nationalism and

formed the All India Muslim League in 1907 considering the Congress as completely unsuitable

for Indian Muslims

The Traditionalists

According to one approach the traditionalist point of view though not in a political sense was

represented in Congressmen like Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel Rajendra Prasad CRajagopalachari

Purushottam Das Tandon Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan and Maulana Azad who were also

associates and followers of Gandhi Their organizational strength achieved through leading the

clashes with the government was undisputed and proven when despite winning the 1939

election Bose resigned the Congress presidency because of the lack of confidence he enjoyed

amongst national leaders A year earlier in the 1938 election however Bose had been elected

with the support of Gandhi Differences arose in 1939 on whether Bose should have a second

term Jawaharlal Nehru who Gandhi had always preferred to Bose had had a second term

earlier Boses own differences centred on the place to be accorded to non-violent as against

revolutionary methods When he set up his Indian National Army in South-east Asia during the

Second World War he invoked Gandhis name and hailed him as the Father of The Nation It

would be wrong to suggest that the so-called traditionalist leaders looked merely to the ancient

heritage of Indian Asian or in the case of Maulana Azad and Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan

Islamic civilization for inspiration They believed along with educationists like Zakir Husain

and E W Aryanayakam that education should be imparted in a manner that enables the learners

also to be able to make things with their own hands and learn skills that would make them self-

supporting This method of education was also adopted in some areas in Egypt (See Reginald

Reynolds Beware of Africans) Zakir Husain was inspired by some European educationists and

was able with Gandhis support to dovetail this approach to the one favoured by the Basic

Education method introduced by the Indian freedom movement They believed that the

education system economy and social justice model for a future nation should be designed to

suit the specific local requirements While most were open to the benefits of Western influences

and the socio-economic egalitarianism of socialism they were opposed to being defined by

either model

11

Creation of Pakistan

As the independence movement throughout British-controlled India began in the late 19th

century gained momentum during the 20th century Bengali politicians played an active role in

Mohandas Gandhis Congress Party and Mohammad Ali Jinnahs Muslim League exposing the

opposing forces of ethnic and religious nationalism By exploiting the latter the British probably

intended to distract the independence movement for example by partitioning Bengal in 1905

along religious lines The split only lasted for seven years

At first the Muslim League sought only to ensure minority rights in the future nation In 1940

the Muslim League passed the Lahore Resolution which envisaged one or more Muslim

majority states in South Asia Non-negotiable was the inclusion of the Muslim parts of Punjab

and Bengal in these proposed states The stakes grew as a new Viceroy Lord Mountbatten of

Burma was appointed expressly for the purpose of effecting a graceful British exit Communal

violence in Noakhali and Calcutta sparked a surge in support for the Muslim League which won

a majority of Bengals Muslim seats in the 1946 election Accusations have been made that

Hindu and Muslim nationalist instigators were involved in the latter incident At the last moment

Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy and Sarat Chandra Bose came up with the idea of an independent

and unified Bengal state which was endorsed by Jinnah This idea was vetoed by the Indian

National Congress

British India was partitioned and the independent states of India and Pakistan were created in

1947 the region of Bengal was divided along religious lines The predominantly Muslim eastern

half of Bengal became the East Bengal (later renamed East Pakistan) state of Pakistan and the

predominantly Hindu western part became the Indian state of West Bengal

Pakistans history from 1947 to 1971 was marked by political instability and economic

difficulties In 1956 a constitution was at last adopted making the country an Islamic republic

within the Commonwealth The nascent democratic institutions foundered in the face of

military intervention in 1958 and the government imposed martial law between 1958 and 1962

and again between 1969 and 1971

Almost from the advent of independent Pakistan in 1947 frictions developed between East and

West Pakistan which were separated by more than 1000 miles of Indian territory East

Pakistanis felt exploited by the West Pakistan-dominated central government Linguistic

cultural and ethnic differences also contributed to the estrangement of East from West Pakistan

When Mohammad Ali Jinnah died in September 1948 Khwaja Nazimuddin became the

Governor General of Pakistan while Nurul Amin was appointed the Chief Minister of East

Bengal Nurul Amin continued as the Chief Minister of East Bengal until 2 April 1954 The

abolition of the Zamindari system in East Bengal (1950) and the Language Movement were two

most important events during his tenure

Indias independence from Great Britain in August 1947 resulted in the partition of British India

into India and Pakistan Pakistan was created out of the Muslim-majority provinces of British

India with no regard for geographical contiguity The resulting state was formed into two

physically separate wings with the territory of India intervening between the two The eastern

wing was created by the partition of the British province of Bengal and the principal language

spoken there was Bengali Although it was principally the language of those who fled India to

Pakistan the government of Pakistan decreed that Urdu would be the national language

12

Creation of Bangladesh

In the evening of March 25 1971 the Pakistan army attacked East Pakistan as the future

Bangladesh was then known The attack was an effort to put down East Pakistani protesters who

demanded that the national government recognize the right of the elected majority party the

Awami (Peoples) League to assume political office The attacks by the Pakistanis and

resistance by the Bangladeshis continued until December of that year with the Bangladeshis

seeing this as a war of independence and the government forces viewing it as a civil war

Throughout the year India provided support for the East Pakistani rebels and received a large

number of refugees Early in December Pakistans internal conflict assumed international

dimensions with the direct intervention of Indian troops The violence ended on December 16

when the Pakistani commander at the time General A K Niazi surrendered to General Jagjeet

Singh Arora commander of the Indian forces

The discontent of East Pakistanis in the united state of Pakistan had a long history before it

finally culminated in war The Muslim League government of Pakistan led by Muhammad Ali

Jinnah had long ignored East Bengal However during his only visit to the eastern province in

March 1948 Jinnah was confronted by Bengalis who demanded that their language be

recognized along with Urdu as a co-official language of Pakistan Jinnah stated that anyone who

opposed the status of Urdu as the official language of Pakistan was a traitor to the country This

angered the Bengali faction and in 1952 that anger gave rise to the language movement in

East Pakistan

After independence the Pakistani government was constituted according to the Government of

India Act (1935) as modified by the India Independence Act of 1947 both acts of the British

Parliament It was not until 1956 that a formal constitution was promulgated (India adopted its

own constitution in 1950) The constitution of 1956 changed the name of the eastern wing of the

country from East Bengal to East Pakistan and the four provinces of the west wing were

consolidated into West Pakistan The constitution also instituted the concept of parity between

the eastern and western regions This meant that representation in the National Assembly would

be equal from each province even though East Pakistan had about 54 percent of the total

population of Pakistan The Bengalis of East Pakistan viewed this as an affront

This shortchanging of representation in the National Assembly was also seen in the military

services There were very few officers from East Pakistan in a military overwhelmingly

dominated by West Pakistanis There was a similar disparity in representation within the civil

service Although a quota system was later instituted the disparity persisted at the higher levels

throughout the 1960s

In 1954 a major and violent strike occurred at the Adamjee Jute Mill in Narayanganj a suburb

of Dhaka In addition to disputes over pay and labor practices the East Pakistani workers felt

that the company was showing favoritism to Urdu-speaking Biharis in employment Bihari is a

general term applied to those Urduspeaking Muslims most of them from the Indian state of

Bihar who fled east at the time of partition but who never learned to speak Bengali In addition

the East Pakistani strikers were protesting the fact that the majority of East Pakistans

manufacturing and banking firms were owned by West Pakistanis among whom the Adamjee

family was prominent

13

The leading Muslim political party in Bengal prior to Pakistans independence had been the

Muslim League which dominated the Bengal Provincial Assembly At the time of

independence the sitting members of the Bengal Provincial Assembly chose their future

membership in either the assembly of West Bengal in India or the assembly of East Bengal in

Pakistan The Muslim League maintained control Although elections were held in each of the

provinces of the west wing as early as 1951 elections in East Bengal were delayed until 1954

The election when it was finally held resulted in an almost total rout of the Muslim League

which was looked upon locally as a proxy of the central government

The winning coalition in East Pakistan was comprised of the Awami League and the Krishak

Sramik (Farmers and Workers) Party The principal founder of the Awami League was Husain

Shahid Suhrawardy The Krishak Sramik Party was led by Fazlul Haq Haq had been a prime

minister of united Bengal (ie prior to independence) when his party was known as the Krishak

Praja (Farmers and Peoples) Party For the 1954 election the Awami League and the Krishak

Sramik Party joined forces as the United Front and ran for office on a platform called 21

Points Among the issues addressed by the coalition were the recognition of Bengali as an

official language of Pakistan autonomy for East Bengal in all matters except defense foreign

affairs and currency land reform improved irrigation nationalization of the jute industry and

other points that if enacted into law would give East Bengalis greater control of their own

governance

The demand that Bengali be recognized as an official language was an outgrowth of the

language movement of 1952 Since the early days of independence East Pakistanis had

demanded that Pakistan recognize two official languages Bengali (the most widely spoken

language) and Urdu An attempt by the central government to devise a means to write Bengali in

the Urdu script was met with widespread opposition and rioting mainly from academics and

university students On February 21 1952 in an attempt to suppress the violence the police

fired on a crowd of demonstrators and about twenty students were killed Today a monument

stands at the site of the killings and February 21 is celebrated annually as Martyrs Day

For its championing of this and other issues important to the majority of East Pakistanis the

Krishak SramikndashAwami League coalition won the 1954 election Eventually however the

Krishak Sramik Party withered away and the Awami League became the most important party

in the province It would become the leader of the independence movement and dominate

emerging Bangladeshi politics

In October 1958 General Muhammad Ayub Khan proclaimed himself president of Pakistan

following a military coup declared martial law and dissolved the National Assembly and the

provincial legislatures He then set up what he called Basic Democracy which he described as

a more representative government Elections at the local level would be direct and those elected

at this level would be designated Basic Democrats Elections for the provincial and national

assemblies and for the presidency would be indirect with the Basic Democrats serving as the

electoral college He retained the principle of parity however This meant that each province

was allocated an equal number of Basic Democrat electors so that East Pakistanis continued to

be underrepresented at the higher levels of government Not unexpectedly Ayub was elected

president in 1962 and reelected president in 1967 Although he won majorities in each wing in

each election his majority in the east wing in 1967 was dramatically less than in 1962

14

Nonetheless Ayubs power began to slip after his reelection to office as did his health

Opposition to his rule spread even in West Pakistan Ayub grew concerned about a growing

secessionist movement in East Pakistan The Awami League now headed by Sheik Mujibur

Rahman demanded that changes be made in regard to East Pakistan These changes were

embodied in Mujibs Six Points Plan which he presented at a meeting of opposition parties in

Lahore in 1966 In brief these Six Points called for

1 A federal and parliamentary government with free and fair elections

2 Federal government to control only foreign affairs and defense

3 A separate currency or separate fiscal accounts for each province to control

movement of capital from east to west

4 All power of taxation to reside at the provincial level with the federal government

subsisting on grants from the provinces

5 Enabling each federating unit to enter into foreign trade agreements on its own and

to retain control over the foreign exchange earned and

6 Allowing each unit to raise its own militia

If these points had been adopted it would have meant almost de facto independence for East

Pakistan Many observers saw point six a separate militia as the point most unacceptable to the

central government but they were wrong The 1965 Indo-Pakistan War had demonstrated the

lack of local defense forces in East Pakistan which would have left the province defenseless had

India attacked there In fact it was point four regarding taxation that proved to be the problem

because the enactment of this point would make it all but impossible for a central government to

operate

In 1968 in response to the Six Points Plan the Ayub government charged Mujib and his

supporters with treason This later became known as the Agartala Conspiracy Case so-called as

it was alleged that Mujib had met with Indian agents in Agartala the capital of the Indian state

of Tripura which borders on Bangladesh Mujib and the Awami League denied that any such

meeting had ever taken place In early 1969 as hostility to Ayub increased in both East and

West Pakistan he invited opposition leaders to meet with him Mujib having been jailed

awaiting his trial for treason was not invited to this meeting The opposition leaders refused to

come to the meeting unless the charges against Mujib were withdrawn and demanded that he

too be invited to attend Ayub complied with these demands The meeting which Ayub hoped

would work to his advantage instead strengthened the oppositions position which called for the

end of the policy of Basic Democracy and the return to direct parliamentary elections

The opposition movement expanded beyond the political sphere to the military and Ayub was

forced to resign on March 25 1969 He was replaced by General Agha Muhammad Yahya

Khan who promised to reinstate direct elections These were held in December 1970 in most of

the country but flooding in East Pakistan forced a few constituencies to delay their elections

until January 1971 In addition to reinstating free and direct elections Yahya also acted to

restore the former provinces of West Pakistan which had been united into a single unit by the

1956 constitution More important for East Pakistan he ended the principle of parity In the

1970 election for the National Assembly East Pakistan would have 162 general seats out of a

total of 300 reflecting the 54 percent majority that Bengalis enjoyed according to the 1961

population census

15

Yahya also introduced legislation that in his view would limit the changes that could be made

to the constitution by the National Assembly This legislation called the Legal Framework

Order touched upon seven points

1 That Pakistan would be a federated state

2 Islamic principles would be paramount

3 Direct and regular elections would be held

4 Fundamental rights would be guaranteed

5 The judiciary would be independent

6 Maximum provincial autonomy would be allowed but the federal government

shall also have adequate powers including legislative administrative and financial

powers to discharge its responsibilities and

7 Economic disparities among provinces would be removed

The result of the election in East Pakistan startled outside observers and even took some

supporters of the Awami League by surprise The party won 160 of the 162 seats in East

Pakistan thereby gaining a majority in the National Assembly without winning a single seat in

West Pakistan which had thrown its support behind the Pakistan Peoples Party led by Zulfiqar

Ali Bhutto Neither Yahya nor his military associates nor Bhutto looked favorably on a

government comprised solely of the Awami League and headed by the author of the Six Points

Plan Yahya began a series of negotiations perhaps in the hope of creating a coalition

government but more in an effort to sideline Mujib As the talks became more rancorous and

compromise seemed impossible the Pakistani government began to increase the strength of its

rather small contingent of military forces stationed in East Pakistan

Yahya negotiated with Bhutto and Mujib the former declaring that there were two majorities

in Pakistan and the latter insisting on the full enactment of the Six Points even where these

were at variance with Yahyas Legal Framework Order (ie on the issues of taxation)

Demonstrations supporting the Awami Leagues position spread across East Pakistan Violence

began to look more attractive than political activism as a means of protecting East Pakistans

interests By this time the term Bangladeshi was widely adopted by the Awami League and its

supporters to replace the designation East Pakistani

The army struck back on March 25 1971 Its first move was to attack the faculty and students at

Dhaka University and to take Mujib into custody By one estimate up to 35000 Bangladeshis

were killed at the university and elsewhere on the first few days Mujib was transported to jail in

West Pakistan (There were fears that he would be executed but these later proved unfounded

when he was released at the end of the conflict) A number of Mujibs associates fled first to a

village on the border with India then to Calcutta Major Ziaur Rahman who would later become

president of independent Bangladesh issued a declaration of independence

Bangladeshi police and border patrol forces organized a resistance force to oppose the Pakistani

army and they were later joined by several civilians many of whom had been university

students It was however almost nine months before India intervened triggering the December

16 1971 surrender of the Pakistani army India intervened both for strategic reasons (as

weakening Pakistan) and for humanitarian reasons to alleviate the suffering of Bangladeshis

16

Pakistan complained about Indias invasion of its sovereign territory to the UN Security Council

in early December In an often emotional speech Bhutto argued with reason that this

intervention was a violation of international law The Security Council agreed but the question

soon became moot with the surrender of the Pakistani troops in Bangladesh

The number of Bangladeshis killed disabled raped or displaced by the violence of 1971 is not

fully known Estimates by Bangladeshi sources put the number killed at up to three million and

it is estimated that as many as ten million may have fled to India Initially the Pakistani army

targeted educators students political leaders and others who were generally considered to be

prominent sympathizers of the Awami League As the Bangladeshis formed military units

however these units also became the targets Some of these units were formed by Bangladeshis

who had formerly served in the Pakistani army others were recruited from the police and the

East Pakistan (now Bangladesh) Rifles a border security force These units based in rural and

outlying areas of Bangladesh were able to take advantage of the Pakistani armys initial focus

on the student-led demonstrations in the Dhaka region Survivor accounts such as that by

Jahanara Imam suggest that much of the killing soon devolved into little more than

indiscriminate slaughter

The Pakistani surrender and the termination of conflict left several unsettled questions Many

Bangladeshismdashmostly civil servants or military troops and their familiesmdashwere still detained in

Pakistan In Bangladesh there were non-Bengalismdashagain mostly civil servants or military

troops but also some business owners and professionalsmdashwho wished repatriation to Pakistan

In addition the fate of de facto prisoners of war held by Bangladesh and Pakistani prisoners of

war held by India had yet to be decided Bangladesh wanted to place 195 Pakistani military

personnel on trial for war crimes and genocide On August 9 1975 a tripartite agreement

between Bangladesh India and Pakistan was reached to create a panel that would attempt to

settle these issues Bangladesh also agreed to drop all charges against the 195 Pakistanis accused

of war crimes and to permit their repatriation to Pakistan

In the end and at great cost Bangladesh achieved its independence Slowly the two countries

were able to establish diplomatic relations Pakistan recognized Bangladesh as independent on

February 22 1974 primarily at the urging of the Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC)

which was meeting in Lahore at that time The OIC insisted that Bangladesh a Muslim state be

permitted to attend the conference Bangladeshis however remained unsatisfied They wanted

an apology from the Pakistanis for the excesses committed during the war They received one

finally from the Pakistani president Pervez Musharraf when he visited Bangladesh in July

2002

17

Age-Sex Structure of the Population

A populations age-sex structure is the number andor proportion of the population to be found in

each age-sex group If each population could be got together for a day and lined up in their age

groups - females at one end males at the other a plane flying overhead would look down on a

certain shape

There are many different ways to graphically present population data The most important

demographic characteristic of a population is its age-sex structure and the use of an age-sex

pyramid also known as a population pyramid is considered the best way to graphically

illustrate the age and sex distribution of a given population

An age-sex pyramid consists of two horizontal histograms joined together It displays the

percentage or actual amount of a population broken down by gender and age The five-year age

increments on the y-axis allow the pyramid to vividly reflect both long-term trends in the birth

and death rates and shorter-term baby-booms wars and epidemics

The fertility rate of a population is the single most important influence on the shape of a

population pyramid The more children per parent the broader will be the base of the pyramid

The median age of the population will also be younger While mortality will also have an

influence on the shape it will be far less important an influence than fertility but somewhat

more complex One would assume that lower mortality rates in a population would result in an

older age distribution However just the opposite is true a population with lower mortality rates

will display a slightly younger age distribution This is due to the fact that any disparities in the

mortality rates of a population are more likely a result of variations within the younger age

groups usually infants and children

There are generally three types of population pyramids created from age-sex distributions

expansive constrictive and stationary Examples of these three types of population pyramids

appear at the end of this report Definitions of the three types follow

1 Expansive population pyramids show larger numbers or percentages of the population in

the younger age groups usually with each age group smaller in size or proportion than

the one born before it These types of pyramids are usually found in populations with

very large fertility rates and lower than average life expectancies The age-sex

distributions of Latin American and many Third World countries would probably display

expansive population pyramids

The following figure is an example of such an age-sex pyramid This pyramid of the

Philippines shows a triangle-shaped pyramid and reflects a high growth rate of about 21

percent annually

18

2 Constrictive population pyramids display lower numbers or percentages of younger

people The age-sex distributions of the United States fall into this type of pyramid

In the United States the population is growing at a rate of about 17 percent annually

This growth rate is reflected in the more square-like structure of the pyramid Note the

lump in the pyramid between the ages of about 35 to 50 This large segment of the

population is the post-World War II baby boom As this population ages and climbs up

the pyramid there will be a much greater demand for medical and other geriatric

services

3 Stationary or near-stationary population pyramids display somewhat equal numbers or

percentages for almost all age groups Of course smaller figures are still to be expected

at the oldest age groups The age-sex distributions of some European countries

especially Scandinavian ones will tend to fall into this category

Germany is experiencing a period of negative growth (-01) As negative growth in a

country continues the population is reduced A population can shrink due to a low birth

rate and a stable death rate Increased emigration may also contribute to a declining

population

19

Bangladesh

Age

Age structure

0ndash14 years 329 (male 24957997female 23533894)

15ndash64 years 636 (male 47862774female 45917674)

65 years and over 35 (male 2731578female 2361435) (2006 est)

Median age 233 years

Male 229 years

Female 235 (2009 est)

Gender ratio

At birth 104 male(s)female

Under 15 years 101 male(s)female

15ndash64 years 09 male(s)female

65 years and over 094 male(s)female

Total population 093 male(s)female (2009 est)

Bangladesh Population Pyramid for 1995

Age and sex distribution for the year 1995

20

Bangladesh Population Pyramid for 2010

A Definition of Migration

The definition of the word can be the movement of people from one place to another There

are two main types of migration first internal migration ie migration within one country and

secondly international migration which means the movement from one country to another A

good example of internal migration is the movement from East Germany to West Germany

which causes big problems for East Germany A good example of international migration is the

movement from third-world countries to Europe or America The next question is What makes

people migrate from one place to another

The reasons for migration can be divided into two main aspects the so-called push and pull

factors

Push factors are those in their old place which force people to move For example there may be

civil wars or wars in general in the country but political or religious oppression climate

changes lack of jobs or simply poverty are all important push factors

Pull factors are factors in the target country which encourage people to move these include

peace and safety a chance of a better job better education social security a better standard of

living in general as well as political and religious freedom

Calculation

MIGRATION = M

)()( 12 DBPPM

M=Total Migrations

Population Initial1 P

Population Final2 P

B=Total birth during the time period

D=Total Death

21

Pattern of rural urban migration in Bangladesh

Migration Rural-Urban Migration is a flexible and dynamic phenomenon that encompasses

territorial mobility of the people and involves movements like commuting absence from home

place for periods from a couple of days to several years seasonal migration and permanent

relocation Although diversified in forms it involves a certain degree of commitment on the part

of migrants to the place of origin and of destination This shows whether the migration is of

permanent or non-permanent nature Non-permanent forms of migration are now becoming

increasingly important given the massive improvement in the transportation networks and in the

information technology Migration is one of the vital forces that contribute to rapid urbanization

generally associated with higher levels of productivity and development

Migration also plays an important role by linking people with spaces and transferring people

from places of lower opportunities to those of higher opportunities and a subsequent transfer of

resources Bangladesh is one of the few countries where remittances from temporary migrants

working abroad contribute nearly 10 to the GDP and finance a substantial proportion of trade

deficit For rural areas remittances constitute a form of income which not only helps in

sustenance of families but also cushions against income erosion a recurrent threat faced by poor

households

In the 90 years between 1901 and 1991 the urban POPULATION of the country increased almost

30 times (from 702000 to 2156 million) as opposed to only about a three-fold increase (307 to

883 million) of the rural population The urban population grew at an annual rate of 1 - 2

during the British period (1757-1947) and about 4 during the Pakistan period (1947-1971)

The relatively low rate of urbanization during the British period can be explained by the slow

pace of industrialization With the growth of JUTE and TEXTILES industries mainly in Dhaka and

its surrounding areas urbanization accelerated during 1951-1961 The rate of urbanization

increased sharply after liberation of Bangladesh This was associated with spread of economic

and commercial activities in the urban centers The number of urban centers rose dramatically

from 78 in 1961 to 198 in 1974 and 522 in 1991

Before 1974 there was no city in Bangladesh that had a population of one million or more but

now DHAKA emerged as a mega city with a population of around 10 million Distribution of the

urban population over the years reveals significant increases in the size of four major cities

(Dhaka Chittagong Rajshahi and Khulna) particularly in recent years In the first half of this

century they contained around a third of the total urban population and in 1991 about 50 of

them lived in these cities The level of urbanization raised from a very low base (76) in 1970

to 20 in the 1990s The annual growth rate of urban population in Bangladesh during 1975-

1995 was 34 which is higher than that in the neighboring countries and in other largely

populated countries of Asia

The rural-urban migration along with reclassification contributes nearly 60 to the urban

growth Rural-urban migration occurs in a particular type of setting marked by limited industrial

but rapid commerce-centered growth around major cities especially after the liberation

Empirical evidence suggests that the development of road infrastructure and transportation and

the rapid expansion of manufacturing trade hotel and restaurants and housing and construction

generated demand for unskilled and semi-skilled labor in these cities This had dramatically

increased migration for job-related reasons Also the unequal land relations and loss of land due

to natural calamities influence the spatial movement of population Available statistics suggest

that top 10 of the rural households controlled 51 of land and had a share of 32 of the total

income The share of the bottom 40 of the households was 2 and 16 of land and income

respectively Subsequently three-quarters of rural out-migration occurred from landless

22

households However there had been many cases of migration from the landowning households

the members of which migrated to maximize income from diversified sources and the migration

remained largely non-permanent in nature

Most male migrants from rural areas were agricultural laborers at their original places Rural-

urban migration also takes place from the districts that had better performing agricultural sector

and this is particularly witnessed in the case of migration to Dhaka city A great deal of

population mobility results from survival and adaptive strategies to maximize family income by

allocating their labor in diversified income earning activities to a number of locations Migration

of independent women has been on rise since middle of 1980s as a result of establishment of

export oriented garment manufacturing factories in Dhaka and Chittagong In the 1970s

educational selectivity and population density played an important role in the process of rural-

urban migration Micro-level surveys show bi-polar pattern of educational selectivity suggesting

that both the highly educated and illiterate sections of people have a great propensity to migrate

as both groups undertake equal risks in this regard

Along with education other characteristics of migrants such as age gender marital status roles

and responsibilities assumed in the family and resource endowment (particularly landholding)

play an important role in migration motivation Role of social networks as sources of

information prior to migration and other aids and assistance at the place of destination emerged

as a pre-condition for migration Similarly rapid expansion of the rural non-farm activities and

greater value addition in these activities in urban sector fail to support the thesis that high

population density determines the migratory flows in Bangladesh Migration is rather induced by

jobs available in a particular area and the laws that regulate employment there the threat of

income erosion level of development of physical and infrastructural facilities and

mechanization of agriculture

Rural-urban migration often leads to a broad range of consequences both beneficial and

detrimental and also mixed in the receiving and sending communities In terms of employment

and cash earnings existing evidence weighs heavily in favour of migration The flow of

remittances contributes significantly to the welfare of the relatives left behind by the temporary

migrants in rural areas The migrants now residing in the slums of the Dhaka city tend to spend

increasingly more of their earnings in nutritious food and childrens education

Yet school enrollment of slum children (6-14 years) is much lower (around 35) than their age

cohorts from rural landless households (nearly 50) Similarly infant mortality rate in the urban

slums is comparable with rural areas In the absence of government intervention and adequate

NGO support to improve basic social services and human resources development in urban areas

the urban poor especially poor women are more susceptible to health and environmental

hazards than their non-poor counterparts Poor migrant households also face potential threat of

income-erosion arising out of eviction extortion by musclemen frequent sickness and sexual

harassment of women However contrary to the conventional wisdom migrants living in urban

poor agglomerations do manage access to urban amenities such as gas electricity and water

through informal sources

Persistent migration from rural areas to a few large cities has serious implications for the level of

productivity the state of urban infrastructure and environmental conditions since with migrants

cities grow faster than the capacity of the economy to support them Whilst rapid and huge

growth of urban population exacerbates the growing degradation the inability to enforce basic

cannons of cost recovery in delivering basic amenities lack of coordination among different

service giving agencies and weak capacity and inadequate authority of the city corporations and

municipalities are the major causes of the environmental problem

Page 3: British rule in bengal

3

battle of Plassey the British defeated the-then Nawab Siraj Ud Daulah and plundered the

Bengali treasury In 1764 their military control was reaffirmed at Buxar The subsequent treaty

gained them the Diwani that is taxation rights the Company thereby became the de facto ruler

of Bengal About ten million people[5][6]

approximately one-third of the population of the

affected area are estimated to have died in the famine The regions in which the famine

occurred included especially the modern Indian states of Bihar and West Bengal but the famine

also extended into Orissa and Jharkhand as well as modern Bangladesh Among the worst

affected areas were Birbhum and Murshidabad in Bengal and Tirhut Champaran and Bettiah in

Bihar

A partial shortfall in crops considered nothing out of the ordinary occurred in 1768 and was

followed in late 1769 by more severe conditions By September 1769 there was a severe

drought and alarming reports were coming in of rural distress These were however ignored by

company officers By early 1770 there was starvation and by mid-1770 deaths from starvation

were occurring on a large scale Later in 1770 good rainfall resulted in a good harvest and the

famine abated However other shortfalls occurred in the following years raising the total death

toll

As a result of the famine large areas were depopulated and returned to jungle for decades to

come as the survivors migrated in mass in a search for food Many cultivated lands were

abandonedmdashmuch of Birbhum for instance returned to jungle and was virtually impassable for

decades afterwards From 1772 on bands of bandits and thugs became an established feature of

Bengal and were only brought under control by punitive actions in the 1780s

East India Company responsibilities

Fault for the famine is now often ascribed to the British East India Companys policies in

BengalAs a trading body the first remit of the company was to maximise its profits and with

taxation rights the profits to be obtained from Bengal came from land tax as well as trade tariffs

As lands came under company control the land tax was typically raised fivefold what it had

been ndash from 10 to up to 50 of the value of the agricultural produce[7]

In the first years of the

rule of the British East India Company the total land tax income was doubled and most of this

revenue flowed out of the country[8]

As the famine approached its height in April of 1770 the

Company announced that the land tax for the following year was to be increased by a further

10

Sushil Chaudhury writes that the destruction of food crops in Bengal to make way for opium

poppy cultivation for export reduced food availability and contributed to the famine[9]

However

this claim has been disputed on the grounds that the total area under opium poppy cultivat ion in

the Bengal region constituted less than two percent of all the land The company is also

criticised for forbidding the hoarding of rice This prevented traders and dealers from laying in

reserves that in other times would have tided the population over lean periods as well as

ordering the farmers to plant indigo instead of rice By the time of the famine monopolies in

grain trading had been established by the company and its agents The company had no plan for

dealing with the grain shortage and actions were only taken insofar as they affected the

mercantile and trading classes Land revenue decreased by 14 during the affected year but

recovered rapidly (Kumkum Chatterjee) According to McLane the first governor-general of

British India Warren Hastings acknowledged violent tax collecting after 1771 revenues

earned by the Company were higher in 1771 than in 1768 Globally the profit of the company

increased from fifteen million rupees in 1765 to thirty million in 1777

4

The Indian Rebellion of 1857

The Indian Rebellion of 1857 began as a mutiny of sepoys of the British East India Companys

army on 10 May 1857 in the town of Meerut and soon erupted into other mutinies and civilian

rebellions largely in the upper Gangetic plain and central India with the major hostilities

confined to present-day Uttar Pradesh Bihar northern Madhya Pradesh and the Delhi region

The rebellion posed a considerable threat to Company power in that region and it was contained

only with the fall of Gwalior on 20 June 1858[3]

The rebellion is also known as Indias First

War of Independence the Great Rebellion the Indian Mutiny the Revolt of 1857 the

Uprising of 1857 the Sepoy Rebellion and the Sepoy Mutiny

Other regions of Company-controlled IndiamdashBengal province the Bombay Presidency and the

Madras Presidencymdashremained largely calm[3]

In Punjab the Sikh princes backed the Company

by providing both soldiers and support The large princely states Hyderabad Mysore

Travancore and Kashmir as well as the smaller ones of Rajputana did not join the rebellion[5]

In some regions such as Oudh the rebellion took on the attributes of a patriotic revolt against

European presenceRebel leaders such as the Rani of Jhansi and Rani of Tulsipur Ishwori

Kumari Devi of Tulsipur-State became folk heroes in the nationalist movement in India half a

century later however they themselves generated no coherent ideology for a new order The

rebellion led to the dissolution of the East India Company in 1858 and forced the British to

reorganize the army the financial system and the administration in India[8]

India was thereafter

directly governed by the Crown in the new British Raj

Bengal famine of 1943

The Bengal famine of 1943 is one among several famines that occurred in British-administered

Bengal It is estimated that around three million people died from starvation and malnutrition

during the period making the number of Indian deaths higher than the two world wars the entire

independence movement and the massive carnage that followed the Partition of India

Background and Possible causes

The Second World War began simultaneously with a series of crop failures and famines By

August 1939 out of 14 states in Rajasthan the 9 largest had declared that they were suffering a

famine under the Indian Famine Code as it then stood[3]

In Bengal in 1940-41 there was a small

scale famine although quick action by the authorities prevented widespread loss of life Food

prices increased throughout India and the Central Government was forced to undertaking

meetings with local government officials and release regulations of price controls

The United Kingdom had suffered a disastrous defeat at Singapore in 1942 against the Japanese

military which then proceeded to invade Burma in the same year Burma was the worlds largest

exporter of rice in the inter-war period the British having encouraged production by Burmese

smallholders which resulted in a virtual monoculture in the Irrawaddy Delta and Arakan By

1940 15 of Indias rice overall came from Burma while in Bengal the proportion was slightly

higher given the provinces proximity to Burma

5

British authorities feared a subsequent Japanese invasion of British India proper by way of

Bengal (see British Raj) and a scorched earth policy was hastily implemented in the Chittagong

region nearest the Burmese border to prevent access to supplies by the Japanese in case of an

invasion In particular the Army confiscated many boats (and motor vehicles carts and even

elephants) fearing that the Japanese would commandeer them to speed an advance into India

The inhabitants used the boats for fishing and to take goods to market and the Army failed to

distribute rations to replace the fish and the food lost through the stoppage of commerce[8]

The

dislocation in the area forced many of the inhabitants into the Military Labour Corps and the

break-up of families left many children and dependents to beg or to starve

On 16 October 1942 the whole east coast of Bengal and Orissa was hit by a cyclone A huge

area of rice cultivation up to forty miles inland was flooded causing the autumn crop in these

areas to fail This meant that the peasantry had to eat their surplus and the seed that should have

been planted in the winter of 1942-3 had been consumed by the time the hot weather began in

May 1943[10][11]

The famine reached its peak between July and November 1943 Famine fatality

statistics were unreliable and a range of between 2-4 million has been suggested According to

author John Keay even if the lower number is accepted the famine killed more Indians than the

two world wars the entire Indian freedom movement and the massive death toll that followed

Partition of India[2]

Amartya Sen holds the view that there was no overall shortage of rice in Bengal in 1943

availability was actually slightly higher than in 1941 when there was no famine[12]

It was partly

this which conditioned the sluggish official response to the disaster as there had been no serious

crop failures and hence the famine was unexpected Its root causes Sen argues lay in rumours

of shortage which caused hoarding and rapid price inflation caused by war-time demands which

made rice stocks an excellent investment (prices had already doubled over the previous year) In

Sens interpretation while landowning peasants who actually grew rice and those employed in

defence-related industries in urban areas and at the docks saw their wages rise this led to a

disastrous shift in the exchange entitlements of groups such as landless labourers fishermen

barbers paddy huskers and other groups who found the real value of their wages had been

slashed by two-thirds since 1940 Quite simply although Bengal had enough rice and other

grains to feed itself millions of people were suddenly too poor to buy it[13

Response

During the course of the famine the Government of Bengal mobilised considerable

resources[14]

however its efforts were undermined by its own lack of understanding of the

situation the poor coordination of relief efforts and the failure of government officials and

departments to work together to combat the famine[15]

During the Famine Inquiry Commissions

investigation one official stated that We felt difficulty about one thing That was lack of one co-

ordinating authority at the time of famine[16]

In December 1942 there was a shortage in Calcutta itself Therefore focused on getting supplies

to Calcutta[17]

by trying to buy surplus stocks in the region The quantities that District Officers

were able to locate and purchase were considered too small to end the famine so the

Government introduced free trade in rice in Eastern India hoping that traders would sell their

stocks to Bengal however this measure also failed to move large stocks to Bengal[18]

In April

and May there was a propaganda drive to convince the population that the high prices were not

justified by the supply of food the goal being that the propaganda would induce hoarders [19]

When these propaganda drive was followed by a drive to locate hoarded stocks When these

6

drives continually failed to locate large stocks it convinced the government that the scale of the

loss in supply was larger than they initially believed[18]

Bayly and Harper claim that in contrast to the incompetence of the civil service the British

military commanders and the British military in general performed as best as it could to combat

the famine[20]

providing food to the suffering and organising relief During the course of the

famine the government organised roughly 110000000 free meals which proved too small to

cope with the disaster

In response to an urgent request by the Secretary of State for India Leo Amery and Viceroy of

India Achibald Wavell to release food stocks for India Winston Churchill the Prime Minister of

that time responded with a telegram to Wavell asking if food was so scarce why Gandhi

hadnrsquot died yet[22][23]

Initially during the famine he was more concerned with the civilians of

Greece (who were also suffering from a famine) compared with the Bengalis[24]

Overall Sen argues the authorities failed to understand that the famine was not caused by an

overall food shortage and that the distribution of food was not just a matter of railway capacity

but of providing free famine relief on a massive scale The Raj was in fact fairly right in its

estimation of overall food availability but disastrously wrong in its theory of Famines[25]

The

famine ended when the government in London agreed to import 1000000 tons of grain to

Bengal reducing food prices[26]

Mark Tauger and Peter Bowbrick argue the opposite that the

government had the same view of the famine as Sen did and tried to locate surplus stocks

during the course of the famine but was unable to do so because no such stocks exist[27]

During the course of the famine 264 thousand tons of rice 258 thousand tons of wheat and

wheat products and 55 thousand tons of millets were sent to Bengal for the purposes of famine

relief from the rest of India and overseas[28]

The Bengal Famine may be placed in the context of previous famines in Mughal and British

India Deccan Famine of 1630-32 killed 2000000 (there was a corresponding famine in

northwestern China eventually causing the Ming dynasty to collapse in 1644) During the

British rule in India there were approximately 25 major famines spread through states such as

Tamil Nadu in South India Bihar in the north and Bengal in the east altogether between 30

and 40 million Indians were the victims of famines in the latter half of the 19th century (Bhatia

1985)

Food availability decline or man made

Severe food shortages were worsened by World War II with the British administration of India

exporting foods to Allied soldiers The shortage of rice forced rice prices up and wartime

inflation compounded the problem

Food deliveries from other parts of the country to Bengal were refused by the government in

order to make food artificially scarce This was an especially cruel policy introduced in 1942

under the title Rice Denial Scheme The purpose of it was as mentioned earlier to deny an

efficient food supply to the Japanese after a possible invasion Simultaneously the government

authorised free merchants to purchase rice at any price and to sell it to the government for

delivery into governmental food storage So on one hand government was buying every grain of

rice that was around and on the other hand it was blocking grain from coming into Bengal from

other regions of the country[29]

The price controls on wheat were introduced on December 1941

and on rice in 1942[30]

7

Amartya Sen has cast doubt on the idea that the rice shortage was due to a fall in production He

quotes official records for rice production in Bengal in the years leading up to 1943 as reported

in the table to the right[31]

According to Oacute Graacuteda he also argues that famine and democracy are

virtually incompatible[32]

The 1943 yield while low was not in itself outside the normal

spectrum of recorded variation and other factors beyond simple crop failure may thus be

invoked as a causal mechanism

Others have drawn attention to the quality of the data that Amartya Sen cites Mark Tauger has

drawn attention to the manner in which the statistics were gathered [33]

whilst Peter Bowbrick

has described them as wildly unreliable[34]

Year Rice production(in million of tons)

1938 8474

1939 7922

1940 8223

1941 6768

1942 9296

1943 7628

Indian Independence Movement

Bengal played a major role in the Indian independence movement in which revolutionary

groups such as Anushilan Samiti and Jugantar were dominant Bengalis also played a notable

role in the Indian independence movement Many of the early proponents of the freedom

struggle and subsequent leaders in movement were Bengalis such as Chittaranjan Das

Surendranath Banerjea Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose Prafulla Chaki Bagha Jatin Khudiram

Bose Surya Sen Binoy-Badal-Dinesh Sarojini Naidu Aurobindo Ghosh Rashbehari Bose and

many more Some of these leaders such as Netaji did not subscribe to the view that non-violent

civil disobedience was the only way to achieve Indian Independence and were instrumental in

armed resistance against the British force During the Second World War Netaji escaped to

Germany from house arrest in India and there he founded the Indian Legion an army to fight

against the British Government but the turning of the war compelled him to come to South-East

Asia and there he became the co-founder and leader of the Indian National Army (distinct from

the army of British India) that challenged British forces in several parts of India He was also the

head of state of a parallel regime named The Provisional Governmeent of Free India or Arzi

Hukumat-e-Azad Hind that was recognized and supported by the Axis powers Bengal was also

the fostering ground for several prominent revolutionary organisations the most notable of

which was Anushilan Samiti A large number of Bengalis were martyred in the freedom struggle

and many were exiled in Cellular Jail the much dreaded prison located in Andaman

8

History of the Indian National Congress

From its foundation on 28 December 1885 until the time of independence of India on August 15

1947 the Indian National Congress was the largest and most prominent Indian public

organization and central and defining influence of the Indian Independence Movement

Although initially and primarily a political body the Congress transformed itself into a national

vehicle for social reform and human upliftment The Congress was the strongest foundation and

defining influence of modern Indian nationalism

Founded upon the suggestion of British civil servant Allan Octavian Hume the Congress was

created to form a platform for civic and political dialogue of educated Indians with the British

Raj After the First War of Indian Independence and the transfer of India from the East India

Company to the British Empire it was the goal of the Raj to support and justify its governance

of India with the aid of English-educated Indians who would be familiar and friendly to British

culture and political thinking Ironically a few of the reasons the Congress grew and survived in

the era of undisputed British hegemony was through the patronage of British authorities Anglo-

Indians and a rising Indian educated classThe theory of safety valve has also been associated

with the birth of congress It says that congress provided a platform to Indians to bring out their

resentment vocally Its initial aim was to divert the minds of Indians from any sort of physical

violence

Hume embarked on an endeavor to get an organization started by reaching-out to selected

alumni of the University of Calcutta writing in his 1883 letter that Every nation secures

precisely as good a Government as it merits If you the picked men the most highly educated

of the nation cannot scorning personal ease and selfish objects make a resolute struggle to

secure greater freedom for yourselves and your country a more impartial administration a

larger share in the management of your own affairs then we your friends are wrong and our

adversaries right then are Lord Ripons noble aspirations for your good fruitless and

visionary then at present at any rate all hopes of progress are at an end and India truly

neither desires nor deserves any better Government than she enjoys[1]

In May 1885 Hume secured the Viceroys approval to create an Indian National Union which

would be affiliated with the government and act as a platform to voice Indian public opinion On

12 October 1885 Hume and a group of educated Indians also published An Appeal from the

People of India to the Electors of Great Britain and Ireland to ask British voters in 1885 British

general election to help support candidates sympathetic to Indian public opinion which included

opposition to the levying of taxes on India to finance the British Indian campaigns in

Afghanistan and support for legislative reform in India[2]

The appeal was a failure and was

interpreted by many Indians as a rude shock but a true realization that they had to fight their

battles alone[3]

On 28 December 1885 the Indian National Congress was founded at Gokuldas

Tejpal Sanskrit College in Bombay with 72 delegates in attendance Hume assumed office as

the General Secretary and Womesh Chandra Bonnerjee of Calcutta was elected President[2]

Besides Hume two additional British members (both Scottish civil servants) were members of

the founding group William Wedderburn and Justice (later Sir) John Jardine The other

members were mostly Hindus from the Bombay and Madras Presidencies[2]

9

Though there has been discussion over the fact that the congress was founded by a retired civil

servant and not by Indians GKGokhale with his characteristic modesty and political wisdom

stated this explicitly in 1913 No Indian could have started the Indian National Congressif an

Indian had come forward to start such a movement embracing all Indians the officials in India

would not have allowed the movement to come into existence If the founder of the Congress

had not been an Englishman and a distinguished ex-official such was the distrust of political

agitation in those days that the authorities would have at once found some way or the other to

suppress the movement

Reactions

Many Muslim community leaders like the prominent educationalist Syed Ahmed Khan viewed

the Congress negatively owing to its membership being dominated by Hindus The Orthodox

Hindu community and religious leaders were also averse seeing the Congress as supportive of

Western cultural invasion

The ordinary people of India were not informed or concerned of its existence on the whole for

the Congress never attempted to address the issues of poverty lack of health care social

oppression and the prejudiced negligence of the peoples concerns by British authorities The

perception of bodies like the Congress was that of an elitist then educated and wealthy peoples

institution

Rise of Indian nationalism

First session of Indian National Congress Bombay 28-31 December 1885

Lokmanya Tilak was the first to embrace Swaraj as the national goal The first spurts of

nationalistic sentiment that rose amongst Congress members were when the desire to be

represented in the bodies of government to have a say a vote in the lawmaking and issues of

administration of India Congressmen saw themselves as loyalists but wanted an active role in

governing their own country albeit as part of the Empire This trend was personified by

Dadabhai Naoroji considered by many as the eldest Indian statesman Naoroji went as far as

contesting successfully an election to the British House of Commons becoming its first Indian

member That he was aided in his campaign by young aspiring Indian student activists like

Muhammad Ali Jinnah describes where the imagination of the new Indian generation lay

Bal Gangadhar Tilak was the first Indian nationalist to embrace Swaraj as the destiny of the

nation Tilak deeply opposed the British education system that ignored and defamed Indias

culture history and values He resented the denial of freedom of expression for nationalists and

the lack of any voice or role for ordinary Indians in the affairs of their nation For these reasons

he considered Swaraj as the natural and only solution in the abandonment of all the British

things He was backed by rising public leaders like Bipin Chandra Pal and Lala Lajpat Rai who

held the same point of view Under them Indias three great states - Maharashtra Bengal and

Punjab region shaped the demand of the people and Indias nationalism

10

The moderates led by Gopal Krishna Gokhale Pherozeshah Mehta and Dadabhai Naoroji held

firm to calls for negotiations and political dialogue Gokhale criticized Tilak for encouraging

acts of violence and disorder But the Congress of 1906 did not have public membership and

thus Tilak and his supporters were forced to leave the party

But with Tilaks arrest all hopes for an Indian offensive were stalled The Congress lost credit

with the people while Muslims were alarmed with the rise of Tilaks Hindu nationalism and

formed the All India Muslim League in 1907 considering the Congress as completely unsuitable

for Indian Muslims

The Traditionalists

According to one approach the traditionalist point of view though not in a political sense was

represented in Congressmen like Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel Rajendra Prasad CRajagopalachari

Purushottam Das Tandon Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan and Maulana Azad who were also

associates and followers of Gandhi Their organizational strength achieved through leading the

clashes with the government was undisputed and proven when despite winning the 1939

election Bose resigned the Congress presidency because of the lack of confidence he enjoyed

amongst national leaders A year earlier in the 1938 election however Bose had been elected

with the support of Gandhi Differences arose in 1939 on whether Bose should have a second

term Jawaharlal Nehru who Gandhi had always preferred to Bose had had a second term

earlier Boses own differences centred on the place to be accorded to non-violent as against

revolutionary methods When he set up his Indian National Army in South-east Asia during the

Second World War he invoked Gandhis name and hailed him as the Father of The Nation It

would be wrong to suggest that the so-called traditionalist leaders looked merely to the ancient

heritage of Indian Asian or in the case of Maulana Azad and Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan

Islamic civilization for inspiration They believed along with educationists like Zakir Husain

and E W Aryanayakam that education should be imparted in a manner that enables the learners

also to be able to make things with their own hands and learn skills that would make them self-

supporting This method of education was also adopted in some areas in Egypt (See Reginald

Reynolds Beware of Africans) Zakir Husain was inspired by some European educationists and

was able with Gandhis support to dovetail this approach to the one favoured by the Basic

Education method introduced by the Indian freedom movement They believed that the

education system economy and social justice model for a future nation should be designed to

suit the specific local requirements While most were open to the benefits of Western influences

and the socio-economic egalitarianism of socialism they were opposed to being defined by

either model

11

Creation of Pakistan

As the independence movement throughout British-controlled India began in the late 19th

century gained momentum during the 20th century Bengali politicians played an active role in

Mohandas Gandhis Congress Party and Mohammad Ali Jinnahs Muslim League exposing the

opposing forces of ethnic and religious nationalism By exploiting the latter the British probably

intended to distract the independence movement for example by partitioning Bengal in 1905

along religious lines The split only lasted for seven years

At first the Muslim League sought only to ensure minority rights in the future nation In 1940

the Muslim League passed the Lahore Resolution which envisaged one or more Muslim

majority states in South Asia Non-negotiable was the inclusion of the Muslim parts of Punjab

and Bengal in these proposed states The stakes grew as a new Viceroy Lord Mountbatten of

Burma was appointed expressly for the purpose of effecting a graceful British exit Communal

violence in Noakhali and Calcutta sparked a surge in support for the Muslim League which won

a majority of Bengals Muslim seats in the 1946 election Accusations have been made that

Hindu and Muslim nationalist instigators were involved in the latter incident At the last moment

Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy and Sarat Chandra Bose came up with the idea of an independent

and unified Bengal state which was endorsed by Jinnah This idea was vetoed by the Indian

National Congress

British India was partitioned and the independent states of India and Pakistan were created in

1947 the region of Bengal was divided along religious lines The predominantly Muslim eastern

half of Bengal became the East Bengal (later renamed East Pakistan) state of Pakistan and the

predominantly Hindu western part became the Indian state of West Bengal

Pakistans history from 1947 to 1971 was marked by political instability and economic

difficulties In 1956 a constitution was at last adopted making the country an Islamic republic

within the Commonwealth The nascent democratic institutions foundered in the face of

military intervention in 1958 and the government imposed martial law between 1958 and 1962

and again between 1969 and 1971

Almost from the advent of independent Pakistan in 1947 frictions developed between East and

West Pakistan which were separated by more than 1000 miles of Indian territory East

Pakistanis felt exploited by the West Pakistan-dominated central government Linguistic

cultural and ethnic differences also contributed to the estrangement of East from West Pakistan

When Mohammad Ali Jinnah died in September 1948 Khwaja Nazimuddin became the

Governor General of Pakistan while Nurul Amin was appointed the Chief Minister of East

Bengal Nurul Amin continued as the Chief Minister of East Bengal until 2 April 1954 The

abolition of the Zamindari system in East Bengal (1950) and the Language Movement were two

most important events during his tenure

Indias independence from Great Britain in August 1947 resulted in the partition of British India

into India and Pakistan Pakistan was created out of the Muslim-majority provinces of British

India with no regard for geographical contiguity The resulting state was formed into two

physically separate wings with the territory of India intervening between the two The eastern

wing was created by the partition of the British province of Bengal and the principal language

spoken there was Bengali Although it was principally the language of those who fled India to

Pakistan the government of Pakistan decreed that Urdu would be the national language

12

Creation of Bangladesh

In the evening of March 25 1971 the Pakistan army attacked East Pakistan as the future

Bangladesh was then known The attack was an effort to put down East Pakistani protesters who

demanded that the national government recognize the right of the elected majority party the

Awami (Peoples) League to assume political office The attacks by the Pakistanis and

resistance by the Bangladeshis continued until December of that year with the Bangladeshis

seeing this as a war of independence and the government forces viewing it as a civil war

Throughout the year India provided support for the East Pakistani rebels and received a large

number of refugees Early in December Pakistans internal conflict assumed international

dimensions with the direct intervention of Indian troops The violence ended on December 16

when the Pakistani commander at the time General A K Niazi surrendered to General Jagjeet

Singh Arora commander of the Indian forces

The discontent of East Pakistanis in the united state of Pakistan had a long history before it

finally culminated in war The Muslim League government of Pakistan led by Muhammad Ali

Jinnah had long ignored East Bengal However during his only visit to the eastern province in

March 1948 Jinnah was confronted by Bengalis who demanded that their language be

recognized along with Urdu as a co-official language of Pakistan Jinnah stated that anyone who

opposed the status of Urdu as the official language of Pakistan was a traitor to the country This

angered the Bengali faction and in 1952 that anger gave rise to the language movement in

East Pakistan

After independence the Pakistani government was constituted according to the Government of

India Act (1935) as modified by the India Independence Act of 1947 both acts of the British

Parliament It was not until 1956 that a formal constitution was promulgated (India adopted its

own constitution in 1950) The constitution of 1956 changed the name of the eastern wing of the

country from East Bengal to East Pakistan and the four provinces of the west wing were

consolidated into West Pakistan The constitution also instituted the concept of parity between

the eastern and western regions This meant that representation in the National Assembly would

be equal from each province even though East Pakistan had about 54 percent of the total

population of Pakistan The Bengalis of East Pakistan viewed this as an affront

This shortchanging of representation in the National Assembly was also seen in the military

services There were very few officers from East Pakistan in a military overwhelmingly

dominated by West Pakistanis There was a similar disparity in representation within the civil

service Although a quota system was later instituted the disparity persisted at the higher levels

throughout the 1960s

In 1954 a major and violent strike occurred at the Adamjee Jute Mill in Narayanganj a suburb

of Dhaka In addition to disputes over pay and labor practices the East Pakistani workers felt

that the company was showing favoritism to Urdu-speaking Biharis in employment Bihari is a

general term applied to those Urduspeaking Muslims most of them from the Indian state of

Bihar who fled east at the time of partition but who never learned to speak Bengali In addition

the East Pakistani strikers were protesting the fact that the majority of East Pakistans

manufacturing and banking firms were owned by West Pakistanis among whom the Adamjee

family was prominent

13

The leading Muslim political party in Bengal prior to Pakistans independence had been the

Muslim League which dominated the Bengal Provincial Assembly At the time of

independence the sitting members of the Bengal Provincial Assembly chose their future

membership in either the assembly of West Bengal in India or the assembly of East Bengal in

Pakistan The Muslim League maintained control Although elections were held in each of the

provinces of the west wing as early as 1951 elections in East Bengal were delayed until 1954

The election when it was finally held resulted in an almost total rout of the Muslim League

which was looked upon locally as a proxy of the central government

The winning coalition in East Pakistan was comprised of the Awami League and the Krishak

Sramik (Farmers and Workers) Party The principal founder of the Awami League was Husain

Shahid Suhrawardy The Krishak Sramik Party was led by Fazlul Haq Haq had been a prime

minister of united Bengal (ie prior to independence) when his party was known as the Krishak

Praja (Farmers and Peoples) Party For the 1954 election the Awami League and the Krishak

Sramik Party joined forces as the United Front and ran for office on a platform called 21

Points Among the issues addressed by the coalition were the recognition of Bengali as an

official language of Pakistan autonomy for East Bengal in all matters except defense foreign

affairs and currency land reform improved irrigation nationalization of the jute industry and

other points that if enacted into law would give East Bengalis greater control of their own

governance

The demand that Bengali be recognized as an official language was an outgrowth of the

language movement of 1952 Since the early days of independence East Pakistanis had

demanded that Pakistan recognize two official languages Bengali (the most widely spoken

language) and Urdu An attempt by the central government to devise a means to write Bengali in

the Urdu script was met with widespread opposition and rioting mainly from academics and

university students On February 21 1952 in an attempt to suppress the violence the police

fired on a crowd of demonstrators and about twenty students were killed Today a monument

stands at the site of the killings and February 21 is celebrated annually as Martyrs Day

For its championing of this and other issues important to the majority of East Pakistanis the

Krishak SramikndashAwami League coalition won the 1954 election Eventually however the

Krishak Sramik Party withered away and the Awami League became the most important party

in the province It would become the leader of the independence movement and dominate

emerging Bangladeshi politics

In October 1958 General Muhammad Ayub Khan proclaimed himself president of Pakistan

following a military coup declared martial law and dissolved the National Assembly and the

provincial legislatures He then set up what he called Basic Democracy which he described as

a more representative government Elections at the local level would be direct and those elected

at this level would be designated Basic Democrats Elections for the provincial and national

assemblies and for the presidency would be indirect with the Basic Democrats serving as the

electoral college He retained the principle of parity however This meant that each province

was allocated an equal number of Basic Democrat electors so that East Pakistanis continued to

be underrepresented at the higher levels of government Not unexpectedly Ayub was elected

president in 1962 and reelected president in 1967 Although he won majorities in each wing in

each election his majority in the east wing in 1967 was dramatically less than in 1962

14

Nonetheless Ayubs power began to slip after his reelection to office as did his health

Opposition to his rule spread even in West Pakistan Ayub grew concerned about a growing

secessionist movement in East Pakistan The Awami League now headed by Sheik Mujibur

Rahman demanded that changes be made in regard to East Pakistan These changes were

embodied in Mujibs Six Points Plan which he presented at a meeting of opposition parties in

Lahore in 1966 In brief these Six Points called for

1 A federal and parliamentary government with free and fair elections

2 Federal government to control only foreign affairs and defense

3 A separate currency or separate fiscal accounts for each province to control

movement of capital from east to west

4 All power of taxation to reside at the provincial level with the federal government

subsisting on grants from the provinces

5 Enabling each federating unit to enter into foreign trade agreements on its own and

to retain control over the foreign exchange earned and

6 Allowing each unit to raise its own militia

If these points had been adopted it would have meant almost de facto independence for East

Pakistan Many observers saw point six a separate militia as the point most unacceptable to the

central government but they were wrong The 1965 Indo-Pakistan War had demonstrated the

lack of local defense forces in East Pakistan which would have left the province defenseless had

India attacked there In fact it was point four regarding taxation that proved to be the problem

because the enactment of this point would make it all but impossible for a central government to

operate

In 1968 in response to the Six Points Plan the Ayub government charged Mujib and his

supporters with treason This later became known as the Agartala Conspiracy Case so-called as

it was alleged that Mujib had met with Indian agents in Agartala the capital of the Indian state

of Tripura which borders on Bangladesh Mujib and the Awami League denied that any such

meeting had ever taken place In early 1969 as hostility to Ayub increased in both East and

West Pakistan he invited opposition leaders to meet with him Mujib having been jailed

awaiting his trial for treason was not invited to this meeting The opposition leaders refused to

come to the meeting unless the charges against Mujib were withdrawn and demanded that he

too be invited to attend Ayub complied with these demands The meeting which Ayub hoped

would work to his advantage instead strengthened the oppositions position which called for the

end of the policy of Basic Democracy and the return to direct parliamentary elections

The opposition movement expanded beyond the political sphere to the military and Ayub was

forced to resign on March 25 1969 He was replaced by General Agha Muhammad Yahya

Khan who promised to reinstate direct elections These were held in December 1970 in most of

the country but flooding in East Pakistan forced a few constituencies to delay their elections

until January 1971 In addition to reinstating free and direct elections Yahya also acted to

restore the former provinces of West Pakistan which had been united into a single unit by the

1956 constitution More important for East Pakistan he ended the principle of parity In the

1970 election for the National Assembly East Pakistan would have 162 general seats out of a

total of 300 reflecting the 54 percent majority that Bengalis enjoyed according to the 1961

population census

15

Yahya also introduced legislation that in his view would limit the changes that could be made

to the constitution by the National Assembly This legislation called the Legal Framework

Order touched upon seven points

1 That Pakistan would be a federated state

2 Islamic principles would be paramount

3 Direct and regular elections would be held

4 Fundamental rights would be guaranteed

5 The judiciary would be independent

6 Maximum provincial autonomy would be allowed but the federal government

shall also have adequate powers including legislative administrative and financial

powers to discharge its responsibilities and

7 Economic disparities among provinces would be removed

The result of the election in East Pakistan startled outside observers and even took some

supporters of the Awami League by surprise The party won 160 of the 162 seats in East

Pakistan thereby gaining a majority in the National Assembly without winning a single seat in

West Pakistan which had thrown its support behind the Pakistan Peoples Party led by Zulfiqar

Ali Bhutto Neither Yahya nor his military associates nor Bhutto looked favorably on a

government comprised solely of the Awami League and headed by the author of the Six Points

Plan Yahya began a series of negotiations perhaps in the hope of creating a coalition

government but more in an effort to sideline Mujib As the talks became more rancorous and

compromise seemed impossible the Pakistani government began to increase the strength of its

rather small contingent of military forces stationed in East Pakistan

Yahya negotiated with Bhutto and Mujib the former declaring that there were two majorities

in Pakistan and the latter insisting on the full enactment of the Six Points even where these

were at variance with Yahyas Legal Framework Order (ie on the issues of taxation)

Demonstrations supporting the Awami Leagues position spread across East Pakistan Violence

began to look more attractive than political activism as a means of protecting East Pakistans

interests By this time the term Bangladeshi was widely adopted by the Awami League and its

supporters to replace the designation East Pakistani

The army struck back on March 25 1971 Its first move was to attack the faculty and students at

Dhaka University and to take Mujib into custody By one estimate up to 35000 Bangladeshis

were killed at the university and elsewhere on the first few days Mujib was transported to jail in

West Pakistan (There were fears that he would be executed but these later proved unfounded

when he was released at the end of the conflict) A number of Mujibs associates fled first to a

village on the border with India then to Calcutta Major Ziaur Rahman who would later become

president of independent Bangladesh issued a declaration of independence

Bangladeshi police and border patrol forces organized a resistance force to oppose the Pakistani

army and they were later joined by several civilians many of whom had been university

students It was however almost nine months before India intervened triggering the December

16 1971 surrender of the Pakistani army India intervened both for strategic reasons (as

weakening Pakistan) and for humanitarian reasons to alleviate the suffering of Bangladeshis

16

Pakistan complained about Indias invasion of its sovereign territory to the UN Security Council

in early December In an often emotional speech Bhutto argued with reason that this

intervention was a violation of international law The Security Council agreed but the question

soon became moot with the surrender of the Pakistani troops in Bangladesh

The number of Bangladeshis killed disabled raped or displaced by the violence of 1971 is not

fully known Estimates by Bangladeshi sources put the number killed at up to three million and

it is estimated that as many as ten million may have fled to India Initially the Pakistani army

targeted educators students political leaders and others who were generally considered to be

prominent sympathizers of the Awami League As the Bangladeshis formed military units

however these units also became the targets Some of these units were formed by Bangladeshis

who had formerly served in the Pakistani army others were recruited from the police and the

East Pakistan (now Bangladesh) Rifles a border security force These units based in rural and

outlying areas of Bangladesh were able to take advantage of the Pakistani armys initial focus

on the student-led demonstrations in the Dhaka region Survivor accounts such as that by

Jahanara Imam suggest that much of the killing soon devolved into little more than

indiscriminate slaughter

The Pakistani surrender and the termination of conflict left several unsettled questions Many

Bangladeshismdashmostly civil servants or military troops and their familiesmdashwere still detained in

Pakistan In Bangladesh there were non-Bengalismdashagain mostly civil servants or military

troops but also some business owners and professionalsmdashwho wished repatriation to Pakistan

In addition the fate of de facto prisoners of war held by Bangladesh and Pakistani prisoners of

war held by India had yet to be decided Bangladesh wanted to place 195 Pakistani military

personnel on trial for war crimes and genocide On August 9 1975 a tripartite agreement

between Bangladesh India and Pakistan was reached to create a panel that would attempt to

settle these issues Bangladesh also agreed to drop all charges against the 195 Pakistanis accused

of war crimes and to permit their repatriation to Pakistan

In the end and at great cost Bangladesh achieved its independence Slowly the two countries

were able to establish diplomatic relations Pakistan recognized Bangladesh as independent on

February 22 1974 primarily at the urging of the Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC)

which was meeting in Lahore at that time The OIC insisted that Bangladesh a Muslim state be

permitted to attend the conference Bangladeshis however remained unsatisfied They wanted

an apology from the Pakistanis for the excesses committed during the war They received one

finally from the Pakistani president Pervez Musharraf when he visited Bangladesh in July

2002

17

Age-Sex Structure of the Population

A populations age-sex structure is the number andor proportion of the population to be found in

each age-sex group If each population could be got together for a day and lined up in their age

groups - females at one end males at the other a plane flying overhead would look down on a

certain shape

There are many different ways to graphically present population data The most important

demographic characteristic of a population is its age-sex structure and the use of an age-sex

pyramid also known as a population pyramid is considered the best way to graphically

illustrate the age and sex distribution of a given population

An age-sex pyramid consists of two horizontal histograms joined together It displays the

percentage or actual amount of a population broken down by gender and age The five-year age

increments on the y-axis allow the pyramid to vividly reflect both long-term trends in the birth

and death rates and shorter-term baby-booms wars and epidemics

The fertility rate of a population is the single most important influence on the shape of a

population pyramid The more children per parent the broader will be the base of the pyramid

The median age of the population will also be younger While mortality will also have an

influence on the shape it will be far less important an influence than fertility but somewhat

more complex One would assume that lower mortality rates in a population would result in an

older age distribution However just the opposite is true a population with lower mortality rates

will display a slightly younger age distribution This is due to the fact that any disparities in the

mortality rates of a population are more likely a result of variations within the younger age

groups usually infants and children

There are generally three types of population pyramids created from age-sex distributions

expansive constrictive and stationary Examples of these three types of population pyramids

appear at the end of this report Definitions of the three types follow

1 Expansive population pyramids show larger numbers or percentages of the population in

the younger age groups usually with each age group smaller in size or proportion than

the one born before it These types of pyramids are usually found in populations with

very large fertility rates and lower than average life expectancies The age-sex

distributions of Latin American and many Third World countries would probably display

expansive population pyramids

The following figure is an example of such an age-sex pyramid This pyramid of the

Philippines shows a triangle-shaped pyramid and reflects a high growth rate of about 21

percent annually

18

2 Constrictive population pyramids display lower numbers or percentages of younger

people The age-sex distributions of the United States fall into this type of pyramid

In the United States the population is growing at a rate of about 17 percent annually

This growth rate is reflected in the more square-like structure of the pyramid Note the

lump in the pyramid between the ages of about 35 to 50 This large segment of the

population is the post-World War II baby boom As this population ages and climbs up

the pyramid there will be a much greater demand for medical and other geriatric

services

3 Stationary or near-stationary population pyramids display somewhat equal numbers or

percentages for almost all age groups Of course smaller figures are still to be expected

at the oldest age groups The age-sex distributions of some European countries

especially Scandinavian ones will tend to fall into this category

Germany is experiencing a period of negative growth (-01) As negative growth in a

country continues the population is reduced A population can shrink due to a low birth

rate and a stable death rate Increased emigration may also contribute to a declining

population

19

Bangladesh

Age

Age structure

0ndash14 years 329 (male 24957997female 23533894)

15ndash64 years 636 (male 47862774female 45917674)

65 years and over 35 (male 2731578female 2361435) (2006 est)

Median age 233 years

Male 229 years

Female 235 (2009 est)

Gender ratio

At birth 104 male(s)female

Under 15 years 101 male(s)female

15ndash64 years 09 male(s)female

65 years and over 094 male(s)female

Total population 093 male(s)female (2009 est)

Bangladesh Population Pyramid for 1995

Age and sex distribution for the year 1995

20

Bangladesh Population Pyramid for 2010

A Definition of Migration

The definition of the word can be the movement of people from one place to another There

are two main types of migration first internal migration ie migration within one country and

secondly international migration which means the movement from one country to another A

good example of internal migration is the movement from East Germany to West Germany

which causes big problems for East Germany A good example of international migration is the

movement from third-world countries to Europe or America The next question is What makes

people migrate from one place to another

The reasons for migration can be divided into two main aspects the so-called push and pull

factors

Push factors are those in their old place which force people to move For example there may be

civil wars or wars in general in the country but political or religious oppression climate

changes lack of jobs or simply poverty are all important push factors

Pull factors are factors in the target country which encourage people to move these include

peace and safety a chance of a better job better education social security a better standard of

living in general as well as political and religious freedom

Calculation

MIGRATION = M

)()( 12 DBPPM

M=Total Migrations

Population Initial1 P

Population Final2 P

B=Total birth during the time period

D=Total Death

21

Pattern of rural urban migration in Bangladesh

Migration Rural-Urban Migration is a flexible and dynamic phenomenon that encompasses

territorial mobility of the people and involves movements like commuting absence from home

place for periods from a couple of days to several years seasonal migration and permanent

relocation Although diversified in forms it involves a certain degree of commitment on the part

of migrants to the place of origin and of destination This shows whether the migration is of

permanent or non-permanent nature Non-permanent forms of migration are now becoming

increasingly important given the massive improvement in the transportation networks and in the

information technology Migration is one of the vital forces that contribute to rapid urbanization

generally associated with higher levels of productivity and development

Migration also plays an important role by linking people with spaces and transferring people

from places of lower opportunities to those of higher opportunities and a subsequent transfer of

resources Bangladesh is one of the few countries where remittances from temporary migrants

working abroad contribute nearly 10 to the GDP and finance a substantial proportion of trade

deficit For rural areas remittances constitute a form of income which not only helps in

sustenance of families but also cushions against income erosion a recurrent threat faced by poor

households

In the 90 years between 1901 and 1991 the urban POPULATION of the country increased almost

30 times (from 702000 to 2156 million) as opposed to only about a three-fold increase (307 to

883 million) of the rural population The urban population grew at an annual rate of 1 - 2

during the British period (1757-1947) and about 4 during the Pakistan period (1947-1971)

The relatively low rate of urbanization during the British period can be explained by the slow

pace of industrialization With the growth of JUTE and TEXTILES industries mainly in Dhaka and

its surrounding areas urbanization accelerated during 1951-1961 The rate of urbanization

increased sharply after liberation of Bangladesh This was associated with spread of economic

and commercial activities in the urban centers The number of urban centers rose dramatically

from 78 in 1961 to 198 in 1974 and 522 in 1991

Before 1974 there was no city in Bangladesh that had a population of one million or more but

now DHAKA emerged as a mega city with a population of around 10 million Distribution of the

urban population over the years reveals significant increases in the size of four major cities

(Dhaka Chittagong Rajshahi and Khulna) particularly in recent years In the first half of this

century they contained around a third of the total urban population and in 1991 about 50 of

them lived in these cities The level of urbanization raised from a very low base (76) in 1970

to 20 in the 1990s The annual growth rate of urban population in Bangladesh during 1975-

1995 was 34 which is higher than that in the neighboring countries and in other largely

populated countries of Asia

The rural-urban migration along with reclassification contributes nearly 60 to the urban

growth Rural-urban migration occurs in a particular type of setting marked by limited industrial

but rapid commerce-centered growth around major cities especially after the liberation

Empirical evidence suggests that the development of road infrastructure and transportation and

the rapid expansion of manufacturing trade hotel and restaurants and housing and construction

generated demand for unskilled and semi-skilled labor in these cities This had dramatically

increased migration for job-related reasons Also the unequal land relations and loss of land due

to natural calamities influence the spatial movement of population Available statistics suggest

that top 10 of the rural households controlled 51 of land and had a share of 32 of the total

income The share of the bottom 40 of the households was 2 and 16 of land and income

respectively Subsequently three-quarters of rural out-migration occurred from landless

22

households However there had been many cases of migration from the landowning households

the members of which migrated to maximize income from diversified sources and the migration

remained largely non-permanent in nature

Most male migrants from rural areas were agricultural laborers at their original places Rural-

urban migration also takes place from the districts that had better performing agricultural sector

and this is particularly witnessed in the case of migration to Dhaka city A great deal of

population mobility results from survival and adaptive strategies to maximize family income by

allocating their labor in diversified income earning activities to a number of locations Migration

of independent women has been on rise since middle of 1980s as a result of establishment of

export oriented garment manufacturing factories in Dhaka and Chittagong In the 1970s

educational selectivity and population density played an important role in the process of rural-

urban migration Micro-level surveys show bi-polar pattern of educational selectivity suggesting

that both the highly educated and illiterate sections of people have a great propensity to migrate

as both groups undertake equal risks in this regard

Along with education other characteristics of migrants such as age gender marital status roles

and responsibilities assumed in the family and resource endowment (particularly landholding)

play an important role in migration motivation Role of social networks as sources of

information prior to migration and other aids and assistance at the place of destination emerged

as a pre-condition for migration Similarly rapid expansion of the rural non-farm activities and

greater value addition in these activities in urban sector fail to support the thesis that high

population density determines the migratory flows in Bangladesh Migration is rather induced by

jobs available in a particular area and the laws that regulate employment there the threat of

income erosion level of development of physical and infrastructural facilities and

mechanization of agriculture

Rural-urban migration often leads to a broad range of consequences both beneficial and

detrimental and also mixed in the receiving and sending communities In terms of employment

and cash earnings existing evidence weighs heavily in favour of migration The flow of

remittances contributes significantly to the welfare of the relatives left behind by the temporary

migrants in rural areas The migrants now residing in the slums of the Dhaka city tend to spend

increasingly more of their earnings in nutritious food and childrens education

Yet school enrollment of slum children (6-14 years) is much lower (around 35) than their age

cohorts from rural landless households (nearly 50) Similarly infant mortality rate in the urban

slums is comparable with rural areas In the absence of government intervention and adequate

NGO support to improve basic social services and human resources development in urban areas

the urban poor especially poor women are more susceptible to health and environmental

hazards than their non-poor counterparts Poor migrant households also face potential threat of

income-erosion arising out of eviction extortion by musclemen frequent sickness and sexual

harassment of women However contrary to the conventional wisdom migrants living in urban

poor agglomerations do manage access to urban amenities such as gas electricity and water

through informal sources

Persistent migration from rural areas to a few large cities has serious implications for the level of

productivity the state of urban infrastructure and environmental conditions since with migrants

cities grow faster than the capacity of the economy to support them Whilst rapid and huge

growth of urban population exacerbates the growing degradation the inability to enforce basic

cannons of cost recovery in delivering basic amenities lack of coordination among different

service giving agencies and weak capacity and inadequate authority of the city corporations and

municipalities are the major causes of the environmental problem

Page 4: British rule in bengal

4

The Indian Rebellion of 1857

The Indian Rebellion of 1857 began as a mutiny of sepoys of the British East India Companys

army on 10 May 1857 in the town of Meerut and soon erupted into other mutinies and civilian

rebellions largely in the upper Gangetic plain and central India with the major hostilities

confined to present-day Uttar Pradesh Bihar northern Madhya Pradesh and the Delhi region

The rebellion posed a considerable threat to Company power in that region and it was contained

only with the fall of Gwalior on 20 June 1858[3]

The rebellion is also known as Indias First

War of Independence the Great Rebellion the Indian Mutiny the Revolt of 1857 the

Uprising of 1857 the Sepoy Rebellion and the Sepoy Mutiny

Other regions of Company-controlled IndiamdashBengal province the Bombay Presidency and the

Madras Presidencymdashremained largely calm[3]

In Punjab the Sikh princes backed the Company

by providing both soldiers and support The large princely states Hyderabad Mysore

Travancore and Kashmir as well as the smaller ones of Rajputana did not join the rebellion[5]

In some regions such as Oudh the rebellion took on the attributes of a patriotic revolt against

European presenceRebel leaders such as the Rani of Jhansi and Rani of Tulsipur Ishwori

Kumari Devi of Tulsipur-State became folk heroes in the nationalist movement in India half a

century later however they themselves generated no coherent ideology for a new order The

rebellion led to the dissolution of the East India Company in 1858 and forced the British to

reorganize the army the financial system and the administration in India[8]

India was thereafter

directly governed by the Crown in the new British Raj

Bengal famine of 1943

The Bengal famine of 1943 is one among several famines that occurred in British-administered

Bengal It is estimated that around three million people died from starvation and malnutrition

during the period making the number of Indian deaths higher than the two world wars the entire

independence movement and the massive carnage that followed the Partition of India

Background and Possible causes

The Second World War began simultaneously with a series of crop failures and famines By

August 1939 out of 14 states in Rajasthan the 9 largest had declared that they were suffering a

famine under the Indian Famine Code as it then stood[3]

In Bengal in 1940-41 there was a small

scale famine although quick action by the authorities prevented widespread loss of life Food

prices increased throughout India and the Central Government was forced to undertaking

meetings with local government officials and release regulations of price controls

The United Kingdom had suffered a disastrous defeat at Singapore in 1942 against the Japanese

military which then proceeded to invade Burma in the same year Burma was the worlds largest

exporter of rice in the inter-war period the British having encouraged production by Burmese

smallholders which resulted in a virtual monoculture in the Irrawaddy Delta and Arakan By

1940 15 of Indias rice overall came from Burma while in Bengal the proportion was slightly

higher given the provinces proximity to Burma

5

British authorities feared a subsequent Japanese invasion of British India proper by way of

Bengal (see British Raj) and a scorched earth policy was hastily implemented in the Chittagong

region nearest the Burmese border to prevent access to supplies by the Japanese in case of an

invasion In particular the Army confiscated many boats (and motor vehicles carts and even

elephants) fearing that the Japanese would commandeer them to speed an advance into India

The inhabitants used the boats for fishing and to take goods to market and the Army failed to

distribute rations to replace the fish and the food lost through the stoppage of commerce[8]

The

dislocation in the area forced many of the inhabitants into the Military Labour Corps and the

break-up of families left many children and dependents to beg or to starve

On 16 October 1942 the whole east coast of Bengal and Orissa was hit by a cyclone A huge

area of rice cultivation up to forty miles inland was flooded causing the autumn crop in these

areas to fail This meant that the peasantry had to eat their surplus and the seed that should have

been planted in the winter of 1942-3 had been consumed by the time the hot weather began in

May 1943[10][11]

The famine reached its peak between July and November 1943 Famine fatality

statistics were unreliable and a range of between 2-4 million has been suggested According to

author John Keay even if the lower number is accepted the famine killed more Indians than the

two world wars the entire Indian freedom movement and the massive death toll that followed

Partition of India[2]

Amartya Sen holds the view that there was no overall shortage of rice in Bengal in 1943

availability was actually slightly higher than in 1941 when there was no famine[12]

It was partly

this which conditioned the sluggish official response to the disaster as there had been no serious

crop failures and hence the famine was unexpected Its root causes Sen argues lay in rumours

of shortage which caused hoarding and rapid price inflation caused by war-time demands which

made rice stocks an excellent investment (prices had already doubled over the previous year) In

Sens interpretation while landowning peasants who actually grew rice and those employed in

defence-related industries in urban areas and at the docks saw their wages rise this led to a

disastrous shift in the exchange entitlements of groups such as landless labourers fishermen

barbers paddy huskers and other groups who found the real value of their wages had been

slashed by two-thirds since 1940 Quite simply although Bengal had enough rice and other

grains to feed itself millions of people were suddenly too poor to buy it[13

Response

During the course of the famine the Government of Bengal mobilised considerable

resources[14]

however its efforts were undermined by its own lack of understanding of the

situation the poor coordination of relief efforts and the failure of government officials and

departments to work together to combat the famine[15]

During the Famine Inquiry Commissions

investigation one official stated that We felt difficulty about one thing That was lack of one co-

ordinating authority at the time of famine[16]

In December 1942 there was a shortage in Calcutta itself Therefore focused on getting supplies

to Calcutta[17]

by trying to buy surplus stocks in the region The quantities that District Officers

were able to locate and purchase were considered too small to end the famine so the

Government introduced free trade in rice in Eastern India hoping that traders would sell their

stocks to Bengal however this measure also failed to move large stocks to Bengal[18]

In April

and May there was a propaganda drive to convince the population that the high prices were not

justified by the supply of food the goal being that the propaganda would induce hoarders [19]

When these propaganda drive was followed by a drive to locate hoarded stocks When these

6

drives continually failed to locate large stocks it convinced the government that the scale of the

loss in supply was larger than they initially believed[18]

Bayly and Harper claim that in contrast to the incompetence of the civil service the British

military commanders and the British military in general performed as best as it could to combat

the famine[20]

providing food to the suffering and organising relief During the course of the

famine the government organised roughly 110000000 free meals which proved too small to

cope with the disaster

In response to an urgent request by the Secretary of State for India Leo Amery and Viceroy of

India Achibald Wavell to release food stocks for India Winston Churchill the Prime Minister of

that time responded with a telegram to Wavell asking if food was so scarce why Gandhi

hadnrsquot died yet[22][23]

Initially during the famine he was more concerned with the civilians of

Greece (who were also suffering from a famine) compared with the Bengalis[24]

Overall Sen argues the authorities failed to understand that the famine was not caused by an

overall food shortage and that the distribution of food was not just a matter of railway capacity

but of providing free famine relief on a massive scale The Raj was in fact fairly right in its

estimation of overall food availability but disastrously wrong in its theory of Famines[25]

The

famine ended when the government in London agreed to import 1000000 tons of grain to

Bengal reducing food prices[26]

Mark Tauger and Peter Bowbrick argue the opposite that the

government had the same view of the famine as Sen did and tried to locate surplus stocks

during the course of the famine but was unable to do so because no such stocks exist[27]

During the course of the famine 264 thousand tons of rice 258 thousand tons of wheat and

wheat products and 55 thousand tons of millets were sent to Bengal for the purposes of famine

relief from the rest of India and overseas[28]

The Bengal Famine may be placed in the context of previous famines in Mughal and British

India Deccan Famine of 1630-32 killed 2000000 (there was a corresponding famine in

northwestern China eventually causing the Ming dynasty to collapse in 1644) During the

British rule in India there were approximately 25 major famines spread through states such as

Tamil Nadu in South India Bihar in the north and Bengal in the east altogether between 30

and 40 million Indians were the victims of famines in the latter half of the 19th century (Bhatia

1985)

Food availability decline or man made

Severe food shortages were worsened by World War II with the British administration of India

exporting foods to Allied soldiers The shortage of rice forced rice prices up and wartime

inflation compounded the problem

Food deliveries from other parts of the country to Bengal were refused by the government in

order to make food artificially scarce This was an especially cruel policy introduced in 1942

under the title Rice Denial Scheme The purpose of it was as mentioned earlier to deny an

efficient food supply to the Japanese after a possible invasion Simultaneously the government

authorised free merchants to purchase rice at any price and to sell it to the government for

delivery into governmental food storage So on one hand government was buying every grain of

rice that was around and on the other hand it was blocking grain from coming into Bengal from

other regions of the country[29]

The price controls on wheat were introduced on December 1941

and on rice in 1942[30]

7

Amartya Sen has cast doubt on the idea that the rice shortage was due to a fall in production He

quotes official records for rice production in Bengal in the years leading up to 1943 as reported

in the table to the right[31]

According to Oacute Graacuteda he also argues that famine and democracy are

virtually incompatible[32]

The 1943 yield while low was not in itself outside the normal

spectrum of recorded variation and other factors beyond simple crop failure may thus be

invoked as a causal mechanism

Others have drawn attention to the quality of the data that Amartya Sen cites Mark Tauger has

drawn attention to the manner in which the statistics were gathered [33]

whilst Peter Bowbrick

has described them as wildly unreliable[34]

Year Rice production(in million of tons)

1938 8474

1939 7922

1940 8223

1941 6768

1942 9296

1943 7628

Indian Independence Movement

Bengal played a major role in the Indian independence movement in which revolutionary

groups such as Anushilan Samiti and Jugantar were dominant Bengalis also played a notable

role in the Indian independence movement Many of the early proponents of the freedom

struggle and subsequent leaders in movement were Bengalis such as Chittaranjan Das

Surendranath Banerjea Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose Prafulla Chaki Bagha Jatin Khudiram

Bose Surya Sen Binoy-Badal-Dinesh Sarojini Naidu Aurobindo Ghosh Rashbehari Bose and

many more Some of these leaders such as Netaji did not subscribe to the view that non-violent

civil disobedience was the only way to achieve Indian Independence and were instrumental in

armed resistance against the British force During the Second World War Netaji escaped to

Germany from house arrest in India and there he founded the Indian Legion an army to fight

against the British Government but the turning of the war compelled him to come to South-East

Asia and there he became the co-founder and leader of the Indian National Army (distinct from

the army of British India) that challenged British forces in several parts of India He was also the

head of state of a parallel regime named The Provisional Governmeent of Free India or Arzi

Hukumat-e-Azad Hind that was recognized and supported by the Axis powers Bengal was also

the fostering ground for several prominent revolutionary organisations the most notable of

which was Anushilan Samiti A large number of Bengalis were martyred in the freedom struggle

and many were exiled in Cellular Jail the much dreaded prison located in Andaman

8

History of the Indian National Congress

From its foundation on 28 December 1885 until the time of independence of India on August 15

1947 the Indian National Congress was the largest and most prominent Indian public

organization and central and defining influence of the Indian Independence Movement

Although initially and primarily a political body the Congress transformed itself into a national

vehicle for social reform and human upliftment The Congress was the strongest foundation and

defining influence of modern Indian nationalism

Founded upon the suggestion of British civil servant Allan Octavian Hume the Congress was

created to form a platform for civic and political dialogue of educated Indians with the British

Raj After the First War of Indian Independence and the transfer of India from the East India

Company to the British Empire it was the goal of the Raj to support and justify its governance

of India with the aid of English-educated Indians who would be familiar and friendly to British

culture and political thinking Ironically a few of the reasons the Congress grew and survived in

the era of undisputed British hegemony was through the patronage of British authorities Anglo-

Indians and a rising Indian educated classThe theory of safety valve has also been associated

with the birth of congress It says that congress provided a platform to Indians to bring out their

resentment vocally Its initial aim was to divert the minds of Indians from any sort of physical

violence

Hume embarked on an endeavor to get an organization started by reaching-out to selected

alumni of the University of Calcutta writing in his 1883 letter that Every nation secures

precisely as good a Government as it merits If you the picked men the most highly educated

of the nation cannot scorning personal ease and selfish objects make a resolute struggle to

secure greater freedom for yourselves and your country a more impartial administration a

larger share in the management of your own affairs then we your friends are wrong and our

adversaries right then are Lord Ripons noble aspirations for your good fruitless and

visionary then at present at any rate all hopes of progress are at an end and India truly

neither desires nor deserves any better Government than she enjoys[1]

In May 1885 Hume secured the Viceroys approval to create an Indian National Union which

would be affiliated with the government and act as a platform to voice Indian public opinion On

12 October 1885 Hume and a group of educated Indians also published An Appeal from the

People of India to the Electors of Great Britain and Ireland to ask British voters in 1885 British

general election to help support candidates sympathetic to Indian public opinion which included

opposition to the levying of taxes on India to finance the British Indian campaigns in

Afghanistan and support for legislative reform in India[2]

The appeal was a failure and was

interpreted by many Indians as a rude shock but a true realization that they had to fight their

battles alone[3]

On 28 December 1885 the Indian National Congress was founded at Gokuldas

Tejpal Sanskrit College in Bombay with 72 delegates in attendance Hume assumed office as

the General Secretary and Womesh Chandra Bonnerjee of Calcutta was elected President[2]

Besides Hume two additional British members (both Scottish civil servants) were members of

the founding group William Wedderburn and Justice (later Sir) John Jardine The other

members were mostly Hindus from the Bombay and Madras Presidencies[2]

9

Though there has been discussion over the fact that the congress was founded by a retired civil

servant and not by Indians GKGokhale with his characteristic modesty and political wisdom

stated this explicitly in 1913 No Indian could have started the Indian National Congressif an

Indian had come forward to start such a movement embracing all Indians the officials in India

would not have allowed the movement to come into existence If the founder of the Congress

had not been an Englishman and a distinguished ex-official such was the distrust of political

agitation in those days that the authorities would have at once found some way or the other to

suppress the movement

Reactions

Many Muslim community leaders like the prominent educationalist Syed Ahmed Khan viewed

the Congress negatively owing to its membership being dominated by Hindus The Orthodox

Hindu community and religious leaders were also averse seeing the Congress as supportive of

Western cultural invasion

The ordinary people of India were not informed or concerned of its existence on the whole for

the Congress never attempted to address the issues of poverty lack of health care social

oppression and the prejudiced negligence of the peoples concerns by British authorities The

perception of bodies like the Congress was that of an elitist then educated and wealthy peoples

institution

Rise of Indian nationalism

First session of Indian National Congress Bombay 28-31 December 1885

Lokmanya Tilak was the first to embrace Swaraj as the national goal The first spurts of

nationalistic sentiment that rose amongst Congress members were when the desire to be

represented in the bodies of government to have a say a vote in the lawmaking and issues of

administration of India Congressmen saw themselves as loyalists but wanted an active role in

governing their own country albeit as part of the Empire This trend was personified by

Dadabhai Naoroji considered by many as the eldest Indian statesman Naoroji went as far as

contesting successfully an election to the British House of Commons becoming its first Indian

member That he was aided in his campaign by young aspiring Indian student activists like

Muhammad Ali Jinnah describes where the imagination of the new Indian generation lay

Bal Gangadhar Tilak was the first Indian nationalist to embrace Swaraj as the destiny of the

nation Tilak deeply opposed the British education system that ignored and defamed Indias

culture history and values He resented the denial of freedom of expression for nationalists and

the lack of any voice or role for ordinary Indians in the affairs of their nation For these reasons

he considered Swaraj as the natural and only solution in the abandonment of all the British

things He was backed by rising public leaders like Bipin Chandra Pal and Lala Lajpat Rai who

held the same point of view Under them Indias three great states - Maharashtra Bengal and

Punjab region shaped the demand of the people and Indias nationalism

10

The moderates led by Gopal Krishna Gokhale Pherozeshah Mehta and Dadabhai Naoroji held

firm to calls for negotiations and political dialogue Gokhale criticized Tilak for encouraging

acts of violence and disorder But the Congress of 1906 did not have public membership and

thus Tilak and his supporters were forced to leave the party

But with Tilaks arrest all hopes for an Indian offensive were stalled The Congress lost credit

with the people while Muslims were alarmed with the rise of Tilaks Hindu nationalism and

formed the All India Muslim League in 1907 considering the Congress as completely unsuitable

for Indian Muslims

The Traditionalists

According to one approach the traditionalist point of view though not in a political sense was

represented in Congressmen like Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel Rajendra Prasad CRajagopalachari

Purushottam Das Tandon Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan and Maulana Azad who were also

associates and followers of Gandhi Their organizational strength achieved through leading the

clashes with the government was undisputed and proven when despite winning the 1939

election Bose resigned the Congress presidency because of the lack of confidence he enjoyed

amongst national leaders A year earlier in the 1938 election however Bose had been elected

with the support of Gandhi Differences arose in 1939 on whether Bose should have a second

term Jawaharlal Nehru who Gandhi had always preferred to Bose had had a second term

earlier Boses own differences centred on the place to be accorded to non-violent as against

revolutionary methods When he set up his Indian National Army in South-east Asia during the

Second World War he invoked Gandhis name and hailed him as the Father of The Nation It

would be wrong to suggest that the so-called traditionalist leaders looked merely to the ancient

heritage of Indian Asian or in the case of Maulana Azad and Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan

Islamic civilization for inspiration They believed along with educationists like Zakir Husain

and E W Aryanayakam that education should be imparted in a manner that enables the learners

also to be able to make things with their own hands and learn skills that would make them self-

supporting This method of education was also adopted in some areas in Egypt (See Reginald

Reynolds Beware of Africans) Zakir Husain was inspired by some European educationists and

was able with Gandhis support to dovetail this approach to the one favoured by the Basic

Education method introduced by the Indian freedom movement They believed that the

education system economy and social justice model for a future nation should be designed to

suit the specific local requirements While most were open to the benefits of Western influences

and the socio-economic egalitarianism of socialism they were opposed to being defined by

either model

11

Creation of Pakistan

As the independence movement throughout British-controlled India began in the late 19th

century gained momentum during the 20th century Bengali politicians played an active role in

Mohandas Gandhis Congress Party and Mohammad Ali Jinnahs Muslim League exposing the

opposing forces of ethnic and religious nationalism By exploiting the latter the British probably

intended to distract the independence movement for example by partitioning Bengal in 1905

along religious lines The split only lasted for seven years

At first the Muslim League sought only to ensure minority rights in the future nation In 1940

the Muslim League passed the Lahore Resolution which envisaged one or more Muslim

majority states in South Asia Non-negotiable was the inclusion of the Muslim parts of Punjab

and Bengal in these proposed states The stakes grew as a new Viceroy Lord Mountbatten of

Burma was appointed expressly for the purpose of effecting a graceful British exit Communal

violence in Noakhali and Calcutta sparked a surge in support for the Muslim League which won

a majority of Bengals Muslim seats in the 1946 election Accusations have been made that

Hindu and Muslim nationalist instigators were involved in the latter incident At the last moment

Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy and Sarat Chandra Bose came up with the idea of an independent

and unified Bengal state which was endorsed by Jinnah This idea was vetoed by the Indian

National Congress

British India was partitioned and the independent states of India and Pakistan were created in

1947 the region of Bengal was divided along religious lines The predominantly Muslim eastern

half of Bengal became the East Bengal (later renamed East Pakistan) state of Pakistan and the

predominantly Hindu western part became the Indian state of West Bengal

Pakistans history from 1947 to 1971 was marked by political instability and economic

difficulties In 1956 a constitution was at last adopted making the country an Islamic republic

within the Commonwealth The nascent democratic institutions foundered in the face of

military intervention in 1958 and the government imposed martial law between 1958 and 1962

and again between 1969 and 1971

Almost from the advent of independent Pakistan in 1947 frictions developed between East and

West Pakistan which were separated by more than 1000 miles of Indian territory East

Pakistanis felt exploited by the West Pakistan-dominated central government Linguistic

cultural and ethnic differences also contributed to the estrangement of East from West Pakistan

When Mohammad Ali Jinnah died in September 1948 Khwaja Nazimuddin became the

Governor General of Pakistan while Nurul Amin was appointed the Chief Minister of East

Bengal Nurul Amin continued as the Chief Minister of East Bengal until 2 April 1954 The

abolition of the Zamindari system in East Bengal (1950) and the Language Movement were two

most important events during his tenure

Indias independence from Great Britain in August 1947 resulted in the partition of British India

into India and Pakistan Pakistan was created out of the Muslim-majority provinces of British

India with no regard for geographical contiguity The resulting state was formed into two

physically separate wings with the territory of India intervening between the two The eastern

wing was created by the partition of the British province of Bengal and the principal language

spoken there was Bengali Although it was principally the language of those who fled India to

Pakistan the government of Pakistan decreed that Urdu would be the national language

12

Creation of Bangladesh

In the evening of March 25 1971 the Pakistan army attacked East Pakistan as the future

Bangladesh was then known The attack was an effort to put down East Pakistani protesters who

demanded that the national government recognize the right of the elected majority party the

Awami (Peoples) League to assume political office The attacks by the Pakistanis and

resistance by the Bangladeshis continued until December of that year with the Bangladeshis

seeing this as a war of independence and the government forces viewing it as a civil war

Throughout the year India provided support for the East Pakistani rebels and received a large

number of refugees Early in December Pakistans internal conflict assumed international

dimensions with the direct intervention of Indian troops The violence ended on December 16

when the Pakistani commander at the time General A K Niazi surrendered to General Jagjeet

Singh Arora commander of the Indian forces

The discontent of East Pakistanis in the united state of Pakistan had a long history before it

finally culminated in war The Muslim League government of Pakistan led by Muhammad Ali

Jinnah had long ignored East Bengal However during his only visit to the eastern province in

March 1948 Jinnah was confronted by Bengalis who demanded that their language be

recognized along with Urdu as a co-official language of Pakistan Jinnah stated that anyone who

opposed the status of Urdu as the official language of Pakistan was a traitor to the country This

angered the Bengali faction and in 1952 that anger gave rise to the language movement in

East Pakistan

After independence the Pakistani government was constituted according to the Government of

India Act (1935) as modified by the India Independence Act of 1947 both acts of the British

Parliament It was not until 1956 that a formal constitution was promulgated (India adopted its

own constitution in 1950) The constitution of 1956 changed the name of the eastern wing of the

country from East Bengal to East Pakistan and the four provinces of the west wing were

consolidated into West Pakistan The constitution also instituted the concept of parity between

the eastern and western regions This meant that representation in the National Assembly would

be equal from each province even though East Pakistan had about 54 percent of the total

population of Pakistan The Bengalis of East Pakistan viewed this as an affront

This shortchanging of representation in the National Assembly was also seen in the military

services There were very few officers from East Pakistan in a military overwhelmingly

dominated by West Pakistanis There was a similar disparity in representation within the civil

service Although a quota system was later instituted the disparity persisted at the higher levels

throughout the 1960s

In 1954 a major and violent strike occurred at the Adamjee Jute Mill in Narayanganj a suburb

of Dhaka In addition to disputes over pay and labor practices the East Pakistani workers felt

that the company was showing favoritism to Urdu-speaking Biharis in employment Bihari is a

general term applied to those Urduspeaking Muslims most of them from the Indian state of

Bihar who fled east at the time of partition but who never learned to speak Bengali In addition

the East Pakistani strikers were protesting the fact that the majority of East Pakistans

manufacturing and banking firms were owned by West Pakistanis among whom the Adamjee

family was prominent

13

The leading Muslim political party in Bengal prior to Pakistans independence had been the

Muslim League which dominated the Bengal Provincial Assembly At the time of

independence the sitting members of the Bengal Provincial Assembly chose their future

membership in either the assembly of West Bengal in India or the assembly of East Bengal in

Pakistan The Muslim League maintained control Although elections were held in each of the

provinces of the west wing as early as 1951 elections in East Bengal were delayed until 1954

The election when it was finally held resulted in an almost total rout of the Muslim League

which was looked upon locally as a proxy of the central government

The winning coalition in East Pakistan was comprised of the Awami League and the Krishak

Sramik (Farmers and Workers) Party The principal founder of the Awami League was Husain

Shahid Suhrawardy The Krishak Sramik Party was led by Fazlul Haq Haq had been a prime

minister of united Bengal (ie prior to independence) when his party was known as the Krishak

Praja (Farmers and Peoples) Party For the 1954 election the Awami League and the Krishak

Sramik Party joined forces as the United Front and ran for office on a platform called 21

Points Among the issues addressed by the coalition were the recognition of Bengali as an

official language of Pakistan autonomy for East Bengal in all matters except defense foreign

affairs and currency land reform improved irrigation nationalization of the jute industry and

other points that if enacted into law would give East Bengalis greater control of their own

governance

The demand that Bengali be recognized as an official language was an outgrowth of the

language movement of 1952 Since the early days of independence East Pakistanis had

demanded that Pakistan recognize two official languages Bengali (the most widely spoken

language) and Urdu An attempt by the central government to devise a means to write Bengali in

the Urdu script was met with widespread opposition and rioting mainly from academics and

university students On February 21 1952 in an attempt to suppress the violence the police

fired on a crowd of demonstrators and about twenty students were killed Today a monument

stands at the site of the killings and February 21 is celebrated annually as Martyrs Day

For its championing of this and other issues important to the majority of East Pakistanis the

Krishak SramikndashAwami League coalition won the 1954 election Eventually however the

Krishak Sramik Party withered away and the Awami League became the most important party

in the province It would become the leader of the independence movement and dominate

emerging Bangladeshi politics

In October 1958 General Muhammad Ayub Khan proclaimed himself president of Pakistan

following a military coup declared martial law and dissolved the National Assembly and the

provincial legislatures He then set up what he called Basic Democracy which he described as

a more representative government Elections at the local level would be direct and those elected

at this level would be designated Basic Democrats Elections for the provincial and national

assemblies and for the presidency would be indirect with the Basic Democrats serving as the

electoral college He retained the principle of parity however This meant that each province

was allocated an equal number of Basic Democrat electors so that East Pakistanis continued to

be underrepresented at the higher levels of government Not unexpectedly Ayub was elected

president in 1962 and reelected president in 1967 Although he won majorities in each wing in

each election his majority in the east wing in 1967 was dramatically less than in 1962

14

Nonetheless Ayubs power began to slip after his reelection to office as did his health

Opposition to his rule spread even in West Pakistan Ayub grew concerned about a growing

secessionist movement in East Pakistan The Awami League now headed by Sheik Mujibur

Rahman demanded that changes be made in regard to East Pakistan These changes were

embodied in Mujibs Six Points Plan which he presented at a meeting of opposition parties in

Lahore in 1966 In brief these Six Points called for

1 A federal and parliamentary government with free and fair elections

2 Federal government to control only foreign affairs and defense

3 A separate currency or separate fiscal accounts for each province to control

movement of capital from east to west

4 All power of taxation to reside at the provincial level with the federal government

subsisting on grants from the provinces

5 Enabling each federating unit to enter into foreign trade agreements on its own and

to retain control over the foreign exchange earned and

6 Allowing each unit to raise its own militia

If these points had been adopted it would have meant almost de facto independence for East

Pakistan Many observers saw point six a separate militia as the point most unacceptable to the

central government but they were wrong The 1965 Indo-Pakistan War had demonstrated the

lack of local defense forces in East Pakistan which would have left the province defenseless had

India attacked there In fact it was point four regarding taxation that proved to be the problem

because the enactment of this point would make it all but impossible for a central government to

operate

In 1968 in response to the Six Points Plan the Ayub government charged Mujib and his

supporters with treason This later became known as the Agartala Conspiracy Case so-called as

it was alleged that Mujib had met with Indian agents in Agartala the capital of the Indian state

of Tripura which borders on Bangladesh Mujib and the Awami League denied that any such

meeting had ever taken place In early 1969 as hostility to Ayub increased in both East and

West Pakistan he invited opposition leaders to meet with him Mujib having been jailed

awaiting his trial for treason was not invited to this meeting The opposition leaders refused to

come to the meeting unless the charges against Mujib were withdrawn and demanded that he

too be invited to attend Ayub complied with these demands The meeting which Ayub hoped

would work to his advantage instead strengthened the oppositions position which called for the

end of the policy of Basic Democracy and the return to direct parliamentary elections

The opposition movement expanded beyond the political sphere to the military and Ayub was

forced to resign on March 25 1969 He was replaced by General Agha Muhammad Yahya

Khan who promised to reinstate direct elections These were held in December 1970 in most of

the country but flooding in East Pakistan forced a few constituencies to delay their elections

until January 1971 In addition to reinstating free and direct elections Yahya also acted to

restore the former provinces of West Pakistan which had been united into a single unit by the

1956 constitution More important for East Pakistan he ended the principle of parity In the

1970 election for the National Assembly East Pakistan would have 162 general seats out of a

total of 300 reflecting the 54 percent majority that Bengalis enjoyed according to the 1961

population census

15

Yahya also introduced legislation that in his view would limit the changes that could be made

to the constitution by the National Assembly This legislation called the Legal Framework

Order touched upon seven points

1 That Pakistan would be a federated state

2 Islamic principles would be paramount

3 Direct and regular elections would be held

4 Fundamental rights would be guaranteed

5 The judiciary would be independent

6 Maximum provincial autonomy would be allowed but the federal government

shall also have adequate powers including legislative administrative and financial

powers to discharge its responsibilities and

7 Economic disparities among provinces would be removed

The result of the election in East Pakistan startled outside observers and even took some

supporters of the Awami League by surprise The party won 160 of the 162 seats in East

Pakistan thereby gaining a majority in the National Assembly without winning a single seat in

West Pakistan which had thrown its support behind the Pakistan Peoples Party led by Zulfiqar

Ali Bhutto Neither Yahya nor his military associates nor Bhutto looked favorably on a

government comprised solely of the Awami League and headed by the author of the Six Points

Plan Yahya began a series of negotiations perhaps in the hope of creating a coalition

government but more in an effort to sideline Mujib As the talks became more rancorous and

compromise seemed impossible the Pakistani government began to increase the strength of its

rather small contingent of military forces stationed in East Pakistan

Yahya negotiated with Bhutto and Mujib the former declaring that there were two majorities

in Pakistan and the latter insisting on the full enactment of the Six Points even where these

were at variance with Yahyas Legal Framework Order (ie on the issues of taxation)

Demonstrations supporting the Awami Leagues position spread across East Pakistan Violence

began to look more attractive than political activism as a means of protecting East Pakistans

interests By this time the term Bangladeshi was widely adopted by the Awami League and its

supporters to replace the designation East Pakistani

The army struck back on March 25 1971 Its first move was to attack the faculty and students at

Dhaka University and to take Mujib into custody By one estimate up to 35000 Bangladeshis

were killed at the university and elsewhere on the first few days Mujib was transported to jail in

West Pakistan (There were fears that he would be executed but these later proved unfounded

when he was released at the end of the conflict) A number of Mujibs associates fled first to a

village on the border with India then to Calcutta Major Ziaur Rahman who would later become

president of independent Bangladesh issued a declaration of independence

Bangladeshi police and border patrol forces organized a resistance force to oppose the Pakistani

army and they were later joined by several civilians many of whom had been university

students It was however almost nine months before India intervened triggering the December

16 1971 surrender of the Pakistani army India intervened both for strategic reasons (as

weakening Pakistan) and for humanitarian reasons to alleviate the suffering of Bangladeshis

16

Pakistan complained about Indias invasion of its sovereign territory to the UN Security Council

in early December In an often emotional speech Bhutto argued with reason that this

intervention was a violation of international law The Security Council agreed but the question

soon became moot with the surrender of the Pakistani troops in Bangladesh

The number of Bangladeshis killed disabled raped or displaced by the violence of 1971 is not

fully known Estimates by Bangladeshi sources put the number killed at up to three million and

it is estimated that as many as ten million may have fled to India Initially the Pakistani army

targeted educators students political leaders and others who were generally considered to be

prominent sympathizers of the Awami League As the Bangladeshis formed military units

however these units also became the targets Some of these units were formed by Bangladeshis

who had formerly served in the Pakistani army others were recruited from the police and the

East Pakistan (now Bangladesh) Rifles a border security force These units based in rural and

outlying areas of Bangladesh were able to take advantage of the Pakistani armys initial focus

on the student-led demonstrations in the Dhaka region Survivor accounts such as that by

Jahanara Imam suggest that much of the killing soon devolved into little more than

indiscriminate slaughter

The Pakistani surrender and the termination of conflict left several unsettled questions Many

Bangladeshismdashmostly civil servants or military troops and their familiesmdashwere still detained in

Pakistan In Bangladesh there were non-Bengalismdashagain mostly civil servants or military

troops but also some business owners and professionalsmdashwho wished repatriation to Pakistan

In addition the fate of de facto prisoners of war held by Bangladesh and Pakistani prisoners of

war held by India had yet to be decided Bangladesh wanted to place 195 Pakistani military

personnel on trial for war crimes and genocide On August 9 1975 a tripartite agreement

between Bangladesh India and Pakistan was reached to create a panel that would attempt to

settle these issues Bangladesh also agreed to drop all charges against the 195 Pakistanis accused

of war crimes and to permit their repatriation to Pakistan

In the end and at great cost Bangladesh achieved its independence Slowly the two countries

were able to establish diplomatic relations Pakistan recognized Bangladesh as independent on

February 22 1974 primarily at the urging of the Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC)

which was meeting in Lahore at that time The OIC insisted that Bangladesh a Muslim state be

permitted to attend the conference Bangladeshis however remained unsatisfied They wanted

an apology from the Pakistanis for the excesses committed during the war They received one

finally from the Pakistani president Pervez Musharraf when he visited Bangladesh in July

2002

17

Age-Sex Structure of the Population

A populations age-sex structure is the number andor proportion of the population to be found in

each age-sex group If each population could be got together for a day and lined up in their age

groups - females at one end males at the other a plane flying overhead would look down on a

certain shape

There are many different ways to graphically present population data The most important

demographic characteristic of a population is its age-sex structure and the use of an age-sex

pyramid also known as a population pyramid is considered the best way to graphically

illustrate the age and sex distribution of a given population

An age-sex pyramid consists of two horizontal histograms joined together It displays the

percentage or actual amount of a population broken down by gender and age The five-year age

increments on the y-axis allow the pyramid to vividly reflect both long-term trends in the birth

and death rates and shorter-term baby-booms wars and epidemics

The fertility rate of a population is the single most important influence on the shape of a

population pyramid The more children per parent the broader will be the base of the pyramid

The median age of the population will also be younger While mortality will also have an

influence on the shape it will be far less important an influence than fertility but somewhat

more complex One would assume that lower mortality rates in a population would result in an

older age distribution However just the opposite is true a population with lower mortality rates

will display a slightly younger age distribution This is due to the fact that any disparities in the

mortality rates of a population are more likely a result of variations within the younger age

groups usually infants and children

There are generally three types of population pyramids created from age-sex distributions

expansive constrictive and stationary Examples of these three types of population pyramids

appear at the end of this report Definitions of the three types follow

1 Expansive population pyramids show larger numbers or percentages of the population in

the younger age groups usually with each age group smaller in size or proportion than

the one born before it These types of pyramids are usually found in populations with

very large fertility rates and lower than average life expectancies The age-sex

distributions of Latin American and many Third World countries would probably display

expansive population pyramids

The following figure is an example of such an age-sex pyramid This pyramid of the

Philippines shows a triangle-shaped pyramid and reflects a high growth rate of about 21

percent annually

18

2 Constrictive population pyramids display lower numbers or percentages of younger

people The age-sex distributions of the United States fall into this type of pyramid

In the United States the population is growing at a rate of about 17 percent annually

This growth rate is reflected in the more square-like structure of the pyramid Note the

lump in the pyramid between the ages of about 35 to 50 This large segment of the

population is the post-World War II baby boom As this population ages and climbs up

the pyramid there will be a much greater demand for medical and other geriatric

services

3 Stationary or near-stationary population pyramids display somewhat equal numbers or

percentages for almost all age groups Of course smaller figures are still to be expected

at the oldest age groups The age-sex distributions of some European countries

especially Scandinavian ones will tend to fall into this category

Germany is experiencing a period of negative growth (-01) As negative growth in a

country continues the population is reduced A population can shrink due to a low birth

rate and a stable death rate Increased emigration may also contribute to a declining

population

19

Bangladesh

Age

Age structure

0ndash14 years 329 (male 24957997female 23533894)

15ndash64 years 636 (male 47862774female 45917674)

65 years and over 35 (male 2731578female 2361435) (2006 est)

Median age 233 years

Male 229 years

Female 235 (2009 est)

Gender ratio

At birth 104 male(s)female

Under 15 years 101 male(s)female

15ndash64 years 09 male(s)female

65 years and over 094 male(s)female

Total population 093 male(s)female (2009 est)

Bangladesh Population Pyramid for 1995

Age and sex distribution for the year 1995

20

Bangladesh Population Pyramid for 2010

A Definition of Migration

The definition of the word can be the movement of people from one place to another There

are two main types of migration first internal migration ie migration within one country and

secondly international migration which means the movement from one country to another A

good example of internal migration is the movement from East Germany to West Germany

which causes big problems for East Germany A good example of international migration is the

movement from third-world countries to Europe or America The next question is What makes

people migrate from one place to another

The reasons for migration can be divided into two main aspects the so-called push and pull

factors

Push factors are those in their old place which force people to move For example there may be

civil wars or wars in general in the country but political or religious oppression climate

changes lack of jobs or simply poverty are all important push factors

Pull factors are factors in the target country which encourage people to move these include

peace and safety a chance of a better job better education social security a better standard of

living in general as well as political and religious freedom

Calculation

MIGRATION = M

)()( 12 DBPPM

M=Total Migrations

Population Initial1 P

Population Final2 P

B=Total birth during the time period

D=Total Death

21

Pattern of rural urban migration in Bangladesh

Migration Rural-Urban Migration is a flexible and dynamic phenomenon that encompasses

territorial mobility of the people and involves movements like commuting absence from home

place for periods from a couple of days to several years seasonal migration and permanent

relocation Although diversified in forms it involves a certain degree of commitment on the part

of migrants to the place of origin and of destination This shows whether the migration is of

permanent or non-permanent nature Non-permanent forms of migration are now becoming

increasingly important given the massive improvement in the transportation networks and in the

information technology Migration is one of the vital forces that contribute to rapid urbanization

generally associated with higher levels of productivity and development

Migration also plays an important role by linking people with spaces and transferring people

from places of lower opportunities to those of higher opportunities and a subsequent transfer of

resources Bangladesh is one of the few countries where remittances from temporary migrants

working abroad contribute nearly 10 to the GDP and finance a substantial proportion of trade

deficit For rural areas remittances constitute a form of income which not only helps in

sustenance of families but also cushions against income erosion a recurrent threat faced by poor

households

In the 90 years between 1901 and 1991 the urban POPULATION of the country increased almost

30 times (from 702000 to 2156 million) as opposed to only about a three-fold increase (307 to

883 million) of the rural population The urban population grew at an annual rate of 1 - 2

during the British period (1757-1947) and about 4 during the Pakistan period (1947-1971)

The relatively low rate of urbanization during the British period can be explained by the slow

pace of industrialization With the growth of JUTE and TEXTILES industries mainly in Dhaka and

its surrounding areas urbanization accelerated during 1951-1961 The rate of urbanization

increased sharply after liberation of Bangladesh This was associated with spread of economic

and commercial activities in the urban centers The number of urban centers rose dramatically

from 78 in 1961 to 198 in 1974 and 522 in 1991

Before 1974 there was no city in Bangladesh that had a population of one million or more but

now DHAKA emerged as a mega city with a population of around 10 million Distribution of the

urban population over the years reveals significant increases in the size of four major cities

(Dhaka Chittagong Rajshahi and Khulna) particularly in recent years In the first half of this

century they contained around a third of the total urban population and in 1991 about 50 of

them lived in these cities The level of urbanization raised from a very low base (76) in 1970

to 20 in the 1990s The annual growth rate of urban population in Bangladesh during 1975-

1995 was 34 which is higher than that in the neighboring countries and in other largely

populated countries of Asia

The rural-urban migration along with reclassification contributes nearly 60 to the urban

growth Rural-urban migration occurs in a particular type of setting marked by limited industrial

but rapid commerce-centered growth around major cities especially after the liberation

Empirical evidence suggests that the development of road infrastructure and transportation and

the rapid expansion of manufacturing trade hotel and restaurants and housing and construction

generated demand for unskilled and semi-skilled labor in these cities This had dramatically

increased migration for job-related reasons Also the unequal land relations and loss of land due

to natural calamities influence the spatial movement of population Available statistics suggest

that top 10 of the rural households controlled 51 of land and had a share of 32 of the total

income The share of the bottom 40 of the households was 2 and 16 of land and income

respectively Subsequently three-quarters of rural out-migration occurred from landless

22

households However there had been many cases of migration from the landowning households

the members of which migrated to maximize income from diversified sources and the migration

remained largely non-permanent in nature

Most male migrants from rural areas were agricultural laborers at their original places Rural-

urban migration also takes place from the districts that had better performing agricultural sector

and this is particularly witnessed in the case of migration to Dhaka city A great deal of

population mobility results from survival and adaptive strategies to maximize family income by

allocating their labor in diversified income earning activities to a number of locations Migration

of independent women has been on rise since middle of 1980s as a result of establishment of

export oriented garment manufacturing factories in Dhaka and Chittagong In the 1970s

educational selectivity and population density played an important role in the process of rural-

urban migration Micro-level surveys show bi-polar pattern of educational selectivity suggesting

that both the highly educated and illiterate sections of people have a great propensity to migrate

as both groups undertake equal risks in this regard

Along with education other characteristics of migrants such as age gender marital status roles

and responsibilities assumed in the family and resource endowment (particularly landholding)

play an important role in migration motivation Role of social networks as sources of

information prior to migration and other aids and assistance at the place of destination emerged

as a pre-condition for migration Similarly rapid expansion of the rural non-farm activities and

greater value addition in these activities in urban sector fail to support the thesis that high

population density determines the migratory flows in Bangladesh Migration is rather induced by

jobs available in a particular area and the laws that regulate employment there the threat of

income erosion level of development of physical and infrastructural facilities and

mechanization of agriculture

Rural-urban migration often leads to a broad range of consequences both beneficial and

detrimental and also mixed in the receiving and sending communities In terms of employment

and cash earnings existing evidence weighs heavily in favour of migration The flow of

remittances contributes significantly to the welfare of the relatives left behind by the temporary

migrants in rural areas The migrants now residing in the slums of the Dhaka city tend to spend

increasingly more of their earnings in nutritious food and childrens education

Yet school enrollment of slum children (6-14 years) is much lower (around 35) than their age

cohorts from rural landless households (nearly 50) Similarly infant mortality rate in the urban

slums is comparable with rural areas In the absence of government intervention and adequate

NGO support to improve basic social services and human resources development in urban areas

the urban poor especially poor women are more susceptible to health and environmental

hazards than their non-poor counterparts Poor migrant households also face potential threat of

income-erosion arising out of eviction extortion by musclemen frequent sickness and sexual

harassment of women However contrary to the conventional wisdom migrants living in urban

poor agglomerations do manage access to urban amenities such as gas electricity and water

through informal sources

Persistent migration from rural areas to a few large cities has serious implications for the level of

productivity the state of urban infrastructure and environmental conditions since with migrants

cities grow faster than the capacity of the economy to support them Whilst rapid and huge

growth of urban population exacerbates the growing degradation the inability to enforce basic

cannons of cost recovery in delivering basic amenities lack of coordination among different

service giving agencies and weak capacity and inadequate authority of the city corporations and

municipalities are the major causes of the environmental problem

Page 5: British rule in bengal

5

British authorities feared a subsequent Japanese invasion of British India proper by way of

Bengal (see British Raj) and a scorched earth policy was hastily implemented in the Chittagong

region nearest the Burmese border to prevent access to supplies by the Japanese in case of an

invasion In particular the Army confiscated many boats (and motor vehicles carts and even

elephants) fearing that the Japanese would commandeer them to speed an advance into India

The inhabitants used the boats for fishing and to take goods to market and the Army failed to

distribute rations to replace the fish and the food lost through the stoppage of commerce[8]

The

dislocation in the area forced many of the inhabitants into the Military Labour Corps and the

break-up of families left many children and dependents to beg or to starve

On 16 October 1942 the whole east coast of Bengal and Orissa was hit by a cyclone A huge

area of rice cultivation up to forty miles inland was flooded causing the autumn crop in these

areas to fail This meant that the peasantry had to eat their surplus and the seed that should have

been planted in the winter of 1942-3 had been consumed by the time the hot weather began in

May 1943[10][11]

The famine reached its peak between July and November 1943 Famine fatality

statistics were unreliable and a range of between 2-4 million has been suggested According to

author John Keay even if the lower number is accepted the famine killed more Indians than the

two world wars the entire Indian freedom movement and the massive death toll that followed

Partition of India[2]

Amartya Sen holds the view that there was no overall shortage of rice in Bengal in 1943

availability was actually slightly higher than in 1941 when there was no famine[12]

It was partly

this which conditioned the sluggish official response to the disaster as there had been no serious

crop failures and hence the famine was unexpected Its root causes Sen argues lay in rumours

of shortage which caused hoarding and rapid price inflation caused by war-time demands which

made rice stocks an excellent investment (prices had already doubled over the previous year) In

Sens interpretation while landowning peasants who actually grew rice and those employed in

defence-related industries in urban areas and at the docks saw their wages rise this led to a

disastrous shift in the exchange entitlements of groups such as landless labourers fishermen

barbers paddy huskers and other groups who found the real value of their wages had been

slashed by two-thirds since 1940 Quite simply although Bengal had enough rice and other

grains to feed itself millions of people were suddenly too poor to buy it[13

Response

During the course of the famine the Government of Bengal mobilised considerable

resources[14]

however its efforts were undermined by its own lack of understanding of the

situation the poor coordination of relief efforts and the failure of government officials and

departments to work together to combat the famine[15]

During the Famine Inquiry Commissions

investigation one official stated that We felt difficulty about one thing That was lack of one co-

ordinating authority at the time of famine[16]

In December 1942 there was a shortage in Calcutta itself Therefore focused on getting supplies

to Calcutta[17]

by trying to buy surplus stocks in the region The quantities that District Officers

were able to locate and purchase were considered too small to end the famine so the

Government introduced free trade in rice in Eastern India hoping that traders would sell their

stocks to Bengal however this measure also failed to move large stocks to Bengal[18]

In April

and May there was a propaganda drive to convince the population that the high prices were not

justified by the supply of food the goal being that the propaganda would induce hoarders [19]

When these propaganda drive was followed by a drive to locate hoarded stocks When these

6

drives continually failed to locate large stocks it convinced the government that the scale of the

loss in supply was larger than they initially believed[18]

Bayly and Harper claim that in contrast to the incompetence of the civil service the British

military commanders and the British military in general performed as best as it could to combat

the famine[20]

providing food to the suffering and organising relief During the course of the

famine the government organised roughly 110000000 free meals which proved too small to

cope with the disaster

In response to an urgent request by the Secretary of State for India Leo Amery and Viceroy of

India Achibald Wavell to release food stocks for India Winston Churchill the Prime Minister of

that time responded with a telegram to Wavell asking if food was so scarce why Gandhi

hadnrsquot died yet[22][23]

Initially during the famine he was more concerned with the civilians of

Greece (who were also suffering from a famine) compared with the Bengalis[24]

Overall Sen argues the authorities failed to understand that the famine was not caused by an

overall food shortage and that the distribution of food was not just a matter of railway capacity

but of providing free famine relief on a massive scale The Raj was in fact fairly right in its

estimation of overall food availability but disastrously wrong in its theory of Famines[25]

The

famine ended when the government in London agreed to import 1000000 tons of grain to

Bengal reducing food prices[26]

Mark Tauger and Peter Bowbrick argue the opposite that the

government had the same view of the famine as Sen did and tried to locate surplus stocks

during the course of the famine but was unable to do so because no such stocks exist[27]

During the course of the famine 264 thousand tons of rice 258 thousand tons of wheat and

wheat products and 55 thousand tons of millets were sent to Bengal for the purposes of famine

relief from the rest of India and overseas[28]

The Bengal Famine may be placed in the context of previous famines in Mughal and British

India Deccan Famine of 1630-32 killed 2000000 (there was a corresponding famine in

northwestern China eventually causing the Ming dynasty to collapse in 1644) During the

British rule in India there were approximately 25 major famines spread through states such as

Tamil Nadu in South India Bihar in the north and Bengal in the east altogether between 30

and 40 million Indians were the victims of famines in the latter half of the 19th century (Bhatia

1985)

Food availability decline or man made

Severe food shortages were worsened by World War II with the British administration of India

exporting foods to Allied soldiers The shortage of rice forced rice prices up and wartime

inflation compounded the problem

Food deliveries from other parts of the country to Bengal were refused by the government in

order to make food artificially scarce This was an especially cruel policy introduced in 1942

under the title Rice Denial Scheme The purpose of it was as mentioned earlier to deny an

efficient food supply to the Japanese after a possible invasion Simultaneously the government

authorised free merchants to purchase rice at any price and to sell it to the government for

delivery into governmental food storage So on one hand government was buying every grain of

rice that was around and on the other hand it was blocking grain from coming into Bengal from

other regions of the country[29]

The price controls on wheat were introduced on December 1941

and on rice in 1942[30]

7

Amartya Sen has cast doubt on the idea that the rice shortage was due to a fall in production He

quotes official records for rice production in Bengal in the years leading up to 1943 as reported

in the table to the right[31]

According to Oacute Graacuteda he also argues that famine and democracy are

virtually incompatible[32]

The 1943 yield while low was not in itself outside the normal

spectrum of recorded variation and other factors beyond simple crop failure may thus be

invoked as a causal mechanism

Others have drawn attention to the quality of the data that Amartya Sen cites Mark Tauger has

drawn attention to the manner in which the statistics were gathered [33]

whilst Peter Bowbrick

has described them as wildly unreliable[34]

Year Rice production(in million of tons)

1938 8474

1939 7922

1940 8223

1941 6768

1942 9296

1943 7628

Indian Independence Movement

Bengal played a major role in the Indian independence movement in which revolutionary

groups such as Anushilan Samiti and Jugantar were dominant Bengalis also played a notable

role in the Indian independence movement Many of the early proponents of the freedom

struggle and subsequent leaders in movement were Bengalis such as Chittaranjan Das

Surendranath Banerjea Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose Prafulla Chaki Bagha Jatin Khudiram

Bose Surya Sen Binoy-Badal-Dinesh Sarojini Naidu Aurobindo Ghosh Rashbehari Bose and

many more Some of these leaders such as Netaji did not subscribe to the view that non-violent

civil disobedience was the only way to achieve Indian Independence and were instrumental in

armed resistance against the British force During the Second World War Netaji escaped to

Germany from house arrest in India and there he founded the Indian Legion an army to fight

against the British Government but the turning of the war compelled him to come to South-East

Asia and there he became the co-founder and leader of the Indian National Army (distinct from

the army of British India) that challenged British forces in several parts of India He was also the

head of state of a parallel regime named The Provisional Governmeent of Free India or Arzi

Hukumat-e-Azad Hind that was recognized and supported by the Axis powers Bengal was also

the fostering ground for several prominent revolutionary organisations the most notable of

which was Anushilan Samiti A large number of Bengalis were martyred in the freedom struggle

and many were exiled in Cellular Jail the much dreaded prison located in Andaman

8

History of the Indian National Congress

From its foundation on 28 December 1885 until the time of independence of India on August 15

1947 the Indian National Congress was the largest and most prominent Indian public

organization and central and defining influence of the Indian Independence Movement

Although initially and primarily a political body the Congress transformed itself into a national

vehicle for social reform and human upliftment The Congress was the strongest foundation and

defining influence of modern Indian nationalism

Founded upon the suggestion of British civil servant Allan Octavian Hume the Congress was

created to form a platform for civic and political dialogue of educated Indians with the British

Raj After the First War of Indian Independence and the transfer of India from the East India

Company to the British Empire it was the goal of the Raj to support and justify its governance

of India with the aid of English-educated Indians who would be familiar and friendly to British

culture and political thinking Ironically a few of the reasons the Congress grew and survived in

the era of undisputed British hegemony was through the patronage of British authorities Anglo-

Indians and a rising Indian educated classThe theory of safety valve has also been associated

with the birth of congress It says that congress provided a platform to Indians to bring out their

resentment vocally Its initial aim was to divert the minds of Indians from any sort of physical

violence

Hume embarked on an endeavor to get an organization started by reaching-out to selected

alumni of the University of Calcutta writing in his 1883 letter that Every nation secures

precisely as good a Government as it merits If you the picked men the most highly educated

of the nation cannot scorning personal ease and selfish objects make a resolute struggle to

secure greater freedom for yourselves and your country a more impartial administration a

larger share in the management of your own affairs then we your friends are wrong and our

adversaries right then are Lord Ripons noble aspirations for your good fruitless and

visionary then at present at any rate all hopes of progress are at an end and India truly

neither desires nor deserves any better Government than she enjoys[1]

In May 1885 Hume secured the Viceroys approval to create an Indian National Union which

would be affiliated with the government and act as a platform to voice Indian public opinion On

12 October 1885 Hume and a group of educated Indians also published An Appeal from the

People of India to the Electors of Great Britain and Ireland to ask British voters in 1885 British

general election to help support candidates sympathetic to Indian public opinion which included

opposition to the levying of taxes on India to finance the British Indian campaigns in

Afghanistan and support for legislative reform in India[2]

The appeal was a failure and was

interpreted by many Indians as a rude shock but a true realization that they had to fight their

battles alone[3]

On 28 December 1885 the Indian National Congress was founded at Gokuldas

Tejpal Sanskrit College in Bombay with 72 delegates in attendance Hume assumed office as

the General Secretary and Womesh Chandra Bonnerjee of Calcutta was elected President[2]

Besides Hume two additional British members (both Scottish civil servants) were members of

the founding group William Wedderburn and Justice (later Sir) John Jardine The other

members were mostly Hindus from the Bombay and Madras Presidencies[2]

9

Though there has been discussion over the fact that the congress was founded by a retired civil

servant and not by Indians GKGokhale with his characteristic modesty and political wisdom

stated this explicitly in 1913 No Indian could have started the Indian National Congressif an

Indian had come forward to start such a movement embracing all Indians the officials in India

would not have allowed the movement to come into existence If the founder of the Congress

had not been an Englishman and a distinguished ex-official such was the distrust of political

agitation in those days that the authorities would have at once found some way or the other to

suppress the movement

Reactions

Many Muslim community leaders like the prominent educationalist Syed Ahmed Khan viewed

the Congress negatively owing to its membership being dominated by Hindus The Orthodox

Hindu community and religious leaders were also averse seeing the Congress as supportive of

Western cultural invasion

The ordinary people of India were not informed or concerned of its existence on the whole for

the Congress never attempted to address the issues of poverty lack of health care social

oppression and the prejudiced negligence of the peoples concerns by British authorities The

perception of bodies like the Congress was that of an elitist then educated and wealthy peoples

institution

Rise of Indian nationalism

First session of Indian National Congress Bombay 28-31 December 1885

Lokmanya Tilak was the first to embrace Swaraj as the national goal The first spurts of

nationalistic sentiment that rose amongst Congress members were when the desire to be

represented in the bodies of government to have a say a vote in the lawmaking and issues of

administration of India Congressmen saw themselves as loyalists but wanted an active role in

governing their own country albeit as part of the Empire This trend was personified by

Dadabhai Naoroji considered by many as the eldest Indian statesman Naoroji went as far as

contesting successfully an election to the British House of Commons becoming its first Indian

member That he was aided in his campaign by young aspiring Indian student activists like

Muhammad Ali Jinnah describes where the imagination of the new Indian generation lay

Bal Gangadhar Tilak was the first Indian nationalist to embrace Swaraj as the destiny of the

nation Tilak deeply opposed the British education system that ignored and defamed Indias

culture history and values He resented the denial of freedom of expression for nationalists and

the lack of any voice or role for ordinary Indians in the affairs of their nation For these reasons

he considered Swaraj as the natural and only solution in the abandonment of all the British

things He was backed by rising public leaders like Bipin Chandra Pal and Lala Lajpat Rai who

held the same point of view Under them Indias three great states - Maharashtra Bengal and

Punjab region shaped the demand of the people and Indias nationalism

10

The moderates led by Gopal Krishna Gokhale Pherozeshah Mehta and Dadabhai Naoroji held

firm to calls for negotiations and political dialogue Gokhale criticized Tilak for encouraging

acts of violence and disorder But the Congress of 1906 did not have public membership and

thus Tilak and his supporters were forced to leave the party

But with Tilaks arrest all hopes for an Indian offensive were stalled The Congress lost credit

with the people while Muslims were alarmed with the rise of Tilaks Hindu nationalism and

formed the All India Muslim League in 1907 considering the Congress as completely unsuitable

for Indian Muslims

The Traditionalists

According to one approach the traditionalist point of view though not in a political sense was

represented in Congressmen like Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel Rajendra Prasad CRajagopalachari

Purushottam Das Tandon Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan and Maulana Azad who were also

associates and followers of Gandhi Their organizational strength achieved through leading the

clashes with the government was undisputed and proven when despite winning the 1939

election Bose resigned the Congress presidency because of the lack of confidence he enjoyed

amongst national leaders A year earlier in the 1938 election however Bose had been elected

with the support of Gandhi Differences arose in 1939 on whether Bose should have a second

term Jawaharlal Nehru who Gandhi had always preferred to Bose had had a second term

earlier Boses own differences centred on the place to be accorded to non-violent as against

revolutionary methods When he set up his Indian National Army in South-east Asia during the

Second World War he invoked Gandhis name and hailed him as the Father of The Nation It

would be wrong to suggest that the so-called traditionalist leaders looked merely to the ancient

heritage of Indian Asian or in the case of Maulana Azad and Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan

Islamic civilization for inspiration They believed along with educationists like Zakir Husain

and E W Aryanayakam that education should be imparted in a manner that enables the learners

also to be able to make things with their own hands and learn skills that would make them self-

supporting This method of education was also adopted in some areas in Egypt (See Reginald

Reynolds Beware of Africans) Zakir Husain was inspired by some European educationists and

was able with Gandhis support to dovetail this approach to the one favoured by the Basic

Education method introduced by the Indian freedom movement They believed that the

education system economy and social justice model for a future nation should be designed to

suit the specific local requirements While most were open to the benefits of Western influences

and the socio-economic egalitarianism of socialism they were opposed to being defined by

either model

11

Creation of Pakistan

As the independence movement throughout British-controlled India began in the late 19th

century gained momentum during the 20th century Bengali politicians played an active role in

Mohandas Gandhis Congress Party and Mohammad Ali Jinnahs Muslim League exposing the

opposing forces of ethnic and religious nationalism By exploiting the latter the British probably

intended to distract the independence movement for example by partitioning Bengal in 1905

along religious lines The split only lasted for seven years

At first the Muslim League sought only to ensure minority rights in the future nation In 1940

the Muslim League passed the Lahore Resolution which envisaged one or more Muslim

majority states in South Asia Non-negotiable was the inclusion of the Muslim parts of Punjab

and Bengal in these proposed states The stakes grew as a new Viceroy Lord Mountbatten of

Burma was appointed expressly for the purpose of effecting a graceful British exit Communal

violence in Noakhali and Calcutta sparked a surge in support for the Muslim League which won

a majority of Bengals Muslim seats in the 1946 election Accusations have been made that

Hindu and Muslim nationalist instigators were involved in the latter incident At the last moment

Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy and Sarat Chandra Bose came up with the idea of an independent

and unified Bengal state which was endorsed by Jinnah This idea was vetoed by the Indian

National Congress

British India was partitioned and the independent states of India and Pakistan were created in

1947 the region of Bengal was divided along religious lines The predominantly Muslim eastern

half of Bengal became the East Bengal (later renamed East Pakistan) state of Pakistan and the

predominantly Hindu western part became the Indian state of West Bengal

Pakistans history from 1947 to 1971 was marked by political instability and economic

difficulties In 1956 a constitution was at last adopted making the country an Islamic republic

within the Commonwealth The nascent democratic institutions foundered in the face of

military intervention in 1958 and the government imposed martial law between 1958 and 1962

and again between 1969 and 1971

Almost from the advent of independent Pakistan in 1947 frictions developed between East and

West Pakistan which were separated by more than 1000 miles of Indian territory East

Pakistanis felt exploited by the West Pakistan-dominated central government Linguistic

cultural and ethnic differences also contributed to the estrangement of East from West Pakistan

When Mohammad Ali Jinnah died in September 1948 Khwaja Nazimuddin became the

Governor General of Pakistan while Nurul Amin was appointed the Chief Minister of East

Bengal Nurul Amin continued as the Chief Minister of East Bengal until 2 April 1954 The

abolition of the Zamindari system in East Bengal (1950) and the Language Movement were two

most important events during his tenure

Indias independence from Great Britain in August 1947 resulted in the partition of British India

into India and Pakistan Pakistan was created out of the Muslim-majority provinces of British

India with no regard for geographical contiguity The resulting state was formed into two

physically separate wings with the territory of India intervening between the two The eastern

wing was created by the partition of the British province of Bengal and the principal language

spoken there was Bengali Although it was principally the language of those who fled India to

Pakistan the government of Pakistan decreed that Urdu would be the national language

12

Creation of Bangladesh

In the evening of March 25 1971 the Pakistan army attacked East Pakistan as the future

Bangladesh was then known The attack was an effort to put down East Pakistani protesters who

demanded that the national government recognize the right of the elected majority party the

Awami (Peoples) League to assume political office The attacks by the Pakistanis and

resistance by the Bangladeshis continued until December of that year with the Bangladeshis

seeing this as a war of independence and the government forces viewing it as a civil war

Throughout the year India provided support for the East Pakistani rebels and received a large

number of refugees Early in December Pakistans internal conflict assumed international

dimensions with the direct intervention of Indian troops The violence ended on December 16

when the Pakistani commander at the time General A K Niazi surrendered to General Jagjeet

Singh Arora commander of the Indian forces

The discontent of East Pakistanis in the united state of Pakistan had a long history before it

finally culminated in war The Muslim League government of Pakistan led by Muhammad Ali

Jinnah had long ignored East Bengal However during his only visit to the eastern province in

March 1948 Jinnah was confronted by Bengalis who demanded that their language be

recognized along with Urdu as a co-official language of Pakistan Jinnah stated that anyone who

opposed the status of Urdu as the official language of Pakistan was a traitor to the country This

angered the Bengali faction and in 1952 that anger gave rise to the language movement in

East Pakistan

After independence the Pakistani government was constituted according to the Government of

India Act (1935) as modified by the India Independence Act of 1947 both acts of the British

Parliament It was not until 1956 that a formal constitution was promulgated (India adopted its

own constitution in 1950) The constitution of 1956 changed the name of the eastern wing of the

country from East Bengal to East Pakistan and the four provinces of the west wing were

consolidated into West Pakistan The constitution also instituted the concept of parity between

the eastern and western regions This meant that representation in the National Assembly would

be equal from each province even though East Pakistan had about 54 percent of the total

population of Pakistan The Bengalis of East Pakistan viewed this as an affront

This shortchanging of representation in the National Assembly was also seen in the military

services There were very few officers from East Pakistan in a military overwhelmingly

dominated by West Pakistanis There was a similar disparity in representation within the civil

service Although a quota system was later instituted the disparity persisted at the higher levels

throughout the 1960s

In 1954 a major and violent strike occurred at the Adamjee Jute Mill in Narayanganj a suburb

of Dhaka In addition to disputes over pay and labor practices the East Pakistani workers felt

that the company was showing favoritism to Urdu-speaking Biharis in employment Bihari is a

general term applied to those Urduspeaking Muslims most of them from the Indian state of

Bihar who fled east at the time of partition but who never learned to speak Bengali In addition

the East Pakistani strikers were protesting the fact that the majority of East Pakistans

manufacturing and banking firms were owned by West Pakistanis among whom the Adamjee

family was prominent

13

The leading Muslim political party in Bengal prior to Pakistans independence had been the

Muslim League which dominated the Bengal Provincial Assembly At the time of

independence the sitting members of the Bengal Provincial Assembly chose their future

membership in either the assembly of West Bengal in India or the assembly of East Bengal in

Pakistan The Muslim League maintained control Although elections were held in each of the

provinces of the west wing as early as 1951 elections in East Bengal were delayed until 1954

The election when it was finally held resulted in an almost total rout of the Muslim League

which was looked upon locally as a proxy of the central government

The winning coalition in East Pakistan was comprised of the Awami League and the Krishak

Sramik (Farmers and Workers) Party The principal founder of the Awami League was Husain

Shahid Suhrawardy The Krishak Sramik Party was led by Fazlul Haq Haq had been a prime

minister of united Bengal (ie prior to independence) when his party was known as the Krishak

Praja (Farmers and Peoples) Party For the 1954 election the Awami League and the Krishak

Sramik Party joined forces as the United Front and ran for office on a platform called 21

Points Among the issues addressed by the coalition were the recognition of Bengali as an

official language of Pakistan autonomy for East Bengal in all matters except defense foreign

affairs and currency land reform improved irrigation nationalization of the jute industry and

other points that if enacted into law would give East Bengalis greater control of their own

governance

The demand that Bengali be recognized as an official language was an outgrowth of the

language movement of 1952 Since the early days of independence East Pakistanis had

demanded that Pakistan recognize two official languages Bengali (the most widely spoken

language) and Urdu An attempt by the central government to devise a means to write Bengali in

the Urdu script was met with widespread opposition and rioting mainly from academics and

university students On February 21 1952 in an attempt to suppress the violence the police

fired on a crowd of demonstrators and about twenty students were killed Today a monument

stands at the site of the killings and February 21 is celebrated annually as Martyrs Day

For its championing of this and other issues important to the majority of East Pakistanis the

Krishak SramikndashAwami League coalition won the 1954 election Eventually however the

Krishak Sramik Party withered away and the Awami League became the most important party

in the province It would become the leader of the independence movement and dominate

emerging Bangladeshi politics

In October 1958 General Muhammad Ayub Khan proclaimed himself president of Pakistan

following a military coup declared martial law and dissolved the National Assembly and the

provincial legislatures He then set up what he called Basic Democracy which he described as

a more representative government Elections at the local level would be direct and those elected

at this level would be designated Basic Democrats Elections for the provincial and national

assemblies and for the presidency would be indirect with the Basic Democrats serving as the

electoral college He retained the principle of parity however This meant that each province

was allocated an equal number of Basic Democrat electors so that East Pakistanis continued to

be underrepresented at the higher levels of government Not unexpectedly Ayub was elected

president in 1962 and reelected president in 1967 Although he won majorities in each wing in

each election his majority in the east wing in 1967 was dramatically less than in 1962

14

Nonetheless Ayubs power began to slip after his reelection to office as did his health

Opposition to his rule spread even in West Pakistan Ayub grew concerned about a growing

secessionist movement in East Pakistan The Awami League now headed by Sheik Mujibur

Rahman demanded that changes be made in regard to East Pakistan These changes were

embodied in Mujibs Six Points Plan which he presented at a meeting of opposition parties in

Lahore in 1966 In brief these Six Points called for

1 A federal and parliamentary government with free and fair elections

2 Federal government to control only foreign affairs and defense

3 A separate currency or separate fiscal accounts for each province to control

movement of capital from east to west

4 All power of taxation to reside at the provincial level with the federal government

subsisting on grants from the provinces

5 Enabling each federating unit to enter into foreign trade agreements on its own and

to retain control over the foreign exchange earned and

6 Allowing each unit to raise its own militia

If these points had been adopted it would have meant almost de facto independence for East

Pakistan Many observers saw point six a separate militia as the point most unacceptable to the

central government but they were wrong The 1965 Indo-Pakistan War had demonstrated the

lack of local defense forces in East Pakistan which would have left the province defenseless had

India attacked there In fact it was point four regarding taxation that proved to be the problem

because the enactment of this point would make it all but impossible for a central government to

operate

In 1968 in response to the Six Points Plan the Ayub government charged Mujib and his

supporters with treason This later became known as the Agartala Conspiracy Case so-called as

it was alleged that Mujib had met with Indian agents in Agartala the capital of the Indian state

of Tripura which borders on Bangladesh Mujib and the Awami League denied that any such

meeting had ever taken place In early 1969 as hostility to Ayub increased in both East and

West Pakistan he invited opposition leaders to meet with him Mujib having been jailed

awaiting his trial for treason was not invited to this meeting The opposition leaders refused to

come to the meeting unless the charges against Mujib were withdrawn and demanded that he

too be invited to attend Ayub complied with these demands The meeting which Ayub hoped

would work to his advantage instead strengthened the oppositions position which called for the

end of the policy of Basic Democracy and the return to direct parliamentary elections

The opposition movement expanded beyond the political sphere to the military and Ayub was

forced to resign on March 25 1969 He was replaced by General Agha Muhammad Yahya

Khan who promised to reinstate direct elections These were held in December 1970 in most of

the country but flooding in East Pakistan forced a few constituencies to delay their elections

until January 1971 In addition to reinstating free and direct elections Yahya also acted to

restore the former provinces of West Pakistan which had been united into a single unit by the

1956 constitution More important for East Pakistan he ended the principle of parity In the

1970 election for the National Assembly East Pakistan would have 162 general seats out of a

total of 300 reflecting the 54 percent majority that Bengalis enjoyed according to the 1961

population census

15

Yahya also introduced legislation that in his view would limit the changes that could be made

to the constitution by the National Assembly This legislation called the Legal Framework

Order touched upon seven points

1 That Pakistan would be a federated state

2 Islamic principles would be paramount

3 Direct and regular elections would be held

4 Fundamental rights would be guaranteed

5 The judiciary would be independent

6 Maximum provincial autonomy would be allowed but the federal government

shall also have adequate powers including legislative administrative and financial

powers to discharge its responsibilities and

7 Economic disparities among provinces would be removed

The result of the election in East Pakistan startled outside observers and even took some

supporters of the Awami League by surprise The party won 160 of the 162 seats in East

Pakistan thereby gaining a majority in the National Assembly without winning a single seat in

West Pakistan which had thrown its support behind the Pakistan Peoples Party led by Zulfiqar

Ali Bhutto Neither Yahya nor his military associates nor Bhutto looked favorably on a

government comprised solely of the Awami League and headed by the author of the Six Points

Plan Yahya began a series of negotiations perhaps in the hope of creating a coalition

government but more in an effort to sideline Mujib As the talks became more rancorous and

compromise seemed impossible the Pakistani government began to increase the strength of its

rather small contingent of military forces stationed in East Pakistan

Yahya negotiated with Bhutto and Mujib the former declaring that there were two majorities

in Pakistan and the latter insisting on the full enactment of the Six Points even where these

were at variance with Yahyas Legal Framework Order (ie on the issues of taxation)

Demonstrations supporting the Awami Leagues position spread across East Pakistan Violence

began to look more attractive than political activism as a means of protecting East Pakistans

interests By this time the term Bangladeshi was widely adopted by the Awami League and its

supporters to replace the designation East Pakistani

The army struck back on March 25 1971 Its first move was to attack the faculty and students at

Dhaka University and to take Mujib into custody By one estimate up to 35000 Bangladeshis

were killed at the university and elsewhere on the first few days Mujib was transported to jail in

West Pakistan (There were fears that he would be executed but these later proved unfounded

when he was released at the end of the conflict) A number of Mujibs associates fled first to a

village on the border with India then to Calcutta Major Ziaur Rahman who would later become

president of independent Bangladesh issued a declaration of independence

Bangladeshi police and border patrol forces organized a resistance force to oppose the Pakistani

army and they were later joined by several civilians many of whom had been university

students It was however almost nine months before India intervened triggering the December

16 1971 surrender of the Pakistani army India intervened both for strategic reasons (as

weakening Pakistan) and for humanitarian reasons to alleviate the suffering of Bangladeshis

16

Pakistan complained about Indias invasion of its sovereign territory to the UN Security Council

in early December In an often emotional speech Bhutto argued with reason that this

intervention was a violation of international law The Security Council agreed but the question

soon became moot with the surrender of the Pakistani troops in Bangladesh

The number of Bangladeshis killed disabled raped or displaced by the violence of 1971 is not

fully known Estimates by Bangladeshi sources put the number killed at up to three million and

it is estimated that as many as ten million may have fled to India Initially the Pakistani army

targeted educators students political leaders and others who were generally considered to be

prominent sympathizers of the Awami League As the Bangladeshis formed military units

however these units also became the targets Some of these units were formed by Bangladeshis

who had formerly served in the Pakistani army others were recruited from the police and the

East Pakistan (now Bangladesh) Rifles a border security force These units based in rural and

outlying areas of Bangladesh were able to take advantage of the Pakistani armys initial focus

on the student-led demonstrations in the Dhaka region Survivor accounts such as that by

Jahanara Imam suggest that much of the killing soon devolved into little more than

indiscriminate slaughter

The Pakistani surrender and the termination of conflict left several unsettled questions Many

Bangladeshismdashmostly civil servants or military troops and their familiesmdashwere still detained in

Pakistan In Bangladesh there were non-Bengalismdashagain mostly civil servants or military

troops but also some business owners and professionalsmdashwho wished repatriation to Pakistan

In addition the fate of de facto prisoners of war held by Bangladesh and Pakistani prisoners of

war held by India had yet to be decided Bangladesh wanted to place 195 Pakistani military

personnel on trial for war crimes and genocide On August 9 1975 a tripartite agreement

between Bangladesh India and Pakistan was reached to create a panel that would attempt to

settle these issues Bangladesh also agreed to drop all charges against the 195 Pakistanis accused

of war crimes and to permit their repatriation to Pakistan

In the end and at great cost Bangladesh achieved its independence Slowly the two countries

were able to establish diplomatic relations Pakistan recognized Bangladesh as independent on

February 22 1974 primarily at the urging of the Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC)

which was meeting in Lahore at that time The OIC insisted that Bangladesh a Muslim state be

permitted to attend the conference Bangladeshis however remained unsatisfied They wanted

an apology from the Pakistanis for the excesses committed during the war They received one

finally from the Pakistani president Pervez Musharraf when he visited Bangladesh in July

2002

17

Age-Sex Structure of the Population

A populations age-sex structure is the number andor proportion of the population to be found in

each age-sex group If each population could be got together for a day and lined up in their age

groups - females at one end males at the other a plane flying overhead would look down on a

certain shape

There are many different ways to graphically present population data The most important

demographic characteristic of a population is its age-sex structure and the use of an age-sex

pyramid also known as a population pyramid is considered the best way to graphically

illustrate the age and sex distribution of a given population

An age-sex pyramid consists of two horizontal histograms joined together It displays the

percentage or actual amount of a population broken down by gender and age The five-year age

increments on the y-axis allow the pyramid to vividly reflect both long-term trends in the birth

and death rates and shorter-term baby-booms wars and epidemics

The fertility rate of a population is the single most important influence on the shape of a

population pyramid The more children per parent the broader will be the base of the pyramid

The median age of the population will also be younger While mortality will also have an

influence on the shape it will be far less important an influence than fertility but somewhat

more complex One would assume that lower mortality rates in a population would result in an

older age distribution However just the opposite is true a population with lower mortality rates

will display a slightly younger age distribution This is due to the fact that any disparities in the

mortality rates of a population are more likely a result of variations within the younger age

groups usually infants and children

There are generally three types of population pyramids created from age-sex distributions

expansive constrictive and stationary Examples of these three types of population pyramids

appear at the end of this report Definitions of the three types follow

1 Expansive population pyramids show larger numbers or percentages of the population in

the younger age groups usually with each age group smaller in size or proportion than

the one born before it These types of pyramids are usually found in populations with

very large fertility rates and lower than average life expectancies The age-sex

distributions of Latin American and many Third World countries would probably display

expansive population pyramids

The following figure is an example of such an age-sex pyramid This pyramid of the

Philippines shows a triangle-shaped pyramid and reflects a high growth rate of about 21

percent annually

18

2 Constrictive population pyramids display lower numbers or percentages of younger

people The age-sex distributions of the United States fall into this type of pyramid

In the United States the population is growing at a rate of about 17 percent annually

This growth rate is reflected in the more square-like structure of the pyramid Note the

lump in the pyramid between the ages of about 35 to 50 This large segment of the

population is the post-World War II baby boom As this population ages and climbs up

the pyramid there will be a much greater demand for medical and other geriatric

services

3 Stationary or near-stationary population pyramids display somewhat equal numbers or

percentages for almost all age groups Of course smaller figures are still to be expected

at the oldest age groups The age-sex distributions of some European countries

especially Scandinavian ones will tend to fall into this category

Germany is experiencing a period of negative growth (-01) As negative growth in a

country continues the population is reduced A population can shrink due to a low birth

rate and a stable death rate Increased emigration may also contribute to a declining

population

19

Bangladesh

Age

Age structure

0ndash14 years 329 (male 24957997female 23533894)

15ndash64 years 636 (male 47862774female 45917674)

65 years and over 35 (male 2731578female 2361435) (2006 est)

Median age 233 years

Male 229 years

Female 235 (2009 est)

Gender ratio

At birth 104 male(s)female

Under 15 years 101 male(s)female

15ndash64 years 09 male(s)female

65 years and over 094 male(s)female

Total population 093 male(s)female (2009 est)

Bangladesh Population Pyramid for 1995

Age and sex distribution for the year 1995

20

Bangladesh Population Pyramid for 2010

A Definition of Migration

The definition of the word can be the movement of people from one place to another There

are two main types of migration first internal migration ie migration within one country and

secondly international migration which means the movement from one country to another A

good example of internal migration is the movement from East Germany to West Germany

which causes big problems for East Germany A good example of international migration is the

movement from third-world countries to Europe or America The next question is What makes

people migrate from one place to another

The reasons for migration can be divided into two main aspects the so-called push and pull

factors

Push factors are those in their old place which force people to move For example there may be

civil wars or wars in general in the country but political or religious oppression climate

changes lack of jobs or simply poverty are all important push factors

Pull factors are factors in the target country which encourage people to move these include

peace and safety a chance of a better job better education social security a better standard of

living in general as well as political and religious freedom

Calculation

MIGRATION = M

)()( 12 DBPPM

M=Total Migrations

Population Initial1 P

Population Final2 P

B=Total birth during the time period

D=Total Death

21

Pattern of rural urban migration in Bangladesh

Migration Rural-Urban Migration is a flexible and dynamic phenomenon that encompasses

territorial mobility of the people and involves movements like commuting absence from home

place for periods from a couple of days to several years seasonal migration and permanent

relocation Although diversified in forms it involves a certain degree of commitment on the part

of migrants to the place of origin and of destination This shows whether the migration is of

permanent or non-permanent nature Non-permanent forms of migration are now becoming

increasingly important given the massive improvement in the transportation networks and in the

information technology Migration is one of the vital forces that contribute to rapid urbanization

generally associated with higher levels of productivity and development

Migration also plays an important role by linking people with spaces and transferring people

from places of lower opportunities to those of higher opportunities and a subsequent transfer of

resources Bangladesh is one of the few countries where remittances from temporary migrants

working abroad contribute nearly 10 to the GDP and finance a substantial proportion of trade

deficit For rural areas remittances constitute a form of income which not only helps in

sustenance of families but also cushions against income erosion a recurrent threat faced by poor

households

In the 90 years between 1901 and 1991 the urban POPULATION of the country increased almost

30 times (from 702000 to 2156 million) as opposed to only about a three-fold increase (307 to

883 million) of the rural population The urban population grew at an annual rate of 1 - 2

during the British period (1757-1947) and about 4 during the Pakistan period (1947-1971)

The relatively low rate of urbanization during the British period can be explained by the slow

pace of industrialization With the growth of JUTE and TEXTILES industries mainly in Dhaka and

its surrounding areas urbanization accelerated during 1951-1961 The rate of urbanization

increased sharply after liberation of Bangladesh This was associated with spread of economic

and commercial activities in the urban centers The number of urban centers rose dramatically

from 78 in 1961 to 198 in 1974 and 522 in 1991

Before 1974 there was no city in Bangladesh that had a population of one million or more but

now DHAKA emerged as a mega city with a population of around 10 million Distribution of the

urban population over the years reveals significant increases in the size of four major cities

(Dhaka Chittagong Rajshahi and Khulna) particularly in recent years In the first half of this

century they contained around a third of the total urban population and in 1991 about 50 of

them lived in these cities The level of urbanization raised from a very low base (76) in 1970

to 20 in the 1990s The annual growth rate of urban population in Bangladesh during 1975-

1995 was 34 which is higher than that in the neighboring countries and in other largely

populated countries of Asia

The rural-urban migration along with reclassification contributes nearly 60 to the urban

growth Rural-urban migration occurs in a particular type of setting marked by limited industrial

but rapid commerce-centered growth around major cities especially after the liberation

Empirical evidence suggests that the development of road infrastructure and transportation and

the rapid expansion of manufacturing trade hotel and restaurants and housing and construction

generated demand for unskilled and semi-skilled labor in these cities This had dramatically

increased migration for job-related reasons Also the unequal land relations and loss of land due

to natural calamities influence the spatial movement of population Available statistics suggest

that top 10 of the rural households controlled 51 of land and had a share of 32 of the total

income The share of the bottom 40 of the households was 2 and 16 of land and income

respectively Subsequently three-quarters of rural out-migration occurred from landless

22

households However there had been many cases of migration from the landowning households

the members of which migrated to maximize income from diversified sources and the migration

remained largely non-permanent in nature

Most male migrants from rural areas were agricultural laborers at their original places Rural-

urban migration also takes place from the districts that had better performing agricultural sector

and this is particularly witnessed in the case of migration to Dhaka city A great deal of

population mobility results from survival and adaptive strategies to maximize family income by

allocating their labor in diversified income earning activities to a number of locations Migration

of independent women has been on rise since middle of 1980s as a result of establishment of

export oriented garment manufacturing factories in Dhaka and Chittagong In the 1970s

educational selectivity and population density played an important role in the process of rural-

urban migration Micro-level surveys show bi-polar pattern of educational selectivity suggesting

that both the highly educated and illiterate sections of people have a great propensity to migrate

as both groups undertake equal risks in this regard

Along with education other characteristics of migrants such as age gender marital status roles

and responsibilities assumed in the family and resource endowment (particularly landholding)

play an important role in migration motivation Role of social networks as sources of

information prior to migration and other aids and assistance at the place of destination emerged

as a pre-condition for migration Similarly rapid expansion of the rural non-farm activities and

greater value addition in these activities in urban sector fail to support the thesis that high

population density determines the migratory flows in Bangladesh Migration is rather induced by

jobs available in a particular area and the laws that regulate employment there the threat of

income erosion level of development of physical and infrastructural facilities and

mechanization of agriculture

Rural-urban migration often leads to a broad range of consequences both beneficial and

detrimental and also mixed in the receiving and sending communities In terms of employment

and cash earnings existing evidence weighs heavily in favour of migration The flow of

remittances contributes significantly to the welfare of the relatives left behind by the temporary

migrants in rural areas The migrants now residing in the slums of the Dhaka city tend to spend

increasingly more of their earnings in nutritious food and childrens education

Yet school enrollment of slum children (6-14 years) is much lower (around 35) than their age

cohorts from rural landless households (nearly 50) Similarly infant mortality rate in the urban

slums is comparable with rural areas In the absence of government intervention and adequate

NGO support to improve basic social services and human resources development in urban areas

the urban poor especially poor women are more susceptible to health and environmental

hazards than their non-poor counterparts Poor migrant households also face potential threat of

income-erosion arising out of eviction extortion by musclemen frequent sickness and sexual

harassment of women However contrary to the conventional wisdom migrants living in urban

poor agglomerations do manage access to urban amenities such as gas electricity and water

through informal sources

Persistent migration from rural areas to a few large cities has serious implications for the level of

productivity the state of urban infrastructure and environmental conditions since with migrants

cities grow faster than the capacity of the economy to support them Whilst rapid and huge

growth of urban population exacerbates the growing degradation the inability to enforce basic

cannons of cost recovery in delivering basic amenities lack of coordination among different

service giving agencies and weak capacity and inadequate authority of the city corporations and

municipalities are the major causes of the environmental problem

Page 6: British rule in bengal

6

drives continually failed to locate large stocks it convinced the government that the scale of the

loss in supply was larger than they initially believed[18]

Bayly and Harper claim that in contrast to the incompetence of the civil service the British

military commanders and the British military in general performed as best as it could to combat

the famine[20]

providing food to the suffering and organising relief During the course of the

famine the government organised roughly 110000000 free meals which proved too small to

cope with the disaster

In response to an urgent request by the Secretary of State for India Leo Amery and Viceroy of

India Achibald Wavell to release food stocks for India Winston Churchill the Prime Minister of

that time responded with a telegram to Wavell asking if food was so scarce why Gandhi

hadnrsquot died yet[22][23]

Initially during the famine he was more concerned with the civilians of

Greece (who were also suffering from a famine) compared with the Bengalis[24]

Overall Sen argues the authorities failed to understand that the famine was not caused by an

overall food shortage and that the distribution of food was not just a matter of railway capacity

but of providing free famine relief on a massive scale The Raj was in fact fairly right in its

estimation of overall food availability but disastrously wrong in its theory of Famines[25]

The

famine ended when the government in London agreed to import 1000000 tons of grain to

Bengal reducing food prices[26]

Mark Tauger and Peter Bowbrick argue the opposite that the

government had the same view of the famine as Sen did and tried to locate surplus stocks

during the course of the famine but was unable to do so because no such stocks exist[27]

During the course of the famine 264 thousand tons of rice 258 thousand tons of wheat and

wheat products and 55 thousand tons of millets were sent to Bengal for the purposes of famine

relief from the rest of India and overseas[28]

The Bengal Famine may be placed in the context of previous famines in Mughal and British

India Deccan Famine of 1630-32 killed 2000000 (there was a corresponding famine in

northwestern China eventually causing the Ming dynasty to collapse in 1644) During the

British rule in India there were approximately 25 major famines spread through states such as

Tamil Nadu in South India Bihar in the north and Bengal in the east altogether between 30

and 40 million Indians were the victims of famines in the latter half of the 19th century (Bhatia

1985)

Food availability decline or man made

Severe food shortages were worsened by World War II with the British administration of India

exporting foods to Allied soldiers The shortage of rice forced rice prices up and wartime

inflation compounded the problem

Food deliveries from other parts of the country to Bengal were refused by the government in

order to make food artificially scarce This was an especially cruel policy introduced in 1942

under the title Rice Denial Scheme The purpose of it was as mentioned earlier to deny an

efficient food supply to the Japanese after a possible invasion Simultaneously the government

authorised free merchants to purchase rice at any price and to sell it to the government for

delivery into governmental food storage So on one hand government was buying every grain of

rice that was around and on the other hand it was blocking grain from coming into Bengal from

other regions of the country[29]

The price controls on wheat were introduced on December 1941

and on rice in 1942[30]

7

Amartya Sen has cast doubt on the idea that the rice shortage was due to a fall in production He

quotes official records for rice production in Bengal in the years leading up to 1943 as reported

in the table to the right[31]

According to Oacute Graacuteda he also argues that famine and democracy are

virtually incompatible[32]

The 1943 yield while low was not in itself outside the normal

spectrum of recorded variation and other factors beyond simple crop failure may thus be

invoked as a causal mechanism

Others have drawn attention to the quality of the data that Amartya Sen cites Mark Tauger has

drawn attention to the manner in which the statistics were gathered [33]

whilst Peter Bowbrick

has described them as wildly unreliable[34]

Year Rice production(in million of tons)

1938 8474

1939 7922

1940 8223

1941 6768

1942 9296

1943 7628

Indian Independence Movement

Bengal played a major role in the Indian independence movement in which revolutionary

groups such as Anushilan Samiti and Jugantar were dominant Bengalis also played a notable

role in the Indian independence movement Many of the early proponents of the freedom

struggle and subsequent leaders in movement were Bengalis such as Chittaranjan Das

Surendranath Banerjea Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose Prafulla Chaki Bagha Jatin Khudiram

Bose Surya Sen Binoy-Badal-Dinesh Sarojini Naidu Aurobindo Ghosh Rashbehari Bose and

many more Some of these leaders such as Netaji did not subscribe to the view that non-violent

civil disobedience was the only way to achieve Indian Independence and were instrumental in

armed resistance against the British force During the Second World War Netaji escaped to

Germany from house arrest in India and there he founded the Indian Legion an army to fight

against the British Government but the turning of the war compelled him to come to South-East

Asia and there he became the co-founder and leader of the Indian National Army (distinct from

the army of British India) that challenged British forces in several parts of India He was also the

head of state of a parallel regime named The Provisional Governmeent of Free India or Arzi

Hukumat-e-Azad Hind that was recognized and supported by the Axis powers Bengal was also

the fostering ground for several prominent revolutionary organisations the most notable of

which was Anushilan Samiti A large number of Bengalis were martyred in the freedom struggle

and many were exiled in Cellular Jail the much dreaded prison located in Andaman

8

History of the Indian National Congress

From its foundation on 28 December 1885 until the time of independence of India on August 15

1947 the Indian National Congress was the largest and most prominent Indian public

organization and central and defining influence of the Indian Independence Movement

Although initially and primarily a political body the Congress transformed itself into a national

vehicle for social reform and human upliftment The Congress was the strongest foundation and

defining influence of modern Indian nationalism

Founded upon the suggestion of British civil servant Allan Octavian Hume the Congress was

created to form a platform for civic and political dialogue of educated Indians with the British

Raj After the First War of Indian Independence and the transfer of India from the East India

Company to the British Empire it was the goal of the Raj to support and justify its governance

of India with the aid of English-educated Indians who would be familiar and friendly to British

culture and political thinking Ironically a few of the reasons the Congress grew and survived in

the era of undisputed British hegemony was through the patronage of British authorities Anglo-

Indians and a rising Indian educated classThe theory of safety valve has also been associated

with the birth of congress It says that congress provided a platform to Indians to bring out their

resentment vocally Its initial aim was to divert the minds of Indians from any sort of physical

violence

Hume embarked on an endeavor to get an organization started by reaching-out to selected

alumni of the University of Calcutta writing in his 1883 letter that Every nation secures

precisely as good a Government as it merits If you the picked men the most highly educated

of the nation cannot scorning personal ease and selfish objects make a resolute struggle to

secure greater freedom for yourselves and your country a more impartial administration a

larger share in the management of your own affairs then we your friends are wrong and our

adversaries right then are Lord Ripons noble aspirations for your good fruitless and

visionary then at present at any rate all hopes of progress are at an end and India truly

neither desires nor deserves any better Government than she enjoys[1]

In May 1885 Hume secured the Viceroys approval to create an Indian National Union which

would be affiliated with the government and act as a platform to voice Indian public opinion On

12 October 1885 Hume and a group of educated Indians also published An Appeal from the

People of India to the Electors of Great Britain and Ireland to ask British voters in 1885 British

general election to help support candidates sympathetic to Indian public opinion which included

opposition to the levying of taxes on India to finance the British Indian campaigns in

Afghanistan and support for legislative reform in India[2]

The appeal was a failure and was

interpreted by many Indians as a rude shock but a true realization that they had to fight their

battles alone[3]

On 28 December 1885 the Indian National Congress was founded at Gokuldas

Tejpal Sanskrit College in Bombay with 72 delegates in attendance Hume assumed office as

the General Secretary and Womesh Chandra Bonnerjee of Calcutta was elected President[2]

Besides Hume two additional British members (both Scottish civil servants) were members of

the founding group William Wedderburn and Justice (later Sir) John Jardine The other

members were mostly Hindus from the Bombay and Madras Presidencies[2]

9

Though there has been discussion over the fact that the congress was founded by a retired civil

servant and not by Indians GKGokhale with his characteristic modesty and political wisdom

stated this explicitly in 1913 No Indian could have started the Indian National Congressif an

Indian had come forward to start such a movement embracing all Indians the officials in India

would not have allowed the movement to come into existence If the founder of the Congress

had not been an Englishman and a distinguished ex-official such was the distrust of political

agitation in those days that the authorities would have at once found some way or the other to

suppress the movement

Reactions

Many Muslim community leaders like the prominent educationalist Syed Ahmed Khan viewed

the Congress negatively owing to its membership being dominated by Hindus The Orthodox

Hindu community and religious leaders were also averse seeing the Congress as supportive of

Western cultural invasion

The ordinary people of India were not informed or concerned of its existence on the whole for

the Congress never attempted to address the issues of poverty lack of health care social

oppression and the prejudiced negligence of the peoples concerns by British authorities The

perception of bodies like the Congress was that of an elitist then educated and wealthy peoples

institution

Rise of Indian nationalism

First session of Indian National Congress Bombay 28-31 December 1885

Lokmanya Tilak was the first to embrace Swaraj as the national goal The first spurts of

nationalistic sentiment that rose amongst Congress members were when the desire to be

represented in the bodies of government to have a say a vote in the lawmaking and issues of

administration of India Congressmen saw themselves as loyalists but wanted an active role in

governing their own country albeit as part of the Empire This trend was personified by

Dadabhai Naoroji considered by many as the eldest Indian statesman Naoroji went as far as

contesting successfully an election to the British House of Commons becoming its first Indian

member That he was aided in his campaign by young aspiring Indian student activists like

Muhammad Ali Jinnah describes where the imagination of the new Indian generation lay

Bal Gangadhar Tilak was the first Indian nationalist to embrace Swaraj as the destiny of the

nation Tilak deeply opposed the British education system that ignored and defamed Indias

culture history and values He resented the denial of freedom of expression for nationalists and

the lack of any voice or role for ordinary Indians in the affairs of their nation For these reasons

he considered Swaraj as the natural and only solution in the abandonment of all the British

things He was backed by rising public leaders like Bipin Chandra Pal and Lala Lajpat Rai who

held the same point of view Under them Indias three great states - Maharashtra Bengal and

Punjab region shaped the demand of the people and Indias nationalism

10

The moderates led by Gopal Krishna Gokhale Pherozeshah Mehta and Dadabhai Naoroji held

firm to calls for negotiations and political dialogue Gokhale criticized Tilak for encouraging

acts of violence and disorder But the Congress of 1906 did not have public membership and

thus Tilak and his supporters were forced to leave the party

But with Tilaks arrest all hopes for an Indian offensive were stalled The Congress lost credit

with the people while Muslims were alarmed with the rise of Tilaks Hindu nationalism and

formed the All India Muslim League in 1907 considering the Congress as completely unsuitable

for Indian Muslims

The Traditionalists

According to one approach the traditionalist point of view though not in a political sense was

represented in Congressmen like Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel Rajendra Prasad CRajagopalachari

Purushottam Das Tandon Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan and Maulana Azad who were also

associates and followers of Gandhi Their organizational strength achieved through leading the

clashes with the government was undisputed and proven when despite winning the 1939

election Bose resigned the Congress presidency because of the lack of confidence he enjoyed

amongst national leaders A year earlier in the 1938 election however Bose had been elected

with the support of Gandhi Differences arose in 1939 on whether Bose should have a second

term Jawaharlal Nehru who Gandhi had always preferred to Bose had had a second term

earlier Boses own differences centred on the place to be accorded to non-violent as against

revolutionary methods When he set up his Indian National Army in South-east Asia during the

Second World War he invoked Gandhis name and hailed him as the Father of The Nation It

would be wrong to suggest that the so-called traditionalist leaders looked merely to the ancient

heritage of Indian Asian or in the case of Maulana Azad and Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan

Islamic civilization for inspiration They believed along with educationists like Zakir Husain

and E W Aryanayakam that education should be imparted in a manner that enables the learners

also to be able to make things with their own hands and learn skills that would make them self-

supporting This method of education was also adopted in some areas in Egypt (See Reginald

Reynolds Beware of Africans) Zakir Husain was inspired by some European educationists and

was able with Gandhis support to dovetail this approach to the one favoured by the Basic

Education method introduced by the Indian freedom movement They believed that the

education system economy and social justice model for a future nation should be designed to

suit the specific local requirements While most were open to the benefits of Western influences

and the socio-economic egalitarianism of socialism they were opposed to being defined by

either model

11

Creation of Pakistan

As the independence movement throughout British-controlled India began in the late 19th

century gained momentum during the 20th century Bengali politicians played an active role in

Mohandas Gandhis Congress Party and Mohammad Ali Jinnahs Muslim League exposing the

opposing forces of ethnic and religious nationalism By exploiting the latter the British probably

intended to distract the independence movement for example by partitioning Bengal in 1905

along religious lines The split only lasted for seven years

At first the Muslim League sought only to ensure minority rights in the future nation In 1940

the Muslim League passed the Lahore Resolution which envisaged one or more Muslim

majority states in South Asia Non-negotiable was the inclusion of the Muslim parts of Punjab

and Bengal in these proposed states The stakes grew as a new Viceroy Lord Mountbatten of

Burma was appointed expressly for the purpose of effecting a graceful British exit Communal

violence in Noakhali and Calcutta sparked a surge in support for the Muslim League which won

a majority of Bengals Muslim seats in the 1946 election Accusations have been made that

Hindu and Muslim nationalist instigators were involved in the latter incident At the last moment

Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy and Sarat Chandra Bose came up with the idea of an independent

and unified Bengal state which was endorsed by Jinnah This idea was vetoed by the Indian

National Congress

British India was partitioned and the independent states of India and Pakistan were created in

1947 the region of Bengal was divided along religious lines The predominantly Muslim eastern

half of Bengal became the East Bengal (later renamed East Pakistan) state of Pakistan and the

predominantly Hindu western part became the Indian state of West Bengal

Pakistans history from 1947 to 1971 was marked by political instability and economic

difficulties In 1956 a constitution was at last adopted making the country an Islamic republic

within the Commonwealth The nascent democratic institutions foundered in the face of

military intervention in 1958 and the government imposed martial law between 1958 and 1962

and again between 1969 and 1971

Almost from the advent of independent Pakistan in 1947 frictions developed between East and

West Pakistan which were separated by more than 1000 miles of Indian territory East

Pakistanis felt exploited by the West Pakistan-dominated central government Linguistic

cultural and ethnic differences also contributed to the estrangement of East from West Pakistan

When Mohammad Ali Jinnah died in September 1948 Khwaja Nazimuddin became the

Governor General of Pakistan while Nurul Amin was appointed the Chief Minister of East

Bengal Nurul Amin continued as the Chief Minister of East Bengal until 2 April 1954 The

abolition of the Zamindari system in East Bengal (1950) and the Language Movement were two

most important events during his tenure

Indias independence from Great Britain in August 1947 resulted in the partition of British India

into India and Pakistan Pakistan was created out of the Muslim-majority provinces of British

India with no regard for geographical contiguity The resulting state was formed into two

physically separate wings with the territory of India intervening between the two The eastern

wing was created by the partition of the British province of Bengal and the principal language

spoken there was Bengali Although it was principally the language of those who fled India to

Pakistan the government of Pakistan decreed that Urdu would be the national language

12

Creation of Bangladesh

In the evening of March 25 1971 the Pakistan army attacked East Pakistan as the future

Bangladesh was then known The attack was an effort to put down East Pakistani protesters who

demanded that the national government recognize the right of the elected majority party the

Awami (Peoples) League to assume political office The attacks by the Pakistanis and

resistance by the Bangladeshis continued until December of that year with the Bangladeshis

seeing this as a war of independence and the government forces viewing it as a civil war

Throughout the year India provided support for the East Pakistani rebels and received a large

number of refugees Early in December Pakistans internal conflict assumed international

dimensions with the direct intervention of Indian troops The violence ended on December 16

when the Pakistani commander at the time General A K Niazi surrendered to General Jagjeet

Singh Arora commander of the Indian forces

The discontent of East Pakistanis in the united state of Pakistan had a long history before it

finally culminated in war The Muslim League government of Pakistan led by Muhammad Ali

Jinnah had long ignored East Bengal However during his only visit to the eastern province in

March 1948 Jinnah was confronted by Bengalis who demanded that their language be

recognized along with Urdu as a co-official language of Pakistan Jinnah stated that anyone who

opposed the status of Urdu as the official language of Pakistan was a traitor to the country This

angered the Bengali faction and in 1952 that anger gave rise to the language movement in

East Pakistan

After independence the Pakistani government was constituted according to the Government of

India Act (1935) as modified by the India Independence Act of 1947 both acts of the British

Parliament It was not until 1956 that a formal constitution was promulgated (India adopted its

own constitution in 1950) The constitution of 1956 changed the name of the eastern wing of the

country from East Bengal to East Pakistan and the four provinces of the west wing were

consolidated into West Pakistan The constitution also instituted the concept of parity between

the eastern and western regions This meant that representation in the National Assembly would

be equal from each province even though East Pakistan had about 54 percent of the total

population of Pakistan The Bengalis of East Pakistan viewed this as an affront

This shortchanging of representation in the National Assembly was also seen in the military

services There were very few officers from East Pakistan in a military overwhelmingly

dominated by West Pakistanis There was a similar disparity in representation within the civil

service Although a quota system was later instituted the disparity persisted at the higher levels

throughout the 1960s

In 1954 a major and violent strike occurred at the Adamjee Jute Mill in Narayanganj a suburb

of Dhaka In addition to disputes over pay and labor practices the East Pakistani workers felt

that the company was showing favoritism to Urdu-speaking Biharis in employment Bihari is a

general term applied to those Urduspeaking Muslims most of them from the Indian state of

Bihar who fled east at the time of partition but who never learned to speak Bengali In addition

the East Pakistani strikers were protesting the fact that the majority of East Pakistans

manufacturing and banking firms were owned by West Pakistanis among whom the Adamjee

family was prominent

13

The leading Muslim political party in Bengal prior to Pakistans independence had been the

Muslim League which dominated the Bengal Provincial Assembly At the time of

independence the sitting members of the Bengal Provincial Assembly chose their future

membership in either the assembly of West Bengal in India or the assembly of East Bengal in

Pakistan The Muslim League maintained control Although elections were held in each of the

provinces of the west wing as early as 1951 elections in East Bengal were delayed until 1954

The election when it was finally held resulted in an almost total rout of the Muslim League

which was looked upon locally as a proxy of the central government

The winning coalition in East Pakistan was comprised of the Awami League and the Krishak

Sramik (Farmers and Workers) Party The principal founder of the Awami League was Husain

Shahid Suhrawardy The Krishak Sramik Party was led by Fazlul Haq Haq had been a prime

minister of united Bengal (ie prior to independence) when his party was known as the Krishak

Praja (Farmers and Peoples) Party For the 1954 election the Awami League and the Krishak

Sramik Party joined forces as the United Front and ran for office on a platform called 21

Points Among the issues addressed by the coalition were the recognition of Bengali as an

official language of Pakistan autonomy for East Bengal in all matters except defense foreign

affairs and currency land reform improved irrigation nationalization of the jute industry and

other points that if enacted into law would give East Bengalis greater control of their own

governance

The demand that Bengali be recognized as an official language was an outgrowth of the

language movement of 1952 Since the early days of independence East Pakistanis had

demanded that Pakistan recognize two official languages Bengali (the most widely spoken

language) and Urdu An attempt by the central government to devise a means to write Bengali in

the Urdu script was met with widespread opposition and rioting mainly from academics and

university students On February 21 1952 in an attempt to suppress the violence the police

fired on a crowd of demonstrators and about twenty students were killed Today a monument

stands at the site of the killings and February 21 is celebrated annually as Martyrs Day

For its championing of this and other issues important to the majority of East Pakistanis the

Krishak SramikndashAwami League coalition won the 1954 election Eventually however the

Krishak Sramik Party withered away and the Awami League became the most important party

in the province It would become the leader of the independence movement and dominate

emerging Bangladeshi politics

In October 1958 General Muhammad Ayub Khan proclaimed himself president of Pakistan

following a military coup declared martial law and dissolved the National Assembly and the

provincial legislatures He then set up what he called Basic Democracy which he described as

a more representative government Elections at the local level would be direct and those elected

at this level would be designated Basic Democrats Elections for the provincial and national

assemblies and for the presidency would be indirect with the Basic Democrats serving as the

electoral college He retained the principle of parity however This meant that each province

was allocated an equal number of Basic Democrat electors so that East Pakistanis continued to

be underrepresented at the higher levels of government Not unexpectedly Ayub was elected

president in 1962 and reelected president in 1967 Although he won majorities in each wing in

each election his majority in the east wing in 1967 was dramatically less than in 1962

14

Nonetheless Ayubs power began to slip after his reelection to office as did his health

Opposition to his rule spread even in West Pakistan Ayub grew concerned about a growing

secessionist movement in East Pakistan The Awami League now headed by Sheik Mujibur

Rahman demanded that changes be made in regard to East Pakistan These changes were

embodied in Mujibs Six Points Plan which he presented at a meeting of opposition parties in

Lahore in 1966 In brief these Six Points called for

1 A federal and parliamentary government with free and fair elections

2 Federal government to control only foreign affairs and defense

3 A separate currency or separate fiscal accounts for each province to control

movement of capital from east to west

4 All power of taxation to reside at the provincial level with the federal government

subsisting on grants from the provinces

5 Enabling each federating unit to enter into foreign trade agreements on its own and

to retain control over the foreign exchange earned and

6 Allowing each unit to raise its own militia

If these points had been adopted it would have meant almost de facto independence for East

Pakistan Many observers saw point six a separate militia as the point most unacceptable to the

central government but they were wrong The 1965 Indo-Pakistan War had demonstrated the

lack of local defense forces in East Pakistan which would have left the province defenseless had

India attacked there In fact it was point four regarding taxation that proved to be the problem

because the enactment of this point would make it all but impossible for a central government to

operate

In 1968 in response to the Six Points Plan the Ayub government charged Mujib and his

supporters with treason This later became known as the Agartala Conspiracy Case so-called as

it was alleged that Mujib had met with Indian agents in Agartala the capital of the Indian state

of Tripura which borders on Bangladesh Mujib and the Awami League denied that any such

meeting had ever taken place In early 1969 as hostility to Ayub increased in both East and

West Pakistan he invited opposition leaders to meet with him Mujib having been jailed

awaiting his trial for treason was not invited to this meeting The opposition leaders refused to

come to the meeting unless the charges against Mujib were withdrawn and demanded that he

too be invited to attend Ayub complied with these demands The meeting which Ayub hoped

would work to his advantage instead strengthened the oppositions position which called for the

end of the policy of Basic Democracy and the return to direct parliamentary elections

The opposition movement expanded beyond the political sphere to the military and Ayub was

forced to resign on March 25 1969 He was replaced by General Agha Muhammad Yahya

Khan who promised to reinstate direct elections These were held in December 1970 in most of

the country but flooding in East Pakistan forced a few constituencies to delay their elections

until January 1971 In addition to reinstating free and direct elections Yahya also acted to

restore the former provinces of West Pakistan which had been united into a single unit by the

1956 constitution More important for East Pakistan he ended the principle of parity In the

1970 election for the National Assembly East Pakistan would have 162 general seats out of a

total of 300 reflecting the 54 percent majority that Bengalis enjoyed according to the 1961

population census

15

Yahya also introduced legislation that in his view would limit the changes that could be made

to the constitution by the National Assembly This legislation called the Legal Framework

Order touched upon seven points

1 That Pakistan would be a federated state

2 Islamic principles would be paramount

3 Direct and regular elections would be held

4 Fundamental rights would be guaranteed

5 The judiciary would be independent

6 Maximum provincial autonomy would be allowed but the federal government

shall also have adequate powers including legislative administrative and financial

powers to discharge its responsibilities and

7 Economic disparities among provinces would be removed

The result of the election in East Pakistan startled outside observers and even took some

supporters of the Awami League by surprise The party won 160 of the 162 seats in East

Pakistan thereby gaining a majority in the National Assembly without winning a single seat in

West Pakistan which had thrown its support behind the Pakistan Peoples Party led by Zulfiqar

Ali Bhutto Neither Yahya nor his military associates nor Bhutto looked favorably on a

government comprised solely of the Awami League and headed by the author of the Six Points

Plan Yahya began a series of negotiations perhaps in the hope of creating a coalition

government but more in an effort to sideline Mujib As the talks became more rancorous and

compromise seemed impossible the Pakistani government began to increase the strength of its

rather small contingent of military forces stationed in East Pakistan

Yahya negotiated with Bhutto and Mujib the former declaring that there were two majorities

in Pakistan and the latter insisting on the full enactment of the Six Points even where these

were at variance with Yahyas Legal Framework Order (ie on the issues of taxation)

Demonstrations supporting the Awami Leagues position spread across East Pakistan Violence

began to look more attractive than political activism as a means of protecting East Pakistans

interests By this time the term Bangladeshi was widely adopted by the Awami League and its

supporters to replace the designation East Pakistani

The army struck back on March 25 1971 Its first move was to attack the faculty and students at

Dhaka University and to take Mujib into custody By one estimate up to 35000 Bangladeshis

were killed at the university and elsewhere on the first few days Mujib was transported to jail in

West Pakistan (There were fears that he would be executed but these later proved unfounded

when he was released at the end of the conflict) A number of Mujibs associates fled first to a

village on the border with India then to Calcutta Major Ziaur Rahman who would later become

president of independent Bangladesh issued a declaration of independence

Bangladeshi police and border patrol forces organized a resistance force to oppose the Pakistani

army and they were later joined by several civilians many of whom had been university

students It was however almost nine months before India intervened triggering the December

16 1971 surrender of the Pakistani army India intervened both for strategic reasons (as

weakening Pakistan) and for humanitarian reasons to alleviate the suffering of Bangladeshis

16

Pakistan complained about Indias invasion of its sovereign territory to the UN Security Council

in early December In an often emotional speech Bhutto argued with reason that this

intervention was a violation of international law The Security Council agreed but the question

soon became moot with the surrender of the Pakistani troops in Bangladesh

The number of Bangladeshis killed disabled raped or displaced by the violence of 1971 is not

fully known Estimates by Bangladeshi sources put the number killed at up to three million and

it is estimated that as many as ten million may have fled to India Initially the Pakistani army

targeted educators students political leaders and others who were generally considered to be

prominent sympathizers of the Awami League As the Bangladeshis formed military units

however these units also became the targets Some of these units were formed by Bangladeshis

who had formerly served in the Pakistani army others were recruited from the police and the

East Pakistan (now Bangladesh) Rifles a border security force These units based in rural and

outlying areas of Bangladesh were able to take advantage of the Pakistani armys initial focus

on the student-led demonstrations in the Dhaka region Survivor accounts such as that by

Jahanara Imam suggest that much of the killing soon devolved into little more than

indiscriminate slaughter

The Pakistani surrender and the termination of conflict left several unsettled questions Many

Bangladeshismdashmostly civil servants or military troops and their familiesmdashwere still detained in

Pakistan In Bangladesh there were non-Bengalismdashagain mostly civil servants or military

troops but also some business owners and professionalsmdashwho wished repatriation to Pakistan

In addition the fate of de facto prisoners of war held by Bangladesh and Pakistani prisoners of

war held by India had yet to be decided Bangladesh wanted to place 195 Pakistani military

personnel on trial for war crimes and genocide On August 9 1975 a tripartite agreement

between Bangladesh India and Pakistan was reached to create a panel that would attempt to

settle these issues Bangladesh also agreed to drop all charges against the 195 Pakistanis accused

of war crimes and to permit their repatriation to Pakistan

In the end and at great cost Bangladesh achieved its independence Slowly the two countries

were able to establish diplomatic relations Pakistan recognized Bangladesh as independent on

February 22 1974 primarily at the urging of the Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC)

which was meeting in Lahore at that time The OIC insisted that Bangladesh a Muslim state be

permitted to attend the conference Bangladeshis however remained unsatisfied They wanted

an apology from the Pakistanis for the excesses committed during the war They received one

finally from the Pakistani president Pervez Musharraf when he visited Bangladesh in July

2002

17

Age-Sex Structure of the Population

A populations age-sex structure is the number andor proportion of the population to be found in

each age-sex group If each population could be got together for a day and lined up in their age

groups - females at one end males at the other a plane flying overhead would look down on a

certain shape

There are many different ways to graphically present population data The most important

demographic characteristic of a population is its age-sex structure and the use of an age-sex

pyramid also known as a population pyramid is considered the best way to graphically

illustrate the age and sex distribution of a given population

An age-sex pyramid consists of two horizontal histograms joined together It displays the

percentage or actual amount of a population broken down by gender and age The five-year age

increments on the y-axis allow the pyramid to vividly reflect both long-term trends in the birth

and death rates and shorter-term baby-booms wars and epidemics

The fertility rate of a population is the single most important influence on the shape of a

population pyramid The more children per parent the broader will be the base of the pyramid

The median age of the population will also be younger While mortality will also have an

influence on the shape it will be far less important an influence than fertility but somewhat

more complex One would assume that lower mortality rates in a population would result in an

older age distribution However just the opposite is true a population with lower mortality rates

will display a slightly younger age distribution This is due to the fact that any disparities in the

mortality rates of a population are more likely a result of variations within the younger age

groups usually infants and children

There are generally three types of population pyramids created from age-sex distributions

expansive constrictive and stationary Examples of these three types of population pyramids

appear at the end of this report Definitions of the three types follow

1 Expansive population pyramids show larger numbers or percentages of the population in

the younger age groups usually with each age group smaller in size or proportion than

the one born before it These types of pyramids are usually found in populations with

very large fertility rates and lower than average life expectancies The age-sex

distributions of Latin American and many Third World countries would probably display

expansive population pyramids

The following figure is an example of such an age-sex pyramid This pyramid of the

Philippines shows a triangle-shaped pyramid and reflects a high growth rate of about 21

percent annually

18

2 Constrictive population pyramids display lower numbers or percentages of younger

people The age-sex distributions of the United States fall into this type of pyramid

In the United States the population is growing at a rate of about 17 percent annually

This growth rate is reflected in the more square-like structure of the pyramid Note the

lump in the pyramid between the ages of about 35 to 50 This large segment of the

population is the post-World War II baby boom As this population ages and climbs up

the pyramid there will be a much greater demand for medical and other geriatric

services

3 Stationary or near-stationary population pyramids display somewhat equal numbers or

percentages for almost all age groups Of course smaller figures are still to be expected

at the oldest age groups The age-sex distributions of some European countries

especially Scandinavian ones will tend to fall into this category

Germany is experiencing a period of negative growth (-01) As negative growth in a

country continues the population is reduced A population can shrink due to a low birth

rate and a stable death rate Increased emigration may also contribute to a declining

population

19

Bangladesh

Age

Age structure

0ndash14 years 329 (male 24957997female 23533894)

15ndash64 years 636 (male 47862774female 45917674)

65 years and over 35 (male 2731578female 2361435) (2006 est)

Median age 233 years

Male 229 years

Female 235 (2009 est)

Gender ratio

At birth 104 male(s)female

Under 15 years 101 male(s)female

15ndash64 years 09 male(s)female

65 years and over 094 male(s)female

Total population 093 male(s)female (2009 est)

Bangladesh Population Pyramid for 1995

Age and sex distribution for the year 1995

20

Bangladesh Population Pyramid for 2010

A Definition of Migration

The definition of the word can be the movement of people from one place to another There

are two main types of migration first internal migration ie migration within one country and

secondly international migration which means the movement from one country to another A

good example of internal migration is the movement from East Germany to West Germany

which causes big problems for East Germany A good example of international migration is the

movement from third-world countries to Europe or America The next question is What makes

people migrate from one place to another

The reasons for migration can be divided into two main aspects the so-called push and pull

factors

Push factors are those in their old place which force people to move For example there may be

civil wars or wars in general in the country but political or religious oppression climate

changes lack of jobs or simply poverty are all important push factors

Pull factors are factors in the target country which encourage people to move these include

peace and safety a chance of a better job better education social security a better standard of

living in general as well as political and religious freedom

Calculation

MIGRATION = M

)()( 12 DBPPM

M=Total Migrations

Population Initial1 P

Population Final2 P

B=Total birth during the time period

D=Total Death

21

Pattern of rural urban migration in Bangladesh

Migration Rural-Urban Migration is a flexible and dynamic phenomenon that encompasses

territorial mobility of the people and involves movements like commuting absence from home

place for periods from a couple of days to several years seasonal migration and permanent

relocation Although diversified in forms it involves a certain degree of commitment on the part

of migrants to the place of origin and of destination This shows whether the migration is of

permanent or non-permanent nature Non-permanent forms of migration are now becoming

increasingly important given the massive improvement in the transportation networks and in the

information technology Migration is one of the vital forces that contribute to rapid urbanization

generally associated with higher levels of productivity and development

Migration also plays an important role by linking people with spaces and transferring people

from places of lower opportunities to those of higher opportunities and a subsequent transfer of

resources Bangladesh is one of the few countries where remittances from temporary migrants

working abroad contribute nearly 10 to the GDP and finance a substantial proportion of trade

deficit For rural areas remittances constitute a form of income which not only helps in

sustenance of families but also cushions against income erosion a recurrent threat faced by poor

households

In the 90 years between 1901 and 1991 the urban POPULATION of the country increased almost

30 times (from 702000 to 2156 million) as opposed to only about a three-fold increase (307 to

883 million) of the rural population The urban population grew at an annual rate of 1 - 2

during the British period (1757-1947) and about 4 during the Pakistan period (1947-1971)

The relatively low rate of urbanization during the British period can be explained by the slow

pace of industrialization With the growth of JUTE and TEXTILES industries mainly in Dhaka and

its surrounding areas urbanization accelerated during 1951-1961 The rate of urbanization

increased sharply after liberation of Bangladesh This was associated with spread of economic

and commercial activities in the urban centers The number of urban centers rose dramatically

from 78 in 1961 to 198 in 1974 and 522 in 1991

Before 1974 there was no city in Bangladesh that had a population of one million or more but

now DHAKA emerged as a mega city with a population of around 10 million Distribution of the

urban population over the years reveals significant increases in the size of four major cities

(Dhaka Chittagong Rajshahi and Khulna) particularly in recent years In the first half of this

century they contained around a third of the total urban population and in 1991 about 50 of

them lived in these cities The level of urbanization raised from a very low base (76) in 1970

to 20 in the 1990s The annual growth rate of urban population in Bangladesh during 1975-

1995 was 34 which is higher than that in the neighboring countries and in other largely

populated countries of Asia

The rural-urban migration along with reclassification contributes nearly 60 to the urban

growth Rural-urban migration occurs in a particular type of setting marked by limited industrial

but rapid commerce-centered growth around major cities especially after the liberation

Empirical evidence suggests that the development of road infrastructure and transportation and

the rapid expansion of manufacturing trade hotel and restaurants and housing and construction

generated demand for unskilled and semi-skilled labor in these cities This had dramatically

increased migration for job-related reasons Also the unequal land relations and loss of land due

to natural calamities influence the spatial movement of population Available statistics suggest

that top 10 of the rural households controlled 51 of land and had a share of 32 of the total

income The share of the bottom 40 of the households was 2 and 16 of land and income

respectively Subsequently three-quarters of rural out-migration occurred from landless

22

households However there had been many cases of migration from the landowning households

the members of which migrated to maximize income from diversified sources and the migration

remained largely non-permanent in nature

Most male migrants from rural areas were agricultural laborers at their original places Rural-

urban migration also takes place from the districts that had better performing agricultural sector

and this is particularly witnessed in the case of migration to Dhaka city A great deal of

population mobility results from survival and adaptive strategies to maximize family income by

allocating their labor in diversified income earning activities to a number of locations Migration

of independent women has been on rise since middle of 1980s as a result of establishment of

export oriented garment manufacturing factories in Dhaka and Chittagong In the 1970s

educational selectivity and population density played an important role in the process of rural-

urban migration Micro-level surveys show bi-polar pattern of educational selectivity suggesting

that both the highly educated and illiterate sections of people have a great propensity to migrate

as both groups undertake equal risks in this regard

Along with education other characteristics of migrants such as age gender marital status roles

and responsibilities assumed in the family and resource endowment (particularly landholding)

play an important role in migration motivation Role of social networks as sources of

information prior to migration and other aids and assistance at the place of destination emerged

as a pre-condition for migration Similarly rapid expansion of the rural non-farm activities and

greater value addition in these activities in urban sector fail to support the thesis that high

population density determines the migratory flows in Bangladesh Migration is rather induced by

jobs available in a particular area and the laws that regulate employment there the threat of

income erosion level of development of physical and infrastructural facilities and

mechanization of agriculture

Rural-urban migration often leads to a broad range of consequences both beneficial and

detrimental and also mixed in the receiving and sending communities In terms of employment

and cash earnings existing evidence weighs heavily in favour of migration The flow of

remittances contributes significantly to the welfare of the relatives left behind by the temporary

migrants in rural areas The migrants now residing in the slums of the Dhaka city tend to spend

increasingly more of their earnings in nutritious food and childrens education

Yet school enrollment of slum children (6-14 years) is much lower (around 35) than their age

cohorts from rural landless households (nearly 50) Similarly infant mortality rate in the urban

slums is comparable with rural areas In the absence of government intervention and adequate

NGO support to improve basic social services and human resources development in urban areas

the urban poor especially poor women are more susceptible to health and environmental

hazards than their non-poor counterparts Poor migrant households also face potential threat of

income-erosion arising out of eviction extortion by musclemen frequent sickness and sexual

harassment of women However contrary to the conventional wisdom migrants living in urban

poor agglomerations do manage access to urban amenities such as gas electricity and water

through informal sources

Persistent migration from rural areas to a few large cities has serious implications for the level of

productivity the state of urban infrastructure and environmental conditions since with migrants

cities grow faster than the capacity of the economy to support them Whilst rapid and huge

growth of urban population exacerbates the growing degradation the inability to enforce basic

cannons of cost recovery in delivering basic amenities lack of coordination among different

service giving agencies and weak capacity and inadequate authority of the city corporations and

municipalities are the major causes of the environmental problem

Page 7: British rule in bengal

7

Amartya Sen has cast doubt on the idea that the rice shortage was due to a fall in production He

quotes official records for rice production in Bengal in the years leading up to 1943 as reported

in the table to the right[31]

According to Oacute Graacuteda he also argues that famine and democracy are

virtually incompatible[32]

The 1943 yield while low was not in itself outside the normal

spectrum of recorded variation and other factors beyond simple crop failure may thus be

invoked as a causal mechanism

Others have drawn attention to the quality of the data that Amartya Sen cites Mark Tauger has

drawn attention to the manner in which the statistics were gathered [33]

whilst Peter Bowbrick

has described them as wildly unreliable[34]

Year Rice production(in million of tons)

1938 8474

1939 7922

1940 8223

1941 6768

1942 9296

1943 7628

Indian Independence Movement

Bengal played a major role in the Indian independence movement in which revolutionary

groups such as Anushilan Samiti and Jugantar were dominant Bengalis also played a notable

role in the Indian independence movement Many of the early proponents of the freedom

struggle and subsequent leaders in movement were Bengalis such as Chittaranjan Das

Surendranath Banerjea Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose Prafulla Chaki Bagha Jatin Khudiram

Bose Surya Sen Binoy-Badal-Dinesh Sarojini Naidu Aurobindo Ghosh Rashbehari Bose and

many more Some of these leaders such as Netaji did not subscribe to the view that non-violent

civil disobedience was the only way to achieve Indian Independence and were instrumental in

armed resistance against the British force During the Second World War Netaji escaped to

Germany from house arrest in India and there he founded the Indian Legion an army to fight

against the British Government but the turning of the war compelled him to come to South-East

Asia and there he became the co-founder and leader of the Indian National Army (distinct from

the army of British India) that challenged British forces in several parts of India He was also the

head of state of a parallel regime named The Provisional Governmeent of Free India or Arzi

Hukumat-e-Azad Hind that was recognized and supported by the Axis powers Bengal was also

the fostering ground for several prominent revolutionary organisations the most notable of

which was Anushilan Samiti A large number of Bengalis were martyred in the freedom struggle

and many were exiled in Cellular Jail the much dreaded prison located in Andaman

8

History of the Indian National Congress

From its foundation on 28 December 1885 until the time of independence of India on August 15

1947 the Indian National Congress was the largest and most prominent Indian public

organization and central and defining influence of the Indian Independence Movement

Although initially and primarily a political body the Congress transformed itself into a national

vehicle for social reform and human upliftment The Congress was the strongest foundation and

defining influence of modern Indian nationalism

Founded upon the suggestion of British civil servant Allan Octavian Hume the Congress was

created to form a platform for civic and political dialogue of educated Indians with the British

Raj After the First War of Indian Independence and the transfer of India from the East India

Company to the British Empire it was the goal of the Raj to support and justify its governance

of India with the aid of English-educated Indians who would be familiar and friendly to British

culture and political thinking Ironically a few of the reasons the Congress grew and survived in

the era of undisputed British hegemony was through the patronage of British authorities Anglo-

Indians and a rising Indian educated classThe theory of safety valve has also been associated

with the birth of congress It says that congress provided a platform to Indians to bring out their

resentment vocally Its initial aim was to divert the minds of Indians from any sort of physical

violence

Hume embarked on an endeavor to get an organization started by reaching-out to selected

alumni of the University of Calcutta writing in his 1883 letter that Every nation secures

precisely as good a Government as it merits If you the picked men the most highly educated

of the nation cannot scorning personal ease and selfish objects make a resolute struggle to

secure greater freedom for yourselves and your country a more impartial administration a

larger share in the management of your own affairs then we your friends are wrong and our

adversaries right then are Lord Ripons noble aspirations for your good fruitless and

visionary then at present at any rate all hopes of progress are at an end and India truly

neither desires nor deserves any better Government than she enjoys[1]

In May 1885 Hume secured the Viceroys approval to create an Indian National Union which

would be affiliated with the government and act as a platform to voice Indian public opinion On

12 October 1885 Hume and a group of educated Indians also published An Appeal from the

People of India to the Electors of Great Britain and Ireland to ask British voters in 1885 British

general election to help support candidates sympathetic to Indian public opinion which included

opposition to the levying of taxes on India to finance the British Indian campaigns in

Afghanistan and support for legislative reform in India[2]

The appeal was a failure and was

interpreted by many Indians as a rude shock but a true realization that they had to fight their

battles alone[3]

On 28 December 1885 the Indian National Congress was founded at Gokuldas

Tejpal Sanskrit College in Bombay with 72 delegates in attendance Hume assumed office as

the General Secretary and Womesh Chandra Bonnerjee of Calcutta was elected President[2]

Besides Hume two additional British members (both Scottish civil servants) were members of

the founding group William Wedderburn and Justice (later Sir) John Jardine The other

members were mostly Hindus from the Bombay and Madras Presidencies[2]

9

Though there has been discussion over the fact that the congress was founded by a retired civil

servant and not by Indians GKGokhale with his characteristic modesty and political wisdom

stated this explicitly in 1913 No Indian could have started the Indian National Congressif an

Indian had come forward to start such a movement embracing all Indians the officials in India

would not have allowed the movement to come into existence If the founder of the Congress

had not been an Englishman and a distinguished ex-official such was the distrust of political

agitation in those days that the authorities would have at once found some way or the other to

suppress the movement

Reactions

Many Muslim community leaders like the prominent educationalist Syed Ahmed Khan viewed

the Congress negatively owing to its membership being dominated by Hindus The Orthodox

Hindu community and religious leaders were also averse seeing the Congress as supportive of

Western cultural invasion

The ordinary people of India were not informed or concerned of its existence on the whole for

the Congress never attempted to address the issues of poverty lack of health care social

oppression and the prejudiced negligence of the peoples concerns by British authorities The

perception of bodies like the Congress was that of an elitist then educated and wealthy peoples

institution

Rise of Indian nationalism

First session of Indian National Congress Bombay 28-31 December 1885

Lokmanya Tilak was the first to embrace Swaraj as the national goal The first spurts of

nationalistic sentiment that rose amongst Congress members were when the desire to be

represented in the bodies of government to have a say a vote in the lawmaking and issues of

administration of India Congressmen saw themselves as loyalists but wanted an active role in

governing their own country albeit as part of the Empire This trend was personified by

Dadabhai Naoroji considered by many as the eldest Indian statesman Naoroji went as far as

contesting successfully an election to the British House of Commons becoming its first Indian

member That he was aided in his campaign by young aspiring Indian student activists like

Muhammad Ali Jinnah describes where the imagination of the new Indian generation lay

Bal Gangadhar Tilak was the first Indian nationalist to embrace Swaraj as the destiny of the

nation Tilak deeply opposed the British education system that ignored and defamed Indias

culture history and values He resented the denial of freedom of expression for nationalists and

the lack of any voice or role for ordinary Indians in the affairs of their nation For these reasons

he considered Swaraj as the natural and only solution in the abandonment of all the British

things He was backed by rising public leaders like Bipin Chandra Pal and Lala Lajpat Rai who

held the same point of view Under them Indias three great states - Maharashtra Bengal and

Punjab region shaped the demand of the people and Indias nationalism

10

The moderates led by Gopal Krishna Gokhale Pherozeshah Mehta and Dadabhai Naoroji held

firm to calls for negotiations and political dialogue Gokhale criticized Tilak for encouraging

acts of violence and disorder But the Congress of 1906 did not have public membership and

thus Tilak and his supporters were forced to leave the party

But with Tilaks arrest all hopes for an Indian offensive were stalled The Congress lost credit

with the people while Muslims were alarmed with the rise of Tilaks Hindu nationalism and

formed the All India Muslim League in 1907 considering the Congress as completely unsuitable

for Indian Muslims

The Traditionalists

According to one approach the traditionalist point of view though not in a political sense was

represented in Congressmen like Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel Rajendra Prasad CRajagopalachari

Purushottam Das Tandon Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan and Maulana Azad who were also

associates and followers of Gandhi Their organizational strength achieved through leading the

clashes with the government was undisputed and proven when despite winning the 1939

election Bose resigned the Congress presidency because of the lack of confidence he enjoyed

amongst national leaders A year earlier in the 1938 election however Bose had been elected

with the support of Gandhi Differences arose in 1939 on whether Bose should have a second

term Jawaharlal Nehru who Gandhi had always preferred to Bose had had a second term

earlier Boses own differences centred on the place to be accorded to non-violent as against

revolutionary methods When he set up his Indian National Army in South-east Asia during the

Second World War he invoked Gandhis name and hailed him as the Father of The Nation It

would be wrong to suggest that the so-called traditionalist leaders looked merely to the ancient

heritage of Indian Asian or in the case of Maulana Azad and Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan

Islamic civilization for inspiration They believed along with educationists like Zakir Husain

and E W Aryanayakam that education should be imparted in a manner that enables the learners

also to be able to make things with their own hands and learn skills that would make them self-

supporting This method of education was also adopted in some areas in Egypt (See Reginald

Reynolds Beware of Africans) Zakir Husain was inspired by some European educationists and

was able with Gandhis support to dovetail this approach to the one favoured by the Basic

Education method introduced by the Indian freedom movement They believed that the

education system economy and social justice model for a future nation should be designed to

suit the specific local requirements While most were open to the benefits of Western influences

and the socio-economic egalitarianism of socialism they were opposed to being defined by

either model

11

Creation of Pakistan

As the independence movement throughout British-controlled India began in the late 19th

century gained momentum during the 20th century Bengali politicians played an active role in

Mohandas Gandhis Congress Party and Mohammad Ali Jinnahs Muslim League exposing the

opposing forces of ethnic and religious nationalism By exploiting the latter the British probably

intended to distract the independence movement for example by partitioning Bengal in 1905

along religious lines The split only lasted for seven years

At first the Muslim League sought only to ensure minority rights in the future nation In 1940

the Muslim League passed the Lahore Resolution which envisaged one or more Muslim

majority states in South Asia Non-negotiable was the inclusion of the Muslim parts of Punjab

and Bengal in these proposed states The stakes grew as a new Viceroy Lord Mountbatten of

Burma was appointed expressly for the purpose of effecting a graceful British exit Communal

violence in Noakhali and Calcutta sparked a surge in support for the Muslim League which won

a majority of Bengals Muslim seats in the 1946 election Accusations have been made that

Hindu and Muslim nationalist instigators were involved in the latter incident At the last moment

Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy and Sarat Chandra Bose came up with the idea of an independent

and unified Bengal state which was endorsed by Jinnah This idea was vetoed by the Indian

National Congress

British India was partitioned and the independent states of India and Pakistan were created in

1947 the region of Bengal was divided along religious lines The predominantly Muslim eastern

half of Bengal became the East Bengal (later renamed East Pakistan) state of Pakistan and the

predominantly Hindu western part became the Indian state of West Bengal

Pakistans history from 1947 to 1971 was marked by political instability and economic

difficulties In 1956 a constitution was at last adopted making the country an Islamic republic

within the Commonwealth The nascent democratic institutions foundered in the face of

military intervention in 1958 and the government imposed martial law between 1958 and 1962

and again between 1969 and 1971

Almost from the advent of independent Pakistan in 1947 frictions developed between East and

West Pakistan which were separated by more than 1000 miles of Indian territory East

Pakistanis felt exploited by the West Pakistan-dominated central government Linguistic

cultural and ethnic differences also contributed to the estrangement of East from West Pakistan

When Mohammad Ali Jinnah died in September 1948 Khwaja Nazimuddin became the

Governor General of Pakistan while Nurul Amin was appointed the Chief Minister of East

Bengal Nurul Amin continued as the Chief Minister of East Bengal until 2 April 1954 The

abolition of the Zamindari system in East Bengal (1950) and the Language Movement were two

most important events during his tenure

Indias independence from Great Britain in August 1947 resulted in the partition of British India

into India and Pakistan Pakistan was created out of the Muslim-majority provinces of British

India with no regard for geographical contiguity The resulting state was formed into two

physically separate wings with the territory of India intervening between the two The eastern

wing was created by the partition of the British province of Bengal and the principal language

spoken there was Bengali Although it was principally the language of those who fled India to

Pakistan the government of Pakistan decreed that Urdu would be the national language

12

Creation of Bangladesh

In the evening of March 25 1971 the Pakistan army attacked East Pakistan as the future

Bangladesh was then known The attack was an effort to put down East Pakistani protesters who

demanded that the national government recognize the right of the elected majority party the

Awami (Peoples) League to assume political office The attacks by the Pakistanis and

resistance by the Bangladeshis continued until December of that year with the Bangladeshis

seeing this as a war of independence and the government forces viewing it as a civil war

Throughout the year India provided support for the East Pakistani rebels and received a large

number of refugees Early in December Pakistans internal conflict assumed international

dimensions with the direct intervention of Indian troops The violence ended on December 16

when the Pakistani commander at the time General A K Niazi surrendered to General Jagjeet

Singh Arora commander of the Indian forces

The discontent of East Pakistanis in the united state of Pakistan had a long history before it

finally culminated in war The Muslim League government of Pakistan led by Muhammad Ali

Jinnah had long ignored East Bengal However during his only visit to the eastern province in

March 1948 Jinnah was confronted by Bengalis who demanded that their language be

recognized along with Urdu as a co-official language of Pakistan Jinnah stated that anyone who

opposed the status of Urdu as the official language of Pakistan was a traitor to the country This

angered the Bengali faction and in 1952 that anger gave rise to the language movement in

East Pakistan

After independence the Pakistani government was constituted according to the Government of

India Act (1935) as modified by the India Independence Act of 1947 both acts of the British

Parliament It was not until 1956 that a formal constitution was promulgated (India adopted its

own constitution in 1950) The constitution of 1956 changed the name of the eastern wing of the

country from East Bengal to East Pakistan and the four provinces of the west wing were

consolidated into West Pakistan The constitution also instituted the concept of parity between

the eastern and western regions This meant that representation in the National Assembly would

be equal from each province even though East Pakistan had about 54 percent of the total

population of Pakistan The Bengalis of East Pakistan viewed this as an affront

This shortchanging of representation in the National Assembly was also seen in the military

services There were very few officers from East Pakistan in a military overwhelmingly

dominated by West Pakistanis There was a similar disparity in representation within the civil

service Although a quota system was later instituted the disparity persisted at the higher levels

throughout the 1960s

In 1954 a major and violent strike occurred at the Adamjee Jute Mill in Narayanganj a suburb

of Dhaka In addition to disputes over pay and labor practices the East Pakistani workers felt

that the company was showing favoritism to Urdu-speaking Biharis in employment Bihari is a

general term applied to those Urduspeaking Muslims most of them from the Indian state of

Bihar who fled east at the time of partition but who never learned to speak Bengali In addition

the East Pakistani strikers were protesting the fact that the majority of East Pakistans

manufacturing and banking firms were owned by West Pakistanis among whom the Adamjee

family was prominent

13

The leading Muslim political party in Bengal prior to Pakistans independence had been the

Muslim League which dominated the Bengal Provincial Assembly At the time of

independence the sitting members of the Bengal Provincial Assembly chose their future

membership in either the assembly of West Bengal in India or the assembly of East Bengal in

Pakistan The Muslim League maintained control Although elections were held in each of the

provinces of the west wing as early as 1951 elections in East Bengal were delayed until 1954

The election when it was finally held resulted in an almost total rout of the Muslim League

which was looked upon locally as a proxy of the central government

The winning coalition in East Pakistan was comprised of the Awami League and the Krishak

Sramik (Farmers and Workers) Party The principal founder of the Awami League was Husain

Shahid Suhrawardy The Krishak Sramik Party was led by Fazlul Haq Haq had been a prime

minister of united Bengal (ie prior to independence) when his party was known as the Krishak

Praja (Farmers and Peoples) Party For the 1954 election the Awami League and the Krishak

Sramik Party joined forces as the United Front and ran for office on a platform called 21

Points Among the issues addressed by the coalition were the recognition of Bengali as an

official language of Pakistan autonomy for East Bengal in all matters except defense foreign

affairs and currency land reform improved irrigation nationalization of the jute industry and

other points that if enacted into law would give East Bengalis greater control of their own

governance

The demand that Bengali be recognized as an official language was an outgrowth of the

language movement of 1952 Since the early days of independence East Pakistanis had

demanded that Pakistan recognize two official languages Bengali (the most widely spoken

language) and Urdu An attempt by the central government to devise a means to write Bengali in

the Urdu script was met with widespread opposition and rioting mainly from academics and

university students On February 21 1952 in an attempt to suppress the violence the police

fired on a crowd of demonstrators and about twenty students were killed Today a monument

stands at the site of the killings and February 21 is celebrated annually as Martyrs Day

For its championing of this and other issues important to the majority of East Pakistanis the

Krishak SramikndashAwami League coalition won the 1954 election Eventually however the

Krishak Sramik Party withered away and the Awami League became the most important party

in the province It would become the leader of the independence movement and dominate

emerging Bangladeshi politics

In October 1958 General Muhammad Ayub Khan proclaimed himself president of Pakistan

following a military coup declared martial law and dissolved the National Assembly and the

provincial legislatures He then set up what he called Basic Democracy which he described as

a more representative government Elections at the local level would be direct and those elected

at this level would be designated Basic Democrats Elections for the provincial and national

assemblies and for the presidency would be indirect with the Basic Democrats serving as the

electoral college He retained the principle of parity however This meant that each province

was allocated an equal number of Basic Democrat electors so that East Pakistanis continued to

be underrepresented at the higher levels of government Not unexpectedly Ayub was elected

president in 1962 and reelected president in 1967 Although he won majorities in each wing in

each election his majority in the east wing in 1967 was dramatically less than in 1962

14

Nonetheless Ayubs power began to slip after his reelection to office as did his health

Opposition to his rule spread even in West Pakistan Ayub grew concerned about a growing

secessionist movement in East Pakistan The Awami League now headed by Sheik Mujibur

Rahman demanded that changes be made in regard to East Pakistan These changes were

embodied in Mujibs Six Points Plan which he presented at a meeting of opposition parties in

Lahore in 1966 In brief these Six Points called for

1 A federal and parliamentary government with free and fair elections

2 Federal government to control only foreign affairs and defense

3 A separate currency or separate fiscal accounts for each province to control

movement of capital from east to west

4 All power of taxation to reside at the provincial level with the federal government

subsisting on grants from the provinces

5 Enabling each federating unit to enter into foreign trade agreements on its own and

to retain control over the foreign exchange earned and

6 Allowing each unit to raise its own militia

If these points had been adopted it would have meant almost de facto independence for East

Pakistan Many observers saw point six a separate militia as the point most unacceptable to the

central government but they were wrong The 1965 Indo-Pakistan War had demonstrated the

lack of local defense forces in East Pakistan which would have left the province defenseless had

India attacked there In fact it was point four regarding taxation that proved to be the problem

because the enactment of this point would make it all but impossible for a central government to

operate

In 1968 in response to the Six Points Plan the Ayub government charged Mujib and his

supporters with treason This later became known as the Agartala Conspiracy Case so-called as

it was alleged that Mujib had met with Indian agents in Agartala the capital of the Indian state

of Tripura which borders on Bangladesh Mujib and the Awami League denied that any such

meeting had ever taken place In early 1969 as hostility to Ayub increased in both East and

West Pakistan he invited opposition leaders to meet with him Mujib having been jailed

awaiting his trial for treason was not invited to this meeting The opposition leaders refused to

come to the meeting unless the charges against Mujib were withdrawn and demanded that he

too be invited to attend Ayub complied with these demands The meeting which Ayub hoped

would work to his advantage instead strengthened the oppositions position which called for the

end of the policy of Basic Democracy and the return to direct parliamentary elections

The opposition movement expanded beyond the political sphere to the military and Ayub was

forced to resign on March 25 1969 He was replaced by General Agha Muhammad Yahya

Khan who promised to reinstate direct elections These were held in December 1970 in most of

the country but flooding in East Pakistan forced a few constituencies to delay their elections

until January 1971 In addition to reinstating free and direct elections Yahya also acted to

restore the former provinces of West Pakistan which had been united into a single unit by the

1956 constitution More important for East Pakistan he ended the principle of parity In the

1970 election for the National Assembly East Pakistan would have 162 general seats out of a

total of 300 reflecting the 54 percent majority that Bengalis enjoyed according to the 1961

population census

15

Yahya also introduced legislation that in his view would limit the changes that could be made

to the constitution by the National Assembly This legislation called the Legal Framework

Order touched upon seven points

1 That Pakistan would be a federated state

2 Islamic principles would be paramount

3 Direct and regular elections would be held

4 Fundamental rights would be guaranteed

5 The judiciary would be independent

6 Maximum provincial autonomy would be allowed but the federal government

shall also have adequate powers including legislative administrative and financial

powers to discharge its responsibilities and

7 Economic disparities among provinces would be removed

The result of the election in East Pakistan startled outside observers and even took some

supporters of the Awami League by surprise The party won 160 of the 162 seats in East

Pakistan thereby gaining a majority in the National Assembly without winning a single seat in

West Pakistan which had thrown its support behind the Pakistan Peoples Party led by Zulfiqar

Ali Bhutto Neither Yahya nor his military associates nor Bhutto looked favorably on a

government comprised solely of the Awami League and headed by the author of the Six Points

Plan Yahya began a series of negotiations perhaps in the hope of creating a coalition

government but more in an effort to sideline Mujib As the talks became more rancorous and

compromise seemed impossible the Pakistani government began to increase the strength of its

rather small contingent of military forces stationed in East Pakistan

Yahya negotiated with Bhutto and Mujib the former declaring that there were two majorities

in Pakistan and the latter insisting on the full enactment of the Six Points even where these

were at variance with Yahyas Legal Framework Order (ie on the issues of taxation)

Demonstrations supporting the Awami Leagues position spread across East Pakistan Violence

began to look more attractive than political activism as a means of protecting East Pakistans

interests By this time the term Bangladeshi was widely adopted by the Awami League and its

supporters to replace the designation East Pakistani

The army struck back on March 25 1971 Its first move was to attack the faculty and students at

Dhaka University and to take Mujib into custody By one estimate up to 35000 Bangladeshis

were killed at the university and elsewhere on the first few days Mujib was transported to jail in

West Pakistan (There were fears that he would be executed but these later proved unfounded

when he was released at the end of the conflict) A number of Mujibs associates fled first to a

village on the border with India then to Calcutta Major Ziaur Rahman who would later become

president of independent Bangladesh issued a declaration of independence

Bangladeshi police and border patrol forces organized a resistance force to oppose the Pakistani

army and they were later joined by several civilians many of whom had been university

students It was however almost nine months before India intervened triggering the December

16 1971 surrender of the Pakistani army India intervened both for strategic reasons (as

weakening Pakistan) and for humanitarian reasons to alleviate the suffering of Bangladeshis

16

Pakistan complained about Indias invasion of its sovereign territory to the UN Security Council

in early December In an often emotional speech Bhutto argued with reason that this

intervention was a violation of international law The Security Council agreed but the question

soon became moot with the surrender of the Pakistani troops in Bangladesh

The number of Bangladeshis killed disabled raped or displaced by the violence of 1971 is not

fully known Estimates by Bangladeshi sources put the number killed at up to three million and

it is estimated that as many as ten million may have fled to India Initially the Pakistani army

targeted educators students political leaders and others who were generally considered to be

prominent sympathizers of the Awami League As the Bangladeshis formed military units

however these units also became the targets Some of these units were formed by Bangladeshis

who had formerly served in the Pakistani army others were recruited from the police and the

East Pakistan (now Bangladesh) Rifles a border security force These units based in rural and

outlying areas of Bangladesh were able to take advantage of the Pakistani armys initial focus

on the student-led demonstrations in the Dhaka region Survivor accounts such as that by

Jahanara Imam suggest that much of the killing soon devolved into little more than

indiscriminate slaughter

The Pakistani surrender and the termination of conflict left several unsettled questions Many

Bangladeshismdashmostly civil servants or military troops and their familiesmdashwere still detained in

Pakistan In Bangladesh there were non-Bengalismdashagain mostly civil servants or military

troops but also some business owners and professionalsmdashwho wished repatriation to Pakistan

In addition the fate of de facto prisoners of war held by Bangladesh and Pakistani prisoners of

war held by India had yet to be decided Bangladesh wanted to place 195 Pakistani military

personnel on trial for war crimes and genocide On August 9 1975 a tripartite agreement

between Bangladesh India and Pakistan was reached to create a panel that would attempt to

settle these issues Bangladesh also agreed to drop all charges against the 195 Pakistanis accused

of war crimes and to permit their repatriation to Pakistan

In the end and at great cost Bangladesh achieved its independence Slowly the two countries

were able to establish diplomatic relations Pakistan recognized Bangladesh as independent on

February 22 1974 primarily at the urging of the Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC)

which was meeting in Lahore at that time The OIC insisted that Bangladesh a Muslim state be

permitted to attend the conference Bangladeshis however remained unsatisfied They wanted

an apology from the Pakistanis for the excesses committed during the war They received one

finally from the Pakistani president Pervez Musharraf when he visited Bangladesh in July

2002

17

Age-Sex Structure of the Population

A populations age-sex structure is the number andor proportion of the population to be found in

each age-sex group If each population could be got together for a day and lined up in their age

groups - females at one end males at the other a plane flying overhead would look down on a

certain shape

There are many different ways to graphically present population data The most important

demographic characteristic of a population is its age-sex structure and the use of an age-sex

pyramid also known as a population pyramid is considered the best way to graphically

illustrate the age and sex distribution of a given population

An age-sex pyramid consists of two horizontal histograms joined together It displays the

percentage or actual amount of a population broken down by gender and age The five-year age

increments on the y-axis allow the pyramid to vividly reflect both long-term trends in the birth

and death rates and shorter-term baby-booms wars and epidemics

The fertility rate of a population is the single most important influence on the shape of a

population pyramid The more children per parent the broader will be the base of the pyramid

The median age of the population will also be younger While mortality will also have an

influence on the shape it will be far less important an influence than fertility but somewhat

more complex One would assume that lower mortality rates in a population would result in an

older age distribution However just the opposite is true a population with lower mortality rates

will display a slightly younger age distribution This is due to the fact that any disparities in the

mortality rates of a population are more likely a result of variations within the younger age

groups usually infants and children

There are generally three types of population pyramids created from age-sex distributions

expansive constrictive and stationary Examples of these three types of population pyramids

appear at the end of this report Definitions of the three types follow

1 Expansive population pyramids show larger numbers or percentages of the population in

the younger age groups usually with each age group smaller in size or proportion than

the one born before it These types of pyramids are usually found in populations with

very large fertility rates and lower than average life expectancies The age-sex

distributions of Latin American and many Third World countries would probably display

expansive population pyramids

The following figure is an example of such an age-sex pyramid This pyramid of the

Philippines shows a triangle-shaped pyramid and reflects a high growth rate of about 21

percent annually

18

2 Constrictive population pyramids display lower numbers or percentages of younger

people The age-sex distributions of the United States fall into this type of pyramid

In the United States the population is growing at a rate of about 17 percent annually

This growth rate is reflected in the more square-like structure of the pyramid Note the

lump in the pyramid between the ages of about 35 to 50 This large segment of the

population is the post-World War II baby boom As this population ages and climbs up

the pyramid there will be a much greater demand for medical and other geriatric

services

3 Stationary or near-stationary population pyramids display somewhat equal numbers or

percentages for almost all age groups Of course smaller figures are still to be expected

at the oldest age groups The age-sex distributions of some European countries

especially Scandinavian ones will tend to fall into this category

Germany is experiencing a period of negative growth (-01) As negative growth in a

country continues the population is reduced A population can shrink due to a low birth

rate and a stable death rate Increased emigration may also contribute to a declining

population

19

Bangladesh

Age

Age structure

0ndash14 years 329 (male 24957997female 23533894)

15ndash64 years 636 (male 47862774female 45917674)

65 years and over 35 (male 2731578female 2361435) (2006 est)

Median age 233 years

Male 229 years

Female 235 (2009 est)

Gender ratio

At birth 104 male(s)female

Under 15 years 101 male(s)female

15ndash64 years 09 male(s)female

65 years and over 094 male(s)female

Total population 093 male(s)female (2009 est)

Bangladesh Population Pyramid for 1995

Age and sex distribution for the year 1995

20

Bangladesh Population Pyramid for 2010

A Definition of Migration

The definition of the word can be the movement of people from one place to another There

are two main types of migration first internal migration ie migration within one country and

secondly international migration which means the movement from one country to another A

good example of internal migration is the movement from East Germany to West Germany

which causes big problems for East Germany A good example of international migration is the

movement from third-world countries to Europe or America The next question is What makes

people migrate from one place to another

The reasons for migration can be divided into two main aspects the so-called push and pull

factors

Push factors are those in their old place which force people to move For example there may be

civil wars or wars in general in the country but political or religious oppression climate

changes lack of jobs or simply poverty are all important push factors

Pull factors are factors in the target country which encourage people to move these include

peace and safety a chance of a better job better education social security a better standard of

living in general as well as political and religious freedom

Calculation

MIGRATION = M

)()( 12 DBPPM

M=Total Migrations

Population Initial1 P

Population Final2 P

B=Total birth during the time period

D=Total Death

21

Pattern of rural urban migration in Bangladesh

Migration Rural-Urban Migration is a flexible and dynamic phenomenon that encompasses

territorial mobility of the people and involves movements like commuting absence from home

place for periods from a couple of days to several years seasonal migration and permanent

relocation Although diversified in forms it involves a certain degree of commitment on the part

of migrants to the place of origin and of destination This shows whether the migration is of

permanent or non-permanent nature Non-permanent forms of migration are now becoming

increasingly important given the massive improvement in the transportation networks and in the

information technology Migration is one of the vital forces that contribute to rapid urbanization

generally associated with higher levels of productivity and development

Migration also plays an important role by linking people with spaces and transferring people

from places of lower opportunities to those of higher opportunities and a subsequent transfer of

resources Bangladesh is one of the few countries where remittances from temporary migrants

working abroad contribute nearly 10 to the GDP and finance a substantial proportion of trade

deficit For rural areas remittances constitute a form of income which not only helps in

sustenance of families but also cushions against income erosion a recurrent threat faced by poor

households

In the 90 years between 1901 and 1991 the urban POPULATION of the country increased almost

30 times (from 702000 to 2156 million) as opposed to only about a three-fold increase (307 to

883 million) of the rural population The urban population grew at an annual rate of 1 - 2

during the British period (1757-1947) and about 4 during the Pakistan period (1947-1971)

The relatively low rate of urbanization during the British period can be explained by the slow

pace of industrialization With the growth of JUTE and TEXTILES industries mainly in Dhaka and

its surrounding areas urbanization accelerated during 1951-1961 The rate of urbanization

increased sharply after liberation of Bangladesh This was associated with spread of economic

and commercial activities in the urban centers The number of urban centers rose dramatically

from 78 in 1961 to 198 in 1974 and 522 in 1991

Before 1974 there was no city in Bangladesh that had a population of one million or more but

now DHAKA emerged as a mega city with a population of around 10 million Distribution of the

urban population over the years reveals significant increases in the size of four major cities

(Dhaka Chittagong Rajshahi and Khulna) particularly in recent years In the first half of this

century they contained around a third of the total urban population and in 1991 about 50 of

them lived in these cities The level of urbanization raised from a very low base (76) in 1970

to 20 in the 1990s The annual growth rate of urban population in Bangladesh during 1975-

1995 was 34 which is higher than that in the neighboring countries and in other largely

populated countries of Asia

The rural-urban migration along with reclassification contributes nearly 60 to the urban

growth Rural-urban migration occurs in a particular type of setting marked by limited industrial

but rapid commerce-centered growth around major cities especially after the liberation

Empirical evidence suggests that the development of road infrastructure and transportation and

the rapid expansion of manufacturing trade hotel and restaurants and housing and construction

generated demand for unskilled and semi-skilled labor in these cities This had dramatically

increased migration for job-related reasons Also the unequal land relations and loss of land due

to natural calamities influence the spatial movement of population Available statistics suggest

that top 10 of the rural households controlled 51 of land and had a share of 32 of the total

income The share of the bottom 40 of the households was 2 and 16 of land and income

respectively Subsequently three-quarters of rural out-migration occurred from landless

22

households However there had been many cases of migration from the landowning households

the members of which migrated to maximize income from diversified sources and the migration

remained largely non-permanent in nature

Most male migrants from rural areas were agricultural laborers at their original places Rural-

urban migration also takes place from the districts that had better performing agricultural sector

and this is particularly witnessed in the case of migration to Dhaka city A great deal of

population mobility results from survival and adaptive strategies to maximize family income by

allocating their labor in diversified income earning activities to a number of locations Migration

of independent women has been on rise since middle of 1980s as a result of establishment of

export oriented garment manufacturing factories in Dhaka and Chittagong In the 1970s

educational selectivity and population density played an important role in the process of rural-

urban migration Micro-level surveys show bi-polar pattern of educational selectivity suggesting

that both the highly educated and illiterate sections of people have a great propensity to migrate

as both groups undertake equal risks in this regard

Along with education other characteristics of migrants such as age gender marital status roles

and responsibilities assumed in the family and resource endowment (particularly landholding)

play an important role in migration motivation Role of social networks as sources of

information prior to migration and other aids and assistance at the place of destination emerged

as a pre-condition for migration Similarly rapid expansion of the rural non-farm activities and

greater value addition in these activities in urban sector fail to support the thesis that high

population density determines the migratory flows in Bangladesh Migration is rather induced by

jobs available in a particular area and the laws that regulate employment there the threat of

income erosion level of development of physical and infrastructural facilities and

mechanization of agriculture

Rural-urban migration often leads to a broad range of consequences both beneficial and

detrimental and also mixed in the receiving and sending communities In terms of employment

and cash earnings existing evidence weighs heavily in favour of migration The flow of

remittances contributes significantly to the welfare of the relatives left behind by the temporary

migrants in rural areas The migrants now residing in the slums of the Dhaka city tend to spend

increasingly more of their earnings in nutritious food and childrens education

Yet school enrollment of slum children (6-14 years) is much lower (around 35) than their age

cohorts from rural landless households (nearly 50) Similarly infant mortality rate in the urban

slums is comparable with rural areas In the absence of government intervention and adequate

NGO support to improve basic social services and human resources development in urban areas

the urban poor especially poor women are more susceptible to health and environmental

hazards than their non-poor counterparts Poor migrant households also face potential threat of

income-erosion arising out of eviction extortion by musclemen frequent sickness and sexual

harassment of women However contrary to the conventional wisdom migrants living in urban

poor agglomerations do manage access to urban amenities such as gas electricity and water

through informal sources

Persistent migration from rural areas to a few large cities has serious implications for the level of

productivity the state of urban infrastructure and environmental conditions since with migrants

cities grow faster than the capacity of the economy to support them Whilst rapid and huge

growth of urban population exacerbates the growing degradation the inability to enforce basic

cannons of cost recovery in delivering basic amenities lack of coordination among different

service giving agencies and weak capacity and inadequate authority of the city corporations and

municipalities are the major causes of the environmental problem

Page 8: British rule in bengal

8

History of the Indian National Congress

From its foundation on 28 December 1885 until the time of independence of India on August 15

1947 the Indian National Congress was the largest and most prominent Indian public

organization and central and defining influence of the Indian Independence Movement

Although initially and primarily a political body the Congress transformed itself into a national

vehicle for social reform and human upliftment The Congress was the strongest foundation and

defining influence of modern Indian nationalism

Founded upon the suggestion of British civil servant Allan Octavian Hume the Congress was

created to form a platform for civic and political dialogue of educated Indians with the British

Raj After the First War of Indian Independence and the transfer of India from the East India

Company to the British Empire it was the goal of the Raj to support and justify its governance

of India with the aid of English-educated Indians who would be familiar and friendly to British

culture and political thinking Ironically a few of the reasons the Congress grew and survived in

the era of undisputed British hegemony was through the patronage of British authorities Anglo-

Indians and a rising Indian educated classThe theory of safety valve has also been associated

with the birth of congress It says that congress provided a platform to Indians to bring out their

resentment vocally Its initial aim was to divert the minds of Indians from any sort of physical

violence

Hume embarked on an endeavor to get an organization started by reaching-out to selected

alumni of the University of Calcutta writing in his 1883 letter that Every nation secures

precisely as good a Government as it merits If you the picked men the most highly educated

of the nation cannot scorning personal ease and selfish objects make a resolute struggle to

secure greater freedom for yourselves and your country a more impartial administration a

larger share in the management of your own affairs then we your friends are wrong and our

adversaries right then are Lord Ripons noble aspirations for your good fruitless and

visionary then at present at any rate all hopes of progress are at an end and India truly

neither desires nor deserves any better Government than she enjoys[1]

In May 1885 Hume secured the Viceroys approval to create an Indian National Union which

would be affiliated with the government and act as a platform to voice Indian public opinion On

12 October 1885 Hume and a group of educated Indians also published An Appeal from the

People of India to the Electors of Great Britain and Ireland to ask British voters in 1885 British

general election to help support candidates sympathetic to Indian public opinion which included

opposition to the levying of taxes on India to finance the British Indian campaigns in

Afghanistan and support for legislative reform in India[2]

The appeal was a failure and was

interpreted by many Indians as a rude shock but a true realization that they had to fight their

battles alone[3]

On 28 December 1885 the Indian National Congress was founded at Gokuldas

Tejpal Sanskrit College in Bombay with 72 delegates in attendance Hume assumed office as

the General Secretary and Womesh Chandra Bonnerjee of Calcutta was elected President[2]

Besides Hume two additional British members (both Scottish civil servants) were members of

the founding group William Wedderburn and Justice (later Sir) John Jardine The other

members were mostly Hindus from the Bombay and Madras Presidencies[2]

9

Though there has been discussion over the fact that the congress was founded by a retired civil

servant and not by Indians GKGokhale with his characteristic modesty and political wisdom

stated this explicitly in 1913 No Indian could have started the Indian National Congressif an

Indian had come forward to start such a movement embracing all Indians the officials in India

would not have allowed the movement to come into existence If the founder of the Congress

had not been an Englishman and a distinguished ex-official such was the distrust of political

agitation in those days that the authorities would have at once found some way or the other to

suppress the movement

Reactions

Many Muslim community leaders like the prominent educationalist Syed Ahmed Khan viewed

the Congress negatively owing to its membership being dominated by Hindus The Orthodox

Hindu community and religious leaders were also averse seeing the Congress as supportive of

Western cultural invasion

The ordinary people of India were not informed or concerned of its existence on the whole for

the Congress never attempted to address the issues of poverty lack of health care social

oppression and the prejudiced negligence of the peoples concerns by British authorities The

perception of bodies like the Congress was that of an elitist then educated and wealthy peoples

institution

Rise of Indian nationalism

First session of Indian National Congress Bombay 28-31 December 1885

Lokmanya Tilak was the first to embrace Swaraj as the national goal The first spurts of

nationalistic sentiment that rose amongst Congress members were when the desire to be

represented in the bodies of government to have a say a vote in the lawmaking and issues of

administration of India Congressmen saw themselves as loyalists but wanted an active role in

governing their own country albeit as part of the Empire This trend was personified by

Dadabhai Naoroji considered by many as the eldest Indian statesman Naoroji went as far as

contesting successfully an election to the British House of Commons becoming its first Indian

member That he was aided in his campaign by young aspiring Indian student activists like

Muhammad Ali Jinnah describes where the imagination of the new Indian generation lay

Bal Gangadhar Tilak was the first Indian nationalist to embrace Swaraj as the destiny of the

nation Tilak deeply opposed the British education system that ignored and defamed Indias

culture history and values He resented the denial of freedom of expression for nationalists and

the lack of any voice or role for ordinary Indians in the affairs of their nation For these reasons

he considered Swaraj as the natural and only solution in the abandonment of all the British

things He was backed by rising public leaders like Bipin Chandra Pal and Lala Lajpat Rai who

held the same point of view Under them Indias three great states - Maharashtra Bengal and

Punjab region shaped the demand of the people and Indias nationalism

10

The moderates led by Gopal Krishna Gokhale Pherozeshah Mehta and Dadabhai Naoroji held

firm to calls for negotiations and political dialogue Gokhale criticized Tilak for encouraging

acts of violence and disorder But the Congress of 1906 did not have public membership and

thus Tilak and his supporters were forced to leave the party

But with Tilaks arrest all hopes for an Indian offensive were stalled The Congress lost credit

with the people while Muslims were alarmed with the rise of Tilaks Hindu nationalism and

formed the All India Muslim League in 1907 considering the Congress as completely unsuitable

for Indian Muslims

The Traditionalists

According to one approach the traditionalist point of view though not in a political sense was

represented in Congressmen like Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel Rajendra Prasad CRajagopalachari

Purushottam Das Tandon Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan and Maulana Azad who were also

associates and followers of Gandhi Their organizational strength achieved through leading the

clashes with the government was undisputed and proven when despite winning the 1939

election Bose resigned the Congress presidency because of the lack of confidence he enjoyed

amongst national leaders A year earlier in the 1938 election however Bose had been elected

with the support of Gandhi Differences arose in 1939 on whether Bose should have a second

term Jawaharlal Nehru who Gandhi had always preferred to Bose had had a second term

earlier Boses own differences centred on the place to be accorded to non-violent as against

revolutionary methods When he set up his Indian National Army in South-east Asia during the

Second World War he invoked Gandhis name and hailed him as the Father of The Nation It

would be wrong to suggest that the so-called traditionalist leaders looked merely to the ancient

heritage of Indian Asian or in the case of Maulana Azad and Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan

Islamic civilization for inspiration They believed along with educationists like Zakir Husain

and E W Aryanayakam that education should be imparted in a manner that enables the learners

also to be able to make things with their own hands and learn skills that would make them self-

supporting This method of education was also adopted in some areas in Egypt (See Reginald

Reynolds Beware of Africans) Zakir Husain was inspired by some European educationists and

was able with Gandhis support to dovetail this approach to the one favoured by the Basic

Education method introduced by the Indian freedom movement They believed that the

education system economy and social justice model for a future nation should be designed to

suit the specific local requirements While most were open to the benefits of Western influences

and the socio-economic egalitarianism of socialism they were opposed to being defined by

either model

11

Creation of Pakistan

As the independence movement throughout British-controlled India began in the late 19th

century gained momentum during the 20th century Bengali politicians played an active role in

Mohandas Gandhis Congress Party and Mohammad Ali Jinnahs Muslim League exposing the

opposing forces of ethnic and religious nationalism By exploiting the latter the British probably

intended to distract the independence movement for example by partitioning Bengal in 1905

along religious lines The split only lasted for seven years

At first the Muslim League sought only to ensure minority rights in the future nation In 1940

the Muslim League passed the Lahore Resolution which envisaged one or more Muslim

majority states in South Asia Non-negotiable was the inclusion of the Muslim parts of Punjab

and Bengal in these proposed states The stakes grew as a new Viceroy Lord Mountbatten of

Burma was appointed expressly for the purpose of effecting a graceful British exit Communal

violence in Noakhali and Calcutta sparked a surge in support for the Muslim League which won

a majority of Bengals Muslim seats in the 1946 election Accusations have been made that

Hindu and Muslim nationalist instigators were involved in the latter incident At the last moment

Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy and Sarat Chandra Bose came up with the idea of an independent

and unified Bengal state which was endorsed by Jinnah This idea was vetoed by the Indian

National Congress

British India was partitioned and the independent states of India and Pakistan were created in

1947 the region of Bengal was divided along religious lines The predominantly Muslim eastern

half of Bengal became the East Bengal (later renamed East Pakistan) state of Pakistan and the

predominantly Hindu western part became the Indian state of West Bengal

Pakistans history from 1947 to 1971 was marked by political instability and economic

difficulties In 1956 a constitution was at last adopted making the country an Islamic republic

within the Commonwealth The nascent democratic institutions foundered in the face of

military intervention in 1958 and the government imposed martial law between 1958 and 1962

and again between 1969 and 1971

Almost from the advent of independent Pakistan in 1947 frictions developed between East and

West Pakistan which were separated by more than 1000 miles of Indian territory East

Pakistanis felt exploited by the West Pakistan-dominated central government Linguistic

cultural and ethnic differences also contributed to the estrangement of East from West Pakistan

When Mohammad Ali Jinnah died in September 1948 Khwaja Nazimuddin became the

Governor General of Pakistan while Nurul Amin was appointed the Chief Minister of East

Bengal Nurul Amin continued as the Chief Minister of East Bengal until 2 April 1954 The

abolition of the Zamindari system in East Bengal (1950) and the Language Movement were two

most important events during his tenure

Indias independence from Great Britain in August 1947 resulted in the partition of British India

into India and Pakistan Pakistan was created out of the Muslim-majority provinces of British

India with no regard for geographical contiguity The resulting state was formed into two

physically separate wings with the territory of India intervening between the two The eastern

wing was created by the partition of the British province of Bengal and the principal language

spoken there was Bengali Although it was principally the language of those who fled India to

Pakistan the government of Pakistan decreed that Urdu would be the national language

12

Creation of Bangladesh

In the evening of March 25 1971 the Pakistan army attacked East Pakistan as the future

Bangladesh was then known The attack was an effort to put down East Pakistani protesters who

demanded that the national government recognize the right of the elected majority party the

Awami (Peoples) League to assume political office The attacks by the Pakistanis and

resistance by the Bangladeshis continued until December of that year with the Bangladeshis

seeing this as a war of independence and the government forces viewing it as a civil war

Throughout the year India provided support for the East Pakistani rebels and received a large

number of refugees Early in December Pakistans internal conflict assumed international

dimensions with the direct intervention of Indian troops The violence ended on December 16

when the Pakistani commander at the time General A K Niazi surrendered to General Jagjeet

Singh Arora commander of the Indian forces

The discontent of East Pakistanis in the united state of Pakistan had a long history before it

finally culminated in war The Muslim League government of Pakistan led by Muhammad Ali

Jinnah had long ignored East Bengal However during his only visit to the eastern province in

March 1948 Jinnah was confronted by Bengalis who demanded that their language be

recognized along with Urdu as a co-official language of Pakistan Jinnah stated that anyone who

opposed the status of Urdu as the official language of Pakistan was a traitor to the country This

angered the Bengali faction and in 1952 that anger gave rise to the language movement in

East Pakistan

After independence the Pakistani government was constituted according to the Government of

India Act (1935) as modified by the India Independence Act of 1947 both acts of the British

Parliament It was not until 1956 that a formal constitution was promulgated (India adopted its

own constitution in 1950) The constitution of 1956 changed the name of the eastern wing of the

country from East Bengal to East Pakistan and the four provinces of the west wing were

consolidated into West Pakistan The constitution also instituted the concept of parity between

the eastern and western regions This meant that representation in the National Assembly would

be equal from each province even though East Pakistan had about 54 percent of the total

population of Pakistan The Bengalis of East Pakistan viewed this as an affront

This shortchanging of representation in the National Assembly was also seen in the military

services There were very few officers from East Pakistan in a military overwhelmingly

dominated by West Pakistanis There was a similar disparity in representation within the civil

service Although a quota system was later instituted the disparity persisted at the higher levels

throughout the 1960s

In 1954 a major and violent strike occurred at the Adamjee Jute Mill in Narayanganj a suburb

of Dhaka In addition to disputes over pay and labor practices the East Pakistani workers felt

that the company was showing favoritism to Urdu-speaking Biharis in employment Bihari is a

general term applied to those Urduspeaking Muslims most of them from the Indian state of

Bihar who fled east at the time of partition but who never learned to speak Bengali In addition

the East Pakistani strikers were protesting the fact that the majority of East Pakistans

manufacturing and banking firms were owned by West Pakistanis among whom the Adamjee

family was prominent

13

The leading Muslim political party in Bengal prior to Pakistans independence had been the

Muslim League which dominated the Bengal Provincial Assembly At the time of

independence the sitting members of the Bengal Provincial Assembly chose their future

membership in either the assembly of West Bengal in India or the assembly of East Bengal in

Pakistan The Muslim League maintained control Although elections were held in each of the

provinces of the west wing as early as 1951 elections in East Bengal were delayed until 1954

The election when it was finally held resulted in an almost total rout of the Muslim League

which was looked upon locally as a proxy of the central government

The winning coalition in East Pakistan was comprised of the Awami League and the Krishak

Sramik (Farmers and Workers) Party The principal founder of the Awami League was Husain

Shahid Suhrawardy The Krishak Sramik Party was led by Fazlul Haq Haq had been a prime

minister of united Bengal (ie prior to independence) when his party was known as the Krishak

Praja (Farmers and Peoples) Party For the 1954 election the Awami League and the Krishak

Sramik Party joined forces as the United Front and ran for office on a platform called 21

Points Among the issues addressed by the coalition were the recognition of Bengali as an

official language of Pakistan autonomy for East Bengal in all matters except defense foreign

affairs and currency land reform improved irrigation nationalization of the jute industry and

other points that if enacted into law would give East Bengalis greater control of their own

governance

The demand that Bengali be recognized as an official language was an outgrowth of the

language movement of 1952 Since the early days of independence East Pakistanis had

demanded that Pakistan recognize two official languages Bengali (the most widely spoken

language) and Urdu An attempt by the central government to devise a means to write Bengali in

the Urdu script was met with widespread opposition and rioting mainly from academics and

university students On February 21 1952 in an attempt to suppress the violence the police

fired on a crowd of demonstrators and about twenty students were killed Today a monument

stands at the site of the killings and February 21 is celebrated annually as Martyrs Day

For its championing of this and other issues important to the majority of East Pakistanis the

Krishak SramikndashAwami League coalition won the 1954 election Eventually however the

Krishak Sramik Party withered away and the Awami League became the most important party

in the province It would become the leader of the independence movement and dominate

emerging Bangladeshi politics

In October 1958 General Muhammad Ayub Khan proclaimed himself president of Pakistan

following a military coup declared martial law and dissolved the National Assembly and the

provincial legislatures He then set up what he called Basic Democracy which he described as

a more representative government Elections at the local level would be direct and those elected

at this level would be designated Basic Democrats Elections for the provincial and national

assemblies and for the presidency would be indirect with the Basic Democrats serving as the

electoral college He retained the principle of parity however This meant that each province

was allocated an equal number of Basic Democrat electors so that East Pakistanis continued to

be underrepresented at the higher levels of government Not unexpectedly Ayub was elected

president in 1962 and reelected president in 1967 Although he won majorities in each wing in

each election his majority in the east wing in 1967 was dramatically less than in 1962

14

Nonetheless Ayubs power began to slip after his reelection to office as did his health

Opposition to his rule spread even in West Pakistan Ayub grew concerned about a growing

secessionist movement in East Pakistan The Awami League now headed by Sheik Mujibur

Rahman demanded that changes be made in regard to East Pakistan These changes were

embodied in Mujibs Six Points Plan which he presented at a meeting of opposition parties in

Lahore in 1966 In brief these Six Points called for

1 A federal and parliamentary government with free and fair elections

2 Federal government to control only foreign affairs and defense

3 A separate currency or separate fiscal accounts for each province to control

movement of capital from east to west

4 All power of taxation to reside at the provincial level with the federal government

subsisting on grants from the provinces

5 Enabling each federating unit to enter into foreign trade agreements on its own and

to retain control over the foreign exchange earned and

6 Allowing each unit to raise its own militia

If these points had been adopted it would have meant almost de facto independence for East

Pakistan Many observers saw point six a separate militia as the point most unacceptable to the

central government but they were wrong The 1965 Indo-Pakistan War had demonstrated the

lack of local defense forces in East Pakistan which would have left the province defenseless had

India attacked there In fact it was point four regarding taxation that proved to be the problem

because the enactment of this point would make it all but impossible for a central government to

operate

In 1968 in response to the Six Points Plan the Ayub government charged Mujib and his

supporters with treason This later became known as the Agartala Conspiracy Case so-called as

it was alleged that Mujib had met with Indian agents in Agartala the capital of the Indian state

of Tripura which borders on Bangladesh Mujib and the Awami League denied that any such

meeting had ever taken place In early 1969 as hostility to Ayub increased in both East and

West Pakistan he invited opposition leaders to meet with him Mujib having been jailed

awaiting his trial for treason was not invited to this meeting The opposition leaders refused to

come to the meeting unless the charges against Mujib were withdrawn and demanded that he

too be invited to attend Ayub complied with these demands The meeting which Ayub hoped

would work to his advantage instead strengthened the oppositions position which called for the

end of the policy of Basic Democracy and the return to direct parliamentary elections

The opposition movement expanded beyond the political sphere to the military and Ayub was

forced to resign on March 25 1969 He was replaced by General Agha Muhammad Yahya

Khan who promised to reinstate direct elections These were held in December 1970 in most of

the country but flooding in East Pakistan forced a few constituencies to delay their elections

until January 1971 In addition to reinstating free and direct elections Yahya also acted to

restore the former provinces of West Pakistan which had been united into a single unit by the

1956 constitution More important for East Pakistan he ended the principle of parity In the

1970 election for the National Assembly East Pakistan would have 162 general seats out of a

total of 300 reflecting the 54 percent majority that Bengalis enjoyed according to the 1961

population census

15

Yahya also introduced legislation that in his view would limit the changes that could be made

to the constitution by the National Assembly This legislation called the Legal Framework

Order touched upon seven points

1 That Pakistan would be a federated state

2 Islamic principles would be paramount

3 Direct and regular elections would be held

4 Fundamental rights would be guaranteed

5 The judiciary would be independent

6 Maximum provincial autonomy would be allowed but the federal government

shall also have adequate powers including legislative administrative and financial

powers to discharge its responsibilities and

7 Economic disparities among provinces would be removed

The result of the election in East Pakistan startled outside observers and even took some

supporters of the Awami League by surprise The party won 160 of the 162 seats in East

Pakistan thereby gaining a majority in the National Assembly without winning a single seat in

West Pakistan which had thrown its support behind the Pakistan Peoples Party led by Zulfiqar

Ali Bhutto Neither Yahya nor his military associates nor Bhutto looked favorably on a

government comprised solely of the Awami League and headed by the author of the Six Points

Plan Yahya began a series of negotiations perhaps in the hope of creating a coalition

government but more in an effort to sideline Mujib As the talks became more rancorous and

compromise seemed impossible the Pakistani government began to increase the strength of its

rather small contingent of military forces stationed in East Pakistan

Yahya negotiated with Bhutto and Mujib the former declaring that there were two majorities

in Pakistan and the latter insisting on the full enactment of the Six Points even where these

were at variance with Yahyas Legal Framework Order (ie on the issues of taxation)

Demonstrations supporting the Awami Leagues position spread across East Pakistan Violence

began to look more attractive than political activism as a means of protecting East Pakistans

interests By this time the term Bangladeshi was widely adopted by the Awami League and its

supporters to replace the designation East Pakistani

The army struck back on March 25 1971 Its first move was to attack the faculty and students at

Dhaka University and to take Mujib into custody By one estimate up to 35000 Bangladeshis

were killed at the university and elsewhere on the first few days Mujib was transported to jail in

West Pakistan (There were fears that he would be executed but these later proved unfounded

when he was released at the end of the conflict) A number of Mujibs associates fled first to a

village on the border with India then to Calcutta Major Ziaur Rahman who would later become

president of independent Bangladesh issued a declaration of independence

Bangladeshi police and border patrol forces organized a resistance force to oppose the Pakistani

army and they were later joined by several civilians many of whom had been university

students It was however almost nine months before India intervened triggering the December

16 1971 surrender of the Pakistani army India intervened both for strategic reasons (as

weakening Pakistan) and for humanitarian reasons to alleviate the suffering of Bangladeshis

16

Pakistan complained about Indias invasion of its sovereign territory to the UN Security Council

in early December In an often emotional speech Bhutto argued with reason that this

intervention was a violation of international law The Security Council agreed but the question

soon became moot with the surrender of the Pakistani troops in Bangladesh

The number of Bangladeshis killed disabled raped or displaced by the violence of 1971 is not

fully known Estimates by Bangladeshi sources put the number killed at up to three million and

it is estimated that as many as ten million may have fled to India Initially the Pakistani army

targeted educators students political leaders and others who were generally considered to be

prominent sympathizers of the Awami League As the Bangladeshis formed military units

however these units also became the targets Some of these units were formed by Bangladeshis

who had formerly served in the Pakistani army others were recruited from the police and the

East Pakistan (now Bangladesh) Rifles a border security force These units based in rural and

outlying areas of Bangladesh were able to take advantage of the Pakistani armys initial focus

on the student-led demonstrations in the Dhaka region Survivor accounts such as that by

Jahanara Imam suggest that much of the killing soon devolved into little more than

indiscriminate slaughter

The Pakistani surrender and the termination of conflict left several unsettled questions Many

Bangladeshismdashmostly civil servants or military troops and their familiesmdashwere still detained in

Pakistan In Bangladesh there were non-Bengalismdashagain mostly civil servants or military

troops but also some business owners and professionalsmdashwho wished repatriation to Pakistan

In addition the fate of de facto prisoners of war held by Bangladesh and Pakistani prisoners of

war held by India had yet to be decided Bangladesh wanted to place 195 Pakistani military

personnel on trial for war crimes and genocide On August 9 1975 a tripartite agreement

between Bangladesh India and Pakistan was reached to create a panel that would attempt to

settle these issues Bangladesh also agreed to drop all charges against the 195 Pakistanis accused

of war crimes and to permit their repatriation to Pakistan

In the end and at great cost Bangladesh achieved its independence Slowly the two countries

were able to establish diplomatic relations Pakistan recognized Bangladesh as independent on

February 22 1974 primarily at the urging of the Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC)

which was meeting in Lahore at that time The OIC insisted that Bangladesh a Muslim state be

permitted to attend the conference Bangladeshis however remained unsatisfied They wanted

an apology from the Pakistanis for the excesses committed during the war They received one

finally from the Pakistani president Pervez Musharraf when he visited Bangladesh in July

2002

17

Age-Sex Structure of the Population

A populations age-sex structure is the number andor proportion of the population to be found in

each age-sex group If each population could be got together for a day and lined up in their age

groups - females at one end males at the other a plane flying overhead would look down on a

certain shape

There are many different ways to graphically present population data The most important

demographic characteristic of a population is its age-sex structure and the use of an age-sex

pyramid also known as a population pyramid is considered the best way to graphically

illustrate the age and sex distribution of a given population

An age-sex pyramid consists of two horizontal histograms joined together It displays the

percentage or actual amount of a population broken down by gender and age The five-year age

increments on the y-axis allow the pyramid to vividly reflect both long-term trends in the birth

and death rates and shorter-term baby-booms wars and epidemics

The fertility rate of a population is the single most important influence on the shape of a

population pyramid The more children per parent the broader will be the base of the pyramid

The median age of the population will also be younger While mortality will also have an

influence on the shape it will be far less important an influence than fertility but somewhat

more complex One would assume that lower mortality rates in a population would result in an

older age distribution However just the opposite is true a population with lower mortality rates

will display a slightly younger age distribution This is due to the fact that any disparities in the

mortality rates of a population are more likely a result of variations within the younger age

groups usually infants and children

There are generally three types of population pyramids created from age-sex distributions

expansive constrictive and stationary Examples of these three types of population pyramids

appear at the end of this report Definitions of the three types follow

1 Expansive population pyramids show larger numbers or percentages of the population in

the younger age groups usually with each age group smaller in size or proportion than

the one born before it These types of pyramids are usually found in populations with

very large fertility rates and lower than average life expectancies The age-sex

distributions of Latin American and many Third World countries would probably display

expansive population pyramids

The following figure is an example of such an age-sex pyramid This pyramid of the

Philippines shows a triangle-shaped pyramid and reflects a high growth rate of about 21

percent annually

18

2 Constrictive population pyramids display lower numbers or percentages of younger

people The age-sex distributions of the United States fall into this type of pyramid

In the United States the population is growing at a rate of about 17 percent annually

This growth rate is reflected in the more square-like structure of the pyramid Note the

lump in the pyramid between the ages of about 35 to 50 This large segment of the

population is the post-World War II baby boom As this population ages and climbs up

the pyramid there will be a much greater demand for medical and other geriatric

services

3 Stationary or near-stationary population pyramids display somewhat equal numbers or

percentages for almost all age groups Of course smaller figures are still to be expected

at the oldest age groups The age-sex distributions of some European countries

especially Scandinavian ones will tend to fall into this category

Germany is experiencing a period of negative growth (-01) As negative growth in a

country continues the population is reduced A population can shrink due to a low birth

rate and a stable death rate Increased emigration may also contribute to a declining

population

19

Bangladesh

Age

Age structure

0ndash14 years 329 (male 24957997female 23533894)

15ndash64 years 636 (male 47862774female 45917674)

65 years and over 35 (male 2731578female 2361435) (2006 est)

Median age 233 years

Male 229 years

Female 235 (2009 est)

Gender ratio

At birth 104 male(s)female

Under 15 years 101 male(s)female

15ndash64 years 09 male(s)female

65 years and over 094 male(s)female

Total population 093 male(s)female (2009 est)

Bangladesh Population Pyramid for 1995

Age and sex distribution for the year 1995

20

Bangladesh Population Pyramid for 2010

A Definition of Migration

The definition of the word can be the movement of people from one place to another There

are two main types of migration first internal migration ie migration within one country and

secondly international migration which means the movement from one country to another A

good example of internal migration is the movement from East Germany to West Germany

which causes big problems for East Germany A good example of international migration is the

movement from third-world countries to Europe or America The next question is What makes

people migrate from one place to another

The reasons for migration can be divided into two main aspects the so-called push and pull

factors

Push factors are those in their old place which force people to move For example there may be

civil wars or wars in general in the country but political or religious oppression climate

changes lack of jobs or simply poverty are all important push factors

Pull factors are factors in the target country which encourage people to move these include

peace and safety a chance of a better job better education social security a better standard of

living in general as well as political and religious freedom

Calculation

MIGRATION = M

)()( 12 DBPPM

M=Total Migrations

Population Initial1 P

Population Final2 P

B=Total birth during the time period

D=Total Death

21

Pattern of rural urban migration in Bangladesh

Migration Rural-Urban Migration is a flexible and dynamic phenomenon that encompasses

territorial mobility of the people and involves movements like commuting absence from home

place for periods from a couple of days to several years seasonal migration and permanent

relocation Although diversified in forms it involves a certain degree of commitment on the part

of migrants to the place of origin and of destination This shows whether the migration is of

permanent or non-permanent nature Non-permanent forms of migration are now becoming

increasingly important given the massive improvement in the transportation networks and in the

information technology Migration is one of the vital forces that contribute to rapid urbanization

generally associated with higher levels of productivity and development

Migration also plays an important role by linking people with spaces and transferring people

from places of lower opportunities to those of higher opportunities and a subsequent transfer of

resources Bangladesh is one of the few countries where remittances from temporary migrants

working abroad contribute nearly 10 to the GDP and finance a substantial proportion of trade

deficit For rural areas remittances constitute a form of income which not only helps in

sustenance of families but also cushions against income erosion a recurrent threat faced by poor

households

In the 90 years between 1901 and 1991 the urban POPULATION of the country increased almost

30 times (from 702000 to 2156 million) as opposed to only about a three-fold increase (307 to

883 million) of the rural population The urban population grew at an annual rate of 1 - 2

during the British period (1757-1947) and about 4 during the Pakistan period (1947-1971)

The relatively low rate of urbanization during the British period can be explained by the slow

pace of industrialization With the growth of JUTE and TEXTILES industries mainly in Dhaka and

its surrounding areas urbanization accelerated during 1951-1961 The rate of urbanization

increased sharply after liberation of Bangladesh This was associated with spread of economic

and commercial activities in the urban centers The number of urban centers rose dramatically

from 78 in 1961 to 198 in 1974 and 522 in 1991

Before 1974 there was no city in Bangladesh that had a population of one million or more but

now DHAKA emerged as a mega city with a population of around 10 million Distribution of the

urban population over the years reveals significant increases in the size of four major cities

(Dhaka Chittagong Rajshahi and Khulna) particularly in recent years In the first half of this

century they contained around a third of the total urban population and in 1991 about 50 of

them lived in these cities The level of urbanization raised from a very low base (76) in 1970

to 20 in the 1990s The annual growth rate of urban population in Bangladesh during 1975-

1995 was 34 which is higher than that in the neighboring countries and in other largely

populated countries of Asia

The rural-urban migration along with reclassification contributes nearly 60 to the urban

growth Rural-urban migration occurs in a particular type of setting marked by limited industrial

but rapid commerce-centered growth around major cities especially after the liberation

Empirical evidence suggests that the development of road infrastructure and transportation and

the rapid expansion of manufacturing trade hotel and restaurants and housing and construction

generated demand for unskilled and semi-skilled labor in these cities This had dramatically

increased migration for job-related reasons Also the unequal land relations and loss of land due

to natural calamities influence the spatial movement of population Available statistics suggest

that top 10 of the rural households controlled 51 of land and had a share of 32 of the total

income The share of the bottom 40 of the households was 2 and 16 of land and income

respectively Subsequently three-quarters of rural out-migration occurred from landless

22

households However there had been many cases of migration from the landowning households

the members of which migrated to maximize income from diversified sources and the migration

remained largely non-permanent in nature

Most male migrants from rural areas were agricultural laborers at their original places Rural-

urban migration also takes place from the districts that had better performing agricultural sector

and this is particularly witnessed in the case of migration to Dhaka city A great deal of

population mobility results from survival and adaptive strategies to maximize family income by

allocating their labor in diversified income earning activities to a number of locations Migration

of independent women has been on rise since middle of 1980s as a result of establishment of

export oriented garment manufacturing factories in Dhaka and Chittagong In the 1970s

educational selectivity and population density played an important role in the process of rural-

urban migration Micro-level surveys show bi-polar pattern of educational selectivity suggesting

that both the highly educated and illiterate sections of people have a great propensity to migrate

as both groups undertake equal risks in this regard

Along with education other characteristics of migrants such as age gender marital status roles

and responsibilities assumed in the family and resource endowment (particularly landholding)

play an important role in migration motivation Role of social networks as sources of

information prior to migration and other aids and assistance at the place of destination emerged

as a pre-condition for migration Similarly rapid expansion of the rural non-farm activities and

greater value addition in these activities in urban sector fail to support the thesis that high

population density determines the migratory flows in Bangladesh Migration is rather induced by

jobs available in a particular area and the laws that regulate employment there the threat of

income erosion level of development of physical and infrastructural facilities and

mechanization of agriculture

Rural-urban migration often leads to a broad range of consequences both beneficial and

detrimental and also mixed in the receiving and sending communities In terms of employment

and cash earnings existing evidence weighs heavily in favour of migration The flow of

remittances contributes significantly to the welfare of the relatives left behind by the temporary

migrants in rural areas The migrants now residing in the slums of the Dhaka city tend to spend

increasingly more of their earnings in nutritious food and childrens education

Yet school enrollment of slum children (6-14 years) is much lower (around 35) than their age

cohorts from rural landless households (nearly 50) Similarly infant mortality rate in the urban

slums is comparable with rural areas In the absence of government intervention and adequate

NGO support to improve basic social services and human resources development in urban areas

the urban poor especially poor women are more susceptible to health and environmental

hazards than their non-poor counterparts Poor migrant households also face potential threat of

income-erosion arising out of eviction extortion by musclemen frequent sickness and sexual

harassment of women However contrary to the conventional wisdom migrants living in urban

poor agglomerations do manage access to urban amenities such as gas electricity and water

through informal sources

Persistent migration from rural areas to a few large cities has serious implications for the level of

productivity the state of urban infrastructure and environmental conditions since with migrants

cities grow faster than the capacity of the economy to support them Whilst rapid and huge

growth of urban population exacerbates the growing degradation the inability to enforce basic

cannons of cost recovery in delivering basic amenities lack of coordination among different

service giving agencies and weak capacity and inadequate authority of the city corporations and

municipalities are the major causes of the environmental problem

Page 9: British rule in bengal

9

Though there has been discussion over the fact that the congress was founded by a retired civil

servant and not by Indians GKGokhale with his characteristic modesty and political wisdom

stated this explicitly in 1913 No Indian could have started the Indian National Congressif an

Indian had come forward to start such a movement embracing all Indians the officials in India

would not have allowed the movement to come into existence If the founder of the Congress

had not been an Englishman and a distinguished ex-official such was the distrust of political

agitation in those days that the authorities would have at once found some way or the other to

suppress the movement

Reactions

Many Muslim community leaders like the prominent educationalist Syed Ahmed Khan viewed

the Congress negatively owing to its membership being dominated by Hindus The Orthodox

Hindu community and religious leaders were also averse seeing the Congress as supportive of

Western cultural invasion

The ordinary people of India were not informed or concerned of its existence on the whole for

the Congress never attempted to address the issues of poverty lack of health care social

oppression and the prejudiced negligence of the peoples concerns by British authorities The

perception of bodies like the Congress was that of an elitist then educated and wealthy peoples

institution

Rise of Indian nationalism

First session of Indian National Congress Bombay 28-31 December 1885

Lokmanya Tilak was the first to embrace Swaraj as the national goal The first spurts of

nationalistic sentiment that rose amongst Congress members were when the desire to be

represented in the bodies of government to have a say a vote in the lawmaking and issues of

administration of India Congressmen saw themselves as loyalists but wanted an active role in

governing their own country albeit as part of the Empire This trend was personified by

Dadabhai Naoroji considered by many as the eldest Indian statesman Naoroji went as far as

contesting successfully an election to the British House of Commons becoming its first Indian

member That he was aided in his campaign by young aspiring Indian student activists like

Muhammad Ali Jinnah describes where the imagination of the new Indian generation lay

Bal Gangadhar Tilak was the first Indian nationalist to embrace Swaraj as the destiny of the

nation Tilak deeply opposed the British education system that ignored and defamed Indias

culture history and values He resented the denial of freedom of expression for nationalists and

the lack of any voice or role for ordinary Indians in the affairs of their nation For these reasons

he considered Swaraj as the natural and only solution in the abandonment of all the British

things He was backed by rising public leaders like Bipin Chandra Pal and Lala Lajpat Rai who

held the same point of view Under them Indias three great states - Maharashtra Bengal and

Punjab region shaped the demand of the people and Indias nationalism

10

The moderates led by Gopal Krishna Gokhale Pherozeshah Mehta and Dadabhai Naoroji held

firm to calls for negotiations and political dialogue Gokhale criticized Tilak for encouraging

acts of violence and disorder But the Congress of 1906 did not have public membership and

thus Tilak and his supporters were forced to leave the party

But with Tilaks arrest all hopes for an Indian offensive were stalled The Congress lost credit

with the people while Muslims were alarmed with the rise of Tilaks Hindu nationalism and

formed the All India Muslim League in 1907 considering the Congress as completely unsuitable

for Indian Muslims

The Traditionalists

According to one approach the traditionalist point of view though not in a political sense was

represented in Congressmen like Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel Rajendra Prasad CRajagopalachari

Purushottam Das Tandon Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan and Maulana Azad who were also

associates and followers of Gandhi Their organizational strength achieved through leading the

clashes with the government was undisputed and proven when despite winning the 1939

election Bose resigned the Congress presidency because of the lack of confidence he enjoyed

amongst national leaders A year earlier in the 1938 election however Bose had been elected

with the support of Gandhi Differences arose in 1939 on whether Bose should have a second

term Jawaharlal Nehru who Gandhi had always preferred to Bose had had a second term

earlier Boses own differences centred on the place to be accorded to non-violent as against

revolutionary methods When he set up his Indian National Army in South-east Asia during the

Second World War he invoked Gandhis name and hailed him as the Father of The Nation It

would be wrong to suggest that the so-called traditionalist leaders looked merely to the ancient

heritage of Indian Asian or in the case of Maulana Azad and Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan

Islamic civilization for inspiration They believed along with educationists like Zakir Husain

and E W Aryanayakam that education should be imparted in a manner that enables the learners

also to be able to make things with their own hands and learn skills that would make them self-

supporting This method of education was also adopted in some areas in Egypt (See Reginald

Reynolds Beware of Africans) Zakir Husain was inspired by some European educationists and

was able with Gandhis support to dovetail this approach to the one favoured by the Basic

Education method introduced by the Indian freedom movement They believed that the

education system economy and social justice model for a future nation should be designed to

suit the specific local requirements While most were open to the benefits of Western influences

and the socio-economic egalitarianism of socialism they were opposed to being defined by

either model

11

Creation of Pakistan

As the independence movement throughout British-controlled India began in the late 19th

century gained momentum during the 20th century Bengali politicians played an active role in

Mohandas Gandhis Congress Party and Mohammad Ali Jinnahs Muslim League exposing the

opposing forces of ethnic and religious nationalism By exploiting the latter the British probably

intended to distract the independence movement for example by partitioning Bengal in 1905

along religious lines The split only lasted for seven years

At first the Muslim League sought only to ensure minority rights in the future nation In 1940

the Muslim League passed the Lahore Resolution which envisaged one or more Muslim

majority states in South Asia Non-negotiable was the inclusion of the Muslim parts of Punjab

and Bengal in these proposed states The stakes grew as a new Viceroy Lord Mountbatten of

Burma was appointed expressly for the purpose of effecting a graceful British exit Communal

violence in Noakhali and Calcutta sparked a surge in support for the Muslim League which won

a majority of Bengals Muslim seats in the 1946 election Accusations have been made that

Hindu and Muslim nationalist instigators were involved in the latter incident At the last moment

Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy and Sarat Chandra Bose came up with the idea of an independent

and unified Bengal state which was endorsed by Jinnah This idea was vetoed by the Indian

National Congress

British India was partitioned and the independent states of India and Pakistan were created in

1947 the region of Bengal was divided along religious lines The predominantly Muslim eastern

half of Bengal became the East Bengal (later renamed East Pakistan) state of Pakistan and the

predominantly Hindu western part became the Indian state of West Bengal

Pakistans history from 1947 to 1971 was marked by political instability and economic

difficulties In 1956 a constitution was at last adopted making the country an Islamic republic

within the Commonwealth The nascent democratic institutions foundered in the face of

military intervention in 1958 and the government imposed martial law between 1958 and 1962

and again between 1969 and 1971

Almost from the advent of independent Pakistan in 1947 frictions developed between East and

West Pakistan which were separated by more than 1000 miles of Indian territory East

Pakistanis felt exploited by the West Pakistan-dominated central government Linguistic

cultural and ethnic differences also contributed to the estrangement of East from West Pakistan

When Mohammad Ali Jinnah died in September 1948 Khwaja Nazimuddin became the

Governor General of Pakistan while Nurul Amin was appointed the Chief Minister of East

Bengal Nurul Amin continued as the Chief Minister of East Bengal until 2 April 1954 The

abolition of the Zamindari system in East Bengal (1950) and the Language Movement were two

most important events during his tenure

Indias independence from Great Britain in August 1947 resulted in the partition of British India

into India and Pakistan Pakistan was created out of the Muslim-majority provinces of British

India with no regard for geographical contiguity The resulting state was formed into two

physically separate wings with the territory of India intervening between the two The eastern

wing was created by the partition of the British province of Bengal and the principal language

spoken there was Bengali Although it was principally the language of those who fled India to

Pakistan the government of Pakistan decreed that Urdu would be the national language

12

Creation of Bangladesh

In the evening of March 25 1971 the Pakistan army attacked East Pakistan as the future

Bangladesh was then known The attack was an effort to put down East Pakistani protesters who

demanded that the national government recognize the right of the elected majority party the

Awami (Peoples) League to assume political office The attacks by the Pakistanis and

resistance by the Bangladeshis continued until December of that year with the Bangladeshis

seeing this as a war of independence and the government forces viewing it as a civil war

Throughout the year India provided support for the East Pakistani rebels and received a large

number of refugees Early in December Pakistans internal conflict assumed international

dimensions with the direct intervention of Indian troops The violence ended on December 16

when the Pakistani commander at the time General A K Niazi surrendered to General Jagjeet

Singh Arora commander of the Indian forces

The discontent of East Pakistanis in the united state of Pakistan had a long history before it

finally culminated in war The Muslim League government of Pakistan led by Muhammad Ali

Jinnah had long ignored East Bengal However during his only visit to the eastern province in

March 1948 Jinnah was confronted by Bengalis who demanded that their language be

recognized along with Urdu as a co-official language of Pakistan Jinnah stated that anyone who

opposed the status of Urdu as the official language of Pakistan was a traitor to the country This

angered the Bengali faction and in 1952 that anger gave rise to the language movement in

East Pakistan

After independence the Pakistani government was constituted according to the Government of

India Act (1935) as modified by the India Independence Act of 1947 both acts of the British

Parliament It was not until 1956 that a formal constitution was promulgated (India adopted its

own constitution in 1950) The constitution of 1956 changed the name of the eastern wing of the

country from East Bengal to East Pakistan and the four provinces of the west wing were

consolidated into West Pakistan The constitution also instituted the concept of parity between

the eastern and western regions This meant that representation in the National Assembly would

be equal from each province even though East Pakistan had about 54 percent of the total

population of Pakistan The Bengalis of East Pakistan viewed this as an affront

This shortchanging of representation in the National Assembly was also seen in the military

services There were very few officers from East Pakistan in a military overwhelmingly

dominated by West Pakistanis There was a similar disparity in representation within the civil

service Although a quota system was later instituted the disparity persisted at the higher levels

throughout the 1960s

In 1954 a major and violent strike occurred at the Adamjee Jute Mill in Narayanganj a suburb

of Dhaka In addition to disputes over pay and labor practices the East Pakistani workers felt

that the company was showing favoritism to Urdu-speaking Biharis in employment Bihari is a

general term applied to those Urduspeaking Muslims most of them from the Indian state of

Bihar who fled east at the time of partition but who never learned to speak Bengali In addition

the East Pakistani strikers were protesting the fact that the majority of East Pakistans

manufacturing and banking firms were owned by West Pakistanis among whom the Adamjee

family was prominent

13

The leading Muslim political party in Bengal prior to Pakistans independence had been the

Muslim League which dominated the Bengal Provincial Assembly At the time of

independence the sitting members of the Bengal Provincial Assembly chose their future

membership in either the assembly of West Bengal in India or the assembly of East Bengal in

Pakistan The Muslim League maintained control Although elections were held in each of the

provinces of the west wing as early as 1951 elections in East Bengal were delayed until 1954

The election when it was finally held resulted in an almost total rout of the Muslim League

which was looked upon locally as a proxy of the central government

The winning coalition in East Pakistan was comprised of the Awami League and the Krishak

Sramik (Farmers and Workers) Party The principal founder of the Awami League was Husain

Shahid Suhrawardy The Krishak Sramik Party was led by Fazlul Haq Haq had been a prime

minister of united Bengal (ie prior to independence) when his party was known as the Krishak

Praja (Farmers and Peoples) Party For the 1954 election the Awami League and the Krishak

Sramik Party joined forces as the United Front and ran for office on a platform called 21

Points Among the issues addressed by the coalition were the recognition of Bengali as an

official language of Pakistan autonomy for East Bengal in all matters except defense foreign

affairs and currency land reform improved irrigation nationalization of the jute industry and

other points that if enacted into law would give East Bengalis greater control of their own

governance

The demand that Bengali be recognized as an official language was an outgrowth of the

language movement of 1952 Since the early days of independence East Pakistanis had

demanded that Pakistan recognize two official languages Bengali (the most widely spoken

language) and Urdu An attempt by the central government to devise a means to write Bengali in

the Urdu script was met with widespread opposition and rioting mainly from academics and

university students On February 21 1952 in an attempt to suppress the violence the police

fired on a crowd of demonstrators and about twenty students were killed Today a monument

stands at the site of the killings and February 21 is celebrated annually as Martyrs Day

For its championing of this and other issues important to the majority of East Pakistanis the

Krishak SramikndashAwami League coalition won the 1954 election Eventually however the

Krishak Sramik Party withered away and the Awami League became the most important party

in the province It would become the leader of the independence movement and dominate

emerging Bangladeshi politics

In October 1958 General Muhammad Ayub Khan proclaimed himself president of Pakistan

following a military coup declared martial law and dissolved the National Assembly and the

provincial legislatures He then set up what he called Basic Democracy which he described as

a more representative government Elections at the local level would be direct and those elected

at this level would be designated Basic Democrats Elections for the provincial and national

assemblies and for the presidency would be indirect with the Basic Democrats serving as the

electoral college He retained the principle of parity however This meant that each province

was allocated an equal number of Basic Democrat electors so that East Pakistanis continued to

be underrepresented at the higher levels of government Not unexpectedly Ayub was elected

president in 1962 and reelected president in 1967 Although he won majorities in each wing in

each election his majority in the east wing in 1967 was dramatically less than in 1962

14

Nonetheless Ayubs power began to slip after his reelection to office as did his health

Opposition to his rule spread even in West Pakistan Ayub grew concerned about a growing

secessionist movement in East Pakistan The Awami League now headed by Sheik Mujibur

Rahman demanded that changes be made in regard to East Pakistan These changes were

embodied in Mujibs Six Points Plan which he presented at a meeting of opposition parties in

Lahore in 1966 In brief these Six Points called for

1 A federal and parliamentary government with free and fair elections

2 Federal government to control only foreign affairs and defense

3 A separate currency or separate fiscal accounts for each province to control

movement of capital from east to west

4 All power of taxation to reside at the provincial level with the federal government

subsisting on grants from the provinces

5 Enabling each federating unit to enter into foreign trade agreements on its own and

to retain control over the foreign exchange earned and

6 Allowing each unit to raise its own militia

If these points had been adopted it would have meant almost de facto independence for East

Pakistan Many observers saw point six a separate militia as the point most unacceptable to the

central government but they were wrong The 1965 Indo-Pakistan War had demonstrated the

lack of local defense forces in East Pakistan which would have left the province defenseless had

India attacked there In fact it was point four regarding taxation that proved to be the problem

because the enactment of this point would make it all but impossible for a central government to

operate

In 1968 in response to the Six Points Plan the Ayub government charged Mujib and his

supporters with treason This later became known as the Agartala Conspiracy Case so-called as

it was alleged that Mujib had met with Indian agents in Agartala the capital of the Indian state

of Tripura which borders on Bangladesh Mujib and the Awami League denied that any such

meeting had ever taken place In early 1969 as hostility to Ayub increased in both East and

West Pakistan he invited opposition leaders to meet with him Mujib having been jailed

awaiting his trial for treason was not invited to this meeting The opposition leaders refused to

come to the meeting unless the charges against Mujib were withdrawn and demanded that he

too be invited to attend Ayub complied with these demands The meeting which Ayub hoped

would work to his advantage instead strengthened the oppositions position which called for the

end of the policy of Basic Democracy and the return to direct parliamentary elections

The opposition movement expanded beyond the political sphere to the military and Ayub was

forced to resign on March 25 1969 He was replaced by General Agha Muhammad Yahya

Khan who promised to reinstate direct elections These were held in December 1970 in most of

the country but flooding in East Pakistan forced a few constituencies to delay their elections

until January 1971 In addition to reinstating free and direct elections Yahya also acted to

restore the former provinces of West Pakistan which had been united into a single unit by the

1956 constitution More important for East Pakistan he ended the principle of parity In the

1970 election for the National Assembly East Pakistan would have 162 general seats out of a

total of 300 reflecting the 54 percent majority that Bengalis enjoyed according to the 1961

population census

15

Yahya also introduced legislation that in his view would limit the changes that could be made

to the constitution by the National Assembly This legislation called the Legal Framework

Order touched upon seven points

1 That Pakistan would be a federated state

2 Islamic principles would be paramount

3 Direct and regular elections would be held

4 Fundamental rights would be guaranteed

5 The judiciary would be independent

6 Maximum provincial autonomy would be allowed but the federal government

shall also have adequate powers including legislative administrative and financial

powers to discharge its responsibilities and

7 Economic disparities among provinces would be removed

The result of the election in East Pakistan startled outside observers and even took some

supporters of the Awami League by surprise The party won 160 of the 162 seats in East

Pakistan thereby gaining a majority in the National Assembly without winning a single seat in

West Pakistan which had thrown its support behind the Pakistan Peoples Party led by Zulfiqar

Ali Bhutto Neither Yahya nor his military associates nor Bhutto looked favorably on a

government comprised solely of the Awami League and headed by the author of the Six Points

Plan Yahya began a series of negotiations perhaps in the hope of creating a coalition

government but more in an effort to sideline Mujib As the talks became more rancorous and

compromise seemed impossible the Pakistani government began to increase the strength of its

rather small contingent of military forces stationed in East Pakistan

Yahya negotiated with Bhutto and Mujib the former declaring that there were two majorities

in Pakistan and the latter insisting on the full enactment of the Six Points even where these

were at variance with Yahyas Legal Framework Order (ie on the issues of taxation)

Demonstrations supporting the Awami Leagues position spread across East Pakistan Violence

began to look more attractive than political activism as a means of protecting East Pakistans

interests By this time the term Bangladeshi was widely adopted by the Awami League and its

supporters to replace the designation East Pakistani

The army struck back on March 25 1971 Its first move was to attack the faculty and students at

Dhaka University and to take Mujib into custody By one estimate up to 35000 Bangladeshis

were killed at the university and elsewhere on the first few days Mujib was transported to jail in

West Pakistan (There were fears that he would be executed but these later proved unfounded

when he was released at the end of the conflict) A number of Mujibs associates fled first to a

village on the border with India then to Calcutta Major Ziaur Rahman who would later become

president of independent Bangladesh issued a declaration of independence

Bangladeshi police and border patrol forces organized a resistance force to oppose the Pakistani

army and they were later joined by several civilians many of whom had been university

students It was however almost nine months before India intervened triggering the December

16 1971 surrender of the Pakistani army India intervened both for strategic reasons (as

weakening Pakistan) and for humanitarian reasons to alleviate the suffering of Bangladeshis

16

Pakistan complained about Indias invasion of its sovereign territory to the UN Security Council

in early December In an often emotional speech Bhutto argued with reason that this

intervention was a violation of international law The Security Council agreed but the question

soon became moot with the surrender of the Pakistani troops in Bangladesh

The number of Bangladeshis killed disabled raped or displaced by the violence of 1971 is not

fully known Estimates by Bangladeshi sources put the number killed at up to three million and

it is estimated that as many as ten million may have fled to India Initially the Pakistani army

targeted educators students political leaders and others who were generally considered to be

prominent sympathizers of the Awami League As the Bangladeshis formed military units

however these units also became the targets Some of these units were formed by Bangladeshis

who had formerly served in the Pakistani army others were recruited from the police and the

East Pakistan (now Bangladesh) Rifles a border security force These units based in rural and

outlying areas of Bangladesh were able to take advantage of the Pakistani armys initial focus

on the student-led demonstrations in the Dhaka region Survivor accounts such as that by

Jahanara Imam suggest that much of the killing soon devolved into little more than

indiscriminate slaughter

The Pakistani surrender and the termination of conflict left several unsettled questions Many

Bangladeshismdashmostly civil servants or military troops and their familiesmdashwere still detained in

Pakistan In Bangladesh there were non-Bengalismdashagain mostly civil servants or military

troops but also some business owners and professionalsmdashwho wished repatriation to Pakistan

In addition the fate of de facto prisoners of war held by Bangladesh and Pakistani prisoners of

war held by India had yet to be decided Bangladesh wanted to place 195 Pakistani military

personnel on trial for war crimes and genocide On August 9 1975 a tripartite agreement

between Bangladesh India and Pakistan was reached to create a panel that would attempt to

settle these issues Bangladesh also agreed to drop all charges against the 195 Pakistanis accused

of war crimes and to permit their repatriation to Pakistan

In the end and at great cost Bangladesh achieved its independence Slowly the two countries

were able to establish diplomatic relations Pakistan recognized Bangladesh as independent on

February 22 1974 primarily at the urging of the Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC)

which was meeting in Lahore at that time The OIC insisted that Bangladesh a Muslim state be

permitted to attend the conference Bangladeshis however remained unsatisfied They wanted

an apology from the Pakistanis for the excesses committed during the war They received one

finally from the Pakistani president Pervez Musharraf when he visited Bangladesh in July

2002

17

Age-Sex Structure of the Population

A populations age-sex structure is the number andor proportion of the population to be found in

each age-sex group If each population could be got together for a day and lined up in their age

groups - females at one end males at the other a plane flying overhead would look down on a

certain shape

There are many different ways to graphically present population data The most important

demographic characteristic of a population is its age-sex structure and the use of an age-sex

pyramid also known as a population pyramid is considered the best way to graphically

illustrate the age and sex distribution of a given population

An age-sex pyramid consists of two horizontal histograms joined together It displays the

percentage or actual amount of a population broken down by gender and age The five-year age

increments on the y-axis allow the pyramid to vividly reflect both long-term trends in the birth

and death rates and shorter-term baby-booms wars and epidemics

The fertility rate of a population is the single most important influence on the shape of a

population pyramid The more children per parent the broader will be the base of the pyramid

The median age of the population will also be younger While mortality will also have an

influence on the shape it will be far less important an influence than fertility but somewhat

more complex One would assume that lower mortality rates in a population would result in an

older age distribution However just the opposite is true a population with lower mortality rates

will display a slightly younger age distribution This is due to the fact that any disparities in the

mortality rates of a population are more likely a result of variations within the younger age

groups usually infants and children

There are generally three types of population pyramids created from age-sex distributions

expansive constrictive and stationary Examples of these three types of population pyramids

appear at the end of this report Definitions of the three types follow

1 Expansive population pyramids show larger numbers or percentages of the population in

the younger age groups usually with each age group smaller in size or proportion than

the one born before it These types of pyramids are usually found in populations with

very large fertility rates and lower than average life expectancies The age-sex

distributions of Latin American and many Third World countries would probably display

expansive population pyramids

The following figure is an example of such an age-sex pyramid This pyramid of the

Philippines shows a triangle-shaped pyramid and reflects a high growth rate of about 21

percent annually

18

2 Constrictive population pyramids display lower numbers or percentages of younger

people The age-sex distributions of the United States fall into this type of pyramid

In the United States the population is growing at a rate of about 17 percent annually

This growth rate is reflected in the more square-like structure of the pyramid Note the

lump in the pyramid between the ages of about 35 to 50 This large segment of the

population is the post-World War II baby boom As this population ages and climbs up

the pyramid there will be a much greater demand for medical and other geriatric

services

3 Stationary or near-stationary population pyramids display somewhat equal numbers or

percentages for almost all age groups Of course smaller figures are still to be expected

at the oldest age groups The age-sex distributions of some European countries

especially Scandinavian ones will tend to fall into this category

Germany is experiencing a period of negative growth (-01) As negative growth in a

country continues the population is reduced A population can shrink due to a low birth

rate and a stable death rate Increased emigration may also contribute to a declining

population

19

Bangladesh

Age

Age structure

0ndash14 years 329 (male 24957997female 23533894)

15ndash64 years 636 (male 47862774female 45917674)

65 years and over 35 (male 2731578female 2361435) (2006 est)

Median age 233 years

Male 229 years

Female 235 (2009 est)

Gender ratio

At birth 104 male(s)female

Under 15 years 101 male(s)female

15ndash64 years 09 male(s)female

65 years and over 094 male(s)female

Total population 093 male(s)female (2009 est)

Bangladesh Population Pyramid for 1995

Age and sex distribution for the year 1995

20

Bangladesh Population Pyramid for 2010

A Definition of Migration

The definition of the word can be the movement of people from one place to another There

are two main types of migration first internal migration ie migration within one country and

secondly international migration which means the movement from one country to another A

good example of internal migration is the movement from East Germany to West Germany

which causes big problems for East Germany A good example of international migration is the

movement from third-world countries to Europe or America The next question is What makes

people migrate from one place to another

The reasons for migration can be divided into two main aspects the so-called push and pull

factors

Push factors are those in their old place which force people to move For example there may be

civil wars or wars in general in the country but political or religious oppression climate

changes lack of jobs or simply poverty are all important push factors

Pull factors are factors in the target country which encourage people to move these include

peace and safety a chance of a better job better education social security a better standard of

living in general as well as political and religious freedom

Calculation

MIGRATION = M

)()( 12 DBPPM

M=Total Migrations

Population Initial1 P

Population Final2 P

B=Total birth during the time period

D=Total Death

21

Pattern of rural urban migration in Bangladesh

Migration Rural-Urban Migration is a flexible and dynamic phenomenon that encompasses

territorial mobility of the people and involves movements like commuting absence from home

place for periods from a couple of days to several years seasonal migration and permanent

relocation Although diversified in forms it involves a certain degree of commitment on the part

of migrants to the place of origin and of destination This shows whether the migration is of

permanent or non-permanent nature Non-permanent forms of migration are now becoming

increasingly important given the massive improvement in the transportation networks and in the

information technology Migration is one of the vital forces that contribute to rapid urbanization

generally associated with higher levels of productivity and development

Migration also plays an important role by linking people with spaces and transferring people

from places of lower opportunities to those of higher opportunities and a subsequent transfer of

resources Bangladesh is one of the few countries where remittances from temporary migrants

working abroad contribute nearly 10 to the GDP and finance a substantial proportion of trade

deficit For rural areas remittances constitute a form of income which not only helps in

sustenance of families but also cushions against income erosion a recurrent threat faced by poor

households

In the 90 years between 1901 and 1991 the urban POPULATION of the country increased almost

30 times (from 702000 to 2156 million) as opposed to only about a three-fold increase (307 to

883 million) of the rural population The urban population grew at an annual rate of 1 - 2

during the British period (1757-1947) and about 4 during the Pakistan period (1947-1971)

The relatively low rate of urbanization during the British period can be explained by the slow

pace of industrialization With the growth of JUTE and TEXTILES industries mainly in Dhaka and

its surrounding areas urbanization accelerated during 1951-1961 The rate of urbanization

increased sharply after liberation of Bangladesh This was associated with spread of economic

and commercial activities in the urban centers The number of urban centers rose dramatically

from 78 in 1961 to 198 in 1974 and 522 in 1991

Before 1974 there was no city in Bangladesh that had a population of one million or more but

now DHAKA emerged as a mega city with a population of around 10 million Distribution of the

urban population over the years reveals significant increases in the size of four major cities

(Dhaka Chittagong Rajshahi and Khulna) particularly in recent years In the first half of this

century they contained around a third of the total urban population and in 1991 about 50 of

them lived in these cities The level of urbanization raised from a very low base (76) in 1970

to 20 in the 1990s The annual growth rate of urban population in Bangladesh during 1975-

1995 was 34 which is higher than that in the neighboring countries and in other largely

populated countries of Asia

The rural-urban migration along with reclassification contributes nearly 60 to the urban

growth Rural-urban migration occurs in a particular type of setting marked by limited industrial

but rapid commerce-centered growth around major cities especially after the liberation

Empirical evidence suggests that the development of road infrastructure and transportation and

the rapid expansion of manufacturing trade hotel and restaurants and housing and construction

generated demand for unskilled and semi-skilled labor in these cities This had dramatically

increased migration for job-related reasons Also the unequal land relations and loss of land due

to natural calamities influence the spatial movement of population Available statistics suggest

that top 10 of the rural households controlled 51 of land and had a share of 32 of the total

income The share of the bottom 40 of the households was 2 and 16 of land and income

respectively Subsequently three-quarters of rural out-migration occurred from landless

22

households However there had been many cases of migration from the landowning households

the members of which migrated to maximize income from diversified sources and the migration

remained largely non-permanent in nature

Most male migrants from rural areas were agricultural laborers at their original places Rural-

urban migration also takes place from the districts that had better performing agricultural sector

and this is particularly witnessed in the case of migration to Dhaka city A great deal of

population mobility results from survival and adaptive strategies to maximize family income by

allocating their labor in diversified income earning activities to a number of locations Migration

of independent women has been on rise since middle of 1980s as a result of establishment of

export oriented garment manufacturing factories in Dhaka and Chittagong In the 1970s

educational selectivity and population density played an important role in the process of rural-

urban migration Micro-level surveys show bi-polar pattern of educational selectivity suggesting

that both the highly educated and illiterate sections of people have a great propensity to migrate

as both groups undertake equal risks in this regard

Along with education other characteristics of migrants such as age gender marital status roles

and responsibilities assumed in the family and resource endowment (particularly landholding)

play an important role in migration motivation Role of social networks as sources of

information prior to migration and other aids and assistance at the place of destination emerged

as a pre-condition for migration Similarly rapid expansion of the rural non-farm activities and

greater value addition in these activities in urban sector fail to support the thesis that high

population density determines the migratory flows in Bangladesh Migration is rather induced by

jobs available in a particular area and the laws that regulate employment there the threat of

income erosion level of development of physical and infrastructural facilities and

mechanization of agriculture

Rural-urban migration often leads to a broad range of consequences both beneficial and

detrimental and also mixed in the receiving and sending communities In terms of employment

and cash earnings existing evidence weighs heavily in favour of migration The flow of

remittances contributes significantly to the welfare of the relatives left behind by the temporary

migrants in rural areas The migrants now residing in the slums of the Dhaka city tend to spend

increasingly more of their earnings in nutritious food and childrens education

Yet school enrollment of slum children (6-14 years) is much lower (around 35) than their age

cohorts from rural landless households (nearly 50) Similarly infant mortality rate in the urban

slums is comparable with rural areas In the absence of government intervention and adequate

NGO support to improve basic social services and human resources development in urban areas

the urban poor especially poor women are more susceptible to health and environmental

hazards than their non-poor counterparts Poor migrant households also face potential threat of

income-erosion arising out of eviction extortion by musclemen frequent sickness and sexual

harassment of women However contrary to the conventional wisdom migrants living in urban

poor agglomerations do manage access to urban amenities such as gas electricity and water

through informal sources

Persistent migration from rural areas to a few large cities has serious implications for the level of

productivity the state of urban infrastructure and environmental conditions since with migrants

cities grow faster than the capacity of the economy to support them Whilst rapid and huge

growth of urban population exacerbates the growing degradation the inability to enforce basic

cannons of cost recovery in delivering basic amenities lack of coordination among different

service giving agencies and weak capacity and inadequate authority of the city corporations and

municipalities are the major causes of the environmental problem

Page 10: British rule in bengal

10

The moderates led by Gopal Krishna Gokhale Pherozeshah Mehta and Dadabhai Naoroji held

firm to calls for negotiations and political dialogue Gokhale criticized Tilak for encouraging

acts of violence and disorder But the Congress of 1906 did not have public membership and

thus Tilak and his supporters were forced to leave the party

But with Tilaks arrest all hopes for an Indian offensive were stalled The Congress lost credit

with the people while Muslims were alarmed with the rise of Tilaks Hindu nationalism and

formed the All India Muslim League in 1907 considering the Congress as completely unsuitable

for Indian Muslims

The Traditionalists

According to one approach the traditionalist point of view though not in a political sense was

represented in Congressmen like Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel Rajendra Prasad CRajagopalachari

Purushottam Das Tandon Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan and Maulana Azad who were also

associates and followers of Gandhi Their organizational strength achieved through leading the

clashes with the government was undisputed and proven when despite winning the 1939

election Bose resigned the Congress presidency because of the lack of confidence he enjoyed

amongst national leaders A year earlier in the 1938 election however Bose had been elected

with the support of Gandhi Differences arose in 1939 on whether Bose should have a second

term Jawaharlal Nehru who Gandhi had always preferred to Bose had had a second term

earlier Boses own differences centred on the place to be accorded to non-violent as against

revolutionary methods When he set up his Indian National Army in South-east Asia during the

Second World War he invoked Gandhis name and hailed him as the Father of The Nation It

would be wrong to suggest that the so-called traditionalist leaders looked merely to the ancient

heritage of Indian Asian or in the case of Maulana Azad and Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan

Islamic civilization for inspiration They believed along with educationists like Zakir Husain

and E W Aryanayakam that education should be imparted in a manner that enables the learners

also to be able to make things with their own hands and learn skills that would make them self-

supporting This method of education was also adopted in some areas in Egypt (See Reginald

Reynolds Beware of Africans) Zakir Husain was inspired by some European educationists and

was able with Gandhis support to dovetail this approach to the one favoured by the Basic

Education method introduced by the Indian freedom movement They believed that the

education system economy and social justice model for a future nation should be designed to

suit the specific local requirements While most were open to the benefits of Western influences

and the socio-economic egalitarianism of socialism they were opposed to being defined by

either model

11

Creation of Pakistan

As the independence movement throughout British-controlled India began in the late 19th

century gained momentum during the 20th century Bengali politicians played an active role in

Mohandas Gandhis Congress Party and Mohammad Ali Jinnahs Muslim League exposing the

opposing forces of ethnic and religious nationalism By exploiting the latter the British probably

intended to distract the independence movement for example by partitioning Bengal in 1905

along religious lines The split only lasted for seven years

At first the Muslim League sought only to ensure minority rights in the future nation In 1940

the Muslim League passed the Lahore Resolution which envisaged one or more Muslim

majority states in South Asia Non-negotiable was the inclusion of the Muslim parts of Punjab

and Bengal in these proposed states The stakes grew as a new Viceroy Lord Mountbatten of

Burma was appointed expressly for the purpose of effecting a graceful British exit Communal

violence in Noakhali and Calcutta sparked a surge in support for the Muslim League which won

a majority of Bengals Muslim seats in the 1946 election Accusations have been made that

Hindu and Muslim nationalist instigators were involved in the latter incident At the last moment

Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy and Sarat Chandra Bose came up with the idea of an independent

and unified Bengal state which was endorsed by Jinnah This idea was vetoed by the Indian

National Congress

British India was partitioned and the independent states of India and Pakistan were created in

1947 the region of Bengal was divided along religious lines The predominantly Muslim eastern

half of Bengal became the East Bengal (later renamed East Pakistan) state of Pakistan and the

predominantly Hindu western part became the Indian state of West Bengal

Pakistans history from 1947 to 1971 was marked by political instability and economic

difficulties In 1956 a constitution was at last adopted making the country an Islamic republic

within the Commonwealth The nascent democratic institutions foundered in the face of

military intervention in 1958 and the government imposed martial law between 1958 and 1962

and again between 1969 and 1971

Almost from the advent of independent Pakistan in 1947 frictions developed between East and

West Pakistan which were separated by more than 1000 miles of Indian territory East

Pakistanis felt exploited by the West Pakistan-dominated central government Linguistic

cultural and ethnic differences also contributed to the estrangement of East from West Pakistan

When Mohammad Ali Jinnah died in September 1948 Khwaja Nazimuddin became the

Governor General of Pakistan while Nurul Amin was appointed the Chief Minister of East

Bengal Nurul Amin continued as the Chief Minister of East Bengal until 2 April 1954 The

abolition of the Zamindari system in East Bengal (1950) and the Language Movement were two

most important events during his tenure

Indias independence from Great Britain in August 1947 resulted in the partition of British India

into India and Pakistan Pakistan was created out of the Muslim-majority provinces of British

India with no regard for geographical contiguity The resulting state was formed into two

physically separate wings with the territory of India intervening between the two The eastern

wing was created by the partition of the British province of Bengal and the principal language

spoken there was Bengali Although it was principally the language of those who fled India to

Pakistan the government of Pakistan decreed that Urdu would be the national language

12

Creation of Bangladesh

In the evening of March 25 1971 the Pakistan army attacked East Pakistan as the future

Bangladesh was then known The attack was an effort to put down East Pakistani protesters who

demanded that the national government recognize the right of the elected majority party the

Awami (Peoples) League to assume political office The attacks by the Pakistanis and

resistance by the Bangladeshis continued until December of that year with the Bangladeshis

seeing this as a war of independence and the government forces viewing it as a civil war

Throughout the year India provided support for the East Pakistani rebels and received a large

number of refugees Early in December Pakistans internal conflict assumed international

dimensions with the direct intervention of Indian troops The violence ended on December 16

when the Pakistani commander at the time General A K Niazi surrendered to General Jagjeet

Singh Arora commander of the Indian forces

The discontent of East Pakistanis in the united state of Pakistan had a long history before it

finally culminated in war The Muslim League government of Pakistan led by Muhammad Ali

Jinnah had long ignored East Bengal However during his only visit to the eastern province in

March 1948 Jinnah was confronted by Bengalis who demanded that their language be

recognized along with Urdu as a co-official language of Pakistan Jinnah stated that anyone who

opposed the status of Urdu as the official language of Pakistan was a traitor to the country This

angered the Bengali faction and in 1952 that anger gave rise to the language movement in

East Pakistan

After independence the Pakistani government was constituted according to the Government of

India Act (1935) as modified by the India Independence Act of 1947 both acts of the British

Parliament It was not until 1956 that a formal constitution was promulgated (India adopted its

own constitution in 1950) The constitution of 1956 changed the name of the eastern wing of the

country from East Bengal to East Pakistan and the four provinces of the west wing were

consolidated into West Pakistan The constitution also instituted the concept of parity between

the eastern and western regions This meant that representation in the National Assembly would

be equal from each province even though East Pakistan had about 54 percent of the total

population of Pakistan The Bengalis of East Pakistan viewed this as an affront

This shortchanging of representation in the National Assembly was also seen in the military

services There were very few officers from East Pakistan in a military overwhelmingly

dominated by West Pakistanis There was a similar disparity in representation within the civil

service Although a quota system was later instituted the disparity persisted at the higher levels

throughout the 1960s

In 1954 a major and violent strike occurred at the Adamjee Jute Mill in Narayanganj a suburb

of Dhaka In addition to disputes over pay and labor practices the East Pakistani workers felt

that the company was showing favoritism to Urdu-speaking Biharis in employment Bihari is a

general term applied to those Urduspeaking Muslims most of them from the Indian state of

Bihar who fled east at the time of partition but who never learned to speak Bengali In addition

the East Pakistani strikers were protesting the fact that the majority of East Pakistans

manufacturing and banking firms were owned by West Pakistanis among whom the Adamjee

family was prominent

13

The leading Muslim political party in Bengal prior to Pakistans independence had been the

Muslim League which dominated the Bengal Provincial Assembly At the time of

independence the sitting members of the Bengal Provincial Assembly chose their future

membership in either the assembly of West Bengal in India or the assembly of East Bengal in

Pakistan The Muslim League maintained control Although elections were held in each of the

provinces of the west wing as early as 1951 elections in East Bengal were delayed until 1954

The election when it was finally held resulted in an almost total rout of the Muslim League

which was looked upon locally as a proxy of the central government

The winning coalition in East Pakistan was comprised of the Awami League and the Krishak

Sramik (Farmers and Workers) Party The principal founder of the Awami League was Husain

Shahid Suhrawardy The Krishak Sramik Party was led by Fazlul Haq Haq had been a prime

minister of united Bengal (ie prior to independence) when his party was known as the Krishak

Praja (Farmers and Peoples) Party For the 1954 election the Awami League and the Krishak

Sramik Party joined forces as the United Front and ran for office on a platform called 21

Points Among the issues addressed by the coalition were the recognition of Bengali as an

official language of Pakistan autonomy for East Bengal in all matters except defense foreign

affairs and currency land reform improved irrigation nationalization of the jute industry and

other points that if enacted into law would give East Bengalis greater control of their own

governance

The demand that Bengali be recognized as an official language was an outgrowth of the

language movement of 1952 Since the early days of independence East Pakistanis had

demanded that Pakistan recognize two official languages Bengali (the most widely spoken

language) and Urdu An attempt by the central government to devise a means to write Bengali in

the Urdu script was met with widespread opposition and rioting mainly from academics and

university students On February 21 1952 in an attempt to suppress the violence the police

fired on a crowd of demonstrators and about twenty students were killed Today a monument

stands at the site of the killings and February 21 is celebrated annually as Martyrs Day

For its championing of this and other issues important to the majority of East Pakistanis the

Krishak SramikndashAwami League coalition won the 1954 election Eventually however the

Krishak Sramik Party withered away and the Awami League became the most important party

in the province It would become the leader of the independence movement and dominate

emerging Bangladeshi politics

In October 1958 General Muhammad Ayub Khan proclaimed himself president of Pakistan

following a military coup declared martial law and dissolved the National Assembly and the

provincial legislatures He then set up what he called Basic Democracy which he described as

a more representative government Elections at the local level would be direct and those elected

at this level would be designated Basic Democrats Elections for the provincial and national

assemblies and for the presidency would be indirect with the Basic Democrats serving as the

electoral college He retained the principle of parity however This meant that each province

was allocated an equal number of Basic Democrat electors so that East Pakistanis continued to

be underrepresented at the higher levels of government Not unexpectedly Ayub was elected

president in 1962 and reelected president in 1967 Although he won majorities in each wing in

each election his majority in the east wing in 1967 was dramatically less than in 1962

14

Nonetheless Ayubs power began to slip after his reelection to office as did his health

Opposition to his rule spread even in West Pakistan Ayub grew concerned about a growing

secessionist movement in East Pakistan The Awami League now headed by Sheik Mujibur

Rahman demanded that changes be made in regard to East Pakistan These changes were

embodied in Mujibs Six Points Plan which he presented at a meeting of opposition parties in

Lahore in 1966 In brief these Six Points called for

1 A federal and parliamentary government with free and fair elections

2 Federal government to control only foreign affairs and defense

3 A separate currency or separate fiscal accounts for each province to control

movement of capital from east to west

4 All power of taxation to reside at the provincial level with the federal government

subsisting on grants from the provinces

5 Enabling each federating unit to enter into foreign trade agreements on its own and

to retain control over the foreign exchange earned and

6 Allowing each unit to raise its own militia

If these points had been adopted it would have meant almost de facto independence for East

Pakistan Many observers saw point six a separate militia as the point most unacceptable to the

central government but they were wrong The 1965 Indo-Pakistan War had demonstrated the

lack of local defense forces in East Pakistan which would have left the province defenseless had

India attacked there In fact it was point four regarding taxation that proved to be the problem

because the enactment of this point would make it all but impossible for a central government to

operate

In 1968 in response to the Six Points Plan the Ayub government charged Mujib and his

supporters with treason This later became known as the Agartala Conspiracy Case so-called as

it was alleged that Mujib had met with Indian agents in Agartala the capital of the Indian state

of Tripura which borders on Bangladesh Mujib and the Awami League denied that any such

meeting had ever taken place In early 1969 as hostility to Ayub increased in both East and

West Pakistan he invited opposition leaders to meet with him Mujib having been jailed

awaiting his trial for treason was not invited to this meeting The opposition leaders refused to

come to the meeting unless the charges against Mujib were withdrawn and demanded that he

too be invited to attend Ayub complied with these demands The meeting which Ayub hoped

would work to his advantage instead strengthened the oppositions position which called for the

end of the policy of Basic Democracy and the return to direct parliamentary elections

The opposition movement expanded beyond the political sphere to the military and Ayub was

forced to resign on March 25 1969 He was replaced by General Agha Muhammad Yahya

Khan who promised to reinstate direct elections These were held in December 1970 in most of

the country but flooding in East Pakistan forced a few constituencies to delay their elections

until January 1971 In addition to reinstating free and direct elections Yahya also acted to

restore the former provinces of West Pakistan which had been united into a single unit by the

1956 constitution More important for East Pakistan he ended the principle of parity In the

1970 election for the National Assembly East Pakistan would have 162 general seats out of a

total of 300 reflecting the 54 percent majority that Bengalis enjoyed according to the 1961

population census

15

Yahya also introduced legislation that in his view would limit the changes that could be made

to the constitution by the National Assembly This legislation called the Legal Framework

Order touched upon seven points

1 That Pakistan would be a federated state

2 Islamic principles would be paramount

3 Direct and regular elections would be held

4 Fundamental rights would be guaranteed

5 The judiciary would be independent

6 Maximum provincial autonomy would be allowed but the federal government

shall also have adequate powers including legislative administrative and financial

powers to discharge its responsibilities and

7 Economic disparities among provinces would be removed

The result of the election in East Pakistan startled outside observers and even took some

supporters of the Awami League by surprise The party won 160 of the 162 seats in East

Pakistan thereby gaining a majority in the National Assembly without winning a single seat in

West Pakistan which had thrown its support behind the Pakistan Peoples Party led by Zulfiqar

Ali Bhutto Neither Yahya nor his military associates nor Bhutto looked favorably on a

government comprised solely of the Awami League and headed by the author of the Six Points

Plan Yahya began a series of negotiations perhaps in the hope of creating a coalition

government but more in an effort to sideline Mujib As the talks became more rancorous and

compromise seemed impossible the Pakistani government began to increase the strength of its

rather small contingent of military forces stationed in East Pakistan

Yahya negotiated with Bhutto and Mujib the former declaring that there were two majorities

in Pakistan and the latter insisting on the full enactment of the Six Points even where these

were at variance with Yahyas Legal Framework Order (ie on the issues of taxation)

Demonstrations supporting the Awami Leagues position spread across East Pakistan Violence

began to look more attractive than political activism as a means of protecting East Pakistans

interests By this time the term Bangladeshi was widely adopted by the Awami League and its

supporters to replace the designation East Pakistani

The army struck back on March 25 1971 Its first move was to attack the faculty and students at

Dhaka University and to take Mujib into custody By one estimate up to 35000 Bangladeshis

were killed at the university and elsewhere on the first few days Mujib was transported to jail in

West Pakistan (There were fears that he would be executed but these later proved unfounded

when he was released at the end of the conflict) A number of Mujibs associates fled first to a

village on the border with India then to Calcutta Major Ziaur Rahman who would later become

president of independent Bangladesh issued a declaration of independence

Bangladeshi police and border patrol forces organized a resistance force to oppose the Pakistani

army and they were later joined by several civilians many of whom had been university

students It was however almost nine months before India intervened triggering the December

16 1971 surrender of the Pakistani army India intervened both for strategic reasons (as

weakening Pakistan) and for humanitarian reasons to alleviate the suffering of Bangladeshis

16

Pakistan complained about Indias invasion of its sovereign territory to the UN Security Council

in early December In an often emotional speech Bhutto argued with reason that this

intervention was a violation of international law The Security Council agreed but the question

soon became moot with the surrender of the Pakistani troops in Bangladesh

The number of Bangladeshis killed disabled raped or displaced by the violence of 1971 is not

fully known Estimates by Bangladeshi sources put the number killed at up to three million and

it is estimated that as many as ten million may have fled to India Initially the Pakistani army

targeted educators students political leaders and others who were generally considered to be

prominent sympathizers of the Awami League As the Bangladeshis formed military units

however these units also became the targets Some of these units were formed by Bangladeshis

who had formerly served in the Pakistani army others were recruited from the police and the

East Pakistan (now Bangladesh) Rifles a border security force These units based in rural and

outlying areas of Bangladesh were able to take advantage of the Pakistani armys initial focus

on the student-led demonstrations in the Dhaka region Survivor accounts such as that by

Jahanara Imam suggest that much of the killing soon devolved into little more than

indiscriminate slaughter

The Pakistani surrender and the termination of conflict left several unsettled questions Many

Bangladeshismdashmostly civil servants or military troops and their familiesmdashwere still detained in

Pakistan In Bangladesh there were non-Bengalismdashagain mostly civil servants or military

troops but also some business owners and professionalsmdashwho wished repatriation to Pakistan

In addition the fate of de facto prisoners of war held by Bangladesh and Pakistani prisoners of

war held by India had yet to be decided Bangladesh wanted to place 195 Pakistani military

personnel on trial for war crimes and genocide On August 9 1975 a tripartite agreement

between Bangladesh India and Pakistan was reached to create a panel that would attempt to

settle these issues Bangladesh also agreed to drop all charges against the 195 Pakistanis accused

of war crimes and to permit their repatriation to Pakistan

In the end and at great cost Bangladesh achieved its independence Slowly the two countries

were able to establish diplomatic relations Pakistan recognized Bangladesh as independent on

February 22 1974 primarily at the urging of the Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC)

which was meeting in Lahore at that time The OIC insisted that Bangladesh a Muslim state be

permitted to attend the conference Bangladeshis however remained unsatisfied They wanted

an apology from the Pakistanis for the excesses committed during the war They received one

finally from the Pakistani president Pervez Musharraf when he visited Bangladesh in July

2002

17

Age-Sex Structure of the Population

A populations age-sex structure is the number andor proportion of the population to be found in

each age-sex group If each population could be got together for a day and lined up in their age

groups - females at one end males at the other a plane flying overhead would look down on a

certain shape

There are many different ways to graphically present population data The most important

demographic characteristic of a population is its age-sex structure and the use of an age-sex

pyramid also known as a population pyramid is considered the best way to graphically

illustrate the age and sex distribution of a given population

An age-sex pyramid consists of two horizontal histograms joined together It displays the

percentage or actual amount of a population broken down by gender and age The five-year age

increments on the y-axis allow the pyramid to vividly reflect both long-term trends in the birth

and death rates and shorter-term baby-booms wars and epidemics

The fertility rate of a population is the single most important influence on the shape of a

population pyramid The more children per parent the broader will be the base of the pyramid

The median age of the population will also be younger While mortality will also have an

influence on the shape it will be far less important an influence than fertility but somewhat

more complex One would assume that lower mortality rates in a population would result in an

older age distribution However just the opposite is true a population with lower mortality rates

will display a slightly younger age distribution This is due to the fact that any disparities in the

mortality rates of a population are more likely a result of variations within the younger age

groups usually infants and children

There are generally three types of population pyramids created from age-sex distributions

expansive constrictive and stationary Examples of these three types of population pyramids

appear at the end of this report Definitions of the three types follow

1 Expansive population pyramids show larger numbers or percentages of the population in

the younger age groups usually with each age group smaller in size or proportion than

the one born before it These types of pyramids are usually found in populations with

very large fertility rates and lower than average life expectancies The age-sex

distributions of Latin American and many Third World countries would probably display

expansive population pyramids

The following figure is an example of such an age-sex pyramid This pyramid of the

Philippines shows a triangle-shaped pyramid and reflects a high growth rate of about 21

percent annually

18

2 Constrictive population pyramids display lower numbers or percentages of younger

people The age-sex distributions of the United States fall into this type of pyramid

In the United States the population is growing at a rate of about 17 percent annually

This growth rate is reflected in the more square-like structure of the pyramid Note the

lump in the pyramid between the ages of about 35 to 50 This large segment of the

population is the post-World War II baby boom As this population ages and climbs up

the pyramid there will be a much greater demand for medical and other geriatric

services

3 Stationary or near-stationary population pyramids display somewhat equal numbers or

percentages for almost all age groups Of course smaller figures are still to be expected

at the oldest age groups The age-sex distributions of some European countries

especially Scandinavian ones will tend to fall into this category

Germany is experiencing a period of negative growth (-01) As negative growth in a

country continues the population is reduced A population can shrink due to a low birth

rate and a stable death rate Increased emigration may also contribute to a declining

population

19

Bangladesh

Age

Age structure

0ndash14 years 329 (male 24957997female 23533894)

15ndash64 years 636 (male 47862774female 45917674)

65 years and over 35 (male 2731578female 2361435) (2006 est)

Median age 233 years

Male 229 years

Female 235 (2009 est)

Gender ratio

At birth 104 male(s)female

Under 15 years 101 male(s)female

15ndash64 years 09 male(s)female

65 years and over 094 male(s)female

Total population 093 male(s)female (2009 est)

Bangladesh Population Pyramid for 1995

Age and sex distribution for the year 1995

20

Bangladesh Population Pyramid for 2010

A Definition of Migration

The definition of the word can be the movement of people from one place to another There

are two main types of migration first internal migration ie migration within one country and

secondly international migration which means the movement from one country to another A

good example of internal migration is the movement from East Germany to West Germany

which causes big problems for East Germany A good example of international migration is the

movement from third-world countries to Europe or America The next question is What makes

people migrate from one place to another

The reasons for migration can be divided into two main aspects the so-called push and pull

factors

Push factors are those in their old place which force people to move For example there may be

civil wars or wars in general in the country but political or religious oppression climate

changes lack of jobs or simply poverty are all important push factors

Pull factors are factors in the target country which encourage people to move these include

peace and safety a chance of a better job better education social security a better standard of

living in general as well as political and religious freedom

Calculation

MIGRATION = M

)()( 12 DBPPM

M=Total Migrations

Population Initial1 P

Population Final2 P

B=Total birth during the time period

D=Total Death

21

Pattern of rural urban migration in Bangladesh

Migration Rural-Urban Migration is a flexible and dynamic phenomenon that encompasses

territorial mobility of the people and involves movements like commuting absence from home

place for periods from a couple of days to several years seasonal migration and permanent

relocation Although diversified in forms it involves a certain degree of commitment on the part

of migrants to the place of origin and of destination This shows whether the migration is of

permanent or non-permanent nature Non-permanent forms of migration are now becoming

increasingly important given the massive improvement in the transportation networks and in the

information technology Migration is one of the vital forces that contribute to rapid urbanization

generally associated with higher levels of productivity and development

Migration also plays an important role by linking people with spaces and transferring people

from places of lower opportunities to those of higher opportunities and a subsequent transfer of

resources Bangladesh is one of the few countries where remittances from temporary migrants

working abroad contribute nearly 10 to the GDP and finance a substantial proportion of trade

deficit For rural areas remittances constitute a form of income which not only helps in

sustenance of families but also cushions against income erosion a recurrent threat faced by poor

households

In the 90 years between 1901 and 1991 the urban POPULATION of the country increased almost

30 times (from 702000 to 2156 million) as opposed to only about a three-fold increase (307 to

883 million) of the rural population The urban population grew at an annual rate of 1 - 2

during the British period (1757-1947) and about 4 during the Pakistan period (1947-1971)

The relatively low rate of urbanization during the British period can be explained by the slow

pace of industrialization With the growth of JUTE and TEXTILES industries mainly in Dhaka and

its surrounding areas urbanization accelerated during 1951-1961 The rate of urbanization

increased sharply after liberation of Bangladesh This was associated with spread of economic

and commercial activities in the urban centers The number of urban centers rose dramatically

from 78 in 1961 to 198 in 1974 and 522 in 1991

Before 1974 there was no city in Bangladesh that had a population of one million or more but

now DHAKA emerged as a mega city with a population of around 10 million Distribution of the

urban population over the years reveals significant increases in the size of four major cities

(Dhaka Chittagong Rajshahi and Khulna) particularly in recent years In the first half of this

century they contained around a third of the total urban population and in 1991 about 50 of

them lived in these cities The level of urbanization raised from a very low base (76) in 1970

to 20 in the 1990s The annual growth rate of urban population in Bangladesh during 1975-

1995 was 34 which is higher than that in the neighboring countries and in other largely

populated countries of Asia

The rural-urban migration along with reclassification contributes nearly 60 to the urban

growth Rural-urban migration occurs in a particular type of setting marked by limited industrial

but rapid commerce-centered growth around major cities especially after the liberation

Empirical evidence suggests that the development of road infrastructure and transportation and

the rapid expansion of manufacturing trade hotel and restaurants and housing and construction

generated demand for unskilled and semi-skilled labor in these cities This had dramatically

increased migration for job-related reasons Also the unequal land relations and loss of land due

to natural calamities influence the spatial movement of population Available statistics suggest

that top 10 of the rural households controlled 51 of land and had a share of 32 of the total

income The share of the bottom 40 of the households was 2 and 16 of land and income

respectively Subsequently three-quarters of rural out-migration occurred from landless

22

households However there had been many cases of migration from the landowning households

the members of which migrated to maximize income from diversified sources and the migration

remained largely non-permanent in nature

Most male migrants from rural areas were agricultural laborers at their original places Rural-

urban migration also takes place from the districts that had better performing agricultural sector

and this is particularly witnessed in the case of migration to Dhaka city A great deal of

population mobility results from survival and adaptive strategies to maximize family income by

allocating their labor in diversified income earning activities to a number of locations Migration

of independent women has been on rise since middle of 1980s as a result of establishment of

export oriented garment manufacturing factories in Dhaka and Chittagong In the 1970s

educational selectivity and population density played an important role in the process of rural-

urban migration Micro-level surveys show bi-polar pattern of educational selectivity suggesting

that both the highly educated and illiterate sections of people have a great propensity to migrate

as both groups undertake equal risks in this regard

Along with education other characteristics of migrants such as age gender marital status roles

and responsibilities assumed in the family and resource endowment (particularly landholding)

play an important role in migration motivation Role of social networks as sources of

information prior to migration and other aids and assistance at the place of destination emerged

as a pre-condition for migration Similarly rapid expansion of the rural non-farm activities and

greater value addition in these activities in urban sector fail to support the thesis that high

population density determines the migratory flows in Bangladesh Migration is rather induced by

jobs available in a particular area and the laws that regulate employment there the threat of

income erosion level of development of physical and infrastructural facilities and

mechanization of agriculture

Rural-urban migration often leads to a broad range of consequences both beneficial and

detrimental and also mixed in the receiving and sending communities In terms of employment

and cash earnings existing evidence weighs heavily in favour of migration The flow of

remittances contributes significantly to the welfare of the relatives left behind by the temporary

migrants in rural areas The migrants now residing in the slums of the Dhaka city tend to spend

increasingly more of their earnings in nutritious food and childrens education

Yet school enrollment of slum children (6-14 years) is much lower (around 35) than their age

cohorts from rural landless households (nearly 50) Similarly infant mortality rate in the urban

slums is comparable with rural areas In the absence of government intervention and adequate

NGO support to improve basic social services and human resources development in urban areas

the urban poor especially poor women are more susceptible to health and environmental

hazards than their non-poor counterparts Poor migrant households also face potential threat of

income-erosion arising out of eviction extortion by musclemen frequent sickness and sexual

harassment of women However contrary to the conventional wisdom migrants living in urban

poor agglomerations do manage access to urban amenities such as gas electricity and water

through informal sources

Persistent migration from rural areas to a few large cities has serious implications for the level of

productivity the state of urban infrastructure and environmental conditions since with migrants

cities grow faster than the capacity of the economy to support them Whilst rapid and huge

growth of urban population exacerbates the growing degradation the inability to enforce basic

cannons of cost recovery in delivering basic amenities lack of coordination among different

service giving agencies and weak capacity and inadequate authority of the city corporations and

municipalities are the major causes of the environmental problem

Page 11: British rule in bengal

11

Creation of Pakistan

As the independence movement throughout British-controlled India began in the late 19th

century gained momentum during the 20th century Bengali politicians played an active role in

Mohandas Gandhis Congress Party and Mohammad Ali Jinnahs Muslim League exposing the

opposing forces of ethnic and religious nationalism By exploiting the latter the British probably

intended to distract the independence movement for example by partitioning Bengal in 1905

along religious lines The split only lasted for seven years

At first the Muslim League sought only to ensure minority rights in the future nation In 1940

the Muslim League passed the Lahore Resolution which envisaged one or more Muslim

majority states in South Asia Non-negotiable was the inclusion of the Muslim parts of Punjab

and Bengal in these proposed states The stakes grew as a new Viceroy Lord Mountbatten of

Burma was appointed expressly for the purpose of effecting a graceful British exit Communal

violence in Noakhali and Calcutta sparked a surge in support for the Muslim League which won

a majority of Bengals Muslim seats in the 1946 election Accusations have been made that

Hindu and Muslim nationalist instigators were involved in the latter incident At the last moment

Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy and Sarat Chandra Bose came up with the idea of an independent

and unified Bengal state which was endorsed by Jinnah This idea was vetoed by the Indian

National Congress

British India was partitioned and the independent states of India and Pakistan were created in

1947 the region of Bengal was divided along religious lines The predominantly Muslim eastern

half of Bengal became the East Bengal (later renamed East Pakistan) state of Pakistan and the

predominantly Hindu western part became the Indian state of West Bengal

Pakistans history from 1947 to 1971 was marked by political instability and economic

difficulties In 1956 a constitution was at last adopted making the country an Islamic republic

within the Commonwealth The nascent democratic institutions foundered in the face of

military intervention in 1958 and the government imposed martial law between 1958 and 1962

and again between 1969 and 1971

Almost from the advent of independent Pakistan in 1947 frictions developed between East and

West Pakistan which were separated by more than 1000 miles of Indian territory East

Pakistanis felt exploited by the West Pakistan-dominated central government Linguistic

cultural and ethnic differences also contributed to the estrangement of East from West Pakistan

When Mohammad Ali Jinnah died in September 1948 Khwaja Nazimuddin became the

Governor General of Pakistan while Nurul Amin was appointed the Chief Minister of East

Bengal Nurul Amin continued as the Chief Minister of East Bengal until 2 April 1954 The

abolition of the Zamindari system in East Bengal (1950) and the Language Movement were two

most important events during his tenure

Indias independence from Great Britain in August 1947 resulted in the partition of British India

into India and Pakistan Pakistan was created out of the Muslim-majority provinces of British

India with no regard for geographical contiguity The resulting state was formed into two

physically separate wings with the territory of India intervening between the two The eastern

wing was created by the partition of the British province of Bengal and the principal language

spoken there was Bengali Although it was principally the language of those who fled India to

Pakistan the government of Pakistan decreed that Urdu would be the national language

12

Creation of Bangladesh

In the evening of March 25 1971 the Pakistan army attacked East Pakistan as the future

Bangladesh was then known The attack was an effort to put down East Pakistani protesters who

demanded that the national government recognize the right of the elected majority party the

Awami (Peoples) League to assume political office The attacks by the Pakistanis and

resistance by the Bangladeshis continued until December of that year with the Bangladeshis

seeing this as a war of independence and the government forces viewing it as a civil war

Throughout the year India provided support for the East Pakistani rebels and received a large

number of refugees Early in December Pakistans internal conflict assumed international

dimensions with the direct intervention of Indian troops The violence ended on December 16

when the Pakistani commander at the time General A K Niazi surrendered to General Jagjeet

Singh Arora commander of the Indian forces

The discontent of East Pakistanis in the united state of Pakistan had a long history before it

finally culminated in war The Muslim League government of Pakistan led by Muhammad Ali

Jinnah had long ignored East Bengal However during his only visit to the eastern province in

March 1948 Jinnah was confronted by Bengalis who demanded that their language be

recognized along with Urdu as a co-official language of Pakistan Jinnah stated that anyone who

opposed the status of Urdu as the official language of Pakistan was a traitor to the country This

angered the Bengali faction and in 1952 that anger gave rise to the language movement in

East Pakistan

After independence the Pakistani government was constituted according to the Government of

India Act (1935) as modified by the India Independence Act of 1947 both acts of the British

Parliament It was not until 1956 that a formal constitution was promulgated (India adopted its

own constitution in 1950) The constitution of 1956 changed the name of the eastern wing of the

country from East Bengal to East Pakistan and the four provinces of the west wing were

consolidated into West Pakistan The constitution also instituted the concept of parity between

the eastern and western regions This meant that representation in the National Assembly would

be equal from each province even though East Pakistan had about 54 percent of the total

population of Pakistan The Bengalis of East Pakistan viewed this as an affront

This shortchanging of representation in the National Assembly was also seen in the military

services There were very few officers from East Pakistan in a military overwhelmingly

dominated by West Pakistanis There was a similar disparity in representation within the civil

service Although a quota system was later instituted the disparity persisted at the higher levels

throughout the 1960s

In 1954 a major and violent strike occurred at the Adamjee Jute Mill in Narayanganj a suburb

of Dhaka In addition to disputes over pay and labor practices the East Pakistani workers felt

that the company was showing favoritism to Urdu-speaking Biharis in employment Bihari is a

general term applied to those Urduspeaking Muslims most of them from the Indian state of

Bihar who fled east at the time of partition but who never learned to speak Bengali In addition

the East Pakistani strikers were protesting the fact that the majority of East Pakistans

manufacturing and banking firms were owned by West Pakistanis among whom the Adamjee

family was prominent

13

The leading Muslim political party in Bengal prior to Pakistans independence had been the

Muslim League which dominated the Bengal Provincial Assembly At the time of

independence the sitting members of the Bengal Provincial Assembly chose their future

membership in either the assembly of West Bengal in India or the assembly of East Bengal in

Pakistan The Muslim League maintained control Although elections were held in each of the

provinces of the west wing as early as 1951 elections in East Bengal were delayed until 1954

The election when it was finally held resulted in an almost total rout of the Muslim League

which was looked upon locally as a proxy of the central government

The winning coalition in East Pakistan was comprised of the Awami League and the Krishak

Sramik (Farmers and Workers) Party The principal founder of the Awami League was Husain

Shahid Suhrawardy The Krishak Sramik Party was led by Fazlul Haq Haq had been a prime

minister of united Bengal (ie prior to independence) when his party was known as the Krishak

Praja (Farmers and Peoples) Party For the 1954 election the Awami League and the Krishak

Sramik Party joined forces as the United Front and ran for office on a platform called 21

Points Among the issues addressed by the coalition were the recognition of Bengali as an

official language of Pakistan autonomy for East Bengal in all matters except defense foreign

affairs and currency land reform improved irrigation nationalization of the jute industry and

other points that if enacted into law would give East Bengalis greater control of their own

governance

The demand that Bengali be recognized as an official language was an outgrowth of the

language movement of 1952 Since the early days of independence East Pakistanis had

demanded that Pakistan recognize two official languages Bengali (the most widely spoken

language) and Urdu An attempt by the central government to devise a means to write Bengali in

the Urdu script was met with widespread opposition and rioting mainly from academics and

university students On February 21 1952 in an attempt to suppress the violence the police

fired on a crowd of demonstrators and about twenty students were killed Today a monument

stands at the site of the killings and February 21 is celebrated annually as Martyrs Day

For its championing of this and other issues important to the majority of East Pakistanis the

Krishak SramikndashAwami League coalition won the 1954 election Eventually however the

Krishak Sramik Party withered away and the Awami League became the most important party

in the province It would become the leader of the independence movement and dominate

emerging Bangladeshi politics

In October 1958 General Muhammad Ayub Khan proclaimed himself president of Pakistan

following a military coup declared martial law and dissolved the National Assembly and the

provincial legislatures He then set up what he called Basic Democracy which he described as

a more representative government Elections at the local level would be direct and those elected

at this level would be designated Basic Democrats Elections for the provincial and national

assemblies and for the presidency would be indirect with the Basic Democrats serving as the

electoral college He retained the principle of parity however This meant that each province

was allocated an equal number of Basic Democrat electors so that East Pakistanis continued to

be underrepresented at the higher levels of government Not unexpectedly Ayub was elected

president in 1962 and reelected president in 1967 Although he won majorities in each wing in

each election his majority in the east wing in 1967 was dramatically less than in 1962

14

Nonetheless Ayubs power began to slip after his reelection to office as did his health

Opposition to his rule spread even in West Pakistan Ayub grew concerned about a growing

secessionist movement in East Pakistan The Awami League now headed by Sheik Mujibur

Rahman demanded that changes be made in regard to East Pakistan These changes were

embodied in Mujibs Six Points Plan which he presented at a meeting of opposition parties in

Lahore in 1966 In brief these Six Points called for

1 A federal and parliamentary government with free and fair elections

2 Federal government to control only foreign affairs and defense

3 A separate currency or separate fiscal accounts for each province to control

movement of capital from east to west

4 All power of taxation to reside at the provincial level with the federal government

subsisting on grants from the provinces

5 Enabling each federating unit to enter into foreign trade agreements on its own and

to retain control over the foreign exchange earned and

6 Allowing each unit to raise its own militia

If these points had been adopted it would have meant almost de facto independence for East

Pakistan Many observers saw point six a separate militia as the point most unacceptable to the

central government but they were wrong The 1965 Indo-Pakistan War had demonstrated the

lack of local defense forces in East Pakistan which would have left the province defenseless had

India attacked there In fact it was point four regarding taxation that proved to be the problem

because the enactment of this point would make it all but impossible for a central government to

operate

In 1968 in response to the Six Points Plan the Ayub government charged Mujib and his

supporters with treason This later became known as the Agartala Conspiracy Case so-called as

it was alleged that Mujib had met with Indian agents in Agartala the capital of the Indian state

of Tripura which borders on Bangladesh Mujib and the Awami League denied that any such

meeting had ever taken place In early 1969 as hostility to Ayub increased in both East and

West Pakistan he invited opposition leaders to meet with him Mujib having been jailed

awaiting his trial for treason was not invited to this meeting The opposition leaders refused to

come to the meeting unless the charges against Mujib were withdrawn and demanded that he

too be invited to attend Ayub complied with these demands The meeting which Ayub hoped

would work to his advantage instead strengthened the oppositions position which called for the

end of the policy of Basic Democracy and the return to direct parliamentary elections

The opposition movement expanded beyond the political sphere to the military and Ayub was

forced to resign on March 25 1969 He was replaced by General Agha Muhammad Yahya

Khan who promised to reinstate direct elections These were held in December 1970 in most of

the country but flooding in East Pakistan forced a few constituencies to delay their elections

until January 1971 In addition to reinstating free and direct elections Yahya also acted to

restore the former provinces of West Pakistan which had been united into a single unit by the

1956 constitution More important for East Pakistan he ended the principle of parity In the

1970 election for the National Assembly East Pakistan would have 162 general seats out of a

total of 300 reflecting the 54 percent majority that Bengalis enjoyed according to the 1961

population census

15

Yahya also introduced legislation that in his view would limit the changes that could be made

to the constitution by the National Assembly This legislation called the Legal Framework

Order touched upon seven points

1 That Pakistan would be a federated state

2 Islamic principles would be paramount

3 Direct and regular elections would be held

4 Fundamental rights would be guaranteed

5 The judiciary would be independent

6 Maximum provincial autonomy would be allowed but the federal government

shall also have adequate powers including legislative administrative and financial

powers to discharge its responsibilities and

7 Economic disparities among provinces would be removed

The result of the election in East Pakistan startled outside observers and even took some

supporters of the Awami League by surprise The party won 160 of the 162 seats in East

Pakistan thereby gaining a majority in the National Assembly without winning a single seat in

West Pakistan which had thrown its support behind the Pakistan Peoples Party led by Zulfiqar

Ali Bhutto Neither Yahya nor his military associates nor Bhutto looked favorably on a

government comprised solely of the Awami League and headed by the author of the Six Points

Plan Yahya began a series of negotiations perhaps in the hope of creating a coalition

government but more in an effort to sideline Mujib As the talks became more rancorous and

compromise seemed impossible the Pakistani government began to increase the strength of its

rather small contingent of military forces stationed in East Pakistan

Yahya negotiated with Bhutto and Mujib the former declaring that there were two majorities

in Pakistan and the latter insisting on the full enactment of the Six Points even where these

were at variance with Yahyas Legal Framework Order (ie on the issues of taxation)

Demonstrations supporting the Awami Leagues position spread across East Pakistan Violence

began to look more attractive than political activism as a means of protecting East Pakistans

interests By this time the term Bangladeshi was widely adopted by the Awami League and its

supporters to replace the designation East Pakistani

The army struck back on March 25 1971 Its first move was to attack the faculty and students at

Dhaka University and to take Mujib into custody By one estimate up to 35000 Bangladeshis

were killed at the university and elsewhere on the first few days Mujib was transported to jail in

West Pakistan (There were fears that he would be executed but these later proved unfounded

when he was released at the end of the conflict) A number of Mujibs associates fled first to a

village on the border with India then to Calcutta Major Ziaur Rahman who would later become

president of independent Bangladesh issued a declaration of independence

Bangladeshi police and border patrol forces organized a resistance force to oppose the Pakistani

army and they were later joined by several civilians many of whom had been university

students It was however almost nine months before India intervened triggering the December

16 1971 surrender of the Pakistani army India intervened both for strategic reasons (as

weakening Pakistan) and for humanitarian reasons to alleviate the suffering of Bangladeshis

16

Pakistan complained about Indias invasion of its sovereign territory to the UN Security Council

in early December In an often emotional speech Bhutto argued with reason that this

intervention was a violation of international law The Security Council agreed but the question

soon became moot with the surrender of the Pakistani troops in Bangladesh

The number of Bangladeshis killed disabled raped or displaced by the violence of 1971 is not

fully known Estimates by Bangladeshi sources put the number killed at up to three million and

it is estimated that as many as ten million may have fled to India Initially the Pakistani army

targeted educators students political leaders and others who were generally considered to be

prominent sympathizers of the Awami League As the Bangladeshis formed military units

however these units also became the targets Some of these units were formed by Bangladeshis

who had formerly served in the Pakistani army others were recruited from the police and the

East Pakistan (now Bangladesh) Rifles a border security force These units based in rural and

outlying areas of Bangladesh were able to take advantage of the Pakistani armys initial focus

on the student-led demonstrations in the Dhaka region Survivor accounts such as that by

Jahanara Imam suggest that much of the killing soon devolved into little more than

indiscriminate slaughter

The Pakistani surrender and the termination of conflict left several unsettled questions Many

Bangladeshismdashmostly civil servants or military troops and their familiesmdashwere still detained in

Pakistan In Bangladesh there were non-Bengalismdashagain mostly civil servants or military

troops but also some business owners and professionalsmdashwho wished repatriation to Pakistan

In addition the fate of de facto prisoners of war held by Bangladesh and Pakistani prisoners of

war held by India had yet to be decided Bangladesh wanted to place 195 Pakistani military

personnel on trial for war crimes and genocide On August 9 1975 a tripartite agreement

between Bangladesh India and Pakistan was reached to create a panel that would attempt to

settle these issues Bangladesh also agreed to drop all charges against the 195 Pakistanis accused

of war crimes and to permit their repatriation to Pakistan

In the end and at great cost Bangladesh achieved its independence Slowly the two countries

were able to establish diplomatic relations Pakistan recognized Bangladesh as independent on

February 22 1974 primarily at the urging of the Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC)

which was meeting in Lahore at that time The OIC insisted that Bangladesh a Muslim state be

permitted to attend the conference Bangladeshis however remained unsatisfied They wanted

an apology from the Pakistanis for the excesses committed during the war They received one

finally from the Pakistani president Pervez Musharraf when he visited Bangladesh in July

2002

17

Age-Sex Structure of the Population

A populations age-sex structure is the number andor proportion of the population to be found in

each age-sex group If each population could be got together for a day and lined up in their age

groups - females at one end males at the other a plane flying overhead would look down on a

certain shape

There are many different ways to graphically present population data The most important

demographic characteristic of a population is its age-sex structure and the use of an age-sex

pyramid also known as a population pyramid is considered the best way to graphically

illustrate the age and sex distribution of a given population

An age-sex pyramid consists of two horizontal histograms joined together It displays the

percentage or actual amount of a population broken down by gender and age The five-year age

increments on the y-axis allow the pyramid to vividly reflect both long-term trends in the birth

and death rates and shorter-term baby-booms wars and epidemics

The fertility rate of a population is the single most important influence on the shape of a

population pyramid The more children per parent the broader will be the base of the pyramid

The median age of the population will also be younger While mortality will also have an

influence on the shape it will be far less important an influence than fertility but somewhat

more complex One would assume that lower mortality rates in a population would result in an

older age distribution However just the opposite is true a population with lower mortality rates

will display a slightly younger age distribution This is due to the fact that any disparities in the

mortality rates of a population are more likely a result of variations within the younger age

groups usually infants and children

There are generally three types of population pyramids created from age-sex distributions

expansive constrictive and stationary Examples of these three types of population pyramids

appear at the end of this report Definitions of the three types follow

1 Expansive population pyramids show larger numbers or percentages of the population in

the younger age groups usually with each age group smaller in size or proportion than

the one born before it These types of pyramids are usually found in populations with

very large fertility rates and lower than average life expectancies The age-sex

distributions of Latin American and many Third World countries would probably display

expansive population pyramids

The following figure is an example of such an age-sex pyramid This pyramid of the

Philippines shows a triangle-shaped pyramid and reflects a high growth rate of about 21

percent annually

18

2 Constrictive population pyramids display lower numbers or percentages of younger

people The age-sex distributions of the United States fall into this type of pyramid

In the United States the population is growing at a rate of about 17 percent annually

This growth rate is reflected in the more square-like structure of the pyramid Note the

lump in the pyramid between the ages of about 35 to 50 This large segment of the

population is the post-World War II baby boom As this population ages and climbs up

the pyramid there will be a much greater demand for medical and other geriatric

services

3 Stationary or near-stationary population pyramids display somewhat equal numbers or

percentages for almost all age groups Of course smaller figures are still to be expected

at the oldest age groups The age-sex distributions of some European countries

especially Scandinavian ones will tend to fall into this category

Germany is experiencing a period of negative growth (-01) As negative growth in a

country continues the population is reduced A population can shrink due to a low birth

rate and a stable death rate Increased emigration may also contribute to a declining

population

19

Bangladesh

Age

Age structure

0ndash14 years 329 (male 24957997female 23533894)

15ndash64 years 636 (male 47862774female 45917674)

65 years and over 35 (male 2731578female 2361435) (2006 est)

Median age 233 years

Male 229 years

Female 235 (2009 est)

Gender ratio

At birth 104 male(s)female

Under 15 years 101 male(s)female

15ndash64 years 09 male(s)female

65 years and over 094 male(s)female

Total population 093 male(s)female (2009 est)

Bangladesh Population Pyramid for 1995

Age and sex distribution for the year 1995

20

Bangladesh Population Pyramid for 2010

A Definition of Migration

The definition of the word can be the movement of people from one place to another There

are two main types of migration first internal migration ie migration within one country and

secondly international migration which means the movement from one country to another A

good example of internal migration is the movement from East Germany to West Germany

which causes big problems for East Germany A good example of international migration is the

movement from third-world countries to Europe or America The next question is What makes

people migrate from one place to another

The reasons for migration can be divided into two main aspects the so-called push and pull

factors

Push factors are those in their old place which force people to move For example there may be

civil wars or wars in general in the country but political or religious oppression climate

changes lack of jobs or simply poverty are all important push factors

Pull factors are factors in the target country which encourage people to move these include

peace and safety a chance of a better job better education social security a better standard of

living in general as well as political and religious freedom

Calculation

MIGRATION = M

)()( 12 DBPPM

M=Total Migrations

Population Initial1 P

Population Final2 P

B=Total birth during the time period

D=Total Death

21

Pattern of rural urban migration in Bangladesh

Migration Rural-Urban Migration is a flexible and dynamic phenomenon that encompasses

territorial mobility of the people and involves movements like commuting absence from home

place for periods from a couple of days to several years seasonal migration and permanent

relocation Although diversified in forms it involves a certain degree of commitment on the part

of migrants to the place of origin and of destination This shows whether the migration is of

permanent or non-permanent nature Non-permanent forms of migration are now becoming

increasingly important given the massive improvement in the transportation networks and in the

information technology Migration is one of the vital forces that contribute to rapid urbanization

generally associated with higher levels of productivity and development

Migration also plays an important role by linking people with spaces and transferring people

from places of lower opportunities to those of higher opportunities and a subsequent transfer of

resources Bangladesh is one of the few countries where remittances from temporary migrants

working abroad contribute nearly 10 to the GDP and finance a substantial proportion of trade

deficit For rural areas remittances constitute a form of income which not only helps in

sustenance of families but also cushions against income erosion a recurrent threat faced by poor

households

In the 90 years between 1901 and 1991 the urban POPULATION of the country increased almost

30 times (from 702000 to 2156 million) as opposed to only about a three-fold increase (307 to

883 million) of the rural population The urban population grew at an annual rate of 1 - 2

during the British period (1757-1947) and about 4 during the Pakistan period (1947-1971)

The relatively low rate of urbanization during the British period can be explained by the slow

pace of industrialization With the growth of JUTE and TEXTILES industries mainly in Dhaka and

its surrounding areas urbanization accelerated during 1951-1961 The rate of urbanization

increased sharply after liberation of Bangladesh This was associated with spread of economic

and commercial activities in the urban centers The number of urban centers rose dramatically

from 78 in 1961 to 198 in 1974 and 522 in 1991

Before 1974 there was no city in Bangladesh that had a population of one million or more but

now DHAKA emerged as a mega city with a population of around 10 million Distribution of the

urban population over the years reveals significant increases in the size of four major cities

(Dhaka Chittagong Rajshahi and Khulna) particularly in recent years In the first half of this

century they contained around a third of the total urban population and in 1991 about 50 of

them lived in these cities The level of urbanization raised from a very low base (76) in 1970

to 20 in the 1990s The annual growth rate of urban population in Bangladesh during 1975-

1995 was 34 which is higher than that in the neighboring countries and in other largely

populated countries of Asia

The rural-urban migration along with reclassification contributes nearly 60 to the urban

growth Rural-urban migration occurs in a particular type of setting marked by limited industrial

but rapid commerce-centered growth around major cities especially after the liberation

Empirical evidence suggests that the development of road infrastructure and transportation and

the rapid expansion of manufacturing trade hotel and restaurants and housing and construction

generated demand for unskilled and semi-skilled labor in these cities This had dramatically

increased migration for job-related reasons Also the unequal land relations and loss of land due

to natural calamities influence the spatial movement of population Available statistics suggest

that top 10 of the rural households controlled 51 of land and had a share of 32 of the total

income The share of the bottom 40 of the households was 2 and 16 of land and income

respectively Subsequently three-quarters of rural out-migration occurred from landless

22

households However there had been many cases of migration from the landowning households

the members of which migrated to maximize income from diversified sources and the migration

remained largely non-permanent in nature

Most male migrants from rural areas were agricultural laborers at their original places Rural-

urban migration also takes place from the districts that had better performing agricultural sector

and this is particularly witnessed in the case of migration to Dhaka city A great deal of

population mobility results from survival and adaptive strategies to maximize family income by

allocating their labor in diversified income earning activities to a number of locations Migration

of independent women has been on rise since middle of 1980s as a result of establishment of

export oriented garment manufacturing factories in Dhaka and Chittagong In the 1970s

educational selectivity and population density played an important role in the process of rural-

urban migration Micro-level surveys show bi-polar pattern of educational selectivity suggesting

that both the highly educated and illiterate sections of people have a great propensity to migrate

as both groups undertake equal risks in this regard

Along with education other characteristics of migrants such as age gender marital status roles

and responsibilities assumed in the family and resource endowment (particularly landholding)

play an important role in migration motivation Role of social networks as sources of

information prior to migration and other aids and assistance at the place of destination emerged

as a pre-condition for migration Similarly rapid expansion of the rural non-farm activities and

greater value addition in these activities in urban sector fail to support the thesis that high

population density determines the migratory flows in Bangladesh Migration is rather induced by

jobs available in a particular area and the laws that regulate employment there the threat of

income erosion level of development of physical and infrastructural facilities and

mechanization of agriculture

Rural-urban migration often leads to a broad range of consequences both beneficial and

detrimental and also mixed in the receiving and sending communities In terms of employment

and cash earnings existing evidence weighs heavily in favour of migration The flow of

remittances contributes significantly to the welfare of the relatives left behind by the temporary

migrants in rural areas The migrants now residing in the slums of the Dhaka city tend to spend

increasingly more of their earnings in nutritious food and childrens education

Yet school enrollment of slum children (6-14 years) is much lower (around 35) than their age

cohorts from rural landless households (nearly 50) Similarly infant mortality rate in the urban

slums is comparable with rural areas In the absence of government intervention and adequate

NGO support to improve basic social services and human resources development in urban areas

the urban poor especially poor women are more susceptible to health and environmental

hazards than their non-poor counterparts Poor migrant households also face potential threat of

income-erosion arising out of eviction extortion by musclemen frequent sickness and sexual

harassment of women However contrary to the conventional wisdom migrants living in urban

poor agglomerations do manage access to urban amenities such as gas electricity and water

through informal sources

Persistent migration from rural areas to a few large cities has serious implications for the level of

productivity the state of urban infrastructure and environmental conditions since with migrants

cities grow faster than the capacity of the economy to support them Whilst rapid and huge

growth of urban population exacerbates the growing degradation the inability to enforce basic

cannons of cost recovery in delivering basic amenities lack of coordination among different

service giving agencies and weak capacity and inadequate authority of the city corporations and

municipalities are the major causes of the environmental problem

Page 12: British rule in bengal

12

Creation of Bangladesh

In the evening of March 25 1971 the Pakistan army attacked East Pakistan as the future

Bangladesh was then known The attack was an effort to put down East Pakistani protesters who

demanded that the national government recognize the right of the elected majority party the

Awami (Peoples) League to assume political office The attacks by the Pakistanis and

resistance by the Bangladeshis continued until December of that year with the Bangladeshis

seeing this as a war of independence and the government forces viewing it as a civil war

Throughout the year India provided support for the East Pakistani rebels and received a large

number of refugees Early in December Pakistans internal conflict assumed international

dimensions with the direct intervention of Indian troops The violence ended on December 16

when the Pakistani commander at the time General A K Niazi surrendered to General Jagjeet

Singh Arora commander of the Indian forces

The discontent of East Pakistanis in the united state of Pakistan had a long history before it

finally culminated in war The Muslim League government of Pakistan led by Muhammad Ali

Jinnah had long ignored East Bengal However during his only visit to the eastern province in

March 1948 Jinnah was confronted by Bengalis who demanded that their language be

recognized along with Urdu as a co-official language of Pakistan Jinnah stated that anyone who

opposed the status of Urdu as the official language of Pakistan was a traitor to the country This

angered the Bengali faction and in 1952 that anger gave rise to the language movement in

East Pakistan

After independence the Pakistani government was constituted according to the Government of

India Act (1935) as modified by the India Independence Act of 1947 both acts of the British

Parliament It was not until 1956 that a formal constitution was promulgated (India adopted its

own constitution in 1950) The constitution of 1956 changed the name of the eastern wing of the

country from East Bengal to East Pakistan and the four provinces of the west wing were

consolidated into West Pakistan The constitution also instituted the concept of parity between

the eastern and western regions This meant that representation in the National Assembly would

be equal from each province even though East Pakistan had about 54 percent of the total

population of Pakistan The Bengalis of East Pakistan viewed this as an affront

This shortchanging of representation in the National Assembly was also seen in the military

services There were very few officers from East Pakistan in a military overwhelmingly

dominated by West Pakistanis There was a similar disparity in representation within the civil

service Although a quota system was later instituted the disparity persisted at the higher levels

throughout the 1960s

In 1954 a major and violent strike occurred at the Adamjee Jute Mill in Narayanganj a suburb

of Dhaka In addition to disputes over pay and labor practices the East Pakistani workers felt

that the company was showing favoritism to Urdu-speaking Biharis in employment Bihari is a

general term applied to those Urduspeaking Muslims most of them from the Indian state of

Bihar who fled east at the time of partition but who never learned to speak Bengali In addition

the East Pakistani strikers were protesting the fact that the majority of East Pakistans

manufacturing and banking firms were owned by West Pakistanis among whom the Adamjee

family was prominent

13

The leading Muslim political party in Bengal prior to Pakistans independence had been the

Muslim League which dominated the Bengal Provincial Assembly At the time of

independence the sitting members of the Bengal Provincial Assembly chose their future

membership in either the assembly of West Bengal in India or the assembly of East Bengal in

Pakistan The Muslim League maintained control Although elections were held in each of the

provinces of the west wing as early as 1951 elections in East Bengal were delayed until 1954

The election when it was finally held resulted in an almost total rout of the Muslim League

which was looked upon locally as a proxy of the central government

The winning coalition in East Pakistan was comprised of the Awami League and the Krishak

Sramik (Farmers and Workers) Party The principal founder of the Awami League was Husain

Shahid Suhrawardy The Krishak Sramik Party was led by Fazlul Haq Haq had been a prime

minister of united Bengal (ie prior to independence) when his party was known as the Krishak

Praja (Farmers and Peoples) Party For the 1954 election the Awami League and the Krishak

Sramik Party joined forces as the United Front and ran for office on a platform called 21

Points Among the issues addressed by the coalition were the recognition of Bengali as an

official language of Pakistan autonomy for East Bengal in all matters except defense foreign

affairs and currency land reform improved irrigation nationalization of the jute industry and

other points that if enacted into law would give East Bengalis greater control of their own

governance

The demand that Bengali be recognized as an official language was an outgrowth of the

language movement of 1952 Since the early days of independence East Pakistanis had

demanded that Pakistan recognize two official languages Bengali (the most widely spoken

language) and Urdu An attempt by the central government to devise a means to write Bengali in

the Urdu script was met with widespread opposition and rioting mainly from academics and

university students On February 21 1952 in an attempt to suppress the violence the police

fired on a crowd of demonstrators and about twenty students were killed Today a monument

stands at the site of the killings and February 21 is celebrated annually as Martyrs Day

For its championing of this and other issues important to the majority of East Pakistanis the

Krishak SramikndashAwami League coalition won the 1954 election Eventually however the

Krishak Sramik Party withered away and the Awami League became the most important party

in the province It would become the leader of the independence movement and dominate

emerging Bangladeshi politics

In October 1958 General Muhammad Ayub Khan proclaimed himself president of Pakistan

following a military coup declared martial law and dissolved the National Assembly and the

provincial legislatures He then set up what he called Basic Democracy which he described as

a more representative government Elections at the local level would be direct and those elected

at this level would be designated Basic Democrats Elections for the provincial and national

assemblies and for the presidency would be indirect with the Basic Democrats serving as the

electoral college He retained the principle of parity however This meant that each province

was allocated an equal number of Basic Democrat electors so that East Pakistanis continued to

be underrepresented at the higher levels of government Not unexpectedly Ayub was elected

president in 1962 and reelected president in 1967 Although he won majorities in each wing in

each election his majority in the east wing in 1967 was dramatically less than in 1962

14

Nonetheless Ayubs power began to slip after his reelection to office as did his health

Opposition to his rule spread even in West Pakistan Ayub grew concerned about a growing

secessionist movement in East Pakistan The Awami League now headed by Sheik Mujibur

Rahman demanded that changes be made in regard to East Pakistan These changes were

embodied in Mujibs Six Points Plan which he presented at a meeting of opposition parties in

Lahore in 1966 In brief these Six Points called for

1 A federal and parliamentary government with free and fair elections

2 Federal government to control only foreign affairs and defense

3 A separate currency or separate fiscal accounts for each province to control

movement of capital from east to west

4 All power of taxation to reside at the provincial level with the federal government

subsisting on grants from the provinces

5 Enabling each federating unit to enter into foreign trade agreements on its own and

to retain control over the foreign exchange earned and

6 Allowing each unit to raise its own militia

If these points had been adopted it would have meant almost de facto independence for East

Pakistan Many observers saw point six a separate militia as the point most unacceptable to the

central government but they were wrong The 1965 Indo-Pakistan War had demonstrated the

lack of local defense forces in East Pakistan which would have left the province defenseless had

India attacked there In fact it was point four regarding taxation that proved to be the problem

because the enactment of this point would make it all but impossible for a central government to

operate

In 1968 in response to the Six Points Plan the Ayub government charged Mujib and his

supporters with treason This later became known as the Agartala Conspiracy Case so-called as

it was alleged that Mujib had met with Indian agents in Agartala the capital of the Indian state

of Tripura which borders on Bangladesh Mujib and the Awami League denied that any such

meeting had ever taken place In early 1969 as hostility to Ayub increased in both East and

West Pakistan he invited opposition leaders to meet with him Mujib having been jailed

awaiting his trial for treason was not invited to this meeting The opposition leaders refused to

come to the meeting unless the charges against Mujib were withdrawn and demanded that he

too be invited to attend Ayub complied with these demands The meeting which Ayub hoped

would work to his advantage instead strengthened the oppositions position which called for the

end of the policy of Basic Democracy and the return to direct parliamentary elections

The opposition movement expanded beyond the political sphere to the military and Ayub was

forced to resign on March 25 1969 He was replaced by General Agha Muhammad Yahya

Khan who promised to reinstate direct elections These were held in December 1970 in most of

the country but flooding in East Pakistan forced a few constituencies to delay their elections

until January 1971 In addition to reinstating free and direct elections Yahya also acted to

restore the former provinces of West Pakistan which had been united into a single unit by the

1956 constitution More important for East Pakistan he ended the principle of parity In the

1970 election for the National Assembly East Pakistan would have 162 general seats out of a

total of 300 reflecting the 54 percent majority that Bengalis enjoyed according to the 1961

population census

15

Yahya also introduced legislation that in his view would limit the changes that could be made

to the constitution by the National Assembly This legislation called the Legal Framework

Order touched upon seven points

1 That Pakistan would be a federated state

2 Islamic principles would be paramount

3 Direct and regular elections would be held

4 Fundamental rights would be guaranteed

5 The judiciary would be independent

6 Maximum provincial autonomy would be allowed but the federal government

shall also have adequate powers including legislative administrative and financial

powers to discharge its responsibilities and

7 Economic disparities among provinces would be removed

The result of the election in East Pakistan startled outside observers and even took some

supporters of the Awami League by surprise The party won 160 of the 162 seats in East

Pakistan thereby gaining a majority in the National Assembly without winning a single seat in

West Pakistan which had thrown its support behind the Pakistan Peoples Party led by Zulfiqar

Ali Bhutto Neither Yahya nor his military associates nor Bhutto looked favorably on a

government comprised solely of the Awami League and headed by the author of the Six Points

Plan Yahya began a series of negotiations perhaps in the hope of creating a coalition

government but more in an effort to sideline Mujib As the talks became more rancorous and

compromise seemed impossible the Pakistani government began to increase the strength of its

rather small contingent of military forces stationed in East Pakistan

Yahya negotiated with Bhutto and Mujib the former declaring that there were two majorities

in Pakistan and the latter insisting on the full enactment of the Six Points even where these

were at variance with Yahyas Legal Framework Order (ie on the issues of taxation)

Demonstrations supporting the Awami Leagues position spread across East Pakistan Violence

began to look more attractive than political activism as a means of protecting East Pakistans

interests By this time the term Bangladeshi was widely adopted by the Awami League and its

supporters to replace the designation East Pakistani

The army struck back on March 25 1971 Its first move was to attack the faculty and students at

Dhaka University and to take Mujib into custody By one estimate up to 35000 Bangladeshis

were killed at the university and elsewhere on the first few days Mujib was transported to jail in

West Pakistan (There were fears that he would be executed but these later proved unfounded

when he was released at the end of the conflict) A number of Mujibs associates fled first to a

village on the border with India then to Calcutta Major Ziaur Rahman who would later become

president of independent Bangladesh issued a declaration of independence

Bangladeshi police and border patrol forces organized a resistance force to oppose the Pakistani

army and they were later joined by several civilians many of whom had been university

students It was however almost nine months before India intervened triggering the December

16 1971 surrender of the Pakistani army India intervened both for strategic reasons (as

weakening Pakistan) and for humanitarian reasons to alleviate the suffering of Bangladeshis

16

Pakistan complained about Indias invasion of its sovereign territory to the UN Security Council

in early December In an often emotional speech Bhutto argued with reason that this

intervention was a violation of international law The Security Council agreed but the question

soon became moot with the surrender of the Pakistani troops in Bangladesh

The number of Bangladeshis killed disabled raped or displaced by the violence of 1971 is not

fully known Estimates by Bangladeshi sources put the number killed at up to three million and

it is estimated that as many as ten million may have fled to India Initially the Pakistani army

targeted educators students political leaders and others who were generally considered to be

prominent sympathizers of the Awami League As the Bangladeshis formed military units

however these units also became the targets Some of these units were formed by Bangladeshis

who had formerly served in the Pakistani army others were recruited from the police and the

East Pakistan (now Bangladesh) Rifles a border security force These units based in rural and

outlying areas of Bangladesh were able to take advantage of the Pakistani armys initial focus

on the student-led demonstrations in the Dhaka region Survivor accounts such as that by

Jahanara Imam suggest that much of the killing soon devolved into little more than

indiscriminate slaughter

The Pakistani surrender and the termination of conflict left several unsettled questions Many

Bangladeshismdashmostly civil servants or military troops and their familiesmdashwere still detained in

Pakistan In Bangladesh there were non-Bengalismdashagain mostly civil servants or military

troops but also some business owners and professionalsmdashwho wished repatriation to Pakistan

In addition the fate of de facto prisoners of war held by Bangladesh and Pakistani prisoners of

war held by India had yet to be decided Bangladesh wanted to place 195 Pakistani military

personnel on trial for war crimes and genocide On August 9 1975 a tripartite agreement

between Bangladesh India and Pakistan was reached to create a panel that would attempt to

settle these issues Bangladesh also agreed to drop all charges against the 195 Pakistanis accused

of war crimes and to permit their repatriation to Pakistan

In the end and at great cost Bangladesh achieved its independence Slowly the two countries

were able to establish diplomatic relations Pakistan recognized Bangladesh as independent on

February 22 1974 primarily at the urging of the Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC)

which was meeting in Lahore at that time The OIC insisted that Bangladesh a Muslim state be

permitted to attend the conference Bangladeshis however remained unsatisfied They wanted

an apology from the Pakistanis for the excesses committed during the war They received one

finally from the Pakistani president Pervez Musharraf when he visited Bangladesh in July

2002

17

Age-Sex Structure of the Population

A populations age-sex structure is the number andor proportion of the population to be found in

each age-sex group If each population could be got together for a day and lined up in their age

groups - females at one end males at the other a plane flying overhead would look down on a

certain shape

There are many different ways to graphically present population data The most important

demographic characteristic of a population is its age-sex structure and the use of an age-sex

pyramid also known as a population pyramid is considered the best way to graphically

illustrate the age and sex distribution of a given population

An age-sex pyramid consists of two horizontal histograms joined together It displays the

percentage or actual amount of a population broken down by gender and age The five-year age

increments on the y-axis allow the pyramid to vividly reflect both long-term trends in the birth

and death rates and shorter-term baby-booms wars and epidemics

The fertility rate of a population is the single most important influence on the shape of a

population pyramid The more children per parent the broader will be the base of the pyramid

The median age of the population will also be younger While mortality will also have an

influence on the shape it will be far less important an influence than fertility but somewhat

more complex One would assume that lower mortality rates in a population would result in an

older age distribution However just the opposite is true a population with lower mortality rates

will display a slightly younger age distribution This is due to the fact that any disparities in the

mortality rates of a population are more likely a result of variations within the younger age

groups usually infants and children

There are generally three types of population pyramids created from age-sex distributions

expansive constrictive and stationary Examples of these three types of population pyramids

appear at the end of this report Definitions of the three types follow

1 Expansive population pyramids show larger numbers or percentages of the population in

the younger age groups usually with each age group smaller in size or proportion than

the one born before it These types of pyramids are usually found in populations with

very large fertility rates and lower than average life expectancies The age-sex

distributions of Latin American and many Third World countries would probably display

expansive population pyramids

The following figure is an example of such an age-sex pyramid This pyramid of the

Philippines shows a triangle-shaped pyramid and reflects a high growth rate of about 21

percent annually

18

2 Constrictive population pyramids display lower numbers or percentages of younger

people The age-sex distributions of the United States fall into this type of pyramid

In the United States the population is growing at a rate of about 17 percent annually

This growth rate is reflected in the more square-like structure of the pyramid Note the

lump in the pyramid between the ages of about 35 to 50 This large segment of the

population is the post-World War II baby boom As this population ages and climbs up

the pyramid there will be a much greater demand for medical and other geriatric

services

3 Stationary or near-stationary population pyramids display somewhat equal numbers or

percentages for almost all age groups Of course smaller figures are still to be expected

at the oldest age groups The age-sex distributions of some European countries

especially Scandinavian ones will tend to fall into this category

Germany is experiencing a period of negative growth (-01) As negative growth in a

country continues the population is reduced A population can shrink due to a low birth

rate and a stable death rate Increased emigration may also contribute to a declining

population

19

Bangladesh

Age

Age structure

0ndash14 years 329 (male 24957997female 23533894)

15ndash64 years 636 (male 47862774female 45917674)

65 years and over 35 (male 2731578female 2361435) (2006 est)

Median age 233 years

Male 229 years

Female 235 (2009 est)

Gender ratio

At birth 104 male(s)female

Under 15 years 101 male(s)female

15ndash64 years 09 male(s)female

65 years and over 094 male(s)female

Total population 093 male(s)female (2009 est)

Bangladesh Population Pyramid for 1995

Age and sex distribution for the year 1995

20

Bangladesh Population Pyramid for 2010

A Definition of Migration

The definition of the word can be the movement of people from one place to another There

are two main types of migration first internal migration ie migration within one country and

secondly international migration which means the movement from one country to another A

good example of internal migration is the movement from East Germany to West Germany

which causes big problems for East Germany A good example of international migration is the

movement from third-world countries to Europe or America The next question is What makes

people migrate from one place to another

The reasons for migration can be divided into two main aspects the so-called push and pull

factors

Push factors are those in their old place which force people to move For example there may be

civil wars or wars in general in the country but political or religious oppression climate

changes lack of jobs or simply poverty are all important push factors

Pull factors are factors in the target country which encourage people to move these include

peace and safety a chance of a better job better education social security a better standard of

living in general as well as political and religious freedom

Calculation

MIGRATION = M

)()( 12 DBPPM

M=Total Migrations

Population Initial1 P

Population Final2 P

B=Total birth during the time period

D=Total Death

21

Pattern of rural urban migration in Bangladesh

Migration Rural-Urban Migration is a flexible and dynamic phenomenon that encompasses

territorial mobility of the people and involves movements like commuting absence from home

place for periods from a couple of days to several years seasonal migration and permanent

relocation Although diversified in forms it involves a certain degree of commitment on the part

of migrants to the place of origin and of destination This shows whether the migration is of

permanent or non-permanent nature Non-permanent forms of migration are now becoming

increasingly important given the massive improvement in the transportation networks and in the

information technology Migration is one of the vital forces that contribute to rapid urbanization

generally associated with higher levels of productivity and development

Migration also plays an important role by linking people with spaces and transferring people

from places of lower opportunities to those of higher opportunities and a subsequent transfer of

resources Bangladesh is one of the few countries where remittances from temporary migrants

working abroad contribute nearly 10 to the GDP and finance a substantial proportion of trade

deficit For rural areas remittances constitute a form of income which not only helps in

sustenance of families but also cushions against income erosion a recurrent threat faced by poor

households

In the 90 years between 1901 and 1991 the urban POPULATION of the country increased almost

30 times (from 702000 to 2156 million) as opposed to only about a three-fold increase (307 to

883 million) of the rural population The urban population grew at an annual rate of 1 - 2

during the British period (1757-1947) and about 4 during the Pakistan period (1947-1971)

The relatively low rate of urbanization during the British period can be explained by the slow

pace of industrialization With the growth of JUTE and TEXTILES industries mainly in Dhaka and

its surrounding areas urbanization accelerated during 1951-1961 The rate of urbanization

increased sharply after liberation of Bangladesh This was associated with spread of economic

and commercial activities in the urban centers The number of urban centers rose dramatically

from 78 in 1961 to 198 in 1974 and 522 in 1991

Before 1974 there was no city in Bangladesh that had a population of one million or more but

now DHAKA emerged as a mega city with a population of around 10 million Distribution of the

urban population over the years reveals significant increases in the size of four major cities

(Dhaka Chittagong Rajshahi and Khulna) particularly in recent years In the first half of this

century they contained around a third of the total urban population and in 1991 about 50 of

them lived in these cities The level of urbanization raised from a very low base (76) in 1970

to 20 in the 1990s The annual growth rate of urban population in Bangladesh during 1975-

1995 was 34 which is higher than that in the neighboring countries and in other largely

populated countries of Asia

The rural-urban migration along with reclassification contributes nearly 60 to the urban

growth Rural-urban migration occurs in a particular type of setting marked by limited industrial

but rapid commerce-centered growth around major cities especially after the liberation

Empirical evidence suggests that the development of road infrastructure and transportation and

the rapid expansion of manufacturing trade hotel and restaurants and housing and construction

generated demand for unskilled and semi-skilled labor in these cities This had dramatically

increased migration for job-related reasons Also the unequal land relations and loss of land due

to natural calamities influence the spatial movement of population Available statistics suggest

that top 10 of the rural households controlled 51 of land and had a share of 32 of the total

income The share of the bottom 40 of the households was 2 and 16 of land and income

respectively Subsequently three-quarters of rural out-migration occurred from landless

22

households However there had been many cases of migration from the landowning households

the members of which migrated to maximize income from diversified sources and the migration

remained largely non-permanent in nature

Most male migrants from rural areas were agricultural laborers at their original places Rural-

urban migration also takes place from the districts that had better performing agricultural sector

and this is particularly witnessed in the case of migration to Dhaka city A great deal of

population mobility results from survival and adaptive strategies to maximize family income by

allocating their labor in diversified income earning activities to a number of locations Migration

of independent women has been on rise since middle of 1980s as a result of establishment of

export oriented garment manufacturing factories in Dhaka and Chittagong In the 1970s

educational selectivity and population density played an important role in the process of rural-

urban migration Micro-level surveys show bi-polar pattern of educational selectivity suggesting

that both the highly educated and illiterate sections of people have a great propensity to migrate

as both groups undertake equal risks in this regard

Along with education other characteristics of migrants such as age gender marital status roles

and responsibilities assumed in the family and resource endowment (particularly landholding)

play an important role in migration motivation Role of social networks as sources of

information prior to migration and other aids and assistance at the place of destination emerged

as a pre-condition for migration Similarly rapid expansion of the rural non-farm activities and

greater value addition in these activities in urban sector fail to support the thesis that high

population density determines the migratory flows in Bangladesh Migration is rather induced by

jobs available in a particular area and the laws that regulate employment there the threat of

income erosion level of development of physical and infrastructural facilities and

mechanization of agriculture

Rural-urban migration often leads to a broad range of consequences both beneficial and

detrimental and also mixed in the receiving and sending communities In terms of employment

and cash earnings existing evidence weighs heavily in favour of migration The flow of

remittances contributes significantly to the welfare of the relatives left behind by the temporary

migrants in rural areas The migrants now residing in the slums of the Dhaka city tend to spend

increasingly more of their earnings in nutritious food and childrens education

Yet school enrollment of slum children (6-14 years) is much lower (around 35) than their age

cohorts from rural landless households (nearly 50) Similarly infant mortality rate in the urban

slums is comparable with rural areas In the absence of government intervention and adequate

NGO support to improve basic social services and human resources development in urban areas

the urban poor especially poor women are more susceptible to health and environmental

hazards than their non-poor counterparts Poor migrant households also face potential threat of

income-erosion arising out of eviction extortion by musclemen frequent sickness and sexual

harassment of women However contrary to the conventional wisdom migrants living in urban

poor agglomerations do manage access to urban amenities such as gas electricity and water

through informal sources

Persistent migration from rural areas to a few large cities has serious implications for the level of

productivity the state of urban infrastructure and environmental conditions since with migrants

cities grow faster than the capacity of the economy to support them Whilst rapid and huge

growth of urban population exacerbates the growing degradation the inability to enforce basic

cannons of cost recovery in delivering basic amenities lack of coordination among different

service giving agencies and weak capacity and inadequate authority of the city corporations and

municipalities are the major causes of the environmental problem

Page 13: British rule in bengal

13

The leading Muslim political party in Bengal prior to Pakistans independence had been the

Muslim League which dominated the Bengal Provincial Assembly At the time of

independence the sitting members of the Bengal Provincial Assembly chose their future

membership in either the assembly of West Bengal in India or the assembly of East Bengal in

Pakistan The Muslim League maintained control Although elections were held in each of the

provinces of the west wing as early as 1951 elections in East Bengal were delayed until 1954

The election when it was finally held resulted in an almost total rout of the Muslim League

which was looked upon locally as a proxy of the central government

The winning coalition in East Pakistan was comprised of the Awami League and the Krishak

Sramik (Farmers and Workers) Party The principal founder of the Awami League was Husain

Shahid Suhrawardy The Krishak Sramik Party was led by Fazlul Haq Haq had been a prime

minister of united Bengal (ie prior to independence) when his party was known as the Krishak

Praja (Farmers and Peoples) Party For the 1954 election the Awami League and the Krishak

Sramik Party joined forces as the United Front and ran for office on a platform called 21

Points Among the issues addressed by the coalition were the recognition of Bengali as an

official language of Pakistan autonomy for East Bengal in all matters except defense foreign

affairs and currency land reform improved irrigation nationalization of the jute industry and

other points that if enacted into law would give East Bengalis greater control of their own

governance

The demand that Bengali be recognized as an official language was an outgrowth of the

language movement of 1952 Since the early days of independence East Pakistanis had

demanded that Pakistan recognize two official languages Bengali (the most widely spoken

language) and Urdu An attempt by the central government to devise a means to write Bengali in

the Urdu script was met with widespread opposition and rioting mainly from academics and

university students On February 21 1952 in an attempt to suppress the violence the police

fired on a crowd of demonstrators and about twenty students were killed Today a monument

stands at the site of the killings and February 21 is celebrated annually as Martyrs Day

For its championing of this and other issues important to the majority of East Pakistanis the

Krishak SramikndashAwami League coalition won the 1954 election Eventually however the

Krishak Sramik Party withered away and the Awami League became the most important party

in the province It would become the leader of the independence movement and dominate

emerging Bangladeshi politics

In October 1958 General Muhammad Ayub Khan proclaimed himself president of Pakistan

following a military coup declared martial law and dissolved the National Assembly and the

provincial legislatures He then set up what he called Basic Democracy which he described as

a more representative government Elections at the local level would be direct and those elected

at this level would be designated Basic Democrats Elections for the provincial and national

assemblies and for the presidency would be indirect with the Basic Democrats serving as the

electoral college He retained the principle of parity however This meant that each province

was allocated an equal number of Basic Democrat electors so that East Pakistanis continued to

be underrepresented at the higher levels of government Not unexpectedly Ayub was elected

president in 1962 and reelected president in 1967 Although he won majorities in each wing in

each election his majority in the east wing in 1967 was dramatically less than in 1962

14

Nonetheless Ayubs power began to slip after his reelection to office as did his health

Opposition to his rule spread even in West Pakistan Ayub grew concerned about a growing

secessionist movement in East Pakistan The Awami League now headed by Sheik Mujibur

Rahman demanded that changes be made in regard to East Pakistan These changes were

embodied in Mujibs Six Points Plan which he presented at a meeting of opposition parties in

Lahore in 1966 In brief these Six Points called for

1 A federal and parliamentary government with free and fair elections

2 Federal government to control only foreign affairs and defense

3 A separate currency or separate fiscal accounts for each province to control

movement of capital from east to west

4 All power of taxation to reside at the provincial level with the federal government

subsisting on grants from the provinces

5 Enabling each federating unit to enter into foreign trade agreements on its own and

to retain control over the foreign exchange earned and

6 Allowing each unit to raise its own militia

If these points had been adopted it would have meant almost de facto independence for East

Pakistan Many observers saw point six a separate militia as the point most unacceptable to the

central government but they were wrong The 1965 Indo-Pakistan War had demonstrated the

lack of local defense forces in East Pakistan which would have left the province defenseless had

India attacked there In fact it was point four regarding taxation that proved to be the problem

because the enactment of this point would make it all but impossible for a central government to

operate

In 1968 in response to the Six Points Plan the Ayub government charged Mujib and his

supporters with treason This later became known as the Agartala Conspiracy Case so-called as

it was alleged that Mujib had met with Indian agents in Agartala the capital of the Indian state

of Tripura which borders on Bangladesh Mujib and the Awami League denied that any such

meeting had ever taken place In early 1969 as hostility to Ayub increased in both East and

West Pakistan he invited opposition leaders to meet with him Mujib having been jailed

awaiting his trial for treason was not invited to this meeting The opposition leaders refused to

come to the meeting unless the charges against Mujib were withdrawn and demanded that he

too be invited to attend Ayub complied with these demands The meeting which Ayub hoped

would work to his advantage instead strengthened the oppositions position which called for the

end of the policy of Basic Democracy and the return to direct parliamentary elections

The opposition movement expanded beyond the political sphere to the military and Ayub was

forced to resign on March 25 1969 He was replaced by General Agha Muhammad Yahya

Khan who promised to reinstate direct elections These were held in December 1970 in most of

the country but flooding in East Pakistan forced a few constituencies to delay their elections

until January 1971 In addition to reinstating free and direct elections Yahya also acted to

restore the former provinces of West Pakistan which had been united into a single unit by the

1956 constitution More important for East Pakistan he ended the principle of parity In the

1970 election for the National Assembly East Pakistan would have 162 general seats out of a

total of 300 reflecting the 54 percent majority that Bengalis enjoyed according to the 1961

population census

15

Yahya also introduced legislation that in his view would limit the changes that could be made

to the constitution by the National Assembly This legislation called the Legal Framework

Order touched upon seven points

1 That Pakistan would be a federated state

2 Islamic principles would be paramount

3 Direct and regular elections would be held

4 Fundamental rights would be guaranteed

5 The judiciary would be independent

6 Maximum provincial autonomy would be allowed but the federal government

shall also have adequate powers including legislative administrative and financial

powers to discharge its responsibilities and

7 Economic disparities among provinces would be removed

The result of the election in East Pakistan startled outside observers and even took some

supporters of the Awami League by surprise The party won 160 of the 162 seats in East

Pakistan thereby gaining a majority in the National Assembly without winning a single seat in

West Pakistan which had thrown its support behind the Pakistan Peoples Party led by Zulfiqar

Ali Bhutto Neither Yahya nor his military associates nor Bhutto looked favorably on a

government comprised solely of the Awami League and headed by the author of the Six Points

Plan Yahya began a series of negotiations perhaps in the hope of creating a coalition

government but more in an effort to sideline Mujib As the talks became more rancorous and

compromise seemed impossible the Pakistani government began to increase the strength of its

rather small contingent of military forces stationed in East Pakistan

Yahya negotiated with Bhutto and Mujib the former declaring that there were two majorities

in Pakistan and the latter insisting on the full enactment of the Six Points even where these

were at variance with Yahyas Legal Framework Order (ie on the issues of taxation)

Demonstrations supporting the Awami Leagues position spread across East Pakistan Violence

began to look more attractive than political activism as a means of protecting East Pakistans

interests By this time the term Bangladeshi was widely adopted by the Awami League and its

supporters to replace the designation East Pakistani

The army struck back on March 25 1971 Its first move was to attack the faculty and students at

Dhaka University and to take Mujib into custody By one estimate up to 35000 Bangladeshis

were killed at the university and elsewhere on the first few days Mujib was transported to jail in

West Pakistan (There were fears that he would be executed but these later proved unfounded

when he was released at the end of the conflict) A number of Mujibs associates fled first to a

village on the border with India then to Calcutta Major Ziaur Rahman who would later become

president of independent Bangladesh issued a declaration of independence

Bangladeshi police and border patrol forces organized a resistance force to oppose the Pakistani

army and they were later joined by several civilians many of whom had been university

students It was however almost nine months before India intervened triggering the December

16 1971 surrender of the Pakistani army India intervened both for strategic reasons (as

weakening Pakistan) and for humanitarian reasons to alleviate the suffering of Bangladeshis

16

Pakistan complained about Indias invasion of its sovereign territory to the UN Security Council

in early December In an often emotional speech Bhutto argued with reason that this

intervention was a violation of international law The Security Council agreed but the question

soon became moot with the surrender of the Pakistani troops in Bangladesh

The number of Bangladeshis killed disabled raped or displaced by the violence of 1971 is not

fully known Estimates by Bangladeshi sources put the number killed at up to three million and

it is estimated that as many as ten million may have fled to India Initially the Pakistani army

targeted educators students political leaders and others who were generally considered to be

prominent sympathizers of the Awami League As the Bangladeshis formed military units

however these units also became the targets Some of these units were formed by Bangladeshis

who had formerly served in the Pakistani army others were recruited from the police and the

East Pakistan (now Bangladesh) Rifles a border security force These units based in rural and

outlying areas of Bangladesh were able to take advantage of the Pakistani armys initial focus

on the student-led demonstrations in the Dhaka region Survivor accounts such as that by

Jahanara Imam suggest that much of the killing soon devolved into little more than

indiscriminate slaughter

The Pakistani surrender and the termination of conflict left several unsettled questions Many

Bangladeshismdashmostly civil servants or military troops and their familiesmdashwere still detained in

Pakistan In Bangladesh there were non-Bengalismdashagain mostly civil servants or military

troops but also some business owners and professionalsmdashwho wished repatriation to Pakistan

In addition the fate of de facto prisoners of war held by Bangladesh and Pakistani prisoners of

war held by India had yet to be decided Bangladesh wanted to place 195 Pakistani military

personnel on trial for war crimes and genocide On August 9 1975 a tripartite agreement

between Bangladesh India and Pakistan was reached to create a panel that would attempt to

settle these issues Bangladesh also agreed to drop all charges against the 195 Pakistanis accused

of war crimes and to permit their repatriation to Pakistan

In the end and at great cost Bangladesh achieved its independence Slowly the two countries

were able to establish diplomatic relations Pakistan recognized Bangladesh as independent on

February 22 1974 primarily at the urging of the Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC)

which was meeting in Lahore at that time The OIC insisted that Bangladesh a Muslim state be

permitted to attend the conference Bangladeshis however remained unsatisfied They wanted

an apology from the Pakistanis for the excesses committed during the war They received one

finally from the Pakistani president Pervez Musharraf when he visited Bangladesh in July

2002

17

Age-Sex Structure of the Population

A populations age-sex structure is the number andor proportion of the population to be found in

each age-sex group If each population could be got together for a day and lined up in their age

groups - females at one end males at the other a plane flying overhead would look down on a

certain shape

There are many different ways to graphically present population data The most important

demographic characteristic of a population is its age-sex structure and the use of an age-sex

pyramid also known as a population pyramid is considered the best way to graphically

illustrate the age and sex distribution of a given population

An age-sex pyramid consists of two horizontal histograms joined together It displays the

percentage or actual amount of a population broken down by gender and age The five-year age

increments on the y-axis allow the pyramid to vividly reflect both long-term trends in the birth

and death rates and shorter-term baby-booms wars and epidemics

The fertility rate of a population is the single most important influence on the shape of a

population pyramid The more children per parent the broader will be the base of the pyramid

The median age of the population will also be younger While mortality will also have an

influence on the shape it will be far less important an influence than fertility but somewhat

more complex One would assume that lower mortality rates in a population would result in an

older age distribution However just the opposite is true a population with lower mortality rates

will display a slightly younger age distribution This is due to the fact that any disparities in the

mortality rates of a population are more likely a result of variations within the younger age

groups usually infants and children

There are generally three types of population pyramids created from age-sex distributions

expansive constrictive and stationary Examples of these three types of population pyramids

appear at the end of this report Definitions of the three types follow

1 Expansive population pyramids show larger numbers or percentages of the population in

the younger age groups usually with each age group smaller in size or proportion than

the one born before it These types of pyramids are usually found in populations with

very large fertility rates and lower than average life expectancies The age-sex

distributions of Latin American and many Third World countries would probably display

expansive population pyramids

The following figure is an example of such an age-sex pyramid This pyramid of the

Philippines shows a triangle-shaped pyramid and reflects a high growth rate of about 21

percent annually

18

2 Constrictive population pyramids display lower numbers or percentages of younger

people The age-sex distributions of the United States fall into this type of pyramid

In the United States the population is growing at a rate of about 17 percent annually

This growth rate is reflected in the more square-like structure of the pyramid Note the

lump in the pyramid between the ages of about 35 to 50 This large segment of the

population is the post-World War II baby boom As this population ages and climbs up

the pyramid there will be a much greater demand for medical and other geriatric

services

3 Stationary or near-stationary population pyramids display somewhat equal numbers or

percentages for almost all age groups Of course smaller figures are still to be expected

at the oldest age groups The age-sex distributions of some European countries

especially Scandinavian ones will tend to fall into this category

Germany is experiencing a period of negative growth (-01) As negative growth in a

country continues the population is reduced A population can shrink due to a low birth

rate and a stable death rate Increased emigration may also contribute to a declining

population

19

Bangladesh

Age

Age structure

0ndash14 years 329 (male 24957997female 23533894)

15ndash64 years 636 (male 47862774female 45917674)

65 years and over 35 (male 2731578female 2361435) (2006 est)

Median age 233 years

Male 229 years

Female 235 (2009 est)

Gender ratio

At birth 104 male(s)female

Under 15 years 101 male(s)female

15ndash64 years 09 male(s)female

65 years and over 094 male(s)female

Total population 093 male(s)female (2009 est)

Bangladesh Population Pyramid for 1995

Age and sex distribution for the year 1995

20

Bangladesh Population Pyramid for 2010

A Definition of Migration

The definition of the word can be the movement of people from one place to another There

are two main types of migration first internal migration ie migration within one country and

secondly international migration which means the movement from one country to another A

good example of internal migration is the movement from East Germany to West Germany

which causes big problems for East Germany A good example of international migration is the

movement from third-world countries to Europe or America The next question is What makes

people migrate from one place to another

The reasons for migration can be divided into two main aspects the so-called push and pull

factors

Push factors are those in their old place which force people to move For example there may be

civil wars or wars in general in the country but political or religious oppression climate

changes lack of jobs or simply poverty are all important push factors

Pull factors are factors in the target country which encourage people to move these include

peace and safety a chance of a better job better education social security a better standard of

living in general as well as political and religious freedom

Calculation

MIGRATION = M

)()( 12 DBPPM

M=Total Migrations

Population Initial1 P

Population Final2 P

B=Total birth during the time period

D=Total Death

21

Pattern of rural urban migration in Bangladesh

Migration Rural-Urban Migration is a flexible and dynamic phenomenon that encompasses

territorial mobility of the people and involves movements like commuting absence from home

place for periods from a couple of days to several years seasonal migration and permanent

relocation Although diversified in forms it involves a certain degree of commitment on the part

of migrants to the place of origin and of destination This shows whether the migration is of

permanent or non-permanent nature Non-permanent forms of migration are now becoming

increasingly important given the massive improvement in the transportation networks and in the

information technology Migration is one of the vital forces that contribute to rapid urbanization

generally associated with higher levels of productivity and development

Migration also plays an important role by linking people with spaces and transferring people

from places of lower opportunities to those of higher opportunities and a subsequent transfer of

resources Bangladesh is one of the few countries where remittances from temporary migrants

working abroad contribute nearly 10 to the GDP and finance a substantial proportion of trade

deficit For rural areas remittances constitute a form of income which not only helps in

sustenance of families but also cushions against income erosion a recurrent threat faced by poor

households

In the 90 years between 1901 and 1991 the urban POPULATION of the country increased almost

30 times (from 702000 to 2156 million) as opposed to only about a three-fold increase (307 to

883 million) of the rural population The urban population grew at an annual rate of 1 - 2

during the British period (1757-1947) and about 4 during the Pakistan period (1947-1971)

The relatively low rate of urbanization during the British period can be explained by the slow

pace of industrialization With the growth of JUTE and TEXTILES industries mainly in Dhaka and

its surrounding areas urbanization accelerated during 1951-1961 The rate of urbanization

increased sharply after liberation of Bangladesh This was associated with spread of economic

and commercial activities in the urban centers The number of urban centers rose dramatically

from 78 in 1961 to 198 in 1974 and 522 in 1991

Before 1974 there was no city in Bangladesh that had a population of one million or more but

now DHAKA emerged as a mega city with a population of around 10 million Distribution of the

urban population over the years reveals significant increases in the size of four major cities

(Dhaka Chittagong Rajshahi and Khulna) particularly in recent years In the first half of this

century they contained around a third of the total urban population and in 1991 about 50 of

them lived in these cities The level of urbanization raised from a very low base (76) in 1970

to 20 in the 1990s The annual growth rate of urban population in Bangladesh during 1975-

1995 was 34 which is higher than that in the neighboring countries and in other largely

populated countries of Asia

The rural-urban migration along with reclassification contributes nearly 60 to the urban

growth Rural-urban migration occurs in a particular type of setting marked by limited industrial

but rapid commerce-centered growth around major cities especially after the liberation

Empirical evidence suggests that the development of road infrastructure and transportation and

the rapid expansion of manufacturing trade hotel and restaurants and housing and construction

generated demand for unskilled and semi-skilled labor in these cities This had dramatically

increased migration for job-related reasons Also the unequal land relations and loss of land due

to natural calamities influence the spatial movement of population Available statistics suggest

that top 10 of the rural households controlled 51 of land and had a share of 32 of the total

income The share of the bottom 40 of the households was 2 and 16 of land and income

respectively Subsequently three-quarters of rural out-migration occurred from landless

22

households However there had been many cases of migration from the landowning households

the members of which migrated to maximize income from diversified sources and the migration

remained largely non-permanent in nature

Most male migrants from rural areas were agricultural laborers at their original places Rural-

urban migration also takes place from the districts that had better performing agricultural sector

and this is particularly witnessed in the case of migration to Dhaka city A great deal of

population mobility results from survival and adaptive strategies to maximize family income by

allocating their labor in diversified income earning activities to a number of locations Migration

of independent women has been on rise since middle of 1980s as a result of establishment of

export oriented garment manufacturing factories in Dhaka and Chittagong In the 1970s

educational selectivity and population density played an important role in the process of rural-

urban migration Micro-level surveys show bi-polar pattern of educational selectivity suggesting

that both the highly educated and illiterate sections of people have a great propensity to migrate

as both groups undertake equal risks in this regard

Along with education other characteristics of migrants such as age gender marital status roles

and responsibilities assumed in the family and resource endowment (particularly landholding)

play an important role in migration motivation Role of social networks as sources of

information prior to migration and other aids and assistance at the place of destination emerged

as a pre-condition for migration Similarly rapid expansion of the rural non-farm activities and

greater value addition in these activities in urban sector fail to support the thesis that high

population density determines the migratory flows in Bangladesh Migration is rather induced by

jobs available in a particular area and the laws that regulate employment there the threat of

income erosion level of development of physical and infrastructural facilities and

mechanization of agriculture

Rural-urban migration often leads to a broad range of consequences both beneficial and

detrimental and also mixed in the receiving and sending communities In terms of employment

and cash earnings existing evidence weighs heavily in favour of migration The flow of

remittances contributes significantly to the welfare of the relatives left behind by the temporary

migrants in rural areas The migrants now residing in the slums of the Dhaka city tend to spend

increasingly more of their earnings in nutritious food and childrens education

Yet school enrollment of slum children (6-14 years) is much lower (around 35) than their age

cohorts from rural landless households (nearly 50) Similarly infant mortality rate in the urban

slums is comparable with rural areas In the absence of government intervention and adequate

NGO support to improve basic social services and human resources development in urban areas

the urban poor especially poor women are more susceptible to health and environmental

hazards than their non-poor counterparts Poor migrant households also face potential threat of

income-erosion arising out of eviction extortion by musclemen frequent sickness and sexual

harassment of women However contrary to the conventional wisdom migrants living in urban

poor agglomerations do manage access to urban amenities such as gas electricity and water

through informal sources

Persistent migration from rural areas to a few large cities has serious implications for the level of

productivity the state of urban infrastructure and environmental conditions since with migrants

cities grow faster than the capacity of the economy to support them Whilst rapid and huge

growth of urban population exacerbates the growing degradation the inability to enforce basic

cannons of cost recovery in delivering basic amenities lack of coordination among different

service giving agencies and weak capacity and inadequate authority of the city corporations and

municipalities are the major causes of the environmental problem

Page 14: British rule in bengal

14

Nonetheless Ayubs power began to slip after his reelection to office as did his health

Opposition to his rule spread even in West Pakistan Ayub grew concerned about a growing

secessionist movement in East Pakistan The Awami League now headed by Sheik Mujibur

Rahman demanded that changes be made in regard to East Pakistan These changes were

embodied in Mujibs Six Points Plan which he presented at a meeting of opposition parties in

Lahore in 1966 In brief these Six Points called for

1 A federal and parliamentary government with free and fair elections

2 Federal government to control only foreign affairs and defense

3 A separate currency or separate fiscal accounts for each province to control

movement of capital from east to west

4 All power of taxation to reside at the provincial level with the federal government

subsisting on grants from the provinces

5 Enabling each federating unit to enter into foreign trade agreements on its own and

to retain control over the foreign exchange earned and

6 Allowing each unit to raise its own militia

If these points had been adopted it would have meant almost de facto independence for East

Pakistan Many observers saw point six a separate militia as the point most unacceptable to the

central government but they were wrong The 1965 Indo-Pakistan War had demonstrated the

lack of local defense forces in East Pakistan which would have left the province defenseless had

India attacked there In fact it was point four regarding taxation that proved to be the problem

because the enactment of this point would make it all but impossible for a central government to

operate

In 1968 in response to the Six Points Plan the Ayub government charged Mujib and his

supporters with treason This later became known as the Agartala Conspiracy Case so-called as

it was alleged that Mujib had met with Indian agents in Agartala the capital of the Indian state

of Tripura which borders on Bangladesh Mujib and the Awami League denied that any such

meeting had ever taken place In early 1969 as hostility to Ayub increased in both East and

West Pakistan he invited opposition leaders to meet with him Mujib having been jailed

awaiting his trial for treason was not invited to this meeting The opposition leaders refused to

come to the meeting unless the charges against Mujib were withdrawn and demanded that he

too be invited to attend Ayub complied with these demands The meeting which Ayub hoped

would work to his advantage instead strengthened the oppositions position which called for the

end of the policy of Basic Democracy and the return to direct parliamentary elections

The opposition movement expanded beyond the political sphere to the military and Ayub was

forced to resign on March 25 1969 He was replaced by General Agha Muhammad Yahya

Khan who promised to reinstate direct elections These were held in December 1970 in most of

the country but flooding in East Pakistan forced a few constituencies to delay their elections

until January 1971 In addition to reinstating free and direct elections Yahya also acted to

restore the former provinces of West Pakistan which had been united into a single unit by the

1956 constitution More important for East Pakistan he ended the principle of parity In the

1970 election for the National Assembly East Pakistan would have 162 general seats out of a

total of 300 reflecting the 54 percent majority that Bengalis enjoyed according to the 1961

population census

15

Yahya also introduced legislation that in his view would limit the changes that could be made

to the constitution by the National Assembly This legislation called the Legal Framework

Order touched upon seven points

1 That Pakistan would be a federated state

2 Islamic principles would be paramount

3 Direct and regular elections would be held

4 Fundamental rights would be guaranteed

5 The judiciary would be independent

6 Maximum provincial autonomy would be allowed but the federal government

shall also have adequate powers including legislative administrative and financial

powers to discharge its responsibilities and

7 Economic disparities among provinces would be removed

The result of the election in East Pakistan startled outside observers and even took some

supporters of the Awami League by surprise The party won 160 of the 162 seats in East

Pakistan thereby gaining a majority in the National Assembly without winning a single seat in

West Pakistan which had thrown its support behind the Pakistan Peoples Party led by Zulfiqar

Ali Bhutto Neither Yahya nor his military associates nor Bhutto looked favorably on a

government comprised solely of the Awami League and headed by the author of the Six Points

Plan Yahya began a series of negotiations perhaps in the hope of creating a coalition

government but more in an effort to sideline Mujib As the talks became more rancorous and

compromise seemed impossible the Pakistani government began to increase the strength of its

rather small contingent of military forces stationed in East Pakistan

Yahya negotiated with Bhutto and Mujib the former declaring that there were two majorities

in Pakistan and the latter insisting on the full enactment of the Six Points even where these

were at variance with Yahyas Legal Framework Order (ie on the issues of taxation)

Demonstrations supporting the Awami Leagues position spread across East Pakistan Violence

began to look more attractive than political activism as a means of protecting East Pakistans

interests By this time the term Bangladeshi was widely adopted by the Awami League and its

supporters to replace the designation East Pakistani

The army struck back on March 25 1971 Its first move was to attack the faculty and students at

Dhaka University and to take Mujib into custody By one estimate up to 35000 Bangladeshis

were killed at the university and elsewhere on the first few days Mujib was transported to jail in

West Pakistan (There were fears that he would be executed but these later proved unfounded

when he was released at the end of the conflict) A number of Mujibs associates fled first to a

village on the border with India then to Calcutta Major Ziaur Rahman who would later become

president of independent Bangladesh issued a declaration of independence

Bangladeshi police and border patrol forces organized a resistance force to oppose the Pakistani

army and they were later joined by several civilians many of whom had been university

students It was however almost nine months before India intervened triggering the December

16 1971 surrender of the Pakistani army India intervened both for strategic reasons (as

weakening Pakistan) and for humanitarian reasons to alleviate the suffering of Bangladeshis

16

Pakistan complained about Indias invasion of its sovereign territory to the UN Security Council

in early December In an often emotional speech Bhutto argued with reason that this

intervention was a violation of international law The Security Council agreed but the question

soon became moot with the surrender of the Pakistani troops in Bangladesh

The number of Bangladeshis killed disabled raped or displaced by the violence of 1971 is not

fully known Estimates by Bangladeshi sources put the number killed at up to three million and

it is estimated that as many as ten million may have fled to India Initially the Pakistani army

targeted educators students political leaders and others who were generally considered to be

prominent sympathizers of the Awami League As the Bangladeshis formed military units

however these units also became the targets Some of these units were formed by Bangladeshis

who had formerly served in the Pakistani army others were recruited from the police and the

East Pakistan (now Bangladesh) Rifles a border security force These units based in rural and

outlying areas of Bangladesh were able to take advantage of the Pakistani armys initial focus

on the student-led demonstrations in the Dhaka region Survivor accounts such as that by

Jahanara Imam suggest that much of the killing soon devolved into little more than

indiscriminate slaughter

The Pakistani surrender and the termination of conflict left several unsettled questions Many

Bangladeshismdashmostly civil servants or military troops and their familiesmdashwere still detained in

Pakistan In Bangladesh there were non-Bengalismdashagain mostly civil servants or military

troops but also some business owners and professionalsmdashwho wished repatriation to Pakistan

In addition the fate of de facto prisoners of war held by Bangladesh and Pakistani prisoners of

war held by India had yet to be decided Bangladesh wanted to place 195 Pakistani military

personnel on trial for war crimes and genocide On August 9 1975 a tripartite agreement

between Bangladesh India and Pakistan was reached to create a panel that would attempt to

settle these issues Bangladesh also agreed to drop all charges against the 195 Pakistanis accused

of war crimes and to permit their repatriation to Pakistan

In the end and at great cost Bangladesh achieved its independence Slowly the two countries

were able to establish diplomatic relations Pakistan recognized Bangladesh as independent on

February 22 1974 primarily at the urging of the Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC)

which was meeting in Lahore at that time The OIC insisted that Bangladesh a Muslim state be

permitted to attend the conference Bangladeshis however remained unsatisfied They wanted

an apology from the Pakistanis for the excesses committed during the war They received one

finally from the Pakistani president Pervez Musharraf when he visited Bangladesh in July

2002

17

Age-Sex Structure of the Population

A populations age-sex structure is the number andor proportion of the population to be found in

each age-sex group If each population could be got together for a day and lined up in their age

groups - females at one end males at the other a plane flying overhead would look down on a

certain shape

There are many different ways to graphically present population data The most important

demographic characteristic of a population is its age-sex structure and the use of an age-sex

pyramid also known as a population pyramid is considered the best way to graphically

illustrate the age and sex distribution of a given population

An age-sex pyramid consists of two horizontal histograms joined together It displays the

percentage or actual amount of a population broken down by gender and age The five-year age

increments on the y-axis allow the pyramid to vividly reflect both long-term trends in the birth

and death rates and shorter-term baby-booms wars and epidemics

The fertility rate of a population is the single most important influence on the shape of a

population pyramid The more children per parent the broader will be the base of the pyramid

The median age of the population will also be younger While mortality will also have an

influence on the shape it will be far less important an influence than fertility but somewhat

more complex One would assume that lower mortality rates in a population would result in an

older age distribution However just the opposite is true a population with lower mortality rates

will display a slightly younger age distribution This is due to the fact that any disparities in the

mortality rates of a population are more likely a result of variations within the younger age

groups usually infants and children

There are generally three types of population pyramids created from age-sex distributions

expansive constrictive and stationary Examples of these three types of population pyramids

appear at the end of this report Definitions of the three types follow

1 Expansive population pyramids show larger numbers or percentages of the population in

the younger age groups usually with each age group smaller in size or proportion than

the one born before it These types of pyramids are usually found in populations with

very large fertility rates and lower than average life expectancies The age-sex

distributions of Latin American and many Third World countries would probably display

expansive population pyramids

The following figure is an example of such an age-sex pyramid This pyramid of the

Philippines shows a triangle-shaped pyramid and reflects a high growth rate of about 21

percent annually

18

2 Constrictive population pyramids display lower numbers or percentages of younger

people The age-sex distributions of the United States fall into this type of pyramid

In the United States the population is growing at a rate of about 17 percent annually

This growth rate is reflected in the more square-like structure of the pyramid Note the

lump in the pyramid between the ages of about 35 to 50 This large segment of the

population is the post-World War II baby boom As this population ages and climbs up

the pyramid there will be a much greater demand for medical and other geriatric

services

3 Stationary or near-stationary population pyramids display somewhat equal numbers or

percentages for almost all age groups Of course smaller figures are still to be expected

at the oldest age groups The age-sex distributions of some European countries

especially Scandinavian ones will tend to fall into this category

Germany is experiencing a period of negative growth (-01) As negative growth in a

country continues the population is reduced A population can shrink due to a low birth

rate and a stable death rate Increased emigration may also contribute to a declining

population

19

Bangladesh

Age

Age structure

0ndash14 years 329 (male 24957997female 23533894)

15ndash64 years 636 (male 47862774female 45917674)

65 years and over 35 (male 2731578female 2361435) (2006 est)

Median age 233 years

Male 229 years

Female 235 (2009 est)

Gender ratio

At birth 104 male(s)female

Under 15 years 101 male(s)female

15ndash64 years 09 male(s)female

65 years and over 094 male(s)female

Total population 093 male(s)female (2009 est)

Bangladesh Population Pyramid for 1995

Age and sex distribution for the year 1995

20

Bangladesh Population Pyramid for 2010

A Definition of Migration

The definition of the word can be the movement of people from one place to another There

are two main types of migration first internal migration ie migration within one country and

secondly international migration which means the movement from one country to another A

good example of internal migration is the movement from East Germany to West Germany

which causes big problems for East Germany A good example of international migration is the

movement from third-world countries to Europe or America The next question is What makes

people migrate from one place to another

The reasons for migration can be divided into two main aspects the so-called push and pull

factors

Push factors are those in their old place which force people to move For example there may be

civil wars or wars in general in the country but political or religious oppression climate

changes lack of jobs or simply poverty are all important push factors

Pull factors are factors in the target country which encourage people to move these include

peace and safety a chance of a better job better education social security a better standard of

living in general as well as political and religious freedom

Calculation

MIGRATION = M

)()( 12 DBPPM

M=Total Migrations

Population Initial1 P

Population Final2 P

B=Total birth during the time period

D=Total Death

21

Pattern of rural urban migration in Bangladesh

Migration Rural-Urban Migration is a flexible and dynamic phenomenon that encompasses

territorial mobility of the people and involves movements like commuting absence from home

place for periods from a couple of days to several years seasonal migration and permanent

relocation Although diversified in forms it involves a certain degree of commitment on the part

of migrants to the place of origin and of destination This shows whether the migration is of

permanent or non-permanent nature Non-permanent forms of migration are now becoming

increasingly important given the massive improvement in the transportation networks and in the

information technology Migration is one of the vital forces that contribute to rapid urbanization

generally associated with higher levels of productivity and development

Migration also plays an important role by linking people with spaces and transferring people

from places of lower opportunities to those of higher opportunities and a subsequent transfer of

resources Bangladesh is one of the few countries where remittances from temporary migrants

working abroad contribute nearly 10 to the GDP and finance a substantial proportion of trade

deficit For rural areas remittances constitute a form of income which not only helps in

sustenance of families but also cushions against income erosion a recurrent threat faced by poor

households

In the 90 years between 1901 and 1991 the urban POPULATION of the country increased almost

30 times (from 702000 to 2156 million) as opposed to only about a three-fold increase (307 to

883 million) of the rural population The urban population grew at an annual rate of 1 - 2

during the British period (1757-1947) and about 4 during the Pakistan period (1947-1971)

The relatively low rate of urbanization during the British period can be explained by the slow

pace of industrialization With the growth of JUTE and TEXTILES industries mainly in Dhaka and

its surrounding areas urbanization accelerated during 1951-1961 The rate of urbanization

increased sharply after liberation of Bangladesh This was associated with spread of economic

and commercial activities in the urban centers The number of urban centers rose dramatically

from 78 in 1961 to 198 in 1974 and 522 in 1991

Before 1974 there was no city in Bangladesh that had a population of one million or more but

now DHAKA emerged as a mega city with a population of around 10 million Distribution of the

urban population over the years reveals significant increases in the size of four major cities

(Dhaka Chittagong Rajshahi and Khulna) particularly in recent years In the first half of this

century they contained around a third of the total urban population and in 1991 about 50 of

them lived in these cities The level of urbanization raised from a very low base (76) in 1970

to 20 in the 1990s The annual growth rate of urban population in Bangladesh during 1975-

1995 was 34 which is higher than that in the neighboring countries and in other largely

populated countries of Asia

The rural-urban migration along with reclassification contributes nearly 60 to the urban

growth Rural-urban migration occurs in a particular type of setting marked by limited industrial

but rapid commerce-centered growth around major cities especially after the liberation

Empirical evidence suggests that the development of road infrastructure and transportation and

the rapid expansion of manufacturing trade hotel and restaurants and housing and construction

generated demand for unskilled and semi-skilled labor in these cities This had dramatically

increased migration for job-related reasons Also the unequal land relations and loss of land due

to natural calamities influence the spatial movement of population Available statistics suggest

that top 10 of the rural households controlled 51 of land and had a share of 32 of the total

income The share of the bottom 40 of the households was 2 and 16 of land and income

respectively Subsequently three-quarters of rural out-migration occurred from landless

22

households However there had been many cases of migration from the landowning households

the members of which migrated to maximize income from diversified sources and the migration

remained largely non-permanent in nature

Most male migrants from rural areas were agricultural laborers at their original places Rural-

urban migration also takes place from the districts that had better performing agricultural sector

and this is particularly witnessed in the case of migration to Dhaka city A great deal of

population mobility results from survival and adaptive strategies to maximize family income by

allocating their labor in diversified income earning activities to a number of locations Migration

of independent women has been on rise since middle of 1980s as a result of establishment of

export oriented garment manufacturing factories in Dhaka and Chittagong In the 1970s

educational selectivity and population density played an important role in the process of rural-

urban migration Micro-level surveys show bi-polar pattern of educational selectivity suggesting

that both the highly educated and illiterate sections of people have a great propensity to migrate

as both groups undertake equal risks in this regard

Along with education other characteristics of migrants such as age gender marital status roles

and responsibilities assumed in the family and resource endowment (particularly landholding)

play an important role in migration motivation Role of social networks as sources of

information prior to migration and other aids and assistance at the place of destination emerged

as a pre-condition for migration Similarly rapid expansion of the rural non-farm activities and

greater value addition in these activities in urban sector fail to support the thesis that high

population density determines the migratory flows in Bangladesh Migration is rather induced by

jobs available in a particular area and the laws that regulate employment there the threat of

income erosion level of development of physical and infrastructural facilities and

mechanization of agriculture

Rural-urban migration often leads to a broad range of consequences both beneficial and

detrimental and also mixed in the receiving and sending communities In terms of employment

and cash earnings existing evidence weighs heavily in favour of migration The flow of

remittances contributes significantly to the welfare of the relatives left behind by the temporary

migrants in rural areas The migrants now residing in the slums of the Dhaka city tend to spend

increasingly more of their earnings in nutritious food and childrens education

Yet school enrollment of slum children (6-14 years) is much lower (around 35) than their age

cohorts from rural landless households (nearly 50) Similarly infant mortality rate in the urban

slums is comparable with rural areas In the absence of government intervention and adequate

NGO support to improve basic social services and human resources development in urban areas

the urban poor especially poor women are more susceptible to health and environmental

hazards than their non-poor counterparts Poor migrant households also face potential threat of

income-erosion arising out of eviction extortion by musclemen frequent sickness and sexual

harassment of women However contrary to the conventional wisdom migrants living in urban

poor agglomerations do manage access to urban amenities such as gas electricity and water

through informal sources

Persistent migration from rural areas to a few large cities has serious implications for the level of

productivity the state of urban infrastructure and environmental conditions since with migrants

cities grow faster than the capacity of the economy to support them Whilst rapid and huge

growth of urban population exacerbates the growing degradation the inability to enforce basic

cannons of cost recovery in delivering basic amenities lack of coordination among different

service giving agencies and weak capacity and inadequate authority of the city corporations and

municipalities are the major causes of the environmental problem

Page 15: British rule in bengal

15

Yahya also introduced legislation that in his view would limit the changes that could be made

to the constitution by the National Assembly This legislation called the Legal Framework

Order touched upon seven points

1 That Pakistan would be a federated state

2 Islamic principles would be paramount

3 Direct and regular elections would be held

4 Fundamental rights would be guaranteed

5 The judiciary would be independent

6 Maximum provincial autonomy would be allowed but the federal government

shall also have adequate powers including legislative administrative and financial

powers to discharge its responsibilities and

7 Economic disparities among provinces would be removed

The result of the election in East Pakistan startled outside observers and even took some

supporters of the Awami League by surprise The party won 160 of the 162 seats in East

Pakistan thereby gaining a majority in the National Assembly without winning a single seat in

West Pakistan which had thrown its support behind the Pakistan Peoples Party led by Zulfiqar

Ali Bhutto Neither Yahya nor his military associates nor Bhutto looked favorably on a

government comprised solely of the Awami League and headed by the author of the Six Points

Plan Yahya began a series of negotiations perhaps in the hope of creating a coalition

government but more in an effort to sideline Mujib As the talks became more rancorous and

compromise seemed impossible the Pakistani government began to increase the strength of its

rather small contingent of military forces stationed in East Pakistan

Yahya negotiated with Bhutto and Mujib the former declaring that there were two majorities

in Pakistan and the latter insisting on the full enactment of the Six Points even where these

were at variance with Yahyas Legal Framework Order (ie on the issues of taxation)

Demonstrations supporting the Awami Leagues position spread across East Pakistan Violence

began to look more attractive than political activism as a means of protecting East Pakistans

interests By this time the term Bangladeshi was widely adopted by the Awami League and its

supporters to replace the designation East Pakistani

The army struck back on March 25 1971 Its first move was to attack the faculty and students at

Dhaka University and to take Mujib into custody By one estimate up to 35000 Bangladeshis

were killed at the university and elsewhere on the first few days Mujib was transported to jail in

West Pakistan (There were fears that he would be executed but these later proved unfounded

when he was released at the end of the conflict) A number of Mujibs associates fled first to a

village on the border with India then to Calcutta Major Ziaur Rahman who would later become

president of independent Bangladesh issued a declaration of independence

Bangladeshi police and border patrol forces organized a resistance force to oppose the Pakistani

army and they were later joined by several civilians many of whom had been university

students It was however almost nine months before India intervened triggering the December

16 1971 surrender of the Pakistani army India intervened both for strategic reasons (as

weakening Pakistan) and for humanitarian reasons to alleviate the suffering of Bangladeshis

16

Pakistan complained about Indias invasion of its sovereign territory to the UN Security Council

in early December In an often emotional speech Bhutto argued with reason that this

intervention was a violation of international law The Security Council agreed but the question

soon became moot with the surrender of the Pakistani troops in Bangladesh

The number of Bangladeshis killed disabled raped or displaced by the violence of 1971 is not

fully known Estimates by Bangladeshi sources put the number killed at up to three million and

it is estimated that as many as ten million may have fled to India Initially the Pakistani army

targeted educators students political leaders and others who were generally considered to be

prominent sympathizers of the Awami League As the Bangladeshis formed military units

however these units also became the targets Some of these units were formed by Bangladeshis

who had formerly served in the Pakistani army others were recruited from the police and the

East Pakistan (now Bangladesh) Rifles a border security force These units based in rural and

outlying areas of Bangladesh were able to take advantage of the Pakistani armys initial focus

on the student-led demonstrations in the Dhaka region Survivor accounts such as that by

Jahanara Imam suggest that much of the killing soon devolved into little more than

indiscriminate slaughter

The Pakistani surrender and the termination of conflict left several unsettled questions Many

Bangladeshismdashmostly civil servants or military troops and their familiesmdashwere still detained in

Pakistan In Bangladesh there were non-Bengalismdashagain mostly civil servants or military

troops but also some business owners and professionalsmdashwho wished repatriation to Pakistan

In addition the fate of de facto prisoners of war held by Bangladesh and Pakistani prisoners of

war held by India had yet to be decided Bangladesh wanted to place 195 Pakistani military

personnel on trial for war crimes and genocide On August 9 1975 a tripartite agreement

between Bangladesh India and Pakistan was reached to create a panel that would attempt to

settle these issues Bangladesh also agreed to drop all charges against the 195 Pakistanis accused

of war crimes and to permit their repatriation to Pakistan

In the end and at great cost Bangladesh achieved its independence Slowly the two countries

were able to establish diplomatic relations Pakistan recognized Bangladesh as independent on

February 22 1974 primarily at the urging of the Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC)

which was meeting in Lahore at that time The OIC insisted that Bangladesh a Muslim state be

permitted to attend the conference Bangladeshis however remained unsatisfied They wanted

an apology from the Pakistanis for the excesses committed during the war They received one

finally from the Pakistani president Pervez Musharraf when he visited Bangladesh in July

2002

17

Age-Sex Structure of the Population

A populations age-sex structure is the number andor proportion of the population to be found in

each age-sex group If each population could be got together for a day and lined up in their age

groups - females at one end males at the other a plane flying overhead would look down on a

certain shape

There are many different ways to graphically present population data The most important

demographic characteristic of a population is its age-sex structure and the use of an age-sex

pyramid also known as a population pyramid is considered the best way to graphically

illustrate the age and sex distribution of a given population

An age-sex pyramid consists of two horizontal histograms joined together It displays the

percentage or actual amount of a population broken down by gender and age The five-year age

increments on the y-axis allow the pyramid to vividly reflect both long-term trends in the birth

and death rates and shorter-term baby-booms wars and epidemics

The fertility rate of a population is the single most important influence on the shape of a

population pyramid The more children per parent the broader will be the base of the pyramid

The median age of the population will also be younger While mortality will also have an

influence on the shape it will be far less important an influence than fertility but somewhat

more complex One would assume that lower mortality rates in a population would result in an

older age distribution However just the opposite is true a population with lower mortality rates

will display a slightly younger age distribution This is due to the fact that any disparities in the

mortality rates of a population are more likely a result of variations within the younger age

groups usually infants and children

There are generally three types of population pyramids created from age-sex distributions

expansive constrictive and stationary Examples of these three types of population pyramids

appear at the end of this report Definitions of the three types follow

1 Expansive population pyramids show larger numbers or percentages of the population in

the younger age groups usually with each age group smaller in size or proportion than

the one born before it These types of pyramids are usually found in populations with

very large fertility rates and lower than average life expectancies The age-sex

distributions of Latin American and many Third World countries would probably display

expansive population pyramids

The following figure is an example of such an age-sex pyramid This pyramid of the

Philippines shows a triangle-shaped pyramid and reflects a high growth rate of about 21

percent annually

18

2 Constrictive population pyramids display lower numbers or percentages of younger

people The age-sex distributions of the United States fall into this type of pyramid

In the United States the population is growing at a rate of about 17 percent annually

This growth rate is reflected in the more square-like structure of the pyramid Note the

lump in the pyramid between the ages of about 35 to 50 This large segment of the

population is the post-World War II baby boom As this population ages and climbs up

the pyramid there will be a much greater demand for medical and other geriatric

services

3 Stationary or near-stationary population pyramids display somewhat equal numbers or

percentages for almost all age groups Of course smaller figures are still to be expected

at the oldest age groups The age-sex distributions of some European countries

especially Scandinavian ones will tend to fall into this category

Germany is experiencing a period of negative growth (-01) As negative growth in a

country continues the population is reduced A population can shrink due to a low birth

rate and a stable death rate Increased emigration may also contribute to a declining

population

19

Bangladesh

Age

Age structure

0ndash14 years 329 (male 24957997female 23533894)

15ndash64 years 636 (male 47862774female 45917674)

65 years and over 35 (male 2731578female 2361435) (2006 est)

Median age 233 years

Male 229 years

Female 235 (2009 est)

Gender ratio

At birth 104 male(s)female

Under 15 years 101 male(s)female

15ndash64 years 09 male(s)female

65 years and over 094 male(s)female

Total population 093 male(s)female (2009 est)

Bangladesh Population Pyramid for 1995

Age and sex distribution for the year 1995

20

Bangladesh Population Pyramid for 2010

A Definition of Migration

The definition of the word can be the movement of people from one place to another There

are two main types of migration first internal migration ie migration within one country and

secondly international migration which means the movement from one country to another A

good example of internal migration is the movement from East Germany to West Germany

which causes big problems for East Germany A good example of international migration is the

movement from third-world countries to Europe or America The next question is What makes

people migrate from one place to another

The reasons for migration can be divided into two main aspects the so-called push and pull

factors

Push factors are those in their old place which force people to move For example there may be

civil wars or wars in general in the country but political or religious oppression climate

changes lack of jobs or simply poverty are all important push factors

Pull factors are factors in the target country which encourage people to move these include

peace and safety a chance of a better job better education social security a better standard of

living in general as well as political and religious freedom

Calculation

MIGRATION = M

)()( 12 DBPPM

M=Total Migrations

Population Initial1 P

Population Final2 P

B=Total birth during the time period

D=Total Death

21

Pattern of rural urban migration in Bangladesh

Migration Rural-Urban Migration is a flexible and dynamic phenomenon that encompasses

territorial mobility of the people and involves movements like commuting absence from home

place for periods from a couple of days to several years seasonal migration and permanent

relocation Although diversified in forms it involves a certain degree of commitment on the part

of migrants to the place of origin and of destination This shows whether the migration is of

permanent or non-permanent nature Non-permanent forms of migration are now becoming

increasingly important given the massive improvement in the transportation networks and in the

information technology Migration is one of the vital forces that contribute to rapid urbanization

generally associated with higher levels of productivity and development

Migration also plays an important role by linking people with spaces and transferring people

from places of lower opportunities to those of higher opportunities and a subsequent transfer of

resources Bangladesh is one of the few countries where remittances from temporary migrants

working abroad contribute nearly 10 to the GDP and finance a substantial proportion of trade

deficit For rural areas remittances constitute a form of income which not only helps in

sustenance of families but also cushions against income erosion a recurrent threat faced by poor

households

In the 90 years between 1901 and 1991 the urban POPULATION of the country increased almost

30 times (from 702000 to 2156 million) as opposed to only about a three-fold increase (307 to

883 million) of the rural population The urban population grew at an annual rate of 1 - 2

during the British period (1757-1947) and about 4 during the Pakistan period (1947-1971)

The relatively low rate of urbanization during the British period can be explained by the slow

pace of industrialization With the growth of JUTE and TEXTILES industries mainly in Dhaka and

its surrounding areas urbanization accelerated during 1951-1961 The rate of urbanization

increased sharply after liberation of Bangladesh This was associated with spread of economic

and commercial activities in the urban centers The number of urban centers rose dramatically

from 78 in 1961 to 198 in 1974 and 522 in 1991

Before 1974 there was no city in Bangladesh that had a population of one million or more but

now DHAKA emerged as a mega city with a population of around 10 million Distribution of the

urban population over the years reveals significant increases in the size of four major cities

(Dhaka Chittagong Rajshahi and Khulna) particularly in recent years In the first half of this

century they contained around a third of the total urban population and in 1991 about 50 of

them lived in these cities The level of urbanization raised from a very low base (76) in 1970

to 20 in the 1990s The annual growth rate of urban population in Bangladesh during 1975-

1995 was 34 which is higher than that in the neighboring countries and in other largely

populated countries of Asia

The rural-urban migration along with reclassification contributes nearly 60 to the urban

growth Rural-urban migration occurs in a particular type of setting marked by limited industrial

but rapid commerce-centered growth around major cities especially after the liberation

Empirical evidence suggests that the development of road infrastructure and transportation and

the rapid expansion of manufacturing trade hotel and restaurants and housing and construction

generated demand for unskilled and semi-skilled labor in these cities This had dramatically

increased migration for job-related reasons Also the unequal land relations and loss of land due

to natural calamities influence the spatial movement of population Available statistics suggest

that top 10 of the rural households controlled 51 of land and had a share of 32 of the total

income The share of the bottom 40 of the households was 2 and 16 of land and income

respectively Subsequently three-quarters of rural out-migration occurred from landless

22

households However there had been many cases of migration from the landowning households

the members of which migrated to maximize income from diversified sources and the migration

remained largely non-permanent in nature

Most male migrants from rural areas were agricultural laborers at their original places Rural-

urban migration also takes place from the districts that had better performing agricultural sector

and this is particularly witnessed in the case of migration to Dhaka city A great deal of

population mobility results from survival and adaptive strategies to maximize family income by

allocating their labor in diversified income earning activities to a number of locations Migration

of independent women has been on rise since middle of 1980s as a result of establishment of

export oriented garment manufacturing factories in Dhaka and Chittagong In the 1970s

educational selectivity and population density played an important role in the process of rural-

urban migration Micro-level surveys show bi-polar pattern of educational selectivity suggesting

that both the highly educated and illiterate sections of people have a great propensity to migrate

as both groups undertake equal risks in this regard

Along with education other characteristics of migrants such as age gender marital status roles

and responsibilities assumed in the family and resource endowment (particularly landholding)

play an important role in migration motivation Role of social networks as sources of

information prior to migration and other aids and assistance at the place of destination emerged

as a pre-condition for migration Similarly rapid expansion of the rural non-farm activities and

greater value addition in these activities in urban sector fail to support the thesis that high

population density determines the migratory flows in Bangladesh Migration is rather induced by

jobs available in a particular area and the laws that regulate employment there the threat of

income erosion level of development of physical and infrastructural facilities and

mechanization of agriculture

Rural-urban migration often leads to a broad range of consequences both beneficial and

detrimental and also mixed in the receiving and sending communities In terms of employment

and cash earnings existing evidence weighs heavily in favour of migration The flow of

remittances contributes significantly to the welfare of the relatives left behind by the temporary

migrants in rural areas The migrants now residing in the slums of the Dhaka city tend to spend

increasingly more of their earnings in nutritious food and childrens education

Yet school enrollment of slum children (6-14 years) is much lower (around 35) than their age

cohorts from rural landless households (nearly 50) Similarly infant mortality rate in the urban

slums is comparable with rural areas In the absence of government intervention and adequate

NGO support to improve basic social services and human resources development in urban areas

the urban poor especially poor women are more susceptible to health and environmental

hazards than their non-poor counterparts Poor migrant households also face potential threat of

income-erosion arising out of eviction extortion by musclemen frequent sickness and sexual

harassment of women However contrary to the conventional wisdom migrants living in urban

poor agglomerations do manage access to urban amenities such as gas electricity and water

through informal sources

Persistent migration from rural areas to a few large cities has serious implications for the level of

productivity the state of urban infrastructure and environmental conditions since with migrants

cities grow faster than the capacity of the economy to support them Whilst rapid and huge

growth of urban population exacerbates the growing degradation the inability to enforce basic

cannons of cost recovery in delivering basic amenities lack of coordination among different

service giving agencies and weak capacity and inadequate authority of the city corporations and

municipalities are the major causes of the environmental problem

Page 16: British rule in bengal

16

Pakistan complained about Indias invasion of its sovereign territory to the UN Security Council

in early December In an often emotional speech Bhutto argued with reason that this

intervention was a violation of international law The Security Council agreed but the question

soon became moot with the surrender of the Pakistani troops in Bangladesh

The number of Bangladeshis killed disabled raped or displaced by the violence of 1971 is not

fully known Estimates by Bangladeshi sources put the number killed at up to three million and

it is estimated that as many as ten million may have fled to India Initially the Pakistani army

targeted educators students political leaders and others who were generally considered to be

prominent sympathizers of the Awami League As the Bangladeshis formed military units

however these units also became the targets Some of these units were formed by Bangladeshis

who had formerly served in the Pakistani army others were recruited from the police and the

East Pakistan (now Bangladesh) Rifles a border security force These units based in rural and

outlying areas of Bangladesh were able to take advantage of the Pakistani armys initial focus

on the student-led demonstrations in the Dhaka region Survivor accounts such as that by

Jahanara Imam suggest that much of the killing soon devolved into little more than

indiscriminate slaughter

The Pakistani surrender and the termination of conflict left several unsettled questions Many

Bangladeshismdashmostly civil servants or military troops and their familiesmdashwere still detained in

Pakistan In Bangladesh there were non-Bengalismdashagain mostly civil servants or military

troops but also some business owners and professionalsmdashwho wished repatriation to Pakistan

In addition the fate of de facto prisoners of war held by Bangladesh and Pakistani prisoners of

war held by India had yet to be decided Bangladesh wanted to place 195 Pakistani military

personnel on trial for war crimes and genocide On August 9 1975 a tripartite agreement

between Bangladesh India and Pakistan was reached to create a panel that would attempt to

settle these issues Bangladesh also agreed to drop all charges against the 195 Pakistanis accused

of war crimes and to permit their repatriation to Pakistan

In the end and at great cost Bangladesh achieved its independence Slowly the two countries

were able to establish diplomatic relations Pakistan recognized Bangladesh as independent on

February 22 1974 primarily at the urging of the Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC)

which was meeting in Lahore at that time The OIC insisted that Bangladesh a Muslim state be

permitted to attend the conference Bangladeshis however remained unsatisfied They wanted

an apology from the Pakistanis for the excesses committed during the war They received one

finally from the Pakistani president Pervez Musharraf when he visited Bangladesh in July

2002

17

Age-Sex Structure of the Population

A populations age-sex structure is the number andor proportion of the population to be found in

each age-sex group If each population could be got together for a day and lined up in their age

groups - females at one end males at the other a plane flying overhead would look down on a

certain shape

There are many different ways to graphically present population data The most important

demographic characteristic of a population is its age-sex structure and the use of an age-sex

pyramid also known as a population pyramid is considered the best way to graphically

illustrate the age and sex distribution of a given population

An age-sex pyramid consists of two horizontal histograms joined together It displays the

percentage or actual amount of a population broken down by gender and age The five-year age

increments on the y-axis allow the pyramid to vividly reflect both long-term trends in the birth

and death rates and shorter-term baby-booms wars and epidemics

The fertility rate of a population is the single most important influence on the shape of a

population pyramid The more children per parent the broader will be the base of the pyramid

The median age of the population will also be younger While mortality will also have an

influence on the shape it will be far less important an influence than fertility but somewhat

more complex One would assume that lower mortality rates in a population would result in an

older age distribution However just the opposite is true a population with lower mortality rates

will display a slightly younger age distribution This is due to the fact that any disparities in the

mortality rates of a population are more likely a result of variations within the younger age

groups usually infants and children

There are generally three types of population pyramids created from age-sex distributions

expansive constrictive and stationary Examples of these three types of population pyramids

appear at the end of this report Definitions of the three types follow

1 Expansive population pyramids show larger numbers or percentages of the population in

the younger age groups usually with each age group smaller in size or proportion than

the one born before it These types of pyramids are usually found in populations with

very large fertility rates and lower than average life expectancies The age-sex

distributions of Latin American and many Third World countries would probably display

expansive population pyramids

The following figure is an example of such an age-sex pyramid This pyramid of the

Philippines shows a triangle-shaped pyramid and reflects a high growth rate of about 21

percent annually

18

2 Constrictive population pyramids display lower numbers or percentages of younger

people The age-sex distributions of the United States fall into this type of pyramid

In the United States the population is growing at a rate of about 17 percent annually

This growth rate is reflected in the more square-like structure of the pyramid Note the

lump in the pyramid between the ages of about 35 to 50 This large segment of the

population is the post-World War II baby boom As this population ages and climbs up

the pyramid there will be a much greater demand for medical and other geriatric

services

3 Stationary or near-stationary population pyramids display somewhat equal numbers or

percentages for almost all age groups Of course smaller figures are still to be expected

at the oldest age groups The age-sex distributions of some European countries

especially Scandinavian ones will tend to fall into this category

Germany is experiencing a period of negative growth (-01) As negative growth in a

country continues the population is reduced A population can shrink due to a low birth

rate and a stable death rate Increased emigration may also contribute to a declining

population

19

Bangladesh

Age

Age structure

0ndash14 years 329 (male 24957997female 23533894)

15ndash64 years 636 (male 47862774female 45917674)

65 years and over 35 (male 2731578female 2361435) (2006 est)

Median age 233 years

Male 229 years

Female 235 (2009 est)

Gender ratio

At birth 104 male(s)female

Under 15 years 101 male(s)female

15ndash64 years 09 male(s)female

65 years and over 094 male(s)female

Total population 093 male(s)female (2009 est)

Bangladesh Population Pyramid for 1995

Age and sex distribution for the year 1995

20

Bangladesh Population Pyramid for 2010

A Definition of Migration

The definition of the word can be the movement of people from one place to another There

are two main types of migration first internal migration ie migration within one country and

secondly international migration which means the movement from one country to another A

good example of internal migration is the movement from East Germany to West Germany

which causes big problems for East Germany A good example of international migration is the

movement from third-world countries to Europe or America The next question is What makes

people migrate from one place to another

The reasons for migration can be divided into two main aspects the so-called push and pull

factors

Push factors are those in their old place which force people to move For example there may be

civil wars or wars in general in the country but political or religious oppression climate

changes lack of jobs or simply poverty are all important push factors

Pull factors are factors in the target country which encourage people to move these include

peace and safety a chance of a better job better education social security a better standard of

living in general as well as political and religious freedom

Calculation

MIGRATION = M

)()( 12 DBPPM

M=Total Migrations

Population Initial1 P

Population Final2 P

B=Total birth during the time period

D=Total Death

21

Pattern of rural urban migration in Bangladesh

Migration Rural-Urban Migration is a flexible and dynamic phenomenon that encompasses

territorial mobility of the people and involves movements like commuting absence from home

place for periods from a couple of days to several years seasonal migration and permanent

relocation Although diversified in forms it involves a certain degree of commitment on the part

of migrants to the place of origin and of destination This shows whether the migration is of

permanent or non-permanent nature Non-permanent forms of migration are now becoming

increasingly important given the massive improvement in the transportation networks and in the

information technology Migration is one of the vital forces that contribute to rapid urbanization

generally associated with higher levels of productivity and development

Migration also plays an important role by linking people with spaces and transferring people

from places of lower opportunities to those of higher opportunities and a subsequent transfer of

resources Bangladesh is one of the few countries where remittances from temporary migrants

working abroad contribute nearly 10 to the GDP and finance a substantial proportion of trade

deficit For rural areas remittances constitute a form of income which not only helps in

sustenance of families but also cushions against income erosion a recurrent threat faced by poor

households

In the 90 years between 1901 and 1991 the urban POPULATION of the country increased almost

30 times (from 702000 to 2156 million) as opposed to only about a three-fold increase (307 to

883 million) of the rural population The urban population grew at an annual rate of 1 - 2

during the British period (1757-1947) and about 4 during the Pakistan period (1947-1971)

The relatively low rate of urbanization during the British period can be explained by the slow

pace of industrialization With the growth of JUTE and TEXTILES industries mainly in Dhaka and

its surrounding areas urbanization accelerated during 1951-1961 The rate of urbanization

increased sharply after liberation of Bangladesh This was associated with spread of economic

and commercial activities in the urban centers The number of urban centers rose dramatically

from 78 in 1961 to 198 in 1974 and 522 in 1991

Before 1974 there was no city in Bangladesh that had a population of one million or more but

now DHAKA emerged as a mega city with a population of around 10 million Distribution of the

urban population over the years reveals significant increases in the size of four major cities

(Dhaka Chittagong Rajshahi and Khulna) particularly in recent years In the first half of this

century they contained around a third of the total urban population and in 1991 about 50 of

them lived in these cities The level of urbanization raised from a very low base (76) in 1970

to 20 in the 1990s The annual growth rate of urban population in Bangladesh during 1975-

1995 was 34 which is higher than that in the neighboring countries and in other largely

populated countries of Asia

The rural-urban migration along with reclassification contributes nearly 60 to the urban

growth Rural-urban migration occurs in a particular type of setting marked by limited industrial

but rapid commerce-centered growth around major cities especially after the liberation

Empirical evidence suggests that the development of road infrastructure and transportation and

the rapid expansion of manufacturing trade hotel and restaurants and housing and construction

generated demand for unskilled and semi-skilled labor in these cities This had dramatically

increased migration for job-related reasons Also the unequal land relations and loss of land due

to natural calamities influence the spatial movement of population Available statistics suggest

that top 10 of the rural households controlled 51 of land and had a share of 32 of the total

income The share of the bottom 40 of the households was 2 and 16 of land and income

respectively Subsequently three-quarters of rural out-migration occurred from landless

22

households However there had been many cases of migration from the landowning households

the members of which migrated to maximize income from diversified sources and the migration

remained largely non-permanent in nature

Most male migrants from rural areas were agricultural laborers at their original places Rural-

urban migration also takes place from the districts that had better performing agricultural sector

and this is particularly witnessed in the case of migration to Dhaka city A great deal of

population mobility results from survival and adaptive strategies to maximize family income by

allocating their labor in diversified income earning activities to a number of locations Migration

of independent women has been on rise since middle of 1980s as a result of establishment of

export oriented garment manufacturing factories in Dhaka and Chittagong In the 1970s

educational selectivity and population density played an important role in the process of rural-

urban migration Micro-level surveys show bi-polar pattern of educational selectivity suggesting

that both the highly educated and illiterate sections of people have a great propensity to migrate

as both groups undertake equal risks in this regard

Along with education other characteristics of migrants such as age gender marital status roles

and responsibilities assumed in the family and resource endowment (particularly landholding)

play an important role in migration motivation Role of social networks as sources of

information prior to migration and other aids and assistance at the place of destination emerged

as a pre-condition for migration Similarly rapid expansion of the rural non-farm activities and

greater value addition in these activities in urban sector fail to support the thesis that high

population density determines the migratory flows in Bangladesh Migration is rather induced by

jobs available in a particular area and the laws that regulate employment there the threat of

income erosion level of development of physical and infrastructural facilities and

mechanization of agriculture

Rural-urban migration often leads to a broad range of consequences both beneficial and

detrimental and also mixed in the receiving and sending communities In terms of employment

and cash earnings existing evidence weighs heavily in favour of migration The flow of

remittances contributes significantly to the welfare of the relatives left behind by the temporary

migrants in rural areas The migrants now residing in the slums of the Dhaka city tend to spend

increasingly more of their earnings in nutritious food and childrens education

Yet school enrollment of slum children (6-14 years) is much lower (around 35) than their age

cohorts from rural landless households (nearly 50) Similarly infant mortality rate in the urban

slums is comparable with rural areas In the absence of government intervention and adequate

NGO support to improve basic social services and human resources development in urban areas

the urban poor especially poor women are more susceptible to health and environmental

hazards than their non-poor counterparts Poor migrant households also face potential threat of

income-erosion arising out of eviction extortion by musclemen frequent sickness and sexual

harassment of women However contrary to the conventional wisdom migrants living in urban

poor agglomerations do manage access to urban amenities such as gas electricity and water

through informal sources

Persistent migration from rural areas to a few large cities has serious implications for the level of

productivity the state of urban infrastructure and environmental conditions since with migrants

cities grow faster than the capacity of the economy to support them Whilst rapid and huge

growth of urban population exacerbates the growing degradation the inability to enforce basic

cannons of cost recovery in delivering basic amenities lack of coordination among different

service giving agencies and weak capacity and inadequate authority of the city corporations and

municipalities are the major causes of the environmental problem

Page 17: British rule in bengal

17

Age-Sex Structure of the Population

A populations age-sex structure is the number andor proportion of the population to be found in

each age-sex group If each population could be got together for a day and lined up in their age

groups - females at one end males at the other a plane flying overhead would look down on a

certain shape

There are many different ways to graphically present population data The most important

demographic characteristic of a population is its age-sex structure and the use of an age-sex

pyramid also known as a population pyramid is considered the best way to graphically

illustrate the age and sex distribution of a given population

An age-sex pyramid consists of two horizontal histograms joined together It displays the

percentage or actual amount of a population broken down by gender and age The five-year age

increments on the y-axis allow the pyramid to vividly reflect both long-term trends in the birth

and death rates and shorter-term baby-booms wars and epidemics

The fertility rate of a population is the single most important influence on the shape of a

population pyramid The more children per parent the broader will be the base of the pyramid

The median age of the population will also be younger While mortality will also have an

influence on the shape it will be far less important an influence than fertility but somewhat

more complex One would assume that lower mortality rates in a population would result in an

older age distribution However just the opposite is true a population with lower mortality rates

will display a slightly younger age distribution This is due to the fact that any disparities in the

mortality rates of a population are more likely a result of variations within the younger age

groups usually infants and children

There are generally three types of population pyramids created from age-sex distributions

expansive constrictive and stationary Examples of these three types of population pyramids

appear at the end of this report Definitions of the three types follow

1 Expansive population pyramids show larger numbers or percentages of the population in

the younger age groups usually with each age group smaller in size or proportion than

the one born before it These types of pyramids are usually found in populations with

very large fertility rates and lower than average life expectancies The age-sex

distributions of Latin American and many Third World countries would probably display

expansive population pyramids

The following figure is an example of such an age-sex pyramid This pyramid of the

Philippines shows a triangle-shaped pyramid and reflects a high growth rate of about 21

percent annually

18

2 Constrictive population pyramids display lower numbers or percentages of younger

people The age-sex distributions of the United States fall into this type of pyramid

In the United States the population is growing at a rate of about 17 percent annually

This growth rate is reflected in the more square-like structure of the pyramid Note the

lump in the pyramid between the ages of about 35 to 50 This large segment of the

population is the post-World War II baby boom As this population ages and climbs up

the pyramid there will be a much greater demand for medical and other geriatric

services

3 Stationary or near-stationary population pyramids display somewhat equal numbers or

percentages for almost all age groups Of course smaller figures are still to be expected

at the oldest age groups The age-sex distributions of some European countries

especially Scandinavian ones will tend to fall into this category

Germany is experiencing a period of negative growth (-01) As negative growth in a

country continues the population is reduced A population can shrink due to a low birth

rate and a stable death rate Increased emigration may also contribute to a declining

population

19

Bangladesh

Age

Age structure

0ndash14 years 329 (male 24957997female 23533894)

15ndash64 years 636 (male 47862774female 45917674)

65 years and over 35 (male 2731578female 2361435) (2006 est)

Median age 233 years

Male 229 years

Female 235 (2009 est)

Gender ratio

At birth 104 male(s)female

Under 15 years 101 male(s)female

15ndash64 years 09 male(s)female

65 years and over 094 male(s)female

Total population 093 male(s)female (2009 est)

Bangladesh Population Pyramid for 1995

Age and sex distribution for the year 1995

20

Bangladesh Population Pyramid for 2010

A Definition of Migration

The definition of the word can be the movement of people from one place to another There

are two main types of migration first internal migration ie migration within one country and

secondly international migration which means the movement from one country to another A

good example of internal migration is the movement from East Germany to West Germany

which causes big problems for East Germany A good example of international migration is the

movement from third-world countries to Europe or America The next question is What makes

people migrate from one place to another

The reasons for migration can be divided into two main aspects the so-called push and pull

factors

Push factors are those in their old place which force people to move For example there may be

civil wars or wars in general in the country but political or religious oppression climate

changes lack of jobs or simply poverty are all important push factors

Pull factors are factors in the target country which encourage people to move these include

peace and safety a chance of a better job better education social security a better standard of

living in general as well as political and religious freedom

Calculation

MIGRATION = M

)()( 12 DBPPM

M=Total Migrations

Population Initial1 P

Population Final2 P

B=Total birth during the time period

D=Total Death

21

Pattern of rural urban migration in Bangladesh

Migration Rural-Urban Migration is a flexible and dynamic phenomenon that encompasses

territorial mobility of the people and involves movements like commuting absence from home

place for periods from a couple of days to several years seasonal migration and permanent

relocation Although diversified in forms it involves a certain degree of commitment on the part

of migrants to the place of origin and of destination This shows whether the migration is of

permanent or non-permanent nature Non-permanent forms of migration are now becoming

increasingly important given the massive improvement in the transportation networks and in the

information technology Migration is one of the vital forces that contribute to rapid urbanization

generally associated with higher levels of productivity and development

Migration also plays an important role by linking people with spaces and transferring people

from places of lower opportunities to those of higher opportunities and a subsequent transfer of

resources Bangladesh is one of the few countries where remittances from temporary migrants

working abroad contribute nearly 10 to the GDP and finance a substantial proportion of trade

deficit For rural areas remittances constitute a form of income which not only helps in

sustenance of families but also cushions against income erosion a recurrent threat faced by poor

households

In the 90 years between 1901 and 1991 the urban POPULATION of the country increased almost

30 times (from 702000 to 2156 million) as opposed to only about a three-fold increase (307 to

883 million) of the rural population The urban population grew at an annual rate of 1 - 2

during the British period (1757-1947) and about 4 during the Pakistan period (1947-1971)

The relatively low rate of urbanization during the British period can be explained by the slow

pace of industrialization With the growth of JUTE and TEXTILES industries mainly in Dhaka and

its surrounding areas urbanization accelerated during 1951-1961 The rate of urbanization

increased sharply after liberation of Bangladesh This was associated with spread of economic

and commercial activities in the urban centers The number of urban centers rose dramatically

from 78 in 1961 to 198 in 1974 and 522 in 1991

Before 1974 there was no city in Bangladesh that had a population of one million or more but

now DHAKA emerged as a mega city with a population of around 10 million Distribution of the

urban population over the years reveals significant increases in the size of four major cities

(Dhaka Chittagong Rajshahi and Khulna) particularly in recent years In the first half of this

century they contained around a third of the total urban population and in 1991 about 50 of

them lived in these cities The level of urbanization raised from a very low base (76) in 1970

to 20 in the 1990s The annual growth rate of urban population in Bangladesh during 1975-

1995 was 34 which is higher than that in the neighboring countries and in other largely

populated countries of Asia

The rural-urban migration along with reclassification contributes nearly 60 to the urban

growth Rural-urban migration occurs in a particular type of setting marked by limited industrial

but rapid commerce-centered growth around major cities especially after the liberation

Empirical evidence suggests that the development of road infrastructure and transportation and

the rapid expansion of manufacturing trade hotel and restaurants and housing and construction

generated demand for unskilled and semi-skilled labor in these cities This had dramatically

increased migration for job-related reasons Also the unequal land relations and loss of land due

to natural calamities influence the spatial movement of population Available statistics suggest

that top 10 of the rural households controlled 51 of land and had a share of 32 of the total

income The share of the bottom 40 of the households was 2 and 16 of land and income

respectively Subsequently three-quarters of rural out-migration occurred from landless

22

households However there had been many cases of migration from the landowning households

the members of which migrated to maximize income from diversified sources and the migration

remained largely non-permanent in nature

Most male migrants from rural areas were agricultural laborers at their original places Rural-

urban migration also takes place from the districts that had better performing agricultural sector

and this is particularly witnessed in the case of migration to Dhaka city A great deal of

population mobility results from survival and adaptive strategies to maximize family income by

allocating their labor in diversified income earning activities to a number of locations Migration

of independent women has been on rise since middle of 1980s as a result of establishment of

export oriented garment manufacturing factories in Dhaka and Chittagong In the 1970s

educational selectivity and population density played an important role in the process of rural-

urban migration Micro-level surveys show bi-polar pattern of educational selectivity suggesting

that both the highly educated and illiterate sections of people have a great propensity to migrate

as both groups undertake equal risks in this regard

Along with education other characteristics of migrants such as age gender marital status roles

and responsibilities assumed in the family and resource endowment (particularly landholding)

play an important role in migration motivation Role of social networks as sources of

information prior to migration and other aids and assistance at the place of destination emerged

as a pre-condition for migration Similarly rapid expansion of the rural non-farm activities and

greater value addition in these activities in urban sector fail to support the thesis that high

population density determines the migratory flows in Bangladesh Migration is rather induced by

jobs available in a particular area and the laws that regulate employment there the threat of

income erosion level of development of physical and infrastructural facilities and

mechanization of agriculture

Rural-urban migration often leads to a broad range of consequences both beneficial and

detrimental and also mixed in the receiving and sending communities In terms of employment

and cash earnings existing evidence weighs heavily in favour of migration The flow of

remittances contributes significantly to the welfare of the relatives left behind by the temporary

migrants in rural areas The migrants now residing in the slums of the Dhaka city tend to spend

increasingly more of their earnings in nutritious food and childrens education

Yet school enrollment of slum children (6-14 years) is much lower (around 35) than their age

cohorts from rural landless households (nearly 50) Similarly infant mortality rate in the urban

slums is comparable with rural areas In the absence of government intervention and adequate

NGO support to improve basic social services and human resources development in urban areas

the urban poor especially poor women are more susceptible to health and environmental

hazards than their non-poor counterparts Poor migrant households also face potential threat of

income-erosion arising out of eviction extortion by musclemen frequent sickness and sexual

harassment of women However contrary to the conventional wisdom migrants living in urban

poor agglomerations do manage access to urban amenities such as gas electricity and water

through informal sources

Persistent migration from rural areas to a few large cities has serious implications for the level of

productivity the state of urban infrastructure and environmental conditions since with migrants

cities grow faster than the capacity of the economy to support them Whilst rapid and huge

growth of urban population exacerbates the growing degradation the inability to enforce basic

cannons of cost recovery in delivering basic amenities lack of coordination among different

service giving agencies and weak capacity and inadequate authority of the city corporations and

municipalities are the major causes of the environmental problem

Page 18: British rule in bengal

18

2 Constrictive population pyramids display lower numbers or percentages of younger

people The age-sex distributions of the United States fall into this type of pyramid

In the United States the population is growing at a rate of about 17 percent annually

This growth rate is reflected in the more square-like structure of the pyramid Note the

lump in the pyramid between the ages of about 35 to 50 This large segment of the

population is the post-World War II baby boom As this population ages and climbs up

the pyramid there will be a much greater demand for medical and other geriatric

services

3 Stationary or near-stationary population pyramids display somewhat equal numbers or

percentages for almost all age groups Of course smaller figures are still to be expected

at the oldest age groups The age-sex distributions of some European countries

especially Scandinavian ones will tend to fall into this category

Germany is experiencing a period of negative growth (-01) As negative growth in a

country continues the population is reduced A population can shrink due to a low birth

rate and a stable death rate Increased emigration may also contribute to a declining

population

19

Bangladesh

Age

Age structure

0ndash14 years 329 (male 24957997female 23533894)

15ndash64 years 636 (male 47862774female 45917674)

65 years and over 35 (male 2731578female 2361435) (2006 est)

Median age 233 years

Male 229 years

Female 235 (2009 est)

Gender ratio

At birth 104 male(s)female

Under 15 years 101 male(s)female

15ndash64 years 09 male(s)female

65 years and over 094 male(s)female

Total population 093 male(s)female (2009 est)

Bangladesh Population Pyramid for 1995

Age and sex distribution for the year 1995

20

Bangladesh Population Pyramid for 2010

A Definition of Migration

The definition of the word can be the movement of people from one place to another There

are two main types of migration first internal migration ie migration within one country and

secondly international migration which means the movement from one country to another A

good example of internal migration is the movement from East Germany to West Germany

which causes big problems for East Germany A good example of international migration is the

movement from third-world countries to Europe or America The next question is What makes

people migrate from one place to another

The reasons for migration can be divided into two main aspects the so-called push and pull

factors

Push factors are those in their old place which force people to move For example there may be

civil wars or wars in general in the country but political or religious oppression climate

changes lack of jobs or simply poverty are all important push factors

Pull factors are factors in the target country which encourage people to move these include

peace and safety a chance of a better job better education social security a better standard of

living in general as well as political and religious freedom

Calculation

MIGRATION = M

)()( 12 DBPPM

M=Total Migrations

Population Initial1 P

Population Final2 P

B=Total birth during the time period

D=Total Death

21

Pattern of rural urban migration in Bangladesh

Migration Rural-Urban Migration is a flexible and dynamic phenomenon that encompasses

territorial mobility of the people and involves movements like commuting absence from home

place for periods from a couple of days to several years seasonal migration and permanent

relocation Although diversified in forms it involves a certain degree of commitment on the part

of migrants to the place of origin and of destination This shows whether the migration is of

permanent or non-permanent nature Non-permanent forms of migration are now becoming

increasingly important given the massive improvement in the transportation networks and in the

information technology Migration is one of the vital forces that contribute to rapid urbanization

generally associated with higher levels of productivity and development

Migration also plays an important role by linking people with spaces and transferring people

from places of lower opportunities to those of higher opportunities and a subsequent transfer of

resources Bangladesh is one of the few countries where remittances from temporary migrants

working abroad contribute nearly 10 to the GDP and finance a substantial proportion of trade

deficit For rural areas remittances constitute a form of income which not only helps in

sustenance of families but also cushions against income erosion a recurrent threat faced by poor

households

In the 90 years between 1901 and 1991 the urban POPULATION of the country increased almost

30 times (from 702000 to 2156 million) as opposed to only about a three-fold increase (307 to

883 million) of the rural population The urban population grew at an annual rate of 1 - 2

during the British period (1757-1947) and about 4 during the Pakistan period (1947-1971)

The relatively low rate of urbanization during the British period can be explained by the slow

pace of industrialization With the growth of JUTE and TEXTILES industries mainly in Dhaka and

its surrounding areas urbanization accelerated during 1951-1961 The rate of urbanization

increased sharply after liberation of Bangladesh This was associated with spread of economic

and commercial activities in the urban centers The number of urban centers rose dramatically

from 78 in 1961 to 198 in 1974 and 522 in 1991

Before 1974 there was no city in Bangladesh that had a population of one million or more but

now DHAKA emerged as a mega city with a population of around 10 million Distribution of the

urban population over the years reveals significant increases in the size of four major cities

(Dhaka Chittagong Rajshahi and Khulna) particularly in recent years In the first half of this

century they contained around a third of the total urban population and in 1991 about 50 of

them lived in these cities The level of urbanization raised from a very low base (76) in 1970

to 20 in the 1990s The annual growth rate of urban population in Bangladesh during 1975-

1995 was 34 which is higher than that in the neighboring countries and in other largely

populated countries of Asia

The rural-urban migration along with reclassification contributes nearly 60 to the urban

growth Rural-urban migration occurs in a particular type of setting marked by limited industrial

but rapid commerce-centered growth around major cities especially after the liberation

Empirical evidence suggests that the development of road infrastructure and transportation and

the rapid expansion of manufacturing trade hotel and restaurants and housing and construction

generated demand for unskilled and semi-skilled labor in these cities This had dramatically

increased migration for job-related reasons Also the unequal land relations and loss of land due

to natural calamities influence the spatial movement of population Available statistics suggest

that top 10 of the rural households controlled 51 of land and had a share of 32 of the total

income The share of the bottom 40 of the households was 2 and 16 of land and income

respectively Subsequently three-quarters of rural out-migration occurred from landless

22

households However there had been many cases of migration from the landowning households

the members of which migrated to maximize income from diversified sources and the migration

remained largely non-permanent in nature

Most male migrants from rural areas were agricultural laborers at their original places Rural-

urban migration also takes place from the districts that had better performing agricultural sector

and this is particularly witnessed in the case of migration to Dhaka city A great deal of

population mobility results from survival and adaptive strategies to maximize family income by

allocating their labor in diversified income earning activities to a number of locations Migration

of independent women has been on rise since middle of 1980s as a result of establishment of

export oriented garment manufacturing factories in Dhaka and Chittagong In the 1970s

educational selectivity and population density played an important role in the process of rural-

urban migration Micro-level surveys show bi-polar pattern of educational selectivity suggesting

that both the highly educated and illiterate sections of people have a great propensity to migrate

as both groups undertake equal risks in this regard

Along with education other characteristics of migrants such as age gender marital status roles

and responsibilities assumed in the family and resource endowment (particularly landholding)

play an important role in migration motivation Role of social networks as sources of

information prior to migration and other aids and assistance at the place of destination emerged

as a pre-condition for migration Similarly rapid expansion of the rural non-farm activities and

greater value addition in these activities in urban sector fail to support the thesis that high

population density determines the migratory flows in Bangladesh Migration is rather induced by

jobs available in a particular area and the laws that regulate employment there the threat of

income erosion level of development of physical and infrastructural facilities and

mechanization of agriculture

Rural-urban migration often leads to a broad range of consequences both beneficial and

detrimental and also mixed in the receiving and sending communities In terms of employment

and cash earnings existing evidence weighs heavily in favour of migration The flow of

remittances contributes significantly to the welfare of the relatives left behind by the temporary

migrants in rural areas The migrants now residing in the slums of the Dhaka city tend to spend

increasingly more of their earnings in nutritious food and childrens education

Yet school enrollment of slum children (6-14 years) is much lower (around 35) than their age

cohorts from rural landless households (nearly 50) Similarly infant mortality rate in the urban

slums is comparable with rural areas In the absence of government intervention and adequate

NGO support to improve basic social services and human resources development in urban areas

the urban poor especially poor women are more susceptible to health and environmental

hazards than their non-poor counterparts Poor migrant households also face potential threat of

income-erosion arising out of eviction extortion by musclemen frequent sickness and sexual

harassment of women However contrary to the conventional wisdom migrants living in urban

poor agglomerations do manage access to urban amenities such as gas electricity and water

through informal sources

Persistent migration from rural areas to a few large cities has serious implications for the level of

productivity the state of urban infrastructure and environmental conditions since with migrants

cities grow faster than the capacity of the economy to support them Whilst rapid and huge

growth of urban population exacerbates the growing degradation the inability to enforce basic

cannons of cost recovery in delivering basic amenities lack of coordination among different

service giving agencies and weak capacity and inadequate authority of the city corporations and

municipalities are the major causes of the environmental problem

Page 19: British rule in bengal

19

Bangladesh

Age

Age structure

0ndash14 years 329 (male 24957997female 23533894)

15ndash64 years 636 (male 47862774female 45917674)

65 years and over 35 (male 2731578female 2361435) (2006 est)

Median age 233 years

Male 229 years

Female 235 (2009 est)

Gender ratio

At birth 104 male(s)female

Under 15 years 101 male(s)female

15ndash64 years 09 male(s)female

65 years and over 094 male(s)female

Total population 093 male(s)female (2009 est)

Bangladesh Population Pyramid for 1995

Age and sex distribution for the year 1995

20

Bangladesh Population Pyramid for 2010

A Definition of Migration

The definition of the word can be the movement of people from one place to another There

are two main types of migration first internal migration ie migration within one country and

secondly international migration which means the movement from one country to another A

good example of internal migration is the movement from East Germany to West Germany

which causes big problems for East Germany A good example of international migration is the

movement from third-world countries to Europe or America The next question is What makes

people migrate from one place to another

The reasons for migration can be divided into two main aspects the so-called push and pull

factors

Push factors are those in their old place which force people to move For example there may be

civil wars or wars in general in the country but political or religious oppression climate

changes lack of jobs or simply poverty are all important push factors

Pull factors are factors in the target country which encourage people to move these include

peace and safety a chance of a better job better education social security a better standard of

living in general as well as political and religious freedom

Calculation

MIGRATION = M

)()( 12 DBPPM

M=Total Migrations

Population Initial1 P

Population Final2 P

B=Total birth during the time period

D=Total Death

21

Pattern of rural urban migration in Bangladesh

Migration Rural-Urban Migration is a flexible and dynamic phenomenon that encompasses

territorial mobility of the people and involves movements like commuting absence from home

place for periods from a couple of days to several years seasonal migration and permanent

relocation Although diversified in forms it involves a certain degree of commitment on the part

of migrants to the place of origin and of destination This shows whether the migration is of

permanent or non-permanent nature Non-permanent forms of migration are now becoming

increasingly important given the massive improvement in the transportation networks and in the

information technology Migration is one of the vital forces that contribute to rapid urbanization

generally associated with higher levels of productivity and development

Migration also plays an important role by linking people with spaces and transferring people

from places of lower opportunities to those of higher opportunities and a subsequent transfer of

resources Bangladesh is one of the few countries where remittances from temporary migrants

working abroad contribute nearly 10 to the GDP and finance a substantial proportion of trade

deficit For rural areas remittances constitute a form of income which not only helps in

sustenance of families but also cushions against income erosion a recurrent threat faced by poor

households

In the 90 years between 1901 and 1991 the urban POPULATION of the country increased almost

30 times (from 702000 to 2156 million) as opposed to only about a three-fold increase (307 to

883 million) of the rural population The urban population grew at an annual rate of 1 - 2

during the British period (1757-1947) and about 4 during the Pakistan period (1947-1971)

The relatively low rate of urbanization during the British period can be explained by the slow

pace of industrialization With the growth of JUTE and TEXTILES industries mainly in Dhaka and

its surrounding areas urbanization accelerated during 1951-1961 The rate of urbanization

increased sharply after liberation of Bangladesh This was associated with spread of economic

and commercial activities in the urban centers The number of urban centers rose dramatically

from 78 in 1961 to 198 in 1974 and 522 in 1991

Before 1974 there was no city in Bangladesh that had a population of one million or more but

now DHAKA emerged as a mega city with a population of around 10 million Distribution of the

urban population over the years reveals significant increases in the size of four major cities

(Dhaka Chittagong Rajshahi and Khulna) particularly in recent years In the first half of this

century they contained around a third of the total urban population and in 1991 about 50 of

them lived in these cities The level of urbanization raised from a very low base (76) in 1970

to 20 in the 1990s The annual growth rate of urban population in Bangladesh during 1975-

1995 was 34 which is higher than that in the neighboring countries and in other largely

populated countries of Asia

The rural-urban migration along with reclassification contributes nearly 60 to the urban

growth Rural-urban migration occurs in a particular type of setting marked by limited industrial

but rapid commerce-centered growth around major cities especially after the liberation

Empirical evidence suggests that the development of road infrastructure and transportation and

the rapid expansion of manufacturing trade hotel and restaurants and housing and construction

generated demand for unskilled and semi-skilled labor in these cities This had dramatically

increased migration for job-related reasons Also the unequal land relations and loss of land due

to natural calamities influence the spatial movement of population Available statistics suggest

that top 10 of the rural households controlled 51 of land and had a share of 32 of the total

income The share of the bottom 40 of the households was 2 and 16 of land and income

respectively Subsequently three-quarters of rural out-migration occurred from landless

22

households However there had been many cases of migration from the landowning households

the members of which migrated to maximize income from diversified sources and the migration

remained largely non-permanent in nature

Most male migrants from rural areas were agricultural laborers at their original places Rural-

urban migration also takes place from the districts that had better performing agricultural sector

and this is particularly witnessed in the case of migration to Dhaka city A great deal of

population mobility results from survival and adaptive strategies to maximize family income by

allocating their labor in diversified income earning activities to a number of locations Migration

of independent women has been on rise since middle of 1980s as a result of establishment of

export oriented garment manufacturing factories in Dhaka and Chittagong In the 1970s

educational selectivity and population density played an important role in the process of rural-

urban migration Micro-level surveys show bi-polar pattern of educational selectivity suggesting

that both the highly educated and illiterate sections of people have a great propensity to migrate

as both groups undertake equal risks in this regard

Along with education other characteristics of migrants such as age gender marital status roles

and responsibilities assumed in the family and resource endowment (particularly landholding)

play an important role in migration motivation Role of social networks as sources of

information prior to migration and other aids and assistance at the place of destination emerged

as a pre-condition for migration Similarly rapid expansion of the rural non-farm activities and

greater value addition in these activities in urban sector fail to support the thesis that high

population density determines the migratory flows in Bangladesh Migration is rather induced by

jobs available in a particular area and the laws that regulate employment there the threat of

income erosion level of development of physical and infrastructural facilities and

mechanization of agriculture

Rural-urban migration often leads to a broad range of consequences both beneficial and

detrimental and also mixed in the receiving and sending communities In terms of employment

and cash earnings existing evidence weighs heavily in favour of migration The flow of

remittances contributes significantly to the welfare of the relatives left behind by the temporary

migrants in rural areas The migrants now residing in the slums of the Dhaka city tend to spend

increasingly more of their earnings in nutritious food and childrens education

Yet school enrollment of slum children (6-14 years) is much lower (around 35) than their age

cohorts from rural landless households (nearly 50) Similarly infant mortality rate in the urban

slums is comparable with rural areas In the absence of government intervention and adequate

NGO support to improve basic social services and human resources development in urban areas

the urban poor especially poor women are more susceptible to health and environmental

hazards than their non-poor counterparts Poor migrant households also face potential threat of

income-erosion arising out of eviction extortion by musclemen frequent sickness and sexual

harassment of women However contrary to the conventional wisdom migrants living in urban

poor agglomerations do manage access to urban amenities such as gas electricity and water

through informal sources

Persistent migration from rural areas to a few large cities has serious implications for the level of

productivity the state of urban infrastructure and environmental conditions since with migrants

cities grow faster than the capacity of the economy to support them Whilst rapid and huge

growth of urban population exacerbates the growing degradation the inability to enforce basic

cannons of cost recovery in delivering basic amenities lack of coordination among different

service giving agencies and weak capacity and inadequate authority of the city corporations and

municipalities are the major causes of the environmental problem

Page 20: British rule in bengal

20

Bangladesh Population Pyramid for 2010

A Definition of Migration

The definition of the word can be the movement of people from one place to another There

are two main types of migration first internal migration ie migration within one country and

secondly international migration which means the movement from one country to another A

good example of internal migration is the movement from East Germany to West Germany

which causes big problems for East Germany A good example of international migration is the

movement from third-world countries to Europe or America The next question is What makes

people migrate from one place to another

The reasons for migration can be divided into two main aspects the so-called push and pull

factors

Push factors are those in their old place which force people to move For example there may be

civil wars or wars in general in the country but political or religious oppression climate

changes lack of jobs or simply poverty are all important push factors

Pull factors are factors in the target country which encourage people to move these include

peace and safety a chance of a better job better education social security a better standard of

living in general as well as political and religious freedom

Calculation

MIGRATION = M

)()( 12 DBPPM

M=Total Migrations

Population Initial1 P

Population Final2 P

B=Total birth during the time period

D=Total Death

21

Pattern of rural urban migration in Bangladesh

Migration Rural-Urban Migration is a flexible and dynamic phenomenon that encompasses

territorial mobility of the people and involves movements like commuting absence from home

place for periods from a couple of days to several years seasonal migration and permanent

relocation Although diversified in forms it involves a certain degree of commitment on the part

of migrants to the place of origin and of destination This shows whether the migration is of

permanent or non-permanent nature Non-permanent forms of migration are now becoming

increasingly important given the massive improvement in the transportation networks and in the

information technology Migration is one of the vital forces that contribute to rapid urbanization

generally associated with higher levels of productivity and development

Migration also plays an important role by linking people with spaces and transferring people

from places of lower opportunities to those of higher opportunities and a subsequent transfer of

resources Bangladesh is one of the few countries where remittances from temporary migrants

working abroad contribute nearly 10 to the GDP and finance a substantial proportion of trade

deficit For rural areas remittances constitute a form of income which not only helps in

sustenance of families but also cushions against income erosion a recurrent threat faced by poor

households

In the 90 years between 1901 and 1991 the urban POPULATION of the country increased almost

30 times (from 702000 to 2156 million) as opposed to only about a three-fold increase (307 to

883 million) of the rural population The urban population grew at an annual rate of 1 - 2

during the British period (1757-1947) and about 4 during the Pakistan period (1947-1971)

The relatively low rate of urbanization during the British period can be explained by the slow

pace of industrialization With the growth of JUTE and TEXTILES industries mainly in Dhaka and

its surrounding areas urbanization accelerated during 1951-1961 The rate of urbanization

increased sharply after liberation of Bangladesh This was associated with spread of economic

and commercial activities in the urban centers The number of urban centers rose dramatically

from 78 in 1961 to 198 in 1974 and 522 in 1991

Before 1974 there was no city in Bangladesh that had a population of one million or more but

now DHAKA emerged as a mega city with a population of around 10 million Distribution of the

urban population over the years reveals significant increases in the size of four major cities

(Dhaka Chittagong Rajshahi and Khulna) particularly in recent years In the first half of this

century they contained around a third of the total urban population and in 1991 about 50 of

them lived in these cities The level of urbanization raised from a very low base (76) in 1970

to 20 in the 1990s The annual growth rate of urban population in Bangladesh during 1975-

1995 was 34 which is higher than that in the neighboring countries and in other largely

populated countries of Asia

The rural-urban migration along with reclassification contributes nearly 60 to the urban

growth Rural-urban migration occurs in a particular type of setting marked by limited industrial

but rapid commerce-centered growth around major cities especially after the liberation

Empirical evidence suggests that the development of road infrastructure and transportation and

the rapid expansion of manufacturing trade hotel and restaurants and housing and construction

generated demand for unskilled and semi-skilled labor in these cities This had dramatically

increased migration for job-related reasons Also the unequal land relations and loss of land due

to natural calamities influence the spatial movement of population Available statistics suggest

that top 10 of the rural households controlled 51 of land and had a share of 32 of the total

income The share of the bottom 40 of the households was 2 and 16 of land and income

respectively Subsequently three-quarters of rural out-migration occurred from landless

22

households However there had been many cases of migration from the landowning households

the members of which migrated to maximize income from diversified sources and the migration

remained largely non-permanent in nature

Most male migrants from rural areas were agricultural laborers at their original places Rural-

urban migration also takes place from the districts that had better performing agricultural sector

and this is particularly witnessed in the case of migration to Dhaka city A great deal of

population mobility results from survival and adaptive strategies to maximize family income by

allocating their labor in diversified income earning activities to a number of locations Migration

of independent women has been on rise since middle of 1980s as a result of establishment of

export oriented garment manufacturing factories in Dhaka and Chittagong In the 1970s

educational selectivity and population density played an important role in the process of rural-

urban migration Micro-level surveys show bi-polar pattern of educational selectivity suggesting

that both the highly educated and illiterate sections of people have a great propensity to migrate

as both groups undertake equal risks in this regard

Along with education other characteristics of migrants such as age gender marital status roles

and responsibilities assumed in the family and resource endowment (particularly landholding)

play an important role in migration motivation Role of social networks as sources of

information prior to migration and other aids and assistance at the place of destination emerged

as a pre-condition for migration Similarly rapid expansion of the rural non-farm activities and

greater value addition in these activities in urban sector fail to support the thesis that high

population density determines the migratory flows in Bangladesh Migration is rather induced by

jobs available in a particular area and the laws that regulate employment there the threat of

income erosion level of development of physical and infrastructural facilities and

mechanization of agriculture

Rural-urban migration often leads to a broad range of consequences both beneficial and

detrimental and also mixed in the receiving and sending communities In terms of employment

and cash earnings existing evidence weighs heavily in favour of migration The flow of

remittances contributes significantly to the welfare of the relatives left behind by the temporary

migrants in rural areas The migrants now residing in the slums of the Dhaka city tend to spend

increasingly more of their earnings in nutritious food and childrens education

Yet school enrollment of slum children (6-14 years) is much lower (around 35) than their age

cohorts from rural landless households (nearly 50) Similarly infant mortality rate in the urban

slums is comparable with rural areas In the absence of government intervention and adequate

NGO support to improve basic social services and human resources development in urban areas

the urban poor especially poor women are more susceptible to health and environmental

hazards than their non-poor counterparts Poor migrant households also face potential threat of

income-erosion arising out of eviction extortion by musclemen frequent sickness and sexual

harassment of women However contrary to the conventional wisdom migrants living in urban

poor agglomerations do manage access to urban amenities such as gas electricity and water

through informal sources

Persistent migration from rural areas to a few large cities has serious implications for the level of

productivity the state of urban infrastructure and environmental conditions since with migrants

cities grow faster than the capacity of the economy to support them Whilst rapid and huge

growth of urban population exacerbates the growing degradation the inability to enforce basic

cannons of cost recovery in delivering basic amenities lack of coordination among different

service giving agencies and weak capacity and inadequate authority of the city corporations and

municipalities are the major causes of the environmental problem

Page 21: British rule in bengal

21

Pattern of rural urban migration in Bangladesh

Migration Rural-Urban Migration is a flexible and dynamic phenomenon that encompasses

territorial mobility of the people and involves movements like commuting absence from home

place for periods from a couple of days to several years seasonal migration and permanent

relocation Although diversified in forms it involves a certain degree of commitment on the part

of migrants to the place of origin and of destination This shows whether the migration is of

permanent or non-permanent nature Non-permanent forms of migration are now becoming

increasingly important given the massive improvement in the transportation networks and in the

information technology Migration is one of the vital forces that contribute to rapid urbanization

generally associated with higher levels of productivity and development

Migration also plays an important role by linking people with spaces and transferring people

from places of lower opportunities to those of higher opportunities and a subsequent transfer of

resources Bangladesh is one of the few countries where remittances from temporary migrants

working abroad contribute nearly 10 to the GDP and finance a substantial proportion of trade

deficit For rural areas remittances constitute a form of income which not only helps in

sustenance of families but also cushions against income erosion a recurrent threat faced by poor

households

In the 90 years between 1901 and 1991 the urban POPULATION of the country increased almost

30 times (from 702000 to 2156 million) as opposed to only about a three-fold increase (307 to

883 million) of the rural population The urban population grew at an annual rate of 1 - 2

during the British period (1757-1947) and about 4 during the Pakistan period (1947-1971)

The relatively low rate of urbanization during the British period can be explained by the slow

pace of industrialization With the growth of JUTE and TEXTILES industries mainly in Dhaka and

its surrounding areas urbanization accelerated during 1951-1961 The rate of urbanization

increased sharply after liberation of Bangladesh This was associated with spread of economic

and commercial activities in the urban centers The number of urban centers rose dramatically

from 78 in 1961 to 198 in 1974 and 522 in 1991

Before 1974 there was no city in Bangladesh that had a population of one million or more but

now DHAKA emerged as a mega city with a population of around 10 million Distribution of the

urban population over the years reveals significant increases in the size of four major cities

(Dhaka Chittagong Rajshahi and Khulna) particularly in recent years In the first half of this

century they contained around a third of the total urban population and in 1991 about 50 of

them lived in these cities The level of urbanization raised from a very low base (76) in 1970

to 20 in the 1990s The annual growth rate of urban population in Bangladesh during 1975-

1995 was 34 which is higher than that in the neighboring countries and in other largely

populated countries of Asia

The rural-urban migration along with reclassification contributes nearly 60 to the urban

growth Rural-urban migration occurs in a particular type of setting marked by limited industrial

but rapid commerce-centered growth around major cities especially after the liberation

Empirical evidence suggests that the development of road infrastructure and transportation and

the rapid expansion of manufacturing trade hotel and restaurants and housing and construction

generated demand for unskilled and semi-skilled labor in these cities This had dramatically

increased migration for job-related reasons Also the unequal land relations and loss of land due

to natural calamities influence the spatial movement of population Available statistics suggest

that top 10 of the rural households controlled 51 of land and had a share of 32 of the total

income The share of the bottom 40 of the households was 2 and 16 of land and income

respectively Subsequently three-quarters of rural out-migration occurred from landless

22

households However there had been many cases of migration from the landowning households

the members of which migrated to maximize income from diversified sources and the migration

remained largely non-permanent in nature

Most male migrants from rural areas were agricultural laborers at their original places Rural-

urban migration also takes place from the districts that had better performing agricultural sector

and this is particularly witnessed in the case of migration to Dhaka city A great deal of

population mobility results from survival and adaptive strategies to maximize family income by

allocating their labor in diversified income earning activities to a number of locations Migration

of independent women has been on rise since middle of 1980s as a result of establishment of

export oriented garment manufacturing factories in Dhaka and Chittagong In the 1970s

educational selectivity and population density played an important role in the process of rural-

urban migration Micro-level surveys show bi-polar pattern of educational selectivity suggesting

that both the highly educated and illiterate sections of people have a great propensity to migrate

as both groups undertake equal risks in this regard

Along with education other characteristics of migrants such as age gender marital status roles

and responsibilities assumed in the family and resource endowment (particularly landholding)

play an important role in migration motivation Role of social networks as sources of

information prior to migration and other aids and assistance at the place of destination emerged

as a pre-condition for migration Similarly rapid expansion of the rural non-farm activities and

greater value addition in these activities in urban sector fail to support the thesis that high

population density determines the migratory flows in Bangladesh Migration is rather induced by

jobs available in a particular area and the laws that regulate employment there the threat of

income erosion level of development of physical and infrastructural facilities and

mechanization of agriculture

Rural-urban migration often leads to a broad range of consequences both beneficial and

detrimental and also mixed in the receiving and sending communities In terms of employment

and cash earnings existing evidence weighs heavily in favour of migration The flow of

remittances contributes significantly to the welfare of the relatives left behind by the temporary

migrants in rural areas The migrants now residing in the slums of the Dhaka city tend to spend

increasingly more of their earnings in nutritious food and childrens education

Yet school enrollment of slum children (6-14 years) is much lower (around 35) than their age

cohorts from rural landless households (nearly 50) Similarly infant mortality rate in the urban

slums is comparable with rural areas In the absence of government intervention and adequate

NGO support to improve basic social services and human resources development in urban areas

the urban poor especially poor women are more susceptible to health and environmental

hazards than their non-poor counterparts Poor migrant households also face potential threat of

income-erosion arising out of eviction extortion by musclemen frequent sickness and sexual

harassment of women However contrary to the conventional wisdom migrants living in urban

poor agglomerations do manage access to urban amenities such as gas electricity and water

through informal sources

Persistent migration from rural areas to a few large cities has serious implications for the level of

productivity the state of urban infrastructure and environmental conditions since with migrants

cities grow faster than the capacity of the economy to support them Whilst rapid and huge

growth of urban population exacerbates the growing degradation the inability to enforce basic

cannons of cost recovery in delivering basic amenities lack of coordination among different

service giving agencies and weak capacity and inadequate authority of the city corporations and

municipalities are the major causes of the environmental problem

Page 22: British rule in bengal

22

households However there had been many cases of migration from the landowning households

the members of which migrated to maximize income from diversified sources and the migration

remained largely non-permanent in nature

Most male migrants from rural areas were agricultural laborers at their original places Rural-

urban migration also takes place from the districts that had better performing agricultural sector

and this is particularly witnessed in the case of migration to Dhaka city A great deal of

population mobility results from survival and adaptive strategies to maximize family income by

allocating their labor in diversified income earning activities to a number of locations Migration

of independent women has been on rise since middle of 1980s as a result of establishment of

export oriented garment manufacturing factories in Dhaka and Chittagong In the 1970s

educational selectivity and population density played an important role in the process of rural-

urban migration Micro-level surveys show bi-polar pattern of educational selectivity suggesting

that both the highly educated and illiterate sections of people have a great propensity to migrate

as both groups undertake equal risks in this regard

Along with education other characteristics of migrants such as age gender marital status roles

and responsibilities assumed in the family and resource endowment (particularly landholding)

play an important role in migration motivation Role of social networks as sources of

information prior to migration and other aids and assistance at the place of destination emerged

as a pre-condition for migration Similarly rapid expansion of the rural non-farm activities and

greater value addition in these activities in urban sector fail to support the thesis that high

population density determines the migratory flows in Bangladesh Migration is rather induced by

jobs available in a particular area and the laws that regulate employment there the threat of

income erosion level of development of physical and infrastructural facilities and

mechanization of agriculture

Rural-urban migration often leads to a broad range of consequences both beneficial and

detrimental and also mixed in the receiving and sending communities In terms of employment

and cash earnings existing evidence weighs heavily in favour of migration The flow of

remittances contributes significantly to the welfare of the relatives left behind by the temporary

migrants in rural areas The migrants now residing in the slums of the Dhaka city tend to spend

increasingly more of their earnings in nutritious food and childrens education

Yet school enrollment of slum children (6-14 years) is much lower (around 35) than their age

cohorts from rural landless households (nearly 50) Similarly infant mortality rate in the urban

slums is comparable with rural areas In the absence of government intervention and adequate

NGO support to improve basic social services and human resources development in urban areas

the urban poor especially poor women are more susceptible to health and environmental

hazards than their non-poor counterparts Poor migrant households also face potential threat of

income-erosion arising out of eviction extortion by musclemen frequent sickness and sexual

harassment of women However contrary to the conventional wisdom migrants living in urban

poor agglomerations do manage access to urban amenities such as gas electricity and water

through informal sources

Persistent migration from rural areas to a few large cities has serious implications for the level of

productivity the state of urban infrastructure and environmental conditions since with migrants

cities grow faster than the capacity of the economy to support them Whilst rapid and huge

growth of urban population exacerbates the growing degradation the inability to enforce basic

cannons of cost recovery in delivering basic amenities lack of coordination among different

service giving agencies and weak capacity and inadequate authority of the city corporations and

municipalities are the major causes of the environmental problem


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